This is a modern-English version of On Love, originally written by Stendhal.
It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling,
and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If
you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.
Scroll to the bottom of this page and you will find a free ePUB download link for this book.

ON LOVE
TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH
WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY
PHILIP SIDNEY WOOLF
AND
CECIL N. SIDNEY WOOLF, M. A.
FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH
WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY
PHILIP SIDNEY WOOLF
AND
CECIL N. SIDNEY WOOLF, M. A.
Fellow at Trinity College, Cambridge
That you should be made a fool of by a young woman, why, it is many an honest man's case.
That a young woman should make a fool out of you, well, that's something that happens to many honest men.
The Pirate.
The Pirate.
NEW YORK
BRENTANO'S
NEW YORK
BRENTANO'S
TO B. K.
To B. K.
FOR WHOM
FOR WHOM
THE TRANSLATION
THE TRANSLATION
WAS BEGUN
HAS STARTED
First Published 1915
Reprinted 1920
First Published 1915
Reprinted 1920
Printed in Great Britain at
The Mayflower Press, Plymouth. William Brendon & Son, Ltd.
Printed in Great Britain at
The Mayflower Press, Plymouth. William Brendon & Son, Ltd.
INTRODUCTORY PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION
Stendhal's three prefaces to this work on Love are not an encouraging opening. Their main theme is the utter incomprehensibility of the book to all but a very select few—"a hundred readers only": they are rather warnings than introductions. Certainly, the early life of Stendhal's De l'Amour justifies this somewhat distant attitude towards the public. The first and second editions were phenomenal failures—not even a hundred readers were forthcoming. But Stendhal, writing in the early part of the nineteenth century, himself prophesied that the twentieth would find his ideas at least more comprehensible. The ideas of genius in one age are the normal spiritual food for superior intellect in the next. Stendhal is still something of a mystery to the general public; but the ideas, which he agitated, are at present regarded as some of the most important subjects for immediate enquiry by many of the keenest and most practical minds of Europe.
Stendhal's three prefaces to this work on Love are not very encouraging. Their main theme is how completely incomprehensible the book is to all but a tiny group—"a hundred readers only": they serve more as warnings than introductions. Clearly, the early reception of Stendhal's De l'Amour justifies this somewhat aloof stance towards the public. The first and second editions were huge failures—not even a hundred readers showed up. However, Stendhal, writing in the early nineteenth century, predicted that the twentieth century would find his ideas at least a bit more understandable. The genius of one era becomes the standard intellectual fare for the next. Stendhal remains somewhat of a mystery to the general public; yet, the concepts he introduced are now seen as some of the most vital topics for immediate exploration by many of the sharpest and most practical minds in Europe.
A glance at the headings of the chapters gives an idea of the breadth of Stendhal's treatment of love. He touches on every side of the social relationship between man and woman; and while considering the disposition of individual nations towards love, gives us a brilliant, if one-sided, general criticism of these nations, conscious throughout of the intimate connexion in any given age between its conceptions of love and the status of woman.
A look at the chapter titles shows how wide-ranging Stendhal's exploration of love is. He examines every aspect of the social relationship between men and women, and while looking at how different countries view love, he provides an insightful, though somewhat biased, critique of these nations, always aware of the close link between the ideas of love in any era and the status of women.
Stendhal's ideal of love has various names: it is generally "passion-love," but more particularly "love [Pg vi]à l'italienne."[1] The thing in itself is always the same—it is the love of a man and a woman, not as husband and wife, not as mistress and lover, but as two human beings, who find the highest possible pleasure, not in passing so many hours of the day or night together, but in living one life. Still more, it is the attachment of two free fellow-creatures—not of master and slave.
Stendhal's ideal of love has several names: it's usually called "passion-love," but more specifically "love [Pg vi]à l'italienne."[1] The essence is always the same—it's the love between a man and a woman, not as husband and wife, nor as mistress and lover, but as two human beings who find the greatest joy, not in spending hours of the day or night together, but in living a single life. Moreover, it represents the bond between two free individuals—not a master and a slave.
Stendhal was born in 1783—eight years before Olympe de Gouges, the French Mary Wollstonecraft, published her Déclaration des Droits des Femmes. That is to say, by the time Stendhal had reached mental maturity, Europe had for some time been acquainted with the cry for Women's Rights, and heard the earliest statement of the demands, which have broadened out into what our age glibly calls the "Woman Question." How, may we ask, does Stendhal's standpoint correspond with his chronological position between the French Revolution and the "Votes for Women" campaign of the present day?
Stendhal was born in 1783—eight years before Olympe de Gouges, the French Mary Wollstonecraft, published her Déclaration des Droits des Femmes. This means that by the time Stendhal reached maturity, Europe had already been exposed to the call for Women's Rights and heard the first statements of the demands that have evolved into what we now casually refer to as the "Woman Question." How, we might ask, does Stendhal's perspective align with his historical context between the French Revolution and today's "Votes for Women" campaign?
Stendhal is emphatically a champion of Women's Rights. It is true that the freedom, which Stendhal demands, is designed for other ends than are associated to-day with women's claims. Perhaps Stendhal, were he alive now, would cry out against what he would call a distortion of the movement he championed. Men, and still more women, must be free, Stendhal holds, in order to love; his chapters in this book on the education of women are all an earnest and brilliant plea to prove that an educated woman is not necessarily a pedant; that she is, on the contrary, far more lovable than the uneducated woman, whom our grandfathers brought up on the piano, needlework and the Catechism; in fine, that intellectual sympathy is the true basis of happiness in the relations of the two sexes. Modern exponents of Women's Rights will say that this is true, but only half the truth. It would be more correct to say that Stendhal [Pg vii]saw the whole truth, but forbore to follow it out to its logical conclusion with the blind intransigeance of the modern propagandist. Be that as it may, Stendhal certainly deserves more acknowledgment, as one of the pioneers in the movement, than he generally receives from its present-day supporters.
Stendhal is definitely a supporter of Women's Rights. While the freedom he advocates for isn't focused on the same issues that today's women's rights movements address, he might critique what he would see as a misinterpretation of his views if he were alive today. Stendhal believes that both men and women need to be free in order to truly love; his chapters in this book discussing women's education are a passionate and insightful argument that shows an educated woman isn’t automatically a know-it-all. In fact, he argues she is much more lovable than the uneducated woman, who our grandfathers raised with just piano lessons, sewing, and religious instruction. Ultimately, he asserts that intellectual connection is the real foundation for happiness between the sexes. Modern advocates for Women's Rights might say this is accurate, but only partially so. It’s more accurate to say that Stendhal recognized the complete truth but didn’t take it to its logical extremes like today’s fervent advocates might. Regardless, Stendhal certainly deserves more recognition as a pioneer in the movement than he typically gets from its modern supporters.
Stendhal was continually lamenting his want of ability to write. According to him, a perusal of the Code Civil, before composition, was the best way he had found of grooming his style. This may well have something to do with the opinion, handed on from one history of French literature to another, that Stendhal, like Balzac—it is usually put in these very words—had no style. It is not, correctly speaking, what the critics themselves mean: to have no style would be to chop and change from one method of expression to another, and nothing could be less truly said of either of these writers. They mean that he had a bad style, and that is certainly a matter of taste. Perhaps the critics, while condemning, condemn themselves. It is the severe beauty of the Code Civil which, makes them uncomfortable. An eye for an eye and a spade for a spade is Stendhal's way. He is suspicious of the slightest adornment: everything that is thought clearly can be written simply. Other writers have had as simplified a style—Montesquieu or Voltaire, for example—but there is scant merit in telling simply a simple lie, and Voltaire, as Stendhal himself says, was afraid of things which are difficult to put into words. This kind of daintiness is not Stendhal's simplicity: he is merely uncompromising and blunt. True, his bluntness is excessive. A nice balance between the severity of the Code Civil and the "drums and tramplings" of Elizabethan English comes as naturally to an indifferent pen, whipped into a state of false enthusiasm, as it is foreign to the warmth [Pg viii]of genuine conviction. Had Stendhal been a little less vehement and a little less hard-headed, there might have been fewer modifications, a few less repetitions, contradictions, ellipses—but then so much the less Stendhal. In that case he might have trusted himself: as it was he knew his own tendency too well and took fright. Sometimes in reading Carlyle, one wishes that he had felt the same kind of modesty: he, certainly, could never have kept to the thin centre line, and we should have had another great writer "without a style." Effect meant little to Stendhal, hard fact and clearness everything. Perhaps, he would often have made his meaning clearer, if he had been less suspicious of studied effect and elaborate writing. Not infrequently he succeeds in being colloquial and matter-of-fact, without being definite.
Stendhal often complained about his inability to write well. He believed that reading the Code Civil before writing was the best way to refine his style. This might connect to the long-held opinion in French literary history that Stendhal, like Balzac, had no style. What critics really mean is that he had a bad style, which is definitely a matter of personal taste. Perhaps while criticizing him, they also reflect their own shortcomings. The stark beauty of the Code Civil makes them uneasy. Stendhal preferred straightforwardness: he felt anything that is clearly thought out can be written simply. Other writers, like Montesquieu or Voltaire, had simple styles too, but there's little value in merely stating a simple lie, and as Stendhal himself noted, Voltaire was hesitant about expressing complex ideas. Stendhal’s simplicity isn’t affected; he’s just straightforward and blunt. True, his bluntness can be excessive. Striking a balance between the rigor of the Code Civil and the "drums and tramplings" of Elizabethan English comes naturally to a mediocre writer overly eager to impress, yet it feels foreign to the authenticity of true conviction. If Stendhal had been a little less intense and a bit less stubborn, there might have been fewer adjustments, repetitions, contradictions, and omissions—but then, he wouldn’t be as distinctively Stendhal. In that case, he might have had more faith in himself: he was well aware of his own tendencies and often felt intimidated. Occasionally when reading Carlyle, one wishes he had experienced that kind of modesty; he certainly couldn't have maintained a middle ground, and we would have another significant author "without a style." Stendhal prioritized hard facts and clarity over effect. Perhaps he could have expressed his thoughts more clearly if he had been less wary of crafted effects and intricate writing. Often, he manages to be conversational and straightforward, yet without much specificity.
Stendhal was beset with a horror of being artistic. Was it not he who said of an artist, whose dress was particularly elaborate: "Depend upon it, a man who adorns his person will also adorn his work"? Stendhal was a soldier first, then a writer—Salviati[2] is a soldier. Certainly it is his contempt for the type of person—even commoner, perhaps, in 1914 than in 1814—who carries his emotions on his sleeve, which accounts for Stendhal's naive disclaimer of personal responsibility, the invention of Lisio[3] and Salviati, mythical authors of this work on love—all a thin screen to hide his own obsession, which manages, none the less, to break through unmasked on almost every page.
Stendhal was overwhelmed by a fear of being seen as artistic. Was it not him who remarked about an artist, whose outfit was especially extravagant: "You can bet a man who embellishes himself will also embellish his work"? Stendhal was first a soldier, then a writer—Salviati[2] is a soldier. His disdain for the kind of person—even more common, perhaps, in 1914 than in 1814—who wears their emotions openly explains Stendhal's naive rejection of personal responsibility, the creation of Lisio[3] and Salviati, fictional authors of this work on love—all a thin disguise to conceal his own obsession, which nonetheless manages to emerge unfiltered on almost every page.
The translation makes no attempt to hide these peculiarities or even to make too definite a sense from a necessarily doubtful passage.[4] Its whole aim is to reproduce [Pg ix]Stendhal's essay in English, just as it stands in French. No other English translation of the whole work exists: only a selection of its maxims translated piece-meal.[5] Had a translation existed, we should certainly not have undertaken another. As it is, we have relied upon a great sympathy with the author, and a studied adhesion to what he said, in order to reconstruct this essay—encouraged by the conviction that the one is as necessary as the other in order to obtain a satisfactory result. Charles Cotton's Montaigne seems to us the pattern of all good translations.
The translation doesn't try to conceal these quirks or even to make overly clear sense from a naturally uncertain passage.[4] Its main goal is to present Stendhal's essay in English, just as it appears in French. No complete English translation of the entire work exists; only a selection of its maxims has been translated in bits and pieces.[5] If a translation had existed, we definitely wouldn't have taken on another. As it stands, we've relied on a strong connection with the author and a careful adherence to what he wrote to reconstruct this essay, encouraged by the belief that both elements are essential for achieving a satisfying outcome. Charles Cotton's Montaigne seems to us the model for all good translations.
In spite of the four prefaces of the original, we felt it advisable to add still another to the English translation. Stendhal said that no book stood in greater need of a word of introduction. That was in Paris—here it is a foreigner, dressed up, we trust, quite à l'anglaise, but still, perhaps, a little awkward, and certainly in need of something more than the chilly announcement of the title page—about as encouraging as the voice of the flunkey, who bawls out your name at a party over the heads of the crowd already assembled. True, the old English treatment of foreigners has sadly degenerated: more bows than brickbats are their portion, now London knows the charm of cabarets, revues and cheap French cooking.[6]
Despite the four prefaces in the original, we thought it was a good idea to add another for the English translation. Stendhal mentioned that no book needed an introduction more than this one. That was in Paris—here it’s a foreigner, hopefully dressed quite à l'anglaise, but perhaps still a bit awkward, and definitely in need of something more than the cold announcement of the title page—about as welcoming as the voice of the attendant shouting your name at a party, over the heads of an already gathered crowd. It's true that the old English treatment of foreigners has sadly declined: they now receive more polite nods than harsh words, now that London has embraced the charm of cabarets, revues, and cheap French cuisine.[6]
The work in itself is conspicuous, if not unique. Books on Love are legion: how could it be otherwise? It was probably the first topic of conversation, and none has since been found more interesting. But Stendhal has devised a new treatment of the subject. His method is analytical and scientific, but, at the same time, [Pg x]there is no attempt at bringing the subject into line with a science; it is no part of erotology—there is no
The work itself stands out, if not as one-of-a-kind. There are countless books on Love: how could it be any different? It was likely the first topic people talked about, and none has ever been more intriguing. But Stendhal has come up with a fresh approach to the subject. His method is both analytical and scientific, yet, at the same time, [Pg x] there’s no effort to align the subject with a science; it’s not part of erotology—there is no
That means some faith is about to die.[7]
His faith is unimpeachable and his curiosity and honesty unbounded: this is what makes him conspicuous. In claiming to be scientific, Stendhal meant nothing more than that his essay was based purely upon unbiassed observation; that he accepted nothing upon vague hearsay or from tradition; that even the finer shades of sentiment could be observed with as much disinterested precision, if not made to yield as definite results, as any other natural phenomena. "The man who has known love finds all else unsatisfying"—is, properly speaking, a scientific fact.
His faith is unquestionable, and his curiosity and honesty are limitless: this is what sets him apart. When Stendhal claimed to be scientific, he simply meant that his essay was based entirely on unbiased observation; he accepted nothing based on vague rumors or tradition; even the subtleties of emotions could be observed with the same objective clarity, if not producing as clear-cut results, as any other natural phenomenon. "The man who has known love finds everything else unsatisfying"—is, in the truest sense, a scientific fact.
Analytical, however, is the best word to characterise the Stendhalian method. Scientific suggests, perhaps, more naturally the broader treatment of love, which is familiar in Greek literature, lives all through the Middle Ages, is typified in Dante, and survives later in a host of Renaissance dialogues and treatises on Love. This love—see it in the Symposium of Plato, in Dante or in the Dialoghi of Leone Ebreo—is more than a human passion, it is also the amor che muove il sole e le altre stelle, the force of attraction which, combined with hate, the force of repulsion, is the cause of universal movement. In this way love is not only scientifically treated, it embraces all other sciences within it. Scientists will smile, but the day of Science and Art with a contemptuous smile for each other is over. True, the feeling underlying this cosmic treatment of love is very human, very simple—a conviction that love, as a human passion, is all-important, and a desire to justify its importance by finding it a place in a larger order of [Pg xi]things, in the "mystical mathematics of the kingdom of Heaven." Weaker heads than Plato are also pleased to call love divine, without knowing very clearly what they mean by divinity. Their ignorance is relative; the allegorical representation of Eros—damned and deified alternately by the poets—is in motive, perhaps, not so far from what we have called the scientific, but, perhaps, might better have named the cosmic, treatment.
Analytical is probably the best word to describe the Stendhalian method. Scientific might suggest more naturally the broader exploration of love found in Greek literature, which continues through the Middle Ages, is exemplified in Dante, and persists later in various Renaissance dialogues and treatises on Love. This love—like in Plato's Symposium, Dante, or Leone Ebreo's Dialoghi—is more than just a human passion; it's also the amor che muove il sole e le altre stelle, the force of attraction that, alongside hate, the force of repulsion, drives universal movement. In this sense, love is not only treated scientifically; it incorporates all other sciences within it. Scientists might chuckle, but the era of Science and Art looking down on each other with disdain is over. True, the feeling behind this cosmic view of love is very human and straightforward—it's a belief that love, as a human passion, is crucial and a wish to validate its significance by placing it in a larger context of [Pg xi] things, in the "mystical mathematics of the kingdom of Heaven." Weaker minds than Plato enjoy labeling love as divine, even if they aren't entirely sure what they mean by divinity. Their ignorance is relative; the allegorical depiction of Eros—alternately damned and revered by poets—might be in motive, not so far from what we've called scientific, but perhaps would better fit a cosmic perspective.
In a rough classification of books on Love one can imagine a large number collected under the heading—"Academic." One looks for something to express that want of plain dealing, of terre-à-terre frankness, which is so deplorable in the literature of Love, and is yet the distinctive mark of so much of it. "Academic" comprehends a wide range of works all based on a more or less set or conventional theory of the passions. It includes the average modern novel, in which convention is supreme and experience negligible—just a traditional, lifeless affair, in which there is not even a pretence of curiosity or love of truth. And, at the same time, "academic" is the label for the kind of book in which convention is rather on the surface, rather in the form than in the matter. Tullia of Aragon, for example, was no tyro in the theory and practice of love, but her Dialogo d'Amore is still distinctly academic. Of course it is easy to be misled by a stiff varnish of old-fashioned phrase; the reader in search of sincerity will look for it in the thought expressed, not in the manner of expression. There is more to be learnt about love from Werther, with all his wordy sorrows, than from the slick tongue of Yorick, who found it a singular blessing of his life "to be almost every hour of it miserably in love with someone." But, then, just because Werther is wordy, all his feelings come out, expressed one way or another. With Tullia, and others like her, one feels that so much is suppressed, because it did not fit the conventional [Pg xii]frame. What she says she felt, but she must have felt so much more or have known that others felt more.
In a rough classification of books about love, you can imagine many being grouped under the heading "Academic." People often look for that lack of straightforwardness, that down-to-earth honesty, which is so unfortunate in love literature and yet is such a hallmark of much of it. "Academic" covers a broad spectrum of works that rely on more or less established or traditional theories of passion. It includes the typical modern novel, where conventions dominate and real experiences are barely present—just a conventional, lifeless story without even a hint of curiosity or a quest for truth. At the same time, "academic" also describes the kind of book where conventions are more superficial, existing in the form rather than the content. Tullia of Aragon, for instance, was knowledgeable in both the theory and practice of love, but her Dialogo d'Amore is still clearly academic. It's easy to be misled by an outdated style; a reader searching for sincerity should focus on the ideas conveyed, not just the style of writing. There's more to learn about love from Werther, with all his verbose heartaches, than from the smooth talking of Yorick, who considered it a peculiar blessing to be "almost every hour miserably in love with someone." But because Werther is so wordy, all his feelings emerge in one way or another. With Tullia and others like her, it feels like so much is held back because it didn't fit the conventional [Pg xii] frame. What she claims to have felt is clear, but she must have felt so much more or known that others felt more.
This suppression of truth has, of course, nothing to do with the partial treatment of love necessary often in purely imaginative literature. No one goes to poetry for an anatomy of love. Not love, but people in love, are the business of a playwright or a novelist. The difference is very great. The purely imaginative writer is dealing with situations first, and then with the passions that cause them.
This suppression of truth has nothing to do with the selective portrayal of love that's often needed in purely imaginative literature. Nobody reads poetry for a detailed analysis of love. It’s not love itself, but rather people in love, that concern a playwright or a novelist. The difference is significant. The imaginative writer focuses on situations first, and then on the emotions that drive them.
Here it is interesting to observe that Stendhal, in gathering his evidence, makes use of works of imagination as often as works based upon fact or his own actual experience.[8] Characters from Scott are called in as witnesses, side by side with Mademoiselle de Lespinasse or Mariana Alcaforado.
Here it’s interesting to note that Stendhal, in gathering his evidence, relies on imaginative works as frequently as those based on fact or his own real-life experiences.[8] Characters from Scott are brought in as witnesses, alongside Mademoiselle de Lespinasse or Mariana Alcaforado.
The books mentioned by Stendhal are of two distinct kinds. There are those, from which he draws evidence and support for his own theories, and in which the connexion with love is only incidental (Shakespeare's Plays, for example, Don Juan or the Nouvelle Héloïse), and others whose authors are really his forerunners, such as André le Chapelain.[9] Stendhal gives some account of this curious writer, who perhaps comes nearer his own analytical method than any later writer. In fact, we have called Stendhal unique perhaps too rashly—there are others he does not mention, who, in a less sustained and intentional way, have attempted an analytical, and still imaginative, study of love. Stendhal makes no mention of a short essay on Love by Pascal, which certainly falls in the same category as his own. It is less illuminating than one might expect, but to read it is to appreciate still more the restraint, which Stendhal has consciously forced upon himself. Others also since [Pg xiii]Stendhal—Baudelaire, for instance—have made casual and valuable investigations in the Stendhalian method. Baudelaire has here and there a maxim which, in brilliance and exactitude, equals almost anything in this volume.[10]
The books Stendhal talks about fall into two different categories. Some provide evidence and backing for his own theories, with their connection to love being only incidental (like Shakespeare's plays, for instance, Don Juan, or Nouvelle Héloïse), while others feature authors who are genuinely his forerunners, such as André le Chapelain.[9] Stendhal shares some details about this intriguing writer, who might be closer to his analytical approach than anyone who came after. In fact, we might have labeled Stendhal as unique a bit too hastily—there are others he doesn't mention who have attempted an analytical and still imaginative exploration of love in a less consistent and deliberate way. Stendhal doesn't refer to a short essay on Love by Pascal, which definitely fits in the same category as his own work. It's not as enlightening as one might hope, but reading it makes you appreciate even more the restraint that Stendhal has deliberately imposed on himself. Others since [Pg xiii]Stendhal—like Baudelaire, for instance—have casually and valuably explored the Stendhalian method. Baudelaire offers a maxim here and there that matches the brilliance and precision of nearly anything in this volume.[10]
And then—though this is no place for a bibliography of love—there is Hazlitt's Liber Amoris. Stendhal would have loved that patient, impartial chronicle of love's ravages: instead of Parisian salons and Duchesses it is all servant-girls and Bloomsbury lodging-houses; but the Liber Amoris is no less pitiful and, if possible, more real than the diary of Salviati.
And then—though this isn't the right place for a bibliography of love—there's Hazlitt's Liber Amoris. Stendhal would have appreciated that patient, unbiased account of love's impact: instead of Parisian salons and duchesses, it's all about servant girls and Bloomsbury boarding houses; but the Liber Amoris is no less heart-wrenching and, if anything, more genuine than Salviati's diary.
There are certain books which, for the frequency of their mention in this work, demand especial attention of the reader—they are its commentary and furnish much of the material for its ideas.
There are certain books that, because they are mentioned so often in this work, deserve special attention from the reader—they serve as its commentary and provide much of the material for its ideas.
In number CLXV of "Scattered Fragments" (below, p. 328) Stendhal gives the list as follows:—
In number CLXV of "Scattered Fragments" (below, p. 328) Stendhal provides the list as follows:—
- The Autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini.
- The novels of Cervantes and Scarron.
- Manon Lescaut and Le Doyen de Killerine, by the Abbé Prévôt.
- The Latin Letters of Héloïse to Abelard.
- Tom Jones.
- Letters of a Portuguese Nun.
- Two or three stories by Auguste La Fontaine.
- Pignotti's History of Tuscany.
- Werther.
- Brantôme.
- Memoirs of Carlo Gozzi (Venice, 1760)—only the eighty pages on the history of his love affairs.
- The Memoirs of Lauzun, Saint-Simon, d'Épinay, de Staël, Marmontel, Bezenval, Roland, Duclos, Horace Walpole, Evelyn, Hutchinson.
- Letters of Mademoiselle Lespinasse.
[Pg xiv]All these are more or less famous works, with which, at least by name, the general reader is familiar. Brantôme's witty and entertaining writings, the Letters of a Portuguese Nun and those of Mademoiselle de Lespinasse, perhaps the sublimest letters that have ever been written, are far less read than they deserve. The rest—excepting perhaps Scarron, Carlo Gozzi, Auguste La Fontaine, and one or two of the less-known Memoirs—are the common reading of a very large public.
[Pg xiv]All these are relatively well-known works that the average reader is at least somewhat familiar with. Brantôme's witty and entertaining writings, the Letters of a Portuguese Nun, and the letters of Mademoiselle de Lespinasse, possibly the most beautiful letters ever written, are read far less than they deserve. The rest—except maybe Scarron, Carlo Gozzi, Auguste La Fontaine, and a few lesser-known memoirs—are widely read by a large audience.
This list of books is mentioned as the select library of Lisio Visconti, who "was anything but a great reader." Lisio Visconti is one of the many imaginary figures, behind which hides Stendhal himself; we have already suggested one reason for this curious trait. Besides Lisio Visconti and Salviati, we meet Del Rosso, Scotti, Delfante, Pignatelli, Zilietti, Baron de Bottmer, etc. etc. Often these phantom people are mentioned side by side with a character from a book or a play or with someone Stendhal had actually met in life. General Teulié[11] is a real person—Stendhal's superior officer on his first expedition in Italy: Schiassetti is a fiction. In the same way the dates, which the reader will often find appended to a story or a note, sometimes give the date of a real event in Stendhal's life, while at other times it can be proved that, at the particular time given, the event mentioned could not have taken place. This falsification of names and dates was a mania with Stendhal. To most of his friends he gave a name completely different from their real one, and adopted with each of them a special pseudonym for himself. The list of Stendhal's pseudonyms is extensive and amusing.[12] But he was not always thorough in his system of disguise: he is even known to have written from Italy a letter in cypher, enclosing at the same time the key to the cypher!
This list of books is described as the chosen library of Lisio Visconti, who "definitely wasn't a big reader." Lisio Visconti is one of many fictional characters that represents Stendhal himself; we've already mentioned one reason for this interesting trait. Along with Lisio Visconti and Salviati, we encounter Del Rosso, Scotti, Delfante, Pignatelli, Zilietti, Baron de Bottmer, and others. Often, these imaginary people are mentioned alongside a character from a book or play, or with someone Stendhal actually knew in real life. General Teulié[11] is a real person—Stendhal's commanding officer on his first mission in Italy: Schiassetti is fictional. Likewise, the dates that the reader often finds added to a story or note sometimes refer to real events in Stendhal's life, while in other cases, it can be shown that, at the specific time mentioned, the event referred to could not have happened. This alteration of names and dates was an obsession for Stendhal. He often gave his friends a name completely different from their real one and created a unique pseudonym for himself with each of them. The list of Stendhal's pseudonyms is long and entertaining.[12] However, he wasn't always consistent in his disguise system: he even wrote a letter from Italy in cipher, including the key to the cipher at the same time!
[Pg xv]We have only to make a few additions to Lisio Visconti's list of books already mentioned, in order to have a pretty fair account of the main sources of reference and suggestion, to which Stendhal turned in writing his De l'Amour.[13] There are Rousseau's Nouvelle Héloïse and Émile. Stendhal holds that, except for very green youth, the Nouvelle Héloïse is unreadable. Yet in spite of its affectation, it remained for him one of the most important works for the study of genuine passion. Then we must add the Liaisons Dangereuses—a work which bears certain resemblances to Stendhal's De l'Amour. Both are the work of a soldier and both have a soldierly directness; for perfect balance and strength of construction few books have come near the Liaisons Dangereuses—none have ever surpassed it. There is the Princesse de Clèves of Madame de Lafayette and Corinne by Madame de Staël, whose typically German and extravagant admiration for Italy touched a weak spot in Stendhal. After Chateaubriand's Génie du Christianisme, which Stendhal also refers to more than once, the works of Madame de Staël were, perhaps, the greatest working influence in the rise of Romanticism. What wonder, then, that Stendhal was interested? To the letters of Mlle. de Lespinasse and of the Portuguese Nun we must add the letters of Mirabeau, written during his imprisonment at Vincennes, to Sophie de Monnier. Further, we must add the writings of certain moral teachers whose names occur frequently in the following pages: Helvétius, whom Clarétie[14] amusingly calls the enfant terrible of the philosophers; de Tracy[15]; Volney, author of the once celebrated Ruines, traveller and philosopher. These names are only the most important. Stendhal's reading was [Pg xvi]extensive, and we might swell the list with the names of Montesquieu, Condillac, Condorcet, Chamfort, Diderot—to name only the moralists.
[Pg xv]We just need to add a few more titles to Lisio Visconti's list of already mentioned books to get a pretty good overview of the main sources of reference and inspiration that Stendhal used when writing his De l'Amour.[13] There's Rousseau's Nouvelle Héloïse and Émile. Stendhal believes that, except for very young readers, the Nouvelle Héloïse is nearly impossible to read. Yet, despite its pretentiousness, it remained one of the most significant works for understanding real passion. We should also include Liaisons Dangereuses—a piece that shares certain similarities with Stendhal's De l'Amour. Both are written by a soldier, and both have a soldier's straightforwardness; in terms of perfect structure and strength, few books come close to Liaisons Dangereuses—none have ever surpassed it. Then there’s Madame de Lafayette's Princesse de Clèves and Madame de Staël's Corinne, which reflects her typically German and extravagant admiration for Italy, hitting a soft spot for Stendhal. After Chateaubriand's Génie du Christianisme, which Stendhal also references multiple times, Madame de Staël's works were probably the biggest influence on the rise of Romanticism. It's no surprise that Stendhal was captivated. We should also include the letters of Mlle. de Lespinasse and the Portuguese Nun, along with the letters from Mirabeau, written during his imprisonment at Vincennes, to Sophie de Monnier. Furthermore, we need to include the writings of several moral thinkers whose names come up often in the following pages: Helvétius, whom Clarétie[14] humorously calls the enfant terrible of the philosophers; de Tracy[15]; Volney, the author of the once famous Ruines, traveler and philosopher. These names are just the most crucial ones. Stendhal's reading was [Pg xvi]extensive, and we could expand the list with names like Montesquieu, Condillac, Condorcet, Chamfort, Diderot—just to mention the moralists.
It is noticeable that almost all these books, mentioned as the favourite authorities of Stendhal, are eighteenth-century works. The fact will seem suspicious to those inclined to believe that the eighteenth century was a time of pretty ways and gallantry à la Watteau, or of windy mouthings about Cause and Effect, Duties and Principles, Reason and Nature. But, to begin with, neither estimate comes near the mark; and, moreover, Stendhal hated Voltaire almost as much as Blake did. It was not an indiscriminate cry of Rights and Liberty which interested Stendhal in the eighteenth century. The old régime was, of course, politically uncongenial to him, the liberal and Bonapartist, and he could see the stupidity and injustice and hollowness of a society built up on privilege. But even if Stendhal, like the happy optimist of to-day, had mistaken the hatred of past wrongs for a proof of present well-being, how could a student of Love fail to be fascinated by an age such as that of Lewis XV? It was the leisure for loving, which, as he was always remarking, court-life and only court-life makes possible, that reconciled him to an age he really despised. Moreover, the mass of memoirs and letters of the distinguished men and women of the eighteenth century, offering as it does material for the study of manners unparalleled in any other age, inevitably led him back to the court-life of the ancien régime. Besides, as has been already suggested, the contradiction in Stendhal was strong. In spite of his liberalism, he was pleased in later life to add the aristocratic "de" to the name of Beyle. With Lord Byron, divided in heart between the generous love of liberty which led him to fight for the freedom of Greece, and disgust at the vulgarity of the Radical party, which he had left behind in England, Stendhal found himself closely in sympathy [Pg xvii]when they met in Italy. It was the originality[16] of the men of the sixteenth century which called forth his genuine praises; even the statesmen-courtiers and soldiers of the heroic age of Lewis XIV awoke his admiration;[17] the gallant courtiers and incompetent statesmen of Lewis XV awoke at least his interest.
It’s clear that almost all the books listed as Stendhal's favorite references are from the eighteenth century. This might raise eyebrows among those who think of the eighteenth century as a time of pretty styles and charm like Watteau’s paintings, or of empty talk about Cause and Effect, Duties and Principles, Reason and Nature. But first of all, neither of these views is accurate. Plus, Stendhal disliked Voltaire nearly as much as Blake did. He wasn’t drawn to the blanket call for Rights and Liberty that defined the eighteenth century. The old regime was politically unsuitable for him as a liberal and Bonapartist, and he could see the foolishness, injustice, and emptiness of a society built on privilege. However, even if Stendhal, like today’s optimistic thinkers, mistook hatred of past wrongs for assurance of current happiness, how could someone fascinated by Love ignore an era like Louis XV's? It was the freedom to love, which he often noted was only possible in court life, that made him somewhat tolerant of an era he genuinely despised. Additionally, the wealth of memoirs and letters from the notable figures of the eighteenth century, providing unparalleled insight into social behavior compared to any other time, naturally drew him back to the court life of the old regime. Moreover, as previously noted, Stendhal was full of contradictions. Despite his liberal views, he enjoyed adding the aristocratic "de" to his last name, Beyle, later in life. He felt a kinship with Lord Byron, who was torn between a passionate love for liberty that drove him to fight for Greece's freedom and his disdain for the coarseness of the Radical party he left behind in England, especially when they crossed paths in Italy. It was the uniqueness of the sixteenth-century figures that earned his true admiration; even the statesmen, courtiers, and soldiers of Louis XIV's heroic age impressed him; the charming courtiers and inept politicians of Louis XV at least piqued his interest.
Stendhal's De l'Amour, and in less degree his novels, have had to struggle for recognition, and the cause has largely been the peculiarity of his attitude—his scepticism, the exaggerated severity of his treatment of idyllic subjects, together with an unusual complement of sentiment and appreciation of the value of sentiment for the understanding of life. It is his manner of thinking, much rather than the strangeness of his thoughts themselves, which made the world hesitate to give Stendhal the position which it now accords him. But at least one great discovery the world did find in De l'Amour—a novelty quite apart from general characteristics, apart from its strange abruptness and stranger truth of detail. Stendhal's discovery is "Crystallisation"; it is the central idea of his book. The word was his invention, though the thought, which it expresses so decisively, is to be found, like most so-called advanced ideas, hidden away in a corner of Montaigne's Essays.[18] Crystallisation is the [Pg xviii]process by which we love an object for qualities, which primarily exist in our fancy and which we lend to it, that is to say, imaginary or unreal qualities. While Montaigne, and others no doubt, had seen in this a peculiarity of love, Stendhal saw in it love's essential characteristic—one might say, its explanation, if love were capable of being explained. Besides, in this book Stendhal is seeking the how not the why of love. And he goes beyond love: he recognises the influence of crystallisation upon other sides of life besides love. Crystallisation has become an integral part of the world's equipment for thought and expression.
Stendhal's De l'Amour, and to a lesser extent his novels, have had to fight for recognition, mainly due to the uniqueness of his perspective—his skepticism and the excessive seriousness with which he addresses idyllic subjects, combined with a notable appreciation for sentiment and its importance in understanding life. It's his way of thinking, much more than the oddity of his thoughts themselves, that made people hesitant to give Stendhal the status he now holds. However, one significant discovery did emerge from De l'Amour—a novelty that stands out from its general characteristics, its strange abruptness, and its even stranger attention to detail. Stendhal's discovery is "Crystallisation"; it's the central idea of his book. The term was his creation, even though the concept it conveys, like many so-called progressive ideas, can be found tucked away in a section of Montaigne's Essays.[18] Crystallisation is the [Pg xviii]process of loving something for qualities that primarily exist in our imagination and that we attribute to it—meaning, these are imaginary or unreal qualities. While Montaigne and others probably recognized this as a characteristic of love, Stendhal identified it as love's essential feature—one might say, its explanation, if love could actually be explained. Additionally, in this book, Stendhal explores the how rather than the why of love. He also extends beyond love: he acknowledges the influence of crystallisation on other aspects of life as well. Crystallisation has become a crucial part of how we think and express ourselves in the world.
The crisis in Stendhal's posthumous history is Sainte-Beuve's Causeries des Lundis of January 2nd and 9th, 1854, of which Stendhal was the subject. Stendhal died in 1842. It is sometimes said that his reputation is a fictitious reputation, intentionally worked up by partisanship and without regard to merit, that in his lifetime he was poorly thought of. This is untrue. His artistic activities, like his military, were appreciated by those competent to judge them. He was complimented by Napoleon on his services prior to the retreat from Moscow; Balzac, who of all men was capable of judging a novel and, still more, a direct analysis of a passion, was one of his admirers, and particularly an admirer of De l'Amour. From the general public he met to a great extent with mistrust, and for a few years after his death his memory was honoured with apathetic silence. The few, a chosen public and some faithful friends—Mérimée and others—still cherished his reputation. In 1853, owing in great measure to the efforts of Romain Colomb and Louis Crozet, a complete edition of his works was published by Michel-Lévy. And then, very appropriately, early in the next year was heard the impressive judgment of Sainte-Beuve. Perhaps the justest remark in that just appreciation is where he gives Stendhal the merit of being one of the first Frenchmen to travel littérairement [Pg xix]parlant.[19] Stendhal came back from each of his many and frequent voyages, like the happy traveller in Joachim du Bellay's sonnet, plein d'usage et raison—knowing the ways of men and full of ripe wisdom. And this is true not only of his travels over land and sea, but also of those into the thoughtful world of books.
The crisis in Stendhal's posthumous history is summed up in Sainte-Beuve's Causeries des Lundis from January 2nd and 9th, 1854, which focused on Stendhal. Stendhal passed away in 1842. Some people claim that his reputation is inflated, created by loyal supporters and not based on true merit, insisting that he was not well-regarded during his lifetime. This is incorrect. His achievements, both artistic and military, were recognized by those qualified to evaluate them. He received praise from Napoleon for his contributions before the retreat from Moscow; Balzac, who was particularly skilled at assessing novels and the nuances of human emotion, was one of his fans, especially of De l'Amour. The general public largely viewed him with suspicion, and for a few years after his death, his memory was met with indifferent silence. However, a select group, including faithful friends like Mérimée, still valued his reputation. In 1853, largely due to the efforts of Romain Colomb and Louis Crozet, a complete edition of his works was published by Michel-Lévy. Then, fittingly, early the following year, the significant opinions of Sainte-Beuve were heard. Perhaps the most insightful comment in that fair assessment is where he acknowledges Stendhal as one of the first Frenchmen to travel littérairement parlant.[Pg xix] Stendhal returned from each of his numerous trips, much like the joyous traveler in Joachim du Bellay's sonnet, plein d'usage et raison—understanding the ways of people and enriched with deep wisdom. And this applies not only to his travels across land and sea but also to his explorations into the intellectual world of books.
An equally true—perhaps still truer—note was struck by Sainte-Beuve, when he insisted on the important place in Stendhal's character played by la peur d'être dupe—the fear of being duped. Stendhal was always and in all situations beset by this fear; it tainted his happiest moments and his best qualities. We have already remarked on the effect on his style of his mistrust of himself—it is the same characteristic. A sentimental romantic by nature, he was always on his guard against the follies of a sentimental outlook; a sceptic by education and the effect of his age, he was afraid of being the dupe of his doubts; he was sceptical of scepticism itself. This tended to make him unreal and affected, made him often defeat his own ends in the oddest way. In order to avoid the possibility of being carried away too far along a course, in which instinct led him, he would choose a direction approved instead by his intellect, only to find out too late that he was cutting therein a sorry figure. Remember, as a boy he made his entrance into the world "with the fixed intention of being a seducer of women," and that, late in life, he made the melancholy confession that his normal role was that of the lover crossed in love. Here lies the commentary on not a little in Stendhal's life and works.
An equally true—maybe even truer—point was made by Sainte-Beuve when he emphasized the significant role played by la peur d'être dupe—the fear of being duped—in Stendhal's character. Stendhal was constantly haunted by this fear; it stained his happiest moments and his best traits. We've already noted how his self-doubt influenced his style—it’s the same trait. A sentimental romantic at heart, he was always on guard against the absurdities of a sentimental viewpoint; as a skeptic, shaped by his education and the era, he feared being fooled by his own doubts; he even questioned skepticism itself. This made him seem unrealistic and affected, often causing him to undermine his own goals in the oddest ways. To avoid getting too carried away in a direction his instincts pushed him toward, he would instead opt for a path that his intellect deemed acceptable, only to discover too late that he looked foolish following it. Remember, as a boy, he entered the world "with the fixed intention of being a seducer of women," and later in life, he sadly admitted that his usual role was that of the lover who got his heart broken. This is a key insight into much of Stendhal's life and works.
The facts of his life can be told very briefly.
The details of his life can be summarized very briefly.
Henry Beyle, who wrote under the name of Stendhal, was born at Grenoble in 1783, and was educated in his [Pg xx]native town. In 1799 he came to Paris and was placed there under the protection of Daru, an important officer under Napoleon, a relative and patron of his family. But he showed no fitness for the various kinds of office work to which he was put. He tried his hand at this time, unsuccessfully also, at painting.
Henry Beyle, who wrote as Stendhal, was born in Grenoble in 1783 and was educated in his [Pg xx] hometown. In 1799, he moved to Paris and came under the protection of Daru, an important officer under Napoleon, who was a relative and supporter of his family. However, he didn't show an aptitude for the different types of office jobs he was assigned. He also tried painting around this time, but without success.
In 1800, still under the protection of Daru, he went to Italy, and, having obtained a commission in the 6th regiment of Dragoons, had his first experience of active service. By 1802 he had distinguished himself as a soldier, and it was to the general surprise of all who knew him, that he returned to France on leave, handed in his papers and returned to Grenoble.
In 1800, still under Daru's protection, he went to Italy and got a commission in the 6th regiment of Dragoons, marking his first experience in active service. By 1802, he had made a name for himself as a soldier, so it was a shock to everyone who knew him when he returned to France on leave, turned in his papers, and went back to Grenoble.
He soon returned to Paris, there to begin serious study. But in 1806, he was once more with Daru and the army,—present at the triumphal entry of Napoleon into Berlin. It was directly after this that he was sent to Brunswick as assistant commissaire des guerres.
He soon returned to Paris to start serious studying. But in 1806, he was back with Daru and the army, present for Napoleon's triumphant entry into Berlin. It was right after this that he was sent to Brunswick as assistant commissaire des guerres.
He left Brunswick in 1809, but after a flying visit to Paris, he was again given official employment in Germany. He was with the army at Vienna. After the peace of Schoenbrunn he returned once more to Paris in 1810.
He left Brunswick in 1809, but after a quick trip to Paris, he was given an official job again in Germany. He was with the army in Vienna. After the peace of Schoenbrunn, he returned to Paris once more in 1810.
In 1812, he saw service once more—taking an active and distinguished part in the Russian campaign of that year. He was complimented by Napoleon on the way he had discharged his duties in the commissariat. He witnessed the burning of Moscow and shared in the horrors and hardships of the retreat.
In 1812, he served again—playing an active and notable role in that year's Russian campaign. Napoleon praised him for how well he handled his duties in the supply department. He saw the burning of Moscow and experienced the horrors and hardships of the retreat.
In 1813 his duties brought him to Segan in Silesia, and in 1814 to his native town of Grenoble.
In 1813, his responsibilities took him to Segan in Silesia, and in 1814, he returned to his hometown of Grenoble.
The fall of Napoleon in the same year deprived him of his position and prospects. He went to Milan and stayed there with little interruption till 1821; only leaving after these, the happiest, years of his life, through fear of being implicated in the Carbonari troubles.
The fall of Napoleon that same year took away his position and future. He went to Milan and stayed there with little interruption until 1821; he only left after these, the happiest years of his life, out of fear of being involved in the Carbonari troubles.
In 1830, he was appointed to the consulate of Trieste; but Metternich, who, no doubt, mistrusted his liberal [Pg xxi]tendencies, refused to ratify his appointment, and he was transferred to Civita Vecchia. This unhealthy district tried his health, and frequent travel did not succeed in repairing it.
In 1830, he was appointed to the consulate in Trieste; however, Metternich, who surely distrustful of his liberal views, refused to approve his appointment, and he was moved to Civita Vecchia. This unhealthy area took a toll on his health, and frequent travel didn't manage to restore it.
In 1841, he was on leave in Paris, where he died suddenly in the following year.
In 1841, he was on vacation in Paris, where he passed away unexpectedly the following year.
Stendhal's best-known books are his two novels: La Chartreuse de Parme and Le Rouge et le Noir. Besides these there are his works of travel—Promenades dans Rome and Rome, Florence et Naples; Mémoire d'un Touriste; his history of Italian painting; his lives of Haydn, Mozart and Rossini; L'Abbesse de Castro and other minor works of fiction; finally a number of autobiographical works, of which La Vie de Henri Brulard, begun in his fiftieth year and left incomplete, is the most important.
Stendhal's most famous books are his two novels: La Chartreuse de Parme and Le Rouge et le Noir. In addition to these, he wrote travel works—Promenades dans Rome and Rome, Florence et Naples; Mémoire d'un Touriste; his history of Italian painting; biographies of Haydn, Mozart, and Rossini; L'Abbesse de Castro and other minor fiction; and finally several autobiographical works, with La Vie de Henri Brulard, started in his fiftieth year and left unfinished, being the most significant.
But De l'Amour, Stendhal himself considered his most important work; it was written, as he tells us, in his happy years in Lombardy. It was published on his return to Paris in 1822, but it had no success, and copies of this edition are very rare. Recently it has been reprinted by Messrs. J. M. Dent and Sons (in Chef d'Œuvres de la Littérature Française, London and Paris, 1912). The second edition (1833) had no more success than the first and is equally difficult to find. Stendhal was preparing a third edition for the press when he died in 1842. In 1853 the work made a new appearance in the edition of Stendhal's works published by Michel-Lévy, since reprinted by Calmann-Lévy. It contains certain additions, some of which Stendhal probably intended for the new edition, which he was planning at the time of his death.
But De l'Amour, Stendhal himself thought was his most important work; it was written, as he tells us, during his happy years in Lombardy. It was published when he returned to Paris in 1822, but it didn’t succeed, and copies of this edition are very rare. Recently it has been reprinted by Messrs. J. M. Dent and Sons (in Chef d'Œuvres de la Littérature Française, London and Paris, 1912). The second edition (1833) was no more successful than the first and is just as hard to find. Stendhal was preparing a third edition for publication when he died in 1842. In 1853, the work was re-released in the edition of Stendhal's works published by Michel-Lévy, which has since been reprinted by Calmann-Lévy. It includes certain additions, some of which Stendhal likely intended for the new edition he was planning at the time of his death.
Within the last year have appeared the first volumes of a new French edition of Stendhal's works, published by Messrs. Honoré and Edouard Champion of Paris. [Pg xxii]It will be the most complete edition of Stendhal's works yet published and is the surest evidence that Stendhal's position in French literature is now assured. The volume containing De l'Amour has not yet appeared.
Within the last year, the first volumes of a new French edition of Stendhal's works have been released, published by Messrs. Honoré and Edouard Champion of Paris. [Pg xxii] This will be the most comprehensive edition of Stendhal's works published so far and is clear proof that Stendhal's status in French literature is now secure. The volume containing De l'Amour has not yet been released.
The basis of this translation is the first edition, to which we have only added three prefaces, written by Stendhal at various, subsequent dates and all well worth perusal. Apart from these, we have preferred to leave the book just as it appeared in the two editions, which were published in Stendhal's own lifetime.
The foundation of this translation is the first edition, to which we've added three prefaces written by Stendhal at different later dates, all of which are worth reading. Aside from these additions, we chose to keep the book exactly as it was published in the two editions during Stendhal's lifetime.
We may, perhaps, add a word with regard to our notes at the end of the book. We make no claim that they are exhaustive: we intended only to select some few points for explanation or illustration, with the English reader in view. Here and there in this book are sentences and allusions which we can no more explain than could Stendhal himself, when in 1822 he was correcting the proof-sheets: as he did, we have left them, preferring to believe with him that "the fault lay with the self who was reading, not with the self who had written." But, these few enigmas aside—and they are very few—to make an exhaustive collection of notes on this book would be to write another volume—one of those volumes of "Notes and Appendices," under which scholars bury a Pindar or Catullus. That labour we will gladly leave to others—to be accomplished, we hope, a thousand years hence, when French also is a "dead" language.
We might want to say a few things about our notes at the end of the book. We don’t claim that they cover everything; we aimed to pick just a few points for explanation or illustration, keeping the English reader in mind. Throughout this book, there are sentences and references that we can’t explain any better than Stendhal could when he was proofing his work in 1822. Like him, we have left them as they are, choosing to believe that "the issue lies with the reader, not the writer." However, aside from these few puzzles—which are quite rare—putting together a complete set of notes on this book would require writing another volume—one of those "Notes and Appendices" that scholars use to analyze a Pindar or Catullus. We’ll happily leave that task to others, hopefully to be done a thousand years from now when French is considered a "dead" language.
In conclusion we should like to express our thanks to our friend Mr. W. H. Morant, of the India Office, who has helped us to see the translation through the Press.
In conclusion, we would like to thank our friend Mr. W. H. Morant from the India Office for helping us get the translation published.
P. and C. N. S. W.
P. and C. N. S. W.
[6] Lady Holland told Lord Broughton in 1815, that she remembered "when it used to be said on the invitation cards: 'No foreigners dine with us.'" (Recollections of a Long Life, Vol. I, p. 327).
[6] Lady Holland told Lord Broughton in 1815 that she recalled "when the invitation cards used to say: 'No foreigners dine with us.'" (Recollections of a Long Life, Vol. I, p. 327).
[18] "Like the passion of Love that lends Beauties and Graces to the Person it does embrace; and that makes those who are caught with it, with a depraved and corrupt Judgment, consider the thing they love other and more perfect than it is."—Montaigne's Essays, Bk. II, Chapter XVII (Cotton's translation.) This is "crystallisation"—Stendhal could not explain it better.
[18] "Like the passion of love that gives beauty and charm to the person it touches; and makes those who fall for it, with a flawed and twisted judgment, see the object of their affection as different and more perfect than it really is."—Montaigne's Essays, Bk. II, Chapter XVII (Cotton's translation.) This is "crystallization"—Stendhal couldn't explain it better.
We cannot here forgo quoting one more passage from Montaigne, which bears distinctly upon other important views of Stendhal. "I say that Males and Females are cast in the same Mould and that, Education and Usage excepted, the Difference is not great.... It is much more easy to accuse one Sex than to excuse the other. 'Tis according to the Proverb—'Ill may Vice correct Sin.'" (Bk. Ill, Chap. V).
We can’t skip quoting one more passage from Montaigne, which clearly relates to other important ideas of Stendhal. "I say that males and females are shaped from the same mold and that, except for education and experience, the difference isn’t significant.... It's much easier to blame one gender than to justify the other. It’s like the saying—'Bad can’t fix wrong.'" (Bk. III, Chap. V).
[19] "In a literary sense."
"In a literary sense."
CONTENTS
Page | ||
Introductory Preface to the Translation | v | |
Author's Preface I. | 1 | |
Author's Preface II. | 2 | |
Author's Preface III. | 10 | |
Author's Preface IV. | 11 | |
BOOK I | ||
Chapter | ||
I. | Of Love | 19 |
II. | Of the Birth of Love | 22 |
IV. | 29 | |
V. | 30 | |
VI. | The Crystals of Salzburg | 31 |
VII. | Differences between the Birth of Love in the Two Sexes | 33 |
VIII. | 35 | |
IX. | 39 | |
X. | 40 | |
XI. | 43 | |
XII. | Further Consideration of Crystallisation | 45 |
XIII. | Of the First Step; Of the Fashionable World; Of Misfortunes | 47 |
[Pg xxiv] XIV. | 49 | |
XV. | 52 | |
XVI. | 53 | |
XVII. | Beauty Dethroned by Love | 55 |
XVIII. | Limitations of Beauty | 57 |
XIX. | Limitations of Beauty (continued) | 59 |
XX. | 62 | |
XXI. | Love at First Sight | 63 |
XXII. | Of Infatuation | 66 |
XXIII. | The Thunderbolt from the Blue | 67 |
XXIV. | Voyage in an Unknown Land | 71 |
XXV. | The Introduction | 78 |
XXVI. | Of Modesty | 81 |
XXVII. | The Glance | 89 |
XXVIII. | Of Feminine Pride | 90 |
XXIX. | Of Women's Courage | 98 |
XXX. | A Peculiar and Mournful Spectacle | 102 |
XXXI. | Extract from the Diary of Salviati | 103 |
XXXII. | Of Intimate Intercourse | 112 |
XXXIII. | 118 | |
XXXIV. | Of Confidences | 119 |
XXXV. | Of Jealousy | 123 |
XXXVI. | Of Jealousy (continued) | 129 |
XXXVII. | Roxana | 132 |
XXXVIII. | Of Self-Esteem Piqued | 134 |
XXXIX. | Of Quarrelsome Love | 141 |
XXXIX. | (Part II) Remedies against Love | 146 |
XXXIX. | (Part III) | 149 |
[Pg xxv]BOOK II | ||
XL. | 155 | |
XLI. | Of Nations with regard to Love—France | 158 |
XLII. | France (continued) | 162 |
XLIII. | Italy | 166 |
XLIV. | Rome | 170 |
XLV. | England | 173 |
XLVI. | England (continued) | 177 |
XLVII. | Spain | 182 |
XLVIII. | German Love | 184 |
XLIX. | A Day in Florence | 190 |
L. | Love in the United States | 197 |
LI. | Love in Provence up to the Conquest of Toulouse, in 1328, by the Barbarians from the North | 200 |
LII. | Provence in the Twelfth Century | 206 |
LIII. | Arabia—Fragments gathered and translated from an Arab collection entitled The Divan of Love | 213 |
LIV. | Of the Education of Women | 222 |
LV. | Objections to the Education of Women | 227 |
LVI. | Objections to the Education of Women (continued) | 236 |
LVI. | (Part II) On Marriage | 241 |
LVII. | Of Virtue, so Called | 243 |
LVIII. | State of Europe with regard to Marriage.— Switzerland and the Oberland | 245 |
LIX. | Werther and Don Juan | 254 |
BOOK III | ||
Scattered Fragments | 267 | |
[Pg xxvi]APPENDIX | ||
On the Courts of Love | 332 | |
Code of Love of the Twelfth Century | 336 | |
Note on André le Chapelain | 339 | |
Translators' Notes | 341 |
Note: All the footnotes to the Translation, except those within square brackets, which are the work of the Translators, are by Stendhal himself. The Translators' notes at the end of the book are referred to by numerals enclosed within round brackets.
Note: All the footnotes in the Translation, except for those in square brackets, which are provided by the Translators, are by Stendhal himself. The Translators' notes at the end of the book are indicated by numerals in round brackets.
PREFACE[1]
It is in vain that an author solicits the indulgence of his public—the printed page is there to give the lie to his pretended modesty. He would do better to trust to the justice, patience and impartiality of his readers, and it is to this last quality especially that the author of the present work makes his appeal. He has often heard people in France speak of writings, opinions or sentiments as being "truly French"; and so he may well be afraid that, by presenting facts truly as they are, and showing respect only for sentiments and opinions that are universally true, he may have provoked that jealous exclusiveness, which, in spite of its very doubtful character, we have seen of late set up as a virtue. What, I wonder, would become of history, of ethics, of science itself or of literature, if they had to be truly German, truly Russian or Italian, truly Spanish or English, as soon as they had crossed the Rhine, the Alps or the Channel? What are we to say to this kind of justice, to this ambulatory truth? When we see such expressions as "devotion truly Spanish," "virtues truly English," seriously employed in the speeches of patriotic foreigners, it is high time to suspect this sentiment, which expresses itself in very similar terms also elsewhere. At Constantinople or among savages, this blind and exclusive partiality for one's own country is a rabid thirst for blood; among civilised peoples, it is a morbid, unhappy, restless vanity, that is ready to turn on you for a pinprick.[2]
It's pointless for an author to ask the public for forgiveness— the printed page reveals the truth behind any false modesty. He would be better off relying on the fairness, patience, and impartiality of his readers, and it’s particularly this last quality that the author of this work appeals to. He has often heard people in France describe writings, opinions, or feelings as "truly French"; so he might understandably worry that by presenting facts as they are and respecting only those sentiments and opinions that are universally true, he might provoke that jealous exclusiveness which, despite being rather questionable, has recently been promoted as a virtue. What would happen to history, ethics, science, or literature if they had to be truly German, truly Russian, truly Italian, truly Spanish, or truly English as soon as they crossed the Rhine, the Alps, or the Channel? What are we to make of this kind of justice, this shifting truth? When we see phrases like "truly Spanish devotion" or "truly English virtues" used seriously in speeches by patriotic foreigners, it’s time to be suspicious of this sentiment, which expresses itself in similar terms elsewhere. In Constantinople or among savages, this blind and exclusive loyalty to one’s own country can lead to a violent thirst for blood; among civilized people, it’s a morbid, unhappy, restless vanity that’s quick to turn on you over the smallest things.[2]
[1] [To the first edition, 1822.—Tr.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [To the first edition, 1822.—Tr.]
PREFACE[1]
ThiS work has had no success: it has been found unintelligible—not without reason. Therefore in this new edition the author's primary intention has been to render his ideas with clearness. He has related how they came to him, and he has made a preface and an introduction—all in order to be clear. Yet, in spite of so much care, out of a hundred who have read Corinne, there are not four readers who will understand this volume.
This work has not been successful; it has been deemed unintelligible for good reason. So, in this new edition, the author’s main goal has been to express his ideas clearly. He has explained how they came to him, and he has added a preface and an introduction—all to enhance clarity. However, despite all this effort, out of a hundred people who have read Corinne, only a handful will truly understand this volume.
Although it deals with Love, this little book is no novel, and still less is it diverting like a novel. 'Tis simply and solely an exact scientific description of a kind of madness which is very rarely to be found in France. The Empire of propriety, growing day by day wider, under the influence of our fear of ridicule much more than through the purity of our morals, has made of the word, which serves as title to this work, an expression, of which outspoken mention is avoided and which at times seems even to give offence. I have been forced to make use of it, but the scientific austerity of the language shelters me, I think, in this respect, from all reproach.
Although it’s about love, this little book isn’t a novel, and it’s definitely not as entertaining as one. It’s simply a precise scientific description of a type of madness that’s rarely seen in France. The rule of propriety, which is becoming more widespread every day due to our fear of looking foolish rather than out of moral integrity, has turned the word that titles this work into something that people avoid discussing openly and at times seems to offend. I’ve had to use it, but I believe the scientific seriousness of the language protects me from any criticism in this regard.
I know one or two Secretaries of Legation who will, at their return, be able to tender me their services. Till then what can I say to the people who deny the facts of my narration? Beg them not to listen to it.
I know a couple of diplomats who, when they get back, will be able to offer me their help. Until then, what can I tell those who deny the truth of my story? I can only ask them not to pay attention to it.
[Pg 3]The form I have adopted may be reproached with egoism. A traveller is allowed to say: "I was at New York, thence I embarked for South America, I made my way back as far as Santa-Fé-de-Bogota. The gnats and mosquitoes made my life a misery during the journey, and for three days I couldn't use my right eye."
[Pg 3]The format I've chosen might be criticized for being self-centered. A traveler is allowed to say: "I went to New York, then I traveled to South America, I made my way back to Santa-Fé-de-Bogota. The gnats and mosquitoes made my life miserable during the trip, and for three days I couldn't use my right eye."
The traveller is not accused of loving to talk of himself: all his me's and my's are forgiven; for that is the clearest and most interesting manner of telling what he has seen.
The traveler isn't criticized for enjoying talking about himself: all his me's and my's are overlooked; that's the simplest and most engaging way to share what he has experienced.
It is in order, if possible, to be clear and picturesque, that the author of the present voyage into the little-known regions of the human heart says: "I went with Mme. Gherardi to the salt mines of Hallein.... Princess Crescenzi said to me at Rome.... One day at Berlin I saw handsome Capt. L...." All these little things really happened to the author, who passed fifteen years in Germany and Italy. But more observant than sensitive, he never encountered the least adventure himself, never experienced a single personal sentiment worthy of narration. Even supposing that he had the pride to believe the contrary, a still greater pride would have prevented him from publishing his heart and selling it on the market for six francs, like those people who in their lifetime publish their memoirs.
To be clear and engaging, the author of this journey into the lesser-known aspects of the human heart says: "I went with Mme. Gherardi to the salt mines of Hallein.... Princess Crescenzi told me in Rome.... One day in Berlin, I met the handsome Capt. L...." All of these small incidents truly happened to the author, who spent fifteen years in Germany and Italy. However, being more observant than emotionally driven, he never found himself in a single adventure nor felt any personal emotion worth telling. Even if he had the arrogance to think otherwise, an even greater pride would have stopped him from revealing his feelings and putting them up for sale at six francs, like those people who publish their memoirs during their lives.
Correcting in 1822 the proofs of this kind of moral voyage in Italy and Germany, the author, who had described the objects the day that he had seen them, treated the manuscript, containing the detailed description of all the phases of this malady of the soul called Love, with that blind respect, shown by a scholar of the fourteenth century for a newly unearthed manuscript of Lactantius or Quintius Curtius. When the author met some obscure passage (and often, to say the truth, that happened), he always believed that the fault lay with the self who was reading, not with the self who had written. He confesses that his respect for the [Pg 4]early manuscript carried him so far as to print several passages, which he did not understand himself. Nothing more foolish for anyone who had thought of the good graces of the public; but the author, seeing Paris again after long travels, came to the conclusion that without grovelling before the Press a success was not to be had. Well, let him who brings himself to grovel keep that for the minister in power! A so-called success being out of the question, the author was pleased to publish his thoughts exactly as they had come to him. This was once upon a time the procedure of those philosophers of Greece, whose practical wisdom filled him with rapturous admiration.
Correcting in 1822 the proofs of this kind of moral journey in Italy and Germany, the author, who had described the things he saw on the same day, treated the manuscript, which contained a detailed account of all the phases of this soul sickness called Love, with the same blind respect that a 14th-century scholar would show for a newly discovered manuscript of Lactantius or Quintus Curtius. When he came across some obscure passage (which happened often, to tell the truth), he always thought the problem lay with the reader, not the writer. He admits that his respect for the [Pg 4] early manuscript led him to print several passages he didn't understand himself. It was foolish for anyone hoping to win the public's favor; but upon returning to Paris after long travels, the author concluded that success wouldn't come without playing nice with the press. Well, let anyone willing to grovel save that for the person in power! With any so-called success out of the picture, the author was happy to publish his thoughts exactly as they came to him. This was once the approach of those Greek philosophers, whose practical wisdom filled him with ecstatic admiration.
It requires years to gain admittance to the inner circle of Italian society. Perhaps I shall have been the last traveller in that country. For since the Carbonari and the Austrian invasion, no foreigner will ever be received as a friend in the salons, where such reckless gaiety reigned. The traveller will see the monuments, streets and public places of a city, never the society—he will always be held in fear: the inhabitants will suspect that he is a spy, or fear that he is laughing at the battle of Antrodoco and at the degradations, which, in that land, are the one and only safeguard against the persecution of the eight or ten ministers or favourites who surround the Prince. Personally, I really loved the inhabitants and could see the truth. Sometimes for ten months together I never spoke a word of French, and but for political troubles and the Carbonari I would never have returned to France. Good-nature is what I prize above all things.
It takes years to get into the inner circle of Italian society. I might be the last traveler in that country. Ever since the Carbonari and the Austrian invasion, no foreigner will be welcomed as a friend in the salons, where such wild joy used to be. Travelers will see the monuments, streets, and public spaces of cities, but never the actual society—they’ll always be met with suspicion: the locals will think he’s a spy or worry that he’s mocking the battle of Antrodoco and the humiliations, which, in that place, are the only protection against the persecution of the eight or ten ministers or favorites surrounding the Prince. Personally, I genuinely loved the locals and could see the truth. Sometimes for ten months straight, I never spoke a word of French, and if it weren't for political troubles and the Carbonari, I might never have returned to France. Good-nature is what I value above everything else.
In spite of great care to be clear and lucid, I cannot perform miracles: I cannot give ears to the deaf nor eyes to the blind. So the people of great fortunes and gross pleasures, who have made a hundred thousand francs in the year preceding the moment they open this book, had better quickly shut it, especially if they are [Pg 5]bankers, manufacturers, respectable industrial folk—that's to say, people with eminently positive ideas. This book would be less unintelligible to anyone who had made a large sum of money on the Stock Exchange or in a lottery. Such winnings may be found side by side with the habit of passing hours together in day-dreams, in the enjoyment of the emotion evoked by a picture of Prud'hon, a phrase of Mozart, still more, a certain peculiar look of a woman who is often in your thoughts. 'Tis not in this way that these people "waste their time," who pay ten thousand workmen at the end of each week: their minds work always towards the useful and the positive. The dreamer, of whom I speak, is the man they would hate, if they had time; 'tis him they like to make the butt of their harmless jokes. The industrial millionaire feels confusedly that such a man has more estime for a thought than for a bag of money.
Despite my best efforts to be clear and straightforward, I can't work miracles: I can't give hearing to the deaf or sight to the blind. So, those who are wealthy and indulge in pleasures—who made a hundred thousand francs in the year before they open this book—should probably put it down quickly, especially if they're bankers, manufacturers, or respectable businesspeople—that is, individuals with extremely practical ideas. This book might be less confusing to someone who has won a significant amount of money in the stock market or in a lottery. Such fortunes can coexist with the habit of spending hours daydreaming, enjoying the emotions stirred by a Prud'hon painting, a Mozart phrase, or even a certain special look from a woman who often occupies your thoughts. These individuals don't "waste their time" in this way; they pay ten thousand workers every week and always think in terms of what is useful and concrete. The dreamer I'm talking about is the kind of person they would resent if they had the time; he is the target of their light-hearted jokes. The wealthy industrialist senses that such a person values an idea more than a pile of cash.
I invite the studious young man to withdraw, if in the same year as the industrial gained a hundred thousand francs, he has acquired the knowledge of modern Greek, and is so proud of it that already he aspires to Arabic. I beg not to open this book every man, who has not been unhappy for imaginary reasons, reasons to which vanity is stranger, and which he would be very ashamed to see divulged in the salons.
I invite the hardworking young man to step aside if, in the same year that the industry made a hundred thousand francs, he has learned modern Greek and is so proud of it that he’s already aiming for Arabic next. I ask that this book not be opened by anyone who hasn’t felt unhappy for made-up reasons, reasons that have nothing to do with vanity, and which he would be very embarrassed to see revealed in the salons.
I am sure to displease those women who capture the consideration of these very salons by an affectation that never lapses for an instant. Some of these for a moment I have surprised in good earnest, and so astonished, that, asking themselves the question, they could no longer tell whether such and such a sentiment, as they had just expressed, was natural or affected. How could such women judge of the portraiture of real feelings? In fact this work has been their bête noire: they say that the author must be a wretch.
I’m sure I’ll upset those women who win the attention of these very salons with a pretense that never wavers for a second. I’ve caught some of them off guard for a moment, so surprised that, when reflecting on it, they couldn’t even tell if the feelings they had just shared were genuine or fake. How could these women understand the portrayal of real emotions? This has actually been their bête noire: they claim the author must be a miserable person.
To blush suddenly at the thought of certain youthful doings; to have committed follies through sensibility [Pg 6]and to suffer for them, not because you cut a silly figure in the eyes of the salon, but in the eyes of a certain person in the salon; to be in love at the age of twenty-six in good earnest with a woman who loves another, or even (but the case is so rare that I scarcely dare write it, for fear of sinking again into the unintelligible, as in the first edition)—or even to enter the salon where the woman is whom you fancy that you love, and to think only of reading in her eyes her opinion of you at the moment, without any idea of putting on a love-lorn expression yourself—these are the antecedents I shall ask of my reader. The description of many of these rare and subtle feelings has appeared obscure to people with positive ideas. How manage to be clear in their eyes? Tell them of a rise of fifty centimes or a change in the tariff of Columbia.[2]
To suddenly blush at the thought of some youthful mistakes; to have done silly things out of sensitivity and to feel bad about them, not because you look foolish in front of the crowd, but in the eyes of a specific person among them; to truly be in love at twenty-six with a woman who loves someone else, or even (but this is so rare that I hesitate to mention it, fearing it will become confusing again) to enter the room where the woman you think you love is, and only think about interpreting her opinion of you in that moment, without any intention of putting on a lovesick face yourself—these are the experiences I’ll ask you to consider. Many of these rare and subtle feelings can seem unclear to those with straightforward ideas. How do you make it clear to them? Just tell them about a fifty-cent price increase or a change in Columbia's tariff.
The book before you explains simply and mathematically, so to speak, the curious feelings which succeed each other and form a whole called the Passion of Love.
The book in front of you clearly and mathematically explains, in a way, the intriguing emotions that follow one another and create a whole known as the Passion of Love.
Imagine a fairly complicated geometrical figure, drawn with white chalk on a large blackboard. Well, I am going to explain that geometrical figure, but on one condition—that it exists already on the blackboard, for I personally cannot draw it. It is this impossibility that makes it so difficult to write on Love a book which is not a novel. In order to follow with interest a philosophic examination of this feeling, something is wanted in the reader besides understanding: it is absolutely necessary that Love has been seen by him. But then where can a passion be seen?
Imagine a pretty complicated geometric shape, drawn with white chalk on a large blackboard. Well, I'm going to explain that shape, but only if it already exists on the blackboard, because I personally can't draw it. This inability makes it really hard to write a non-fiction book about Love. To genuinely engage with a philosophical exploration of this emotion, the reader needs more than just comprehension: it's essential that they have experienced Love firsthand. But where can one actually witness a passion?
This is a cause of obscurity that I shall never be able to eliminate.
This is a reason for confusion that I will never be able to clear up.
[Pg 7]Love resembles what we call the Milky Way in heaven, a gleaming mass formed by thousands of little stars, each of which may be a nebula. Books have noted four or five hundred of the little feelings hanging together and so hard to recognise, which compose this passion. But even in these, the least refined, they have often blundered and taken the accessory for the principal. The best of these books, such as the Nouvelle Héloïse, the novels of Madame Cottin, the Letters of Mademoiselle de Lespinasse and Manon Lescaut, have been written in France, where the plant called Love is always in fear of ridicule, is overgrown by the demands of vanity, the national passion, and reaches its full height scarcely ever.
[Pg 7]Love is like the Milky Way in the sky, a shining collection made up of thousands of little stars, each one possibly a nebula. Books have identified four or five hundred of those little feelings that come together to create this passion, which can be difficult to recognize. However, even in these, the least refined, authors often get it wrong and mistake the secondary for the main thing. The best of these books, like the Nouvelle Héloïse, the novels of Madame Cottin, the Letters of Mademoiselle de Lespinasse, and Manon Lescaut, were written in France, where the concept of Love is constantly at risk of being mocked, overshadowed by the pressures of vanity, a national obsession, and rarely reaches its full potential.
What is a knowledge of Love got from novels? After seeing it described—without ever feeling it—in hundreds of celebrated volumes, what is to be said of seeking in mine the explanation of this madness? I answer like an echo: "'Tis madness."
What kind of understanding of Love comes from novels? After reading about it—without ever experiencing it—in countless famous books, what can be said about looking for an explanation of this madness in my own work? I reply like an echo: "It's madness."
Poor disillusioned young lady, would you enjoy again that which busied you so some years ago, which you dared mention to no one, which almost cost you your honour? It is for you that I have refashioned this book and tried to make it clearer. After reading it, never speak of it without a little scornful turn, and throw it in your citron bookcase behind the other books—I should even leave a few pages uncut.
Poor disillusioned young woman, would you enjoy again what kept you occupied a few years ago, something you dared not mention to anyone, which almost cost you your honor? It’s for you that I've revamped this book and tried to clarify it. After reading it, never talk about it without a hint of disdain, and place it in your yellow bookcase behind the other books—I would even leave a few pages untrimmed.
'Tis not only a few pages that will be left uncut by the imperfect creature, who thinks himself philosopher, because he has remained always stranger to those reckless emotions, which cause all our happiness of a week to depend upon a glance. Some people, coming to the age of discretion, use the whole force of their vanity to forget that there was a day when they were able to stoop so low as to court a woman and expose themselves to the humiliation of a refusal: this book will win their hatred. Among the many clever people, whom I have seen condemn this work, for different reasons but all angrily, [Pg 8]those only seemed to me ridiculous, who had the twofold conceit to pretend always to have been above the weakness of sensibility, and yet to possess enough penetration to judge a priori of the degree of exactitude of a philosophic treatise, which is nothing but an ordered description of these weaknesses.
It's not just a few pages that will be left untouched by the flawed individual who considers himself a philosopher simply because he has always kept himself away from those reckless emotions that make our entire week hinge on a single glance. Some people, reaching a level of maturity, use all their vanity to forget that there was a time when they were willing to lower themselves to pursue a woman and risk the embarrassment of rejection: this book will earn their disdain. Among the many smart people I've observed who have criticized this work for various reasons, all with anger, [Pg 8] the ones who seemed most ridiculous to me were those who had the double arrogance to claim they had always risen above the frailty of sensitivity, yet believed they had enough insight to judge a priori the accuracy of a philosophical treatise, which is simply a structured description of these weaknesses.
The grave persons, who enjoy in society their reputation as safe men with no romantic nonsense, are far nearer to the understanding of a novel, however impassioned, than of a book of philosophy, wherein the author describes coldly the various stages of the malady of the soul called Love. The novel moves them a little; but before the philosophic treatise these sensible people are like blind men, who getting a description of the pictures in a museum read out to them, would say to the author: "You must agree, sir, that your work is horribly obscure." What is to happen if these blind men chance to be wits, established long since in possession of that title and with sovereign claims to clairvoyance? The poor author will be treated prettily. In fact, it is what happened to him at the time of the first edition. Several copies were actually burnt through the raging vanity of very clever people. I do not speak of insults all the more flattering for their fury: the author was proclaimed to be coarse, immoral, a writer for the people, a suspicious character, etc. In countries outworn by monarchy, these titles are the surest reward for whoever thinks good to write on morals and does not dedicate his book to the Mme. Dubarry of the day. Blessed literature, if it were not in fashion, and interested those alone for whom it was written!
The serious people, who enjoy their reputation in society as sensible individuals without any romantic nonsense, are actually much closer to understanding a novel, no matter how passionate, than a philosophy book, where the author coldly explains the different stages of the condition of the soul called Love. The novel stirs them a bit; but when faced with the philosophical text, these sensible folks are like blind people who, upon having a description of the paintings in a museum read to them, would tell the author, "You must admit, sir, that your work is terribly unclear." What happens if these blind folks happen to be clever, already established with that title and confident in their insight? The poor author will get quite the treatment. In fact, that's what happened when the first edition came out. Several copies were actually burned out of the furious vanity of very smart people. I'm not even talking about the insults that were all the more flattering because of their rage: the author was labeled as crude, immoral, a writer for the masses, a questionable character, etc. In countries worn out by monarchy, these labels are the guaranteed reward for anyone daring to write about morals and not dedicating their book to the current Mme. Dubarry. Blessed literature, if only it weren't in vogue, and only reached those it was intended for!
In the time of the Cid, Corneille was nothing for M. le Marquis de Danjeau[3] but "a good fellow." Today the whole world thinks itself made to read M. de Lamartine: so much the better for his publisher, but so much the worse, and a hundred times the worse, for [Pg 9]that great poet. In our days genius offers accommodation to people to whom, under penalty of losing caste, it should never so much as give a thought.
In the time of the Cid, Corneille was just seen as "a good guy" by M. le Marquis de Danjeau[3]. Today, everyone thinks they’re meant to read M. de Lamartine: that’s great for his publisher, but it’s much worse, a hundred times worse, for [Pg 9] that great poet. Nowadays, genius caters to people who, to avoid losing status, it shouldn’t even acknowledge.
The laborious and active, very estimable and very positive life of a counsellor of State, of a manufacturer of cotton goods or of a banker with a keen eye for loans finds its reward in millions, not in tender sensation. Little by little the heart of these gentlemen ossifies: the positive and the useful are for them everything, and their soul is closed to that feeling, which of all others has the greatest need of our leisure and makes us most unfit for any rational and steady occupation.
The hard-working and proactive life of a government advisor, a cotton manufacturer, or a banker who knows how to spot good loans is rewarded with millions, not with sentimental feelings. Gradually, the hearts of these men become hardened: they prioritize what is practical and useful above all else, and their souls shut off from the emotions that require our free time and render us least suited for any logical and consistent work.
The only object of this preface is to proclaim that this book has the misfortune of being incomprehensible to all who have not found time to play the fool. Many people will feel offended and I trust they will go no further.
The only purpose of this preface is to announce that this book is unfortunately hard to understand for anyone who hasn’t taken the time to not take things seriously. Many will likely be offended, and I hope they won't read on.
[1] [May, 1826.—Tr.]
[2] "Cut this passage out," say my friends. "Nothing could be truer, but beware of the men of business: they'll cry out on the aristocrat." In 1812 I was not afraid of the Treasury: so why should I be afraid of the millionaire in 1820? The ships supplied to the Pasha of Egypt have opened my eyes in their direction, and I fear nothing but what I respect.
[2] "Remove this part," my friends say. "It’s absolutely true, but watch out for the businessmen: they’ll come after the aristocrats." In 1812, I wasn’t worried about the Treasury, so why should I fear a millionaire in 1820? The ships given to the Pasha of Egypt have opened my eyes to that side of things, and I only fear what I respect.
PREFACE[1]
I write for a hundred readers only and of these unhappy charming beings, without hypocrisy or moral cant, whom I would please, I know scarcely a couple. Of such as lie to gain consideration as writers, I take little heed. Certain fine ladies should keep to the accounts of their cook and the fashionable preacher of the day, be it Massillon or Mme. Necker, to be able to talk on these topics with the women of importance who mete out consideration. And to be sure, in France this noble distinction is always to be won by turning high priest of any fad.
I write for just a hundred readers, and out of these unhappy yet charming people, without any pretense or moral posturing, I barely know a couple. I pay little attention to those who lie to gain recognition as writers. Certain classy ladies should stick to discussing their cook’s recipes and the trendy preacher of the moment, whether it's Massillon or Mme. Necker, so they can talk on these subjects with important women who decide who gets recognition. And indeed, in France, this esteemed status is always earned by becoming the high priest of whatever trend is popular.
To anyone who would read this book I would say: In all your life have you been unhappy six months for love?
To anyone reading this book, I want to ask: Have you ever been unhappy for six months because of love?
Or, was your soul ever touched by sorrow not connected with the thought of a lawsuit, with failure at the last election, or with having cut a less brilliant figure than usual last season at Aix? I will continue my indiscretions and ask if in the year you have read any of those impudent works, which compel the reader to think? For example, Émile of J. J. Rousseau, or the six volumes of Montaigne? If, I should say, you have never suffered through this infirmity of noble minds, if you have not, in defiance of nature, the habit of thinking as you read, this book will give you a grudge against its author: for it will make you suspect that there exists a certain happiness, unknown to you and known to Mlle. de Lespinasse.
Or, has your soul ever been touched by sadness unrelated to a lawsuit, failure in the last election, or not shining as brightly as usual last season in Aix? I’ll keep being nosy and ask if you've read any of those bold works this year that make readers think? For instance, Émile by J. J. Rousseau, or Montaigne's six volumes? If you've never experienced this struggle of thoughtful minds, if you don't have the habit of contemplating as you read, this book will make you hold a grudge against its author: it will lead you to suspect that there's a kind of happiness you're unaware of, one that Mlle. de Lespinasse knows.
[1] [May, 1834.—Tr.]
PREFACE[1]
I come to beg indulgence of the reader for the peculiar form of this Physiology of Love. It is twenty-eight years (in 1842) since the turmoil, which followed the fall of Napoleon, deprived me of my position. Two years earlier chance threw me, immediately after the horrors of the retreat from Russia, into the midst of a charming town, where I had the enchanting prospect of passing the rest of my days. In happy Lombardy, at Milan, at Venice, the great, or rather only, business of life is pleasure. No attention, there, to the deeds and movements of your neighbour; hardly a troubled thought for what is to happen to you. If a man notice the existence of his neighbour, it does not enter his head to hate him. Take away from the occupations of a French provincial town jealousy—and what is left? The absence, the impossibility of that cruel jealousy forms the surest part of that happiness, which draws all the provincials to Paris.
I come to ask for your understanding regarding the unusual format of this Physiology of Love. It has been twenty-eight years (in 1842) since the upheaval that followed Napoleon's fall cost me my position. Two years earlier, fate plopped me, right after the horrors of the retreat from Russia, into a charming town where I had the delightful prospect of spending the rest of my life. In joyful Lombardy—whether in Milan or Venice—the main focus of life is pleasure. No one there pays much attention to their neighbor; hardly anyone worries about their own future. If someone notices their neighbor, it doesn't even cross their mind to hate them. Remove jealousy from the activities of a French provincial town—and what’s left? The absence and impossibility of that cruel jealousy is the surest part of the happiness that draws all the provincials to Paris.
Following the masked balls of Carnival, which in 1820 was more brilliant than usual, the noise of five or six completely reckless proceedings occupied the society of Milan an entire month; although they are used over there to things which in France would pass for incredible. The fear of ridicule would in this country paralyse such fantastic actions: only to speak of them I need great courage.
Following the masked balls of Carnival, which in 1820 were more dazzling than usual, the gossip about five or six completely reckless events occupied the society of Milan for an entire month; even though they are used to things that would seem unbelievable in France. The fear of being ridiculed would paralyze such outrageous actions in this country: just to talk about them takes a lot of courage.
One evening people were discussing profoundly the [Pg 12]effects and the causes of these extravagances, at the house of the charming Mme. Pietra Grua(6), who happened, extraordinarily enough, not to be mixed up with these escapades. The thought came to me that perhaps in less than a year I should have nothing left of all those strange facts, and of the causes alleged for them, but a recollection, on which I could not depend. I got hold of a concert programme, and wrote a few words on it in pencil. A game of faro was suggested: we were thirty seated round a card-table, but the conversation was so animated that people forgot to play. Towards the close of the evening came in Col. Scotti, one of the most charming men in the Italian army: he was asked for his quantum of circumstances relative to the curious facts with which we were busy, and, indeed, his story of certain things, which chance had confided to his knowledge, gave them an entirely new aspect. I took up my concert programme and added these new circumstances.
One evening, people were deeply discussing the effects and causes of these extravagances at the home of the lovely Mme. Pietra Grua, who, quite remarkably, was not involved in these escapades. It occurred to me that in less than a year, I might have nothing left of all those strange events and their alleged causes except a memory I couldn't trust. I grabbed a concert program and jotted down a few words in pencil. Someone suggested a game of faro: we were thirty seated around a card table, but the conversation was so lively that people forgot to play. Towards the end of the evening, Col. Scotti, one of the most charming men in the Italian army, walked in. He was asked about the circumstances related to the curious events we were discussing, and indeed, his account of certain things that chance had revealed to him provided an entirely new perspective. I picked up my concert program and added these new details.
This collection of particulars on Love was continued in the same way, with pencil and odd scraps of paper, snatched up in the salons, where I heard the anecdotes told. Soon I looked for a common rule by which to recognise different degrees in them. Two months later fear of being taken for a Carbonaro made me return to Paris—only for a few months I hoped, but never again have I seen Milan, where I had passed seven years.
This collection of details about Love continued in the same way, with a pencil and random scraps of paper, grabbed in the salons, where I heard the stories shared. Soon, I started looking for a common rule to recognize the different levels among them. Two months later, the fear of being mistaken for a Carbonaro made me return to Paris—hoping it would only be for a few months, but I've never seen Milan again, where I had spent seven years.
Pining with boredom at Paris, I conceived the idea of occupying myself again with the charming country from which fear had driven me. I strung together my scraps of paper and presented the book to a publisher. But soon a difficulty was raised: the printer declared that it was impossible to work from notes written in pencil and I could see that he found such copy beneath his dignity. The printer's young apprentice, who brought me back my notes, seemed quite ashamed of the more than doubtful compliment, which had been put into [Pg 13]his mouth: he knew how to write and I dictated to him my pencil notes.
Bored in Paris, I came up with the idea of getting back to the beautiful countryside that I had fled from out of fear. I put together my notes and took the book to a publisher. But soon, I ran into a problem: the printer said it was impossible to work from pencil notes, and I could tell he thought such work was beneath him. The printer's young apprentice, who returned my notes, looked quite embarrassed by the questionable compliment that had been put in [Pg 13] his mouth: he knew how to write, so I dictated my pencil notes to him.
I understood, too, that discretion required me to change the proper names, and, above all, abridge the anecdotes. Although no one reads in Milan, the book, if ever it reached there, might have seemed a piece of wicked mischief.
I also realized that I needed to change the names and, most importantly, shorten the stories. Even though no one reads in Milan, if the book ever made it there, it could come off as a mean prank.
So I brought out an ill-fated volume. I have the courage to own that I despised at that period elegance in style. I saw the young apprentice wholly taken up with avoiding sentence-endings that were unmusical and odd sounds in the arrangement of words. In return, he made throughout no scruple of changing details of fact, difficult to express: Voltaire himself is afraid of things which are difficult to tell.
So I pulled out a poorly received book. I have the guts to admit that I looked down on stylish writing back then. I saw the young apprentice completely focused on avoiding awkward ways to end sentences and strange word arrangements. In exchange, he had no hesitation in altering the details of facts that were hard to express: even Voltaire himself is wary of things that are tough to explain.
The Essay on Love had no claim to merit except the number of the fine shades of feeling, which I begged the reader to verify among his memories, if he were happy enough to have any. But in all this there was something much worse: I was then, as ever, very inexperienced in the department of literature and the publisher, to whom I had presented the MS., printed it on bad paper and in an absurd format. In fact a month later, when I asked him for news of the book—"On peut dire qu'il est sacré,"[2] he said, "For no one comes near it."
The Essay on Love didn't have any real merit except for the many subtle feelings it explored, which I encouraged the reader to reflect on from their own memories, if they were lucky enough to have any. But worse than that was my lack of experience in literature at that time, and the publisher I submitted the manuscript to ended up printing it on poor-quality paper and in a ridiculous format. In fact, a month later, when I checked in with him about the book, he said, "On peut dire qu'il est sacré,"[2] "Because no one is even looking at it."
It had never even crossed my mind to solicit articles in the papers: such a thing would have seemed to me an ignominy. And yet no work was in more pressing need of recommendation to the patience of the reader. Under the menace of becoming unintelligible at the very outset, it was necessary to bring the public to accept the new word "crystallisation," suggested as a lively expression for that collection of strange fancies, which we weave round our idea of the loved one, as true and even indubitable realities.
I had never thought about asking for articles in the newspapers: that would have felt embarrassing to me. But still, no work needed more convincing to win over the reader's patience. Facing the risk of becoming confusing right from the start, it was essential to get the public to accept the new term "crystallisation," proposed as a vibrant way to describe that mix of odd ideas we spin around our thoughts of someone we love, as if they were actual and undeniable realities.
[Pg 14]At that time wholly absorbed in my love for the least details, which I had lately observed in the Italy of my dreams, I avoided with care every concession, every amenity of style, which might have rendered the Essay on Love less peculiarly fantastic in the eyes of men of letters.
[Pg 14]Back then, completely wrapped up in my love for the smallest details I had recently noticed in my idealized version of Italy, I carefully avoided any compromises or stylistic comforts that could make the Essay on Love seem less uniquely imaginative to literary people.
Further, I was not flattering to the public. Literature at that time, all defaced by our great and recent misfortunes, seemed to have no other interest than the consolation of our unhappy pride: it used to rhyme "gloire" with "victoire," "guerriers" with "lauriers,"[3] etc. The true circumstances of the situations, which it pretends to treat, seem never to have any attraction for the tedious literature of that period: it looks for nothing but an opportunity of complimenting that people, enslaved to fashion, whom a great man had called a great nation, forgetting that they were only great on condition that their leader was himself.
Furthermore, I wasn’t flattering the public. Literature at that time, all marked by our significant and recent misfortunes, seemed to offer no interest other than comforting our damaged pride: it would rhyme "gloire" with "victoire," "guerriers" with "lauriers," [3] etc. The actual circumstances of the situations it claims to address seem to hold no appeal for the dull literature of that era: it seeks only to find an opportunity to praise that people, bound by trends, whom a great man called a great nation, forgetting that they were only great as long as their leader was truly great.
As the result of my ignorance of the exigencies of the humblest success, I found no more than seventeen readers between 1822 and 1833: it is doubtful whether the Essay on Love has been understood after twenty years of existence by a hundred connoisseurs. A few have had the patience to observe the various phases of this disease in the people infected with it in their circle; for we must speak of it as a disease, in order to understand that passion which in the last thirty years our fear of ridicule has taken so much trouble to hide—it is this way which sometimes leads to its cure.
Due to my lack of understanding about the demands of even the most modest success, I only had seventeen readers between 1822 and 1833. It's questionable whether the Essay on Love has been truly understood by even a hundred experts after twenty years. A few have taken the time to notice the different stages of this obsession in those affected by it in their social circles; we need to refer to it as an obsession to grasp that passion which, in the last thirty years, our fear of being ridiculed has worked hard to conceal—sometimes, this very pathway leads to its resolution.
Now and now only, after half a century of revolutions, engrossing one after another our whole attention, now and now only after five complete changes in the form and the tendencies of our government, does the revolution just begin to show itself in our way of living. Love, or that which commonly appropriates Love's name and fills its place, was all-powerful in the France of [Pg 15]Lewis XV. Colonels were created by the ladies of the court; and that court was nothing less than the fairest place in the kingdom. Fifty years after, the court is no more; and the gift of a licence to sell tobacco in the meanest provincial town is beyond the power of the most surely established ladies of the reigning bourgeoisie or of the pouting nobility.
Now, only now, after fifty years of revolutions that have captured our full attention, and after five complete changes in our government’s structure and direction, the revolution is just starting to impact our way of living. Love, or what we commonly call love, was all-consuming in the France of [Pg 15] Louis XV. Colonels were appointed by the ladies of the court, which was undeniably the most beautiful place in the kingdom. Fifty years later, the court no longer exists, and getting a license to sell tobacco in the smallest provincial town is beyond the reach of even the most established women of the current bourgeoisie or the sulking nobility.
It must be owned, women are out of fashion. In our brilliant salons the young men of twenty affect not to address them; they much prefer to stand round the noisy talker dealing, in a provincial accent, with the question of the right to vote, and to try and slip in their own little word. The rich youths, who, to keep up a show of the good-fellowship of past times, take a pride in seeming frivolous, prefer to talk horses and play high in the circles where women are excluded. The deadly indifference which seems to preside over the relations of young men and the women of five-and-twenty, for whose presence society has to thank the boredom of marriage, will bring, perhaps, a few wise spirits to accept this scrupulously exact description of the successive phases of the malady called Love.
It's clear that women are out of fashion. In our trendy salons, the young men in their twenties act like they don't even notice them; they much prefer to gather around the loud talker who, with a regional accent, is debating voting rights, trying to squeeze in their own comments. The wealthy young men, who want to maintain a facade of camaraderie from the past, take pride in appearing carefree and would rather talk about horses and engage in high-stakes games where women aren’t allowed. The complete indifference that seems to govern the interactions between young men and women in their twenties—who owe their presence to the monotony of marriage—might lead a few insightful individuals to accept this meticulous portrayal of the various stages of the condition known as Love.
Seeing the terrible change which has plunged us into the stagnation of to-day, and makes unintelligible to us the society of 1778, such as we find it in the letters of Diderot to Mlle. Voland, his mistress, or in the Memoirs of Madame d'Épinay, a man might ask the question, which of our successive governments has killed in us the faculty of enjoying ourselves, and drawn us nearer to the gloomiest people on the face of the earth? The only passable thing which that people have invented—parliament and the honesty of their parties—we are unable even to copy. In return, the stupidest of their gloomy conceptions, the spirit of dignity, has come among us to take the place of our French gaiety, which is to be found now only in the five hundred balls in the outskirts of Paris or in the south of France, beyond Bordeaux.
Seeing the terrible change that has trapped us in today's stagnation and makes the society of 1778, as described in the letters of Diderot to Mlle. Voland, his mistress, or in the Memoirs of Madame d'Épinay, seem incomprehensible, one might wonder which of our successive governments has robbed us of the ability to enjoy ourselves and brought us closer to the most miserable people on earth. The only reasonable thing that those people have created—parliament and the integrity of their political parties—we are unable to even replicate. Instead, the most absurd of their depressing ideas, the spirit of dignity, has come among us to replace our French cheerfulness, which can now be found only in the five hundred balls on the outskirts of Paris or in the south of France, beyond Bordeaux.
[Pg 16]But which of our successive governments has cost us the fearful misfortune of anglicisation? Must we accuse that energetic government of 1793, which prevented the foreigners from coming to pitch their camp in Montmartre—that government which in a few years will seem heroic in our eyes and forms a worthy prelude to that, which under Napoleon, went forth to carry our name into all the capitals of Europe?
[Pg 16]But which of our successive governments has caused the terrible misfortune of anglicization? Should we blame the energetic government of 1793, which stopped foreigners from setting up camp in Montmartre—that government which, in a few years, will seem heroic to us and serves as a worthy prelude to the one that, under Napoleon, went out to spread our name across all the capitals of Europe?
We shall pass over the well-meaning stupidity of the Directoire, illustrated by the talents of Carnot and the immortal campaign of 1796–1797 in Italy.
We will overlook the misguided but well-intentioned foolishness of the Directoire, as shown by Carnot's abilities and the legendary campaign of 1796–1797 in Italy.
The corruption of the court of Barras still recalled something of the gaiety of the old order; the graces of Madame Bonaparte proved that we had no aptitude at that time for the churlishness and charnel-house of the English.
The corruption of Barras's court still remembered some of the joy of the old order; Madame Bonaparte's charm showed that we weren't ready for the harshness and decay of the English.
The profound respect, which despite the jealousy of the faubourg Saint-Germain, we could not but feel for the First Consul's method of government, and the men whose superior merit adorned the society of Paris—such as the Cretets and the Darus—relieves the Empire of the burden of responsibility for the remarkable change which has been effected, in the first half of the nineteenth century, in the character of the French.
The deep respect, which despite the envy of the Saint-Germain neighborhood, we couldn't help but have for the First Consul's way of governing, and the men of exceptional talent who enhanced Parisian society—like the Cretets and the Darus—takes the Empire off the hook for the significant transformation that occurred in the character of the French during the first half of the nineteenth century.
Unnecessary to carry my investigation further: the reader will reflect and be quite able to draw his own conclusions.
No need to continue my investigation: the reader will think it through and be fully capable of drawing their own conclusions.
BOOK I
ON LOVE
ON LOVE
CHAPTER I
LOVE
My aim is to comprehend that passion, of which every sincere development has a character of beauty.
My goal is to understand that passion, which every true growth possesses a quality of beauty.
There are four kinds of love.
There are four types of love.
1. Passion-love—that of the Portuguese nun(1), of Héloïse for Abelard, of Captain de Vésel, of Sergeant de Cento.
1. Passion-love—that of the Portuguese nun(1), of Héloïse for Abelard, of Captain de Vésel, of Sergeant de Cento.
2. Gallant love—that which ruled in Paris towards 1760, to be found in the memoirs and novels of the period, in Crébillon, Lauzun, Duclos, Marmontel, Chamfort, Mme. d'Épinay, etc. etc.
2. Gallant love—that which was popular in Paris around 1760, found in the memoirs and novels of the time, by Crébillon, Lauzun, Duclos, Marmontel, Chamfort, Mme. d'Épinay, and others.
'Tis a picture in which everything, to the very shadows, should be rose-colour, in which may enter nothing disagreeable under any pretext whatsoever, at the cost of a lapse of etiquette, of good taste, of refinement, etc. A man of breeding foresees all the ways of acting, that he is likely to adopt or meet with in the different phases of this love. True love is often less refined; for that in which there is no passion and nothing unforeseen, has always a store of ready wit: the latter is a cold and pretty miniature, the former a picture by the Carracci. Passion-love carries us away in defiance of all our interests, gallant love manages always to respect them. True, if we take from this poor love its vanity, there is very little left: once stripped, it is like a tottering convalescent, scarcely able to drag himself along.
It's a scene where everything, even the shadows, should be pink, where nothing unpleasant can enter for any reason, even if it means breaking etiquette, good taste, or sophistication. A well-bred person anticipates all the actions they might take or encounter during the different stages of love. True love is often less polished; because when there’s no passion and nothing unexpected, there’s always a ready supply of cleverness: the latter is a cool and pretty little picture, while the former is a masterpiece by the Carracci. Passionate love sweeps us away regardless of our interests, while romantic love always manages to respect them. It’s true that if you take away the vanity from this kind of love, there’s not much left: once stripped, it’s like a weak convalescent, barely able to move forward.
3. Physical love. Out hunting—a fresh, pretty country [Pg 20]girl crosses your path and escapes into the wood. Everyone knows the love founded on this kind of pleasure: and all begin that way at sixteen, however parched and unhappy the character.
3. Physical love. While hunting—in a fresh, beautiful countryside—a young girl crosses your path and runs into the woods. Everyone knows love that starts from this kind of pleasure: we all begin that way at sixteen, no matter how dry and unhappy our personalities might be. [Pg 20]
4. Vanity-love. The vast majority of men, especially in France, desire and have a fashionable woman, in the same way as a man gets a fine horse, as something which the luxury of a young man demands. Their vanity more or less flattered, more or less piqued, gives birth to transports of feelings. Sometimes there is also physical love, but by no means always: often there is not so much as physical pleasure. A duchess is never more than thirty for a bourgeois, said the Duchesse de Chaulnes, and those admitted to the Court of that just man, king Lewis of Holland, recall with amusement a pretty woman from the Hague, who could not help finding any man charming who was Duke or Prince. But true to the principle of monarchy, as soon as a Prince arrived at Court, the Duke was dismissed: she was, as it were, the decoration of the diplomatic body.
4. Vanity-love. Most men, especially in France, want a fashionable woman just like they would want a nice horse, as it's something a young man with money and status desires. Their vanity, whether it's satisfied or challenged, leads to intense emotions. Sometimes there's genuine physical attraction, but that's not always the case; often, there's not even any physical enjoyment. "A duchess is never more than thirty for a middle-class man," said the Duchesse de Chaulnes, and those who were part of the Court of the fair king Louis of Holland remember with amusement a charming woman from The Hague, who found every Duke or Prince attractive. But staying true to the monarchy’s principles, the moment a Prince showed up at Court, the Duke was out of the picture; she was basically a symbol of the diplomatic scene.
The happiest case of this uninspiring relationship is that in which to physical pleasure is added habit. In that case store of memories makes it resemble love a little; there is the pique of self-esteem and sadness on being left; then, romance forces upon us its ideas and we believe that we are in love and melancholy, for vanity aspires to credit itself with a great passion. This, at least, is certain that, whatever kind of love be the source of pleasure, as soon as the soul is stirred, the pleasure is keen and its memory alluring, and in this passion, contrary to most of the others, the memory of our losses seems always to exceed the bounds of what we can hope for in the future.
The best scenario in this uninspiring relationship is when physical pleasure is mixed with habit. In that case, the collection of memories makes it feel a bit like love; there's a sense of self-esteem and sadness when we're left behind. Then, romance imposes its ideas on us, and we convince ourselves that we're in love and feeling melancholy, because our vanity wants to claim a great passion. What’s certain is that, no matter the kind of love that brings pleasure, once the soul is stirred, the pleasure is intense and its memory enticing. In this passion, unlike most others, the memory of our losses always seems to surpass what we can realistically hope for in the future.
Sometimes, in vanity-love habit or despair of finding better produces a kind of friendship, of all kinds the least pleasant: it prides itself on its security, etc.[1]
Sometimes, out of the habit of vanity or the hopelessness of finding someone better, a certain type of friendship forms, which is the least enjoyable of all kinds: it boasts about its stability, etc.[1]
[Pg 21]Physical pleasure, being of our nature, is known to everybody, but it takes no more than a subordinate position in the eyes of tender and passionate souls. If they raise a laugh in the salons, if often they are made unhappy in the intrigues of society, in return the pleasure which they feel must remain always inaccessible to those hearts, whose beat only vanity and gold can quicken.
[Pg 21]Physical pleasure, which is part of our nature, is recognized by everyone, but it holds only a minor role for sensitive and passionate individuals. They might cause laughter in social gatherings, and they often find themselves unhappy in societal intrigues. However, the joy they experience will always be out of reach for those hearts that are only stirred by vanity and wealth.
A few virtuous and sensitive women have scarcely a conception of physical pleasures: they have so rarely risked them, if one may use the expression, and even then the transports of passion-love caused bodily pleasure almost to be forgotten.
A few virtuous and sensitive women hardly have any idea about physical pleasures: they have taken so few risks with them, if I may say so, and even then the ecstasies of passionate love almost made them forget about bodily pleasure.
There are men victims and instruments of diabolical pride, of a pride in the style of Alfieri. Those people who, perhaps, are cruel because, like Nero, judging all men after the pattern of their own heart, they are always a-tremble—such people, I say, can attain physical pleasure only in so far as it is accompanied by the greatest possible exercise of pride, in so far, that is to say, as they practise cruelties on the companion of their pleasures. Hence the horrors of Justine(2). At any rate such men have no sense of security.
There are male victims and tools of wicked pride, a pride reminiscent of Alfieri. Those individuals who, perhaps, are cruel because, like Nero, judge everyone by their own standards, are always on edge—these people, I mean, can only find physical pleasure if it comes with the greatest display of pride, meaning they inflict pain on those they enjoy being with. Hence the horrors of Justine(2). In any case, such men feel no sense of security.
To conclude, instead of distinguishing four different forms of love, we can easily admit eight or ten shades of difference. Perhaps mankind has as many ways of feeling as of seeing; but these differences of nomenclature alter in no degree the judgments which follow. Subject to the same laws, all forms of love, which can be seen here below, have their birth, life and death or ascend to immortality.[2]
To wrap up, rather than just recognizing four different forms of love, we can easily acknowledge eight or ten variations. Maybe people experience as many feelings as they do perspectives; however, these differences in names don’t change the judgments that arise. Governed by the same principles, all types of love that can be observed here on earth have their beginnings, existences, and endings, or they may reach immortality.[2]
[2] This book is a free translation of an Italian MS. of M. Lisio Visconti, a young man of the highest distinction, who died recently at Volterra, the place of his birth. The day of his sudden death he gave the translator permission to publish his Essay on Love, if means were found to shape it to a decorous form. Castel Fiorentino, June 10th, 1819.
[2] This book is a free translation of an Italian manuscript by M. Lisio Visconti, a distinguished young man who recently passed away in Volterra, his hometown. On the day of his unexpected death, he allowed the translator to publish his Essay on Love, provided there were resources to present it in an appropriate format. Castel Fiorentino, June 10th, 1819.
CHAPTER II
Birth of Love
This is what takes place in the soul:—
This is what happens in the soul:—
1. Admiration.
Respect.
2. A voice within says: "What pleasure to kiss, to be kissed."
2. A voice inside says: "What joy it is to kiss, to be kissed."
3. Hope(3).
Hope
We study her perfections: this is the moment at which a woman should yield to realise the greatest possible physical pleasure. In the case even of the most reserved women, their eyes redden at the moment when hope is conceived: the passion is so strong, the pleasure so keen, that it betrays itself by striking signs.
We examine her beauty: this is the moment when a woman should give in to experience the utmost physical pleasure. Even for the most reserved women, their eyes glisten when hope begins to form: the desire is so intense, the pleasure so sharp, that it reveals itself through noticeable signs.
4. Love is born.
Love is created.
To love—that is to have pleasure in seeing, touching, feeling, through all the senses and as near as possible, an object to be loved and that loves us.
To love means to take joy in seeing, touching, and feeling, through all our senses and as closely as possible, an object of our affection that also loves us back.
5. The first crystallisation begins.
5. The first crystallization starts.
The lover delights in decking with a thousand perfections the woman of whose love he is sure: he dwells on all the details of his happiness with a satisfaction that is boundless. He is simply magnifying a superb bounty just fallen to him from heaven,—he has no knowledge of it but the assurance of its possession.
The lover enjoys adorning the woman he loves with countless qualities. He focuses on every detail of his happiness with endless satisfaction. It's as if he's celebrating a wonderful gift that has just come to him from above—he knows nothing about it except that he has it.
Leave the mind of a lover to its natural movements for twenty-four hours, and this is what you will find.
Leave the mind of a lover to its natural flow for twenty-four hours, and this is what you will discover.
At the salt mines of Salzburg a branch stripped of its leaves by winter is thrown into the abandoned depths of the mine; taken out two or three months later it is covered with brilliant crystals; the smallest twigs, those [Pg 23]no stouter than the leg of a sparrow, are arrayed with an infinity of sparkling, dazzling diamonds; it is impossible to recognise the original branch.
At the salt mines of Salzburg, a branch that has lost its leaves to winter is tossed into the dark depths of the mine. Taken out two or three months later, it's coated in shiny crystals. Even the tiniest twigs, ones no thicker than a sparrow's leg, are adorned with countless sparkling diamonds; it's impossible to recognize the original branch.
I call crystallisation the operation of the mind which, from everything which is presented to it, draws the conclusion that there are new perfections in the object of its love.
I refer to crystallization as the mental process where, from everything presented to it, the mind concludes that there are new qualities in the object of its affection.
A traveller speaks of the freshness of the orange groves at Genoa, on the sea coast, during the scorching days of summer.—What pleasure to enjoy that freshness with her!
A traveler talks about the refreshing orange groves in Genoa, by the seaside, during the hot summer days. —What a joy it would be to share that freshness with her!
One of your friends breaks his arm in the hunting-field.—How sweet to be nursed by a woman you love! To be always with her, to see every moment her love for you, would make pain almost a blessing: and starting from the broken arm of your friend, you conclude with the absolute conviction of the angelic goodness of your mistress. In a word, it is enough to think of a perfection in order to see it in that which you love.
One of your friends breaks his arm while hunting. How nice it is to be cared for by a woman you love! Being with her all the time and seeing her love for you every moment would make even pain feel like a blessing. From your friend's broken arm, you come to the firm belief in the pure goodness of your partner. In short, just thinking about perfection allows you to see it in the one you love.
This phenomenon, which I venture to call crystallisation, is the product of human nature, which commands us to enjoy and sends warm blood rushing to our brain; it springs from the conviction that the pleasures of love increase with the perfections of its object, and from the idea: "She is mine." The savage has no time to go beyond the first step. He is delighted, but his mental activity is employed in following the flying deer in the forest, and with the flesh with which he must as soon as possible repair his forces, or fall beneath the axe of his enemy.
This phenomenon, which I dare to call crystallization, comes from human nature, which compels us to seek pleasure and sends adrenaline rushing to our brains. It arises from the belief that the joys of love grow with the qualities of its object, and from the thought: "She is mine." The primitive person doesn’t have time to go beyond that initial step. He feels happy, but his mental energy is focused on chasing the fleeting deer in the woods and on the meat he must quickly gather to regain his strength or risk falling to his enemy’s axe.
At the other pole of civilisation, I have no doubt that a sensitive woman may come to the point of feeling no physical pleasure but with the man she loves.[1] It is the opposite with the savage. But among civilised peoples, woman has leisure at her disposal, while the savage is so pressed with necessary occupations that he is forced to [Pg 24]treat his female as a beast of burden. If the females of many animals are more fortunate, it is because the subsistence of the males is more assured.
At the other end of civilization, I’m sure that a sensitive woman may only feel physical pleasure with the man she loves.[1] It’s the opposite for the savage. But in civilized societies, women have the luxury of free time, while the savage is so occupied with essential tasks that he has to treat his female as a beast of burden. If many female animals are better off, it’s because the males' ability to provide is more secure.
But let us leave the backwoods again for Paris. A man of passion sees all perfections in that which he loves. And yet his attention may still be distracted; for the soul has its surfeit of all that is uniform, even of perfect bliss.[2]
But let's leave the countryside for Paris again. A passionate person sees all the good things in what they love. And yet, their focus can still wander; the soul can get tired of anything that’s too uniform, even perfect happiness.[2]
This is what happens to distract his attention:—
This is what distracts him:—
6. Birth of Doubt.
Birth of Doubt.
After ten or twelve glances, or some other series of actions, which can last as well several days as one moment, hopes are first given and later confirmed. The lover, recovered from his first surprise and, accustomed to his happiness or guided by theory, which, always based on the most frequent cases, must only take light women into account—the lover, I say, demands more positive proofs and wishes to press his good fortune.
After ten or twelve looks, or some other series of actions that can last anywhere from a few days to just a moment, hopes are first raised and then confirmed. The lover, having gotten over his initial surprise and used to his happiness or influenced by the idea that usually only easy-going women are considered—the lover, I mean, seeks more solid proof and wants to take advantage of his good fortune.
He is parried with indifference,[3] coldness, even anger, if he show too much assurance—in France a shade of irony, which seems to say: "You are not quite as far as you think."
He is met with indifference,[3] coldness, even anger, if he shows too much confidence—in France, there's a hint of irony that seems to say: "You're not as far along as you think."
A woman behaves in this way, either because she wakes up from a moment of intoxication, and obeys the word of modesty, which she trembles to have infringed, or simply through prudence or coquetry.
A woman acts this way either because she comes to her senses after a moment of being tipsy and follows the call of modesty, which she fears she has violated, or simply out of caution or flirtation.
[Pg 25]The lover comes to doubt of the happiness, to which he looked forward: he scans more narrowly the reasons that he fancied he had for hope.
[Pg 25]The lover starts to question the happiness he was anticipating; he examines more closely the reasons he thought he had for hope.
He would like to fall back upon the other pleasures of life, and finds them annihilated. He is seized with the fear of a terrible disaster, and at the same time with a profound preoccupation.
He wants to rely on the other joys of life, but they feel completely wiped out. He is overwhelmed by the fear of a terrible disaster and also deeply preoccupied.
7. Second crystallisation.
7. Second crystallization.
Here begins the second crystallisation, which forms diamonds out of the proofs of the idea—"She loves me."
Here starts the second crystallization, which transforms the evidence of the idea into diamonds—"She loves me."
The night which follows the birth of doubts, every quarter of an hour, after a moment of fearful unhappiness, the lover says to himself—"Yes, she loves me"—and crystallisation has its turn, discovering new charms. Then doubt with haggard eye grapples him and brings him to a standstill, blank. His heart forgets to beat—"But does she love me?" he says to himself. Between these alternatives, agonising and rapturous, the poor lover feels in his very soul: "She would give me pleasures, which she alone can give me and no one else."
The night after the birth of doubts, every fifteen minutes, after a moment of deep unhappiness, the lover tells himself, “Yes, she loves me”—and he finds new reasons to feel charmed. Then doubt, with a gaunt look, takes hold of him and leaves him frozen, blank. His heart seems to stop—“But does she love me?” he questions himself. Caught between these agonizing and blissful thoughts, the poor lover feels in his very soul: “She would give me pleasures that only she can provide and no one else.”
It is the palpability of this truth, this path on the extreme edge of a terrible abyss and within touch, on the other hand, of perfect happiness, which gives so great a superiority to the second crystallisation over the first.
It is the undeniable nature of this truth, this path on the brink of a terrible abyss and yet within reach of perfect happiness, that makes the second crystallization far superior to the first.
The lover wanders from moment to moment between these three ideas:—
The lover drifts from moment to moment between these three ideas:—
- She has every perfection.
- She loves me.
- What means of obtaining the greatest proof of her love?
The most agonising moment of love, still young, is when it sees the false reasoning it has made, and must destroy a whole span of crystallisation.
The most painful moment of young love is when it realizes the flawed reasoning it's built and has to let go of everything it had hoped for.
Doubt is the natural outcome of crystallisation.
Doubt is the natural result of crystallization.
[1] If this peculiarity is not observed in the case of man, the reason is that on his side there is no modesty to be for a moment sacrificed.
Below is a short piece of text (5 words or fewer). Modernize it into contemporary English if there's enough context, but do not add or omit any information. If context is insufficient, return it unchanged. Do not add commentary, and do not modify any placeholders. If you see placeholders of the form __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_x__, you must keep them exactly as-is so they can be replaced with links. If this unusual trait isn’t seen in humans, it’s because, on their part, there’s no modesty that can be sacrificed, even for a moment.
[2] That is to say, that the same tone of existence can give but one instant of perfect happiness; but with a man of passion, his mood changes ten times a day.
[2] In other words, the same way of living can provide only one moment of true happiness; however, a passionate person can experience ten different moods in a single day.
[3] The coup de foudre (thunderbolt from the blue), as it was called in the novels of the seventeenth century, which disposes of the fate of the hero and his mistress, is a movement of the soul, which for having been abused by a host of scribblers, is experienced none the less in real life. It comes from the impossibility of this defensive manoeuvre. The woman who loves finds too much happiness in the sentiment, which she feels, to carry through successful deception: tired of prudence, she neglects all precaution and yields blindly to the passion of loving. Diffidence makes the coup de foudre impossible.
[3] The coup de foudre (lightning strike), as it was referred to in the novels of the seventeenth century, which determines the fate of the hero and his love, is a movement of the soul. Although it's been misrepresented by countless writers, it is still experienced in real life. It arises from the impossibility of this defensive maneuver. The woman in love finds too much joy in her feelings to successfully deceive; weary of caution, she disregards all precautions and blindly surrenders to the passion of love. Hesitation makes the coup de foudre impossible.
CHAPTER III
Hope
A very small degree of hope is enough to cause the birth of love.
A tiny bit of hope is all you need to spark the beginning of love.
In the course of events hope may fail—love is none the less born. With a firm, daring and impetuous character, and in an imagination developed by the troubles of life, the degree of hope may be smaller: it can come sooner to an end, without killing love.
In the course of events, hope may fade—but love is still born. With a strong, bold, and passionate personality, and an imagination shaped by life's challenges, the level of hope might be less: it can end sooner without destroying love.
If a lover has had troubles, if he is of a tender, thoughtful character, if he despairs of other women, and if his admiration is intense for her whom he loves, no ordinary pleasure will succeed in distracting him from the second crystallisation. He will prefer to dream of the most doubtful chance of pleasing her one day, than to accept from an ordinary woman all she could lavish.
If a lover has faced struggles, if he is a sensitive and thoughtful person, if he feels hopeless about other women, and if his admiration for the one he loves is strong, no average pleasure will be able to distract him from the deepening of his feelings. He would rather fantasize about the slim chance of making her happy someday than accept everything an ordinary woman has to offer.
The woman whom he loves would have to kill his hope at that period, and (note carefully, not later) in some inhuman manner, and overwhelm him with those marks of patent contempt, which make it impossible to appear again in public.
The woman he loves would have to crush his hope during that time, and (pay attention, not later) in a really cruel way, and make him feel so disrespected that he could never show his face in public again.
Far longer delays between all these periods are compatible with the birth of love.
Much longer delays between all these times can still allow for the birth of love.
It demands much more hope and much more substantial hope, in the case of the cold, the phlegmatic and the prudent. The same is true of people no longer young.
It requires a lot more hope and a deeper kind of hope for those who are reserved, calm, and cautious. The same applies to those who are no longer young.
It is the second crystallisation which ensures love's duration, for then every moment makes it clear that the question is—be loved or die. Long months of love have [Pg 27]turned into habit this conviction of our every moment—how find means to support the thought of loving no more? The stronger the character the less is it subject to inconstancy.
It’s the second crystallization that guarantees the lasting nature of love, because at that point, every moment reveals that the choice is—be loved or perish. Long months of love have [Pg 27]turned this belief into a habit—how can we continue to think of loving no longer? The stronger the character, the less it is prone to inconsistency.
This second crystallisation is almost entirely absent from the passions inspired by women who yield too soon.
This second crystallization is almost completely missing from the feelings caused by women who give in too quickly.
After the crystallisations have worked—especially the second, which is far the stronger—the branch is no longer to be recognised by indifferent eyes, for:—
After the crystallizations have done their job—especially the second one, which is much stronger—the branch can no longer be recognized by casual observers, because:—
(1) It is adorned with perfections which they do not see.
(1) It is decorated with qualities that they don't notice.
(2) It is adorned with perfections which for them are not perfections at all.
(2) It’s decorated with qualities that they don’t see as qualities at all.
An unexpected answer, which makes me see more clearly a tender, generous, ardent, or, as it is popularly called, romantic[2] soul, preferring to the happiness of kings the simple pleasures of a walk with the loved one at midnight in a lonely wood, gives me food for dreams[3] for a whole night.
An unexpected answer makes me see more clearly a tender, generous, passionate, or what people commonly call a romantic[2] soul, who chooses the simple joys of a midnight stroll with their loved one in a quiet forest over the happiness of kings, providing me with material for dreams[3] for an entire night.
Let him call my mistress a prude: I shall call his a whore.
Let him call my girlfriend a prude: I’ll call his a whore.
[1] I have called this essay a book of Ideology. My object was to indicate that, though it is called "Love," it is not a novel and still less diverting like a novel. I apologise to philosophers for having taken the word Ideology: I certainly did not intend to usurp a title which is the right of another. If Ideology is a detailed description of ideas and all the parts which can compose ideas, the present book is a detailed description of all the feelings which can compose the passion called Love. Proceeding, I draw certain consequences from this description: for example, the manner of love's cure. I know no word to say in Greek "discourse on ideas." I might have had a word invented by one of my learned friends, but I am already vexed enough at having to adopt the new word crystallisation, and, if this essay finds readers, it is quite possible that they will not allow my new word to pass. To avoid it, I own, would have been the work of literary talent: I tried, but without success. Without this word, which expresses, according to me, the principal phenomenon of that madness called Love—madness, however, which procures for man the greatest pleasures which it is given to the beings of his species to taste on earth—without the use of this word, which it were necessary to replace at every step by a paraphrase of considerable length, the description, which I give of what passes in the head and the heart of a man in love, would have become obscure, heavy and tedious, even for me who am the author: what would it have been for the reader?
[1] I’ve called this essay a book of Ideology. My aim was to show that, even though it’s titled "Love," it’s not a novel, nor is it entertaining like one. I apologize to philosophers for borrowing the term Ideology; I definitely didn’t mean to claim a term that belongs to someone else. If Ideology refers to a detailed description of ideas and all their components, this book offers a thorough exploration of all the feelings that make up the passion known as Love. As I go on, I draw certain conclusions from this examination, such as how to heal from love. I don’t know the Greek term for "discourse on ideas." I could have invented a word with the help of one of my knowledgeable friends, but I’m already frustrated with having to use the new word crystallisation, and if this essay finds an audience, it's quite possible they won’t accept my new term. Honestly, finding a substitute would have required literary skill: I tried, but didn’t succeed. Without this term, which I believe captures the key aspect of that madness we call Love—madness that, however, brings humanity the greatest pleasures available to our kind on earth—without this term, which would need to be replaced constantly with lengthy paraphrases, the description I provide of what goes on in the mind and heart of a person in love would have become confusing, cumbersome, and tedious, even for me as the author; imagine how it would be for the reader!
I invite, therefore, the reader, whose feelings the word crystallisation shocks too much, to close the book. To be read by many forms no part of my prayers—happily, no doubt, for me. I should love dearly to give great pleasure to thirty or forty people of Paris, whom I shall never see, but for whom, without knowing, I have a blind affection. Some young Madame Roland, for example, reading her book in secret and precious quickly hiding it, at the least noise, in the drawers of her father's bench—her father the engraver of watches. A soul like that of Madame Roland will forgive me, I hope, not only the word crystallisation, used to express that act of madness which makes us perceive every beauty, every kind of perfection, in the woman whom we begin to love, but also several too daring ellipses besides. The reader has only to take a pencil and write between the lines the five or six words which are missing.
I invite the reader, whose feelings are too shocked by the word crystallisation, to close the book. It doesn’t matter to me if many people read it—thankfully, I’m sure. I would love to bring joy to thirty or forty people in Paris, whom I’ll never meet, but for whom, unknowingly, I feel a blind affection. Some young Madame Roland, for example, sneaking a read of her book in secret and quickly hiding it in her father's workbench drawers at the slightest sound—her father, the watch engraver. I hope a soul like Madame Roland’s will forgive me, not just for using the word crystallisation to describe that mad moment when we see every beauty and perfection in the woman we begin to love, but also for a few bold omissions elsewhere. The reader just needs to grab a pencil and fill in the five or six missing words between the lines.
[2] All his actions had at first in my eyes that heavenly air, which makes of a man a being apart, and differentiates him from all others. I thought that I could read in his eyes that thirst for a happiness more sublime, that unavowed melancholy, which yearns for something better than we find here below, and which in all the trials that fortune and revolution can bring upon a romantic soul,
[2] At first, all his actions seemed to me to have an uplifting quality that set him apart from everyone else. I felt I could see in his eyes a longing for a deeper happiness, that unspoken sadness that yearns for something better than what we have here, and which endures through all the challenges that fate and revolution can throw at a romantic soul,
For what we want to live for or are willing to die for.
(Last letter of Bianca to her mother. Forlì, 1817.)
(Last letter of Bianca to her mother. Forlì, 1817.)
[3] It is in order to abridge and to be able to paint the interior of the soul, that the author, using the formula of the first person, alleges several feelings to which he is a stranger: personally, he never had any which would be worth quoting.
[3] To summarize and capture the inner workings of the soul, the author uses first-person narration to express several emotions that he doesn’t actually feel himself: in reality, he hasn’t experienced any that are noteworthy.
CHAPTER IV
In a soul completely detached—a girl living in a lonely castle in the depth of the country—the slightest astonishment may bring on a slight admiration, and, if the faintest hope intervene, cause the birth of love and crystallisation(4).
In a soul fully detached—a girl living in a remote castle in the countryside—even the smallest surprise can spark a bit of admiration, and if the tiniest glimmer of hope comes into play, it can lead to the emergence of love and crystallization(4).
In this case love delights, to begin with, just as a diversion.
In this case, love is enjoyable, to start with, just as a distraction.
Surprise and hope are strongly supported by the need, felt at the age of sixteen, of love and sadness. It is well known that the restlessness of that age is a thirst for love, and a peculiarity of thirst is not to be extremely fastidious about the kind of draught that fortune offers.
Surprise and hope are deeply rooted in the desire for love and the feelings of sadness experienced at sixteen. It's common knowledge that the restlessness of this age comes from a longing for love, and when you're thirsty for it, you don't get too picky about the kind of opportunity life throws your way.
Let us recapitulate the seven stages of love. They are:—
Let’s recap the seven stages of love. They are:—
- Admiration.
- What pleasure, etc.
- Hope.
- Love is born.
- First crystallisation.
- Doubt appears.
- Second crystallisation.
Between Nos. 1 and 2 may pass one year. One month between Nos. 2 and 3; but if hope does not make haste in coming, No. 2 is insensibly resigned as a source of unhappiness.
Between Nos. 1 and 2, a year can go by. One month can pass between Nos. 2 and 3; but if hope doesn't arrive quickly, No. 2 will quietly accept its role as a source of unhappiness.
A twinkling of the eye between Nos. 3 and 4.
A quick blink between Nos. 3 and 4.
There is no interval between Nos. 4 and 5. The sequence can only be broken by intimate intercourse.
There is no gap between Nos. 4 and 5. The only way to break the sequence is through intimate intercourse.
Some days may pass between Nos. 5 and 6, according to the degree to which the character is impetuous and used to risk, but between Nos. 6 and 7 there is no interval.
Some days might go by between Nos. 5 and 6, depending on how impulsive and accustomed to risk the character is, but there is no gap between Nos. 6 and 7.
CHAPTER V
Man is not free to avoid doing that which gives him more pleasure to do than all other possible actions.[1]
Man can't escape doing what brings him more pleasure than any other possible action.[1]
Love is like the fever(5), it is born and spends itself without the slightest intervention of the will. That is one of the principal differences between gallant-love and passion-love. And you cannot give yourself credit for the fair qualities in what you really love, any more than for a happy chance.
Love is like a fever(5); it comes on and takes over without any real control from you. That’s one of the main differences between romantic love and passionate love. You can’t claim the good qualities of what you truly love any more than you can take credit for a lucky accident.
Further, love is of all ages: observe the passion of Madame du Deffant for the graceless Horace Walpole. A more recent and more pleasing example is perhaps still remembered in Paris.
Further, love exists in every era: look at Madame du Deffant's intense feelings for the shameless Horace Walpole. A more recent and more enjoyable example is probably still remembered in Paris.
In proof of great passions I admit only those of their consequences, which are exposed to ridicule: timidity, for example, proves love. I am not speaking of the bashfulness of the enfranchised schoolboy.
In proving strong feelings, I only acknowledge the ones that lead to ridicule: for instance, shyness shows love. I'm not talking about the awkwardness of a newly freed schoolboy.
CHAPTER VI
Salzburg Crystals
Crystallisation scarcely ceases at all during love. This is its history: so long as all is well between the lover and the loved, there is crystallisation by imaginary solution; it is only imagination which make him sure that such and such perfection exists in the woman he loves. But after intimate intercourse, fears are continually coming to life, to be allayed only by more real solutions. Thus his happiness is only uniform in its source. Each day has a different bloom.
Crystallization hardly ever stops during love. Here's how it goes: as long as everything is good between the lover and the beloved, there's crystallization through imagined solutions; it’s only imagination that leads him to believe that certain perfections exist in the woman he loves. But after they've been close, worries keep surfacing, which can only be soothed by more tangible solutions. So, his happiness is consistent only in where it comes from. Each day brings a different glow.
If the loved one yields to the passion, which she shares, and falls into the enormous error of killing fear by the eagerness of her transports,[1] crystallisation ceases for an instant; but when love loses some of its eagerness, that is to say some of its fears, it acquires the charm of entire abandon, of confidence without limits: a sense of sweet familiarity comes to take the edge from all the pains of life, and give to fruition another kind of interest.
If the one she loves gives in to the passion they share and makes the huge mistake of overcoming fear with her eagerness,[1] the intense feelings momentarily freeze; but when love eases up on some of its passion, or in other words, some of its fears, it gains the allure of total surrender and limitless trust: a comforting familiarity softens all life’s troubles and adds a different kind of interest to the experience.
Are you deserted?—Crystallisation begins again; and every glance of admiration, the sight of every happiness which she can give you, and of which you thought no longer, leads up to this agonising reflexion: "That happiness, that charm, I shall meet it no more. It is lost and the fault is mine!" You may look for happiness in sensations of another kind. Your heart refuses to feel them. Imagination depicts for you well enough the physical situation, mounts you well enough on a fast hunter in [Pg 32]Devonshire woods.[2] But you feel quite certain that there you would find no pleasure. It is the optical illusion produced by a pistol shot.
Are you feeling abandoned?—The process of crystallization starts again; every admiring glance, every moment of happiness that she brings you, and that you thought was gone forever, leads to this painful realization: "That happiness, that charm, I won't experience it again. It's lost, and it's my fault!" You might search for happiness in different experiences. Your heart refuses to accept them. Your imagination paints a clear picture of the physical situation, even places you on a fast horse in the [Pg 32]Devonshire woods.[2] But you know for sure that you wouldn't enjoy it there. It's just an optical illusion triggered by a gunshot.
Gaming has also its crystallisation, provoked by the use of the sum of money to be won.
Gaming has also become more defined, driven by the chance to win money.
The hazards of Court life, so regretted by the nobility, under the name of Legitimists, attached themselves so dearly only by the crystallisation they provoked. No courtier existed who did not dream of the rapid fortune of a Luynes or a Lauzun, no charming woman who did not see in prospect the duchy of Madame de Polignac. No rationalist government can give back that crystallisation. Nothing is so anti-imagination as the government of the United States of America. We have noticed that to their neighbours, the savages, crystallisation is almost unknown. The Romans scarcely had an idea of it, and discovered it only for physical love.
The risks of court life that the nobility, known as Legitimists, lamented were only so valuable because of the crystallization they inspired. There wasn’t a courtier who didn’t fantasize about the quick fortune of a Luynes or a Lauzun, and no appealing woman who didn’t envision the duchy of Madame de Polignac. No rational government can restore that sense of crystallization. There’s nothing so anti-imagination as the government of the United States. We’ve noticed that among their neighbors, the indigenous people, crystallization is nearly unheard of. The Romans hardly understood it and only discovered it in relation to physical love.
Hate has its crystallisation: as soon as it is possible to hope for revenge, hate begins again.
Hate has its peak: once there's a chance for revenge, hate starts all over again.
If every creed, in which there is absurdity and inconsequence, tends to place at the head of the party the people who are most absurd, that is one more of the effects of crystallisation. Even in mathematics (observe the Newtonians in 1740) crystallisation goes on in the mind, which cannot keep before it at every moment every part of the demonstration of that which it believes.
If every belief system, which contains absurdity and inconsistency, tends to put the most absurd people in charge, that's just another result of crystallization. Even in mathematics (look at the Newtonians in 1740), crystallization happens in the mind, which can't keep every part of the proof of what it believes in view at all times.
In proof, see the destiny of the great German philosophers, whose immortality, proclaimed so often, never manages to last longer than thirty or forty years.
In proof, see the fate of the great German philosophers, whose lasting impact, often claimed to be eternal, never seems to extend beyond thirty or forty years.
It is the impossibility of fathoming the "why?" of our feelings, which makes the most reasonable man a fanatic in music.
It's the inability to understand the "why?" of our emotions that turns the most logical person into a music fanatic.
In face of certain contradictions it is not possible to be convinced at will that we are right.
In the face of certain contradictions, it's not possible to just decide that we are right.
[2] If you could imagine being happy in that position, crystallisation would have deferred to your mistress the exclusive privilege of giving you that happiness.
[2] If you could picture yourself happy in that situation, crystallization would have granted your mistress the sole right to provide you with that happiness.
CHAPTER VII
DIFFERENCES IN HOW LOVE BEGINS IN
THE TWO GENDERS
Women attach themselves by the favours they dispense. As nineteen-twentieths of their ordinary dreams are relative to love, after intimate intercourse these day-dreams group themselves round a single object; they have to justify a course so extraordinary, so decisive, so contrary to all the habits of modesty. Men have no such task; and, besides, the imagination of women has time to work in detail upon the sweetness of such moments.
Women cling to the affection they give. Since most of their everyday dreams are about love, after close interactions, these fantasies focus on a single idea; they need to make sense of a choice that feels so unusual, so definitive, and so against all the norms of modesty. Men don’t have this same challenge; plus, women have the time to think deeply about the joy of these experiences.
As love casts doubts upon things the best proved, the woman who, before she gave herself, was perfectly sure that her lover was a man above the crowd, no sooner thinks she has nothing left to refuse him, than she is all fears lest he was only trying to put one more woman on his list.
As love brings doubts about even the most certain things, the woman who was completely confident that her partner was exceptional starts to worry as soon as she thinks she has nothing left to hold back. Now, she fears he might just be looking to add another woman to his list.
Then, and then only appears the second crystallisation, which, being hand in hand with fear, is far the stronger.[1]
Then, and only then, does the second crystallization appear, which, being closely linked with fear, is much stronger.[1]
Yesterday a queen, to-day she sees herself a slave. This state of soul and mind is encouraged in a woman by the nervous intoxication resulting from pleasures, which are just so much keener as they are more rare. Besides, a woman before her embroidery frame—insipid work which only occupies the hand—is thinking about her lover; while he is galloping with his squadron over the [Pg 34]plain, where leading one wrong movement would bring him under arrest.
Yesterday she was a queen, today she sees herself as a slave. This state of mind and spirit is fueled in a woman by the nervous excitement from pleasures that are so much more intense because they are so rare. Also, a woman sitting at her embroidery frame—tedious work that only keeps her hands busy—is thinking about her lover; meanwhile, he is charging across the [Pg 34]plain, where one wrong move could get him arrested.
I should think, therefore, that the second crystallisation must be far stronger in the case of women, because theirs are more vivid fears; their vanity and honour are compromised; distraction at least is more difficult.
I believe that the second crystallization is likely much stronger for women because their fears are more intense; their vanity and honor are at stake; it's also harder for them to find distraction.
A woman cannot be guided by the habit of being reasonable, which I, Man, working at things cold and reasonable for six hours every day, contract at my office perforce. Even outside love, women are inclined to abandon themselves to their imagination and habitual high spirits: faults, therefore, in the object of their love ought more rapidly to disappear.
A woman can't just rely on being reasonable, which I, as a man, tend to do after working in a logical and structured way for six hours every day at my job. Even aside from love, women often let themselves get carried away by their imagination and natural cheerfulness. So, flaws in the person they love should fade away more quickly.
Women prefer emotion to reason—that is plain: in virtue of the futility of our customs, none of the affairs of the family fall on their shoulders, so that reason is of no use to them and they never find it of any practical good.
Women prefer emotion over reason—that's clear. Due to the uselessness of our customs, none of the family responsibilities rest on their shoulders, so reason offers them no value, and they never find it practically useful.
On the contrary, to them it is always harmful; for the only object of its appearance is to scold them for the pleasures of yesterday, or forbid them others for tomorrow.
On the contrary, for them it is always damaging; the only purpose of its presence is to criticize them for the pleasures of the past or to deny them others for the future.
Give over to your wife the management of your dealings with the bailiffs of two of your farms—I wager the accounts will be kept better than by you, and then, sorry tyrant, you will have the right at least to complain, since to make yourself loved you do not possess the talent. As soon as women enter on general reasonings, they are unconsciously making love. But in matters of detail they take pride in being stricter and more exact than men. Half the small trading is put into the hands of women, who acquit themselves of it better than their husbands. It is a well-known maxim that, if you are speaking business with a woman, you cannot be too serious.
Hand over the management of your dealings with the bailiffs of your two farms to your wife—I bet the accounts will be managed better than you do, and then, sorry tyrant, you'll at least have the right to complain, since you just don’t have the talent to make yourself liked. When women start discussing general topics, they’re unknowingly flirting. But when it comes to details, they take pride in being stricter and more precise than men. Women handle half of the small trading, and they do it better than their husbands. It’s a well-known saying that when you’re discussing business with a woman, you have to be very serious.
This is because they are at all times and in all places greedy of emotion.—Observe the pleasures of burial rites in Scotland.
This is because they are always and everywhere eager for emotion.—Look at the enjoyment of burial rituals in Scotland.
CHAPTER VIII
This was her favoured fairy realm, and here she erected her aerial palaces.—Bride of Lammermoor, Chap. III.
This was her favorite fairy kingdom, and here she built her sky castles.—Bride of Lammermoor, Chap. III.
A girl of eighteen has not enough crystallisation in her power, forms desires too limited by her narrow experiences of the things of life, to be in a position to love with as much passion as a woman of twenty-eight(4).
A girl of eighteen doesn't have enough clarity in her abilities and has desires that are too restricted by her limited experiences in life to love with as much passion as a woman of twenty-eight(4).
This evening I was exposing this doctrine to a clever woman, who maintains the contrary. "A girl's imagination being chilled by no disagreeable experience, and the prime of youth burning with all its force, any man can be the motive upon which she creates a ravishing image. Every time that she meets her lover, she will enjoy, not what he is in reality, but that image of delight which she has created for herself.
This evening I was explaining this idea to a smart woman who disagrees. "A girl’s imagination, untouched by any unpleasant experiences and fueled by the full energy of youth, can be inspired by any man to create an enchanting vision. Whenever she sees her lover, she won’t appreciate him for who he truly is, but instead enjoy the beautiful image she has formed in her mind."
"Later, she is by this lover and by all men disillusioned, experience of the dark reality has lessened in her the power of crystallisation, mistrust has clipped the wings of imagination. At the instance of no man on earth, were he a very prodigy, could she form so irresistible an image: she could love no more with the same fire of her first youth. And as in love it is only the illusion formed by ourselves which we enjoy, never can the image, which she may create herself at twenty-eight, have the brilliance and the loftiness on which first love was built at sixteen: the second will always seem of a degenerate species."
"Later, she feels disillusioned by this lover and all men. Her experiences with harsh reality have weakened her ability to dream, and her mistrust has stifled her imagination. No matter how amazing a man might be, she can't create an irresistible image of him anymore; she can’t love with the same passion as in her youth. In love, it’s the illusions we create that we enjoy, and the image she can conjure at twenty-eight will never have the same brilliance and elevation that her first love had at sixteen: the second will always feel like a lesser version."
"No, madam. Evidently it is the presence of mistrust, absent at sixteen, which must give to this second love a different colour. In early youth love is like an immense stream, which sweeps all before it in its course, [Pg 36]and we feel that we cannot resist it. Now at twenty-eight a gentle heart knows itself: it knows that, if it is still to find some happiness in life, from love it must be claimed; and this poor, torn heart becomes the seat of a fearful struggle between love and mistrust. Crystallisation proceeds gradually; but the crystallisation, which emerges triumphant from this terrible proof, in which the soul in all its movements never loses sight of the most awful danger, is a thousand times more brilliant and more solid than crystallisation at sixteen, in which everything, by right of age, is gaiety and happiness."
"No, ma’am. Clearly, it’s the presence of mistrust, which wasn’t there at sixteen, that gives this second love a different vibe. In early youth, love is like a massive river that sweeps everything along with it, and we feel we can’t resist it. But now, at twenty-eight, a tender heart knows itself: it understands that if it’s to find any happiness in life, it must demand it from love; and this poor, torn heart becomes the battleground for a fierce struggle between love and mistrust. The process of crystallization happens slowly; however, the crystallization that emerges victorious from this intense trial, where the soul never loses sight of the most terrifying danger in all its movements, is a thousand times more radiant and solid than the crystallization experienced at sixteen, where everything, by virtue of youth, is joy and happiness."
"In this way love should be less gay and more passionate."[1]
"In this way, love should be less carefree and more intense."[1]
This conversation (Bologna, 9 March, 1820), bringing into doubt a point which seemed to me so clear, makes me believe more and more, that a man can say practically nothing with any sense on that which happens in the inmost heart of a woman of feeling: as to a coquet it is different—we also have senses and vanity.
This conversation (Bologna, March 9, 1820), which questioned something I thought was so obvious, makes me believe more and more that a person can hardly say anything meaningful about what goes on in the deepest feelings of an emotional woman: with a flirt, it's a different story—we also have feelings and vanity.
The disparity between the birth of love in the two sexes would seem to come from the nature of their hopes, which are different. One attacks, the other defends; one asks, the other refuses; one is daring, the other timid.
The difference in how love begins for men and women seems to stem from their different hopes. One pursues, while the other protects; one seeks, while the other holds back; one is bold, while the other is cautious.
The man reflects: "Can I please her? Will she love me?"
The man thinks, "Can I make her happy? Will she love me?"
The woman: "When he says he loves me, isn't it for sport? Is his a solid character? Can he answer to himself for the length of his attachments?" Thus it is that many women regard and treat a young man of twenty-three as a child. If he has gone through six campaigns, he finds everything different—he is a young hero.
The woman: "When he says he loves me, isn’t it just for fun? Does he have a strong character? Can he really commit to his relationships?" This is how many women see and treat a twenty-three-year-old guy as if he’s still a child. But if he’s gone through six battles, he views everything differently—he's a young hero.
On the man's side, hope depends simply on the actions of that which he loves—nothing easier to interpret. On the side of woman, hope must rest on moral considerations—very difficult rightly to appreciate.
On the man's side, hope relies simply on the actions of what he loves—nothing easier to understand. On the woman's side, hope must be based on moral considerations—very challenging to fully grasp.
[Pg 37]Most men demand such a proof of love, as to their mind dissipates all doubts; women are not so fortunate as to be able to find such a proof. And there is in life this trouble for lovers—that what makes the security and happiness of one, makes the danger and almost the humiliation of the other.
[Pg 37]Most men expect a kind of proof of love that wipes away all doubts; women aren't as lucky to find such proof. In life, there's this challenge for lovers—that what brings security and happiness to one, brings danger and almost humiliation to the other.
In love, men run the risk of the secret torture of the soul—women expose themselves to the scoffs of the public; they are more timid, and, besides, for them public opinion means much more.—"Sois considérée, il le faut."[2]
In love, men risk the hidden agony of the soul—women put themselves at the mercy of public mockery; they are more cautious, and for them, public opinion carries much more weight.—"Be seen, it’s a must."[2]
They have not that sure means of ours of mastering public opinion by risking for an instant their life.
They don't have that reliable way of influencing public opinion by putting their lives on the line for even a moment.
Women, then, must naturally be far more mistrustful. In virtue of their habits, all the mental movements, which form periods in the birth of love, are in their case more mild, more timid, more gradual and less decided. There is therefore a greater disposition to constancy; they will less easily withdraw from a crystallisation once begun.
Women, then, must naturally be much more cautious. Because of their experiences, all the mental processes that create the stages of falling in love are, for them, more gentle, more hesitant, more gradual, and less definitive. This leads to a stronger tendency for commitment; they are less likely to back away from a connection once it has started to form.
A woman, seeing her lover, reflects with rapidity, or yields to the happiness of loving—happiness from which she is recalled in a disagreeable manner, if he make the least attack; for at the call to arms all pleasures must be abandoned.
A woman, seeing her lover, quickly reflects or gives in to the joy of love—joy that is interrupted in an unpleasant way if he makes even the slightest demand; for at the call to action, all pleasures must be set aside.
A woman is capable of loving and, for an entire year, not saying more than ten or twelve words to the man whom she loves. At the bottom of her heart she keeps note how often she has seen him—twice she went with him to the theatre, twice she sat near him at dinner, three times he bowed to her out walking.
A woman can love someone and, for a whole year, say no more than ten or twelve words to the man she loves. Deep down, she keeps track of how often she has seen him—she went to the theater with him twice, sat near him at dinner twice, and he bowed to her three times while they were out walking.
One evening during some game he kissed her hand: it is to be noticed that she allows no one since to kiss it under any pretext, at the risk even of seeming peculiar.
One evening during a game, he kissed her hand; it's worth noting that she hasn't allowed anyone to kiss it since, even if it might seem a bit strange.
In a man, Léonore(6) remarked to me, such conduct would be called a feminine way of love.
In a guy, Léonore(6) mentioned to me, that kind of behavior would be seen as a feminine approach to love.
[2] Remember the maxim of Beaumarchais: "Nature has said to woman: 'Be fair if you can, wise if you wish, but be estimed—you must.' No admiration in France without estime—equally no love."
[2] Remember Beaumarchais's saying: "Nature has told woman: 'Be beautiful if you can, smart if you want, but be valued—that’s a must.' There’s no admiration in France without value—and no love either."
Whoever will never be separated from me, The mouth kissed me, trembling all over.
Dante, Inferno, Canto V.
["When we read how the desired smile was kissed by such a lover, he, who never from me shall be divided, on my mouth kissed me all trembling."—Tr.]
["When we read how that beloved smile was kissed by such a lover, he, who will never be separated from me, kissed me on the mouth, all trembling."—Tr.]
CHAPTER IX
I make every possible effort to be dry. I would impose silence upon my heart, which feels that it, has much to say. When I think that I have noted a truth, I always tremble lest I have written only a sigh.
I try my best to stay detached. I try to silence my heart, which knows it has a lot to express. Whenever I think I've uncovered a truth, I always worry that I've just scribbled down a sigh.
CHAPTER X
In proof of crystallisation I shall content myself with recalling the following anecdote. A young woman hears that Edward, her relation, who is to return from the Army, is a youth of great distinction; she is assured that he loves her on her reputation; but he will want probably to see her, before making a proposal and asking her of her parents. She notices a young stranger at church, she hears him called Edward, she thinks of nothing but him—she is in love with him. Eight days later the real Edward arrives; he is not the Edward of church. She turns pale and will be unhappy for ever, if she is forced to marry him.
To prove crystallization, I'll just share this anecdote. A young woman hears that her relative Edward, who is returning from the Army, is a distinguished young man. She's told that he loves her for her reputation, but he’ll probably want to meet her before proposing and asking her parents for her hand. She notices a young stranger at church, hears him called Edward, and can think of nothing but him—she’s in love with him. Eight days later, the real Edward arrives; he isn’t the Edward from church. She turns pale and fears she’ll be unhappy forever if she has to marry him.
That is what the poor of understanding call an example of the senselessness of love.
That’s what the less perceptive people refer to as an example of the foolishness of love.
A man of generosity lavishes the most delicate benefits upon a girl in distress. No one could have more virtues, and love was about to be born; but he wears a shabby hat, and she notices that he is awkward in the saddle. The girl confesses with a sigh that she cannot return the warm feelings, which he evidently has for her.
A generous man showers a girl in trouble with thoughtful kindness. He has so many good qualities, and love is on the verge of blossoming; but he has a worn-out hat, and she notices that he struggles to ride a horse confidently. The girl sighs and admits that she can’t reciprocate the affection he clearly feels for her.
A man pays his attentions to a lady of the greatest respectability. She hears that this gentleman has had physical troubles of a comical nature: she finds him intolerable. And yet she had no intention of giving herself to him, and these secret troubles in no way blighted his understanding or amiability. It is simply that crystallisation was made impossible.
A man is interested in a woman of high respectability. She learns that this guy has had some funny physical issues, and she finds him unbearable. Still, she never meant to become involved with him, and these hidden problems didn’t affect his intelligence or friendliness at all. It just made any kind of connection impossible.
In order that a human being may delight in deifying an object to be loved, be it taken from the Ardennes forest or picked up at a Bal de Coulon, that it seems to [Pg 41]him perfect is the first necessity—perfect by no means in every relation, but in every relation in which it is seen at the time. Perfect in all respects it will seem only after several days of the second crystallisation. The reason is simple—then it is enough to have the idea of a perfection in order to see it in the object of our love.
For a person to truly enjoy deifying something they love, whether it comes from the Ardennes forest or was found at a Bal de Coulon, the first requirement is that it seems perfect to them—perfect not in every way, but in every way it's perceived at that moment. It will only seem perfect in every respect after a few days of reevaluation. The reasoning is straightforward—at that point, having the idea of perfection is enough to see it in the object of our affection.
Beauty is only thus far necessary to the birth of love—ugliness must not form an obstacle. The lover soon comes to find his mistress beautiful, such as she is, without thinking of ideal beauty.
Beauty is only somewhat necessary for love to blossom—ugliness shouldn't be a barrier. The lover quickly learns to see his partner as beautiful just as she is, without considering any ideal standards of beauty.
The features which make up the ideally beautiful would promise, if he could see them, a quantity of happiness, if I may use the expression, which I would express by the number one; whereas the features of his mistress, such as they are, promise him one thousand units of happiness.
The traits that create the perfect beauty would suggest, if he could recognize them, a certain amount of happiness, which I would call one unit; while the traits of his mistress, however they may be, promise him one thousand units of happiness.
Before the birth of love beauty is necessary as advertisement: it predisposes us towards that passion by means of the praises, which we hear given to the object of our future love. Very eager admiration makes the smallest hope decisive.
Before love is born, beauty acts like an advertisement: it leads us to that passion through the compliments we hear about the object of our future affection. Intense admiration can turn the slightest hope into a definite decision.
In gallant-love, and perhaps in passion-love during the first five minutes, a woman, considering a possible lover, gives more weight to the way in which he is seen by other women, than to the way in which she sees him herself.
In romantic love, and maybe in passionate love for the first five minutes, a woman, thinking about a potential lover, cares more about how other women view him than how she sees him herself.
Hence the success of princes and officers.[1] The pretty women of the Court of old king Lewis XIV were in love with that sovereign.
Hence the success of princes and officials.[1] The beautiful women at the court of the old King Louis XIV were in love with that monarch.
[Pg 42]Great care should be taken not to offer facilities to hope, before it is certain that admiration is there. It might give rise to dullness, which makes love for ever impossible, and which, at any rate, is only to be cured by the sting of wounded pride.
[Pg 42]Great care should be taken not to encourage hope before it's clear that there's admiration. It could lead to boredom, which makes love impossible, and the only remedy for that is the pain of hurt pride.
No one feels sympathy for the simpleton, nor for a smile which is always there; hence the necessity in society of a veneer of rakishness—that is, the privileged manner. From too debased a plant we scorn to gather even a smile. In love, our vanity disdains a victory which is too easy; and in all matters man is not given to magnifying the value of an offering.
No one feels sorry for a fool, or for a smile that's always present; that's why society needs a touch of charm—that is, a more sophisticated demeanor. We look down on anything that comes from something too lowly, not even bothering to take a smile from it. In love, our pride refuses to celebrate a win that comes too easily; and in every situation, people aren't inclined to inflate the worth of a gift.
[1] Those who remarked in the countenance of this young hero a dissolute audacity mixed with extreme haughtiness and indifference to the feelings of others, could not yet deny to his countenance that sort of comeliness, which belongs to an open set of features well formed by nature, modelled by art to the usual rules of courtesy, yet so far frank and honest that they seemed as if they disclaimed to conceal the natural working of the soul. Such an expression is often mistaken for manly frankness, when in truth it arises from the reckless indifference of a libertine disposition, conscious of superiority of birth and wealth, or of some other adventitious advantage totally unconnected with personal merit.
[1] Those who noticed in the face of this young hero a carefree boldness mixed with extreme arrogance and disregard for others' feelings couldn't deny that his features had a certain attractiveness. They were naturally well-formed and polished by social norms, yet they were so open and genuine that they seemed to reveal the true workings of his soul. This expression is often confused with genuine honesty, when in reality, it comes from the careless indifference of a self-indulgent nature, aware of its superiority due to birth, wealth, or some other unrelated advantage that has nothing to do with personal merit.
Ivanhoe, Chap. VIII
Ivanhoe, Chapter 8
CHAPTER XI
Crystallisation having once begun, we enjoy with delight each new beauty discovered in that which we love.
Once crystallization starts, we delight in each new beauty we find in what we love.
But what is beauty? It is the appearance of an aptitude for giving you pleasure.
But what is beauty? It's the way something looks that has the ability to bring you joy.
The pleasures of all individuals are different and often opposed to one another; which explains very well how that, which is beauty for one individual, is ugliness for another. (Conclusive example of Del Rosso and Lisio, 1st January, 1820.)
The pleasures of everyone are different and often clash with each other; this clearly shows how what is beautiful to one person can be ugly to another. (Conclusive example of Del Rosso and Lisio, 1st January, 1820.)
The right way to discover the nature of beauty is to look for the nature of the pleasures of each individual. Del Rosso, for example, needs a woman who allows a certain boldness of movement, and who by her smiles authorises considerable licence; a woman who at each instant holds physical pleasures before his imagination, and who excites in him the power of pleasing, while giving him at the same time the means of displaying it.
The best way to understand beauty is to consider what pleases each person. For instance, Del Rosso needs a woman who lets him be a bit daring in his actions and who, with her smiles, gives him permission to be quite spontaneous; a woman who constantly invites him to think about physical pleasures and inspires him to charm her, while also providing him the chance to show that charm.
Apparently, by love Del Rosso understands physical love, and Lisio passion-love. Obviously they are not likely to agree about the word beauty.[1]
Apparently, by love, Del Rosso means physical love, while Lisio understands it as passion-love. It’s clear they probably won't see eye to eye on the term beauty.[1]
The beauty then, discovered by you, being the appearance of an aptitude for giving you pleasure, and pleasure being different from pleasure as man from man, the crystallisation formed in the head of each individual must bear the colour of that individual's pleasures.
The beauty you found is tied to the ability to bring you joy, and since joy varies from person to person, the way each individual experiences it must reflect their unique pleasures.
[Pg 44]A man's crystallisation of his mistress, or her beauty, is no other thing than the collection of all the satisfactions of all the desires, which he can have felt successively at her instance.
[Pg 44]A man's idealization of his mistress, or her beauty, is simply the sum of all the satisfactions of all the desires he has experienced one after another because of her.
CHAPTER XII
MORE ABOUT CRYSTALLIZATION
Why do we enjoy with delight each new beauty, discovered in that which we love?
Why do
It is because each new beauty gives the full and entire satisfaction of a desire. You wish your mistress gentle—she is gentle; and then you wish her proud like Emilie in Corneille, and although these qualities are probably incompatible, instantly she appears with the soul of a Roman. That is the moral reason which makes love the strongest of the passions. In all others, desires must accommodate themselves to cold realities; here it is realities which model themselves spontaneously upon desires. Of all the passions, therefore, it is in love that violent desires find the greatest satisfaction.
Each new attraction completely satisfies a desire. If you want your partner to be gentle, she is gentle; and then you want her to be proud like Emilie in Corneille, and even though these traits probably don’t go together, she instantly seems to embody the spirit of a Roman. This is the reasoning that makes love the strongest of all passions. In other passions, desires have to adjust to harsh realities; but in love, realities shape themselves to meet desires. Therefore, among all the passions, violent desires find the greatest fulfillment in love.
There are certain general conditions of happiness, whose influence extends over every fulfilment of particular desires:—
There are some overall conditions for happiness that affect the satisfaction of specific desires:—
1. She seems to belong to you, for you only can make her happy.
1. She seems to be yours, because only you can make her happy.
2. She is the judge of your worth. This condition was very important at the gallant and chivalrous Courts of Francis I and Henry II, and at the elegant Court of Lewis XV. Under a constitutional and rationalist government women lose this range of influence entirely.
2. She is the one who determines your value. This situation was significant at the noble and chivalrous courts of Francis I and Henry II, as well as at the sophisticated court of Louis XV. In a constitutional and rational government, women completely lose this level of influence.
3. For a romantic heart—The loftier her soul, the more sublime will be the pleasures that await her in your arms, and the more purified of the dross of all vulgar considerations.
3. For a romantic heart—The higher her soul, the more amazing the pleasures that will await her in your arms, and the more free she will be from the impurities of all lowly thoughts.
[Pg 46]The majority of young Frenchmen are, at eighteen, disciples of Rousseau; for them this condition of happiness is important.
[Pg 46]The majority of young French men, by the age of eighteen, are followers of Rousseau; for them, this state of happiness is significant.
In the midst of operations so apt to mislead our desire of happiness, there is no keeping cool.
In the middle of activities that easily confuse our pursuit of happiness, it's hard to stay calm.
For, the moment he is in love, the steadiest man sees no object such as it is. His own advantages he minimises, and magnifies the smallest favours of the loved one. Fears and hopes take at once a tinge of the romantic. (Wayward.) He no longer attributes anything to chance; he loses the perception of probability; in its effect upon his happiness a thing imagined is a thing existent.[1]
For the moment he falls in love, even the most dependable person sees things differently. He downplays his own advantages and exaggerates even the smallest kindnesses from the one he loves. His fears and hopes become tinged with romance. He no longer thinks of anything as just chance; he loses sight of what’s probable; in terms of his happiness, something imagined feels like something real.[1]
A terrible symptom that you are losing your head:—you think of some little thing which is difficult to make out; you see it white, and interpret that in favour of your love; a moment later you notice that actually it is black, and still you find it conclusively favourable to your love.
A terrible sign that you’re losing your mind: you think about something small that’s hard to figure out; you see it as white and take that as a sign in favor of your love. A moment later, you realize it’s actually black, and still, you manage to convince yourself that it’s definitely a positive for your love.
Then indeed the soul, a prey to mortal uncertainties, feels keenly the need of a friend. But there is no friend for the lover. The Court knew that; and it is the source of the only kind of indiscretion which a woman of delicacy might forgive.
Then really, the soul, facing the uncertainties of life, feels the strong need for a friend. But there is no friend for the lover. The Court understood that; and it is the source of the only type of indiscretion that a sensitive woman might forgive.
[1] There is a physical cause—a mad impulse, a rush of blood to the brain, a disorder in the nerves and in the cerebral centre. Observe the transitory courage of stags and the spiritual state of a soprano. Physiology, in 1922, will give us a description of the physical side of this phenomenon. I recommend this to the attention of Dr. Edwards(8).
[1] There's a physical reason for it—a wild urge, a surge of adrenaline, a disturbance in the nerves and the brain's center. Look at the temporary bravery of deer and the emotional state of a soprano. Physiology, in 1922, will explain the physical aspects of this phenomenon. I suggest Dr. Edwards pay attention to this(8).
CHAPTER XIII
OF THE FIRST STEP; OF THE FASHIONABLE WORLD; OF MISFORTUNES
That which is most surprising in the passion of love is the first step—the extravagance of the change, which comes over a man's brain.
What’s most surprising about the passion of love is the first step—the drastic change that takes over a guy’s mind.
The fashionable world, with its brilliant parties, is of service to love in favouring this first step.
The stylish world, with its dazzling parties, helps love by making this first step easier.
It begins by changing simple admiration (i) into tender admiration (ii)—what pleasure to kiss her, etc.
It starts by turning simple admiration (i) into tender admiration (ii)—how delightful it is to kiss her, etc.
In a salon lit by thousands of candles a fast valse throws a fever upon young hearts, eclipses timidity, swells the consciousness of power—in fact, gives them the daring to love. For to see a lovable object is not enough: on the contrary, the fact that it is extremely lovable discourages a gentle soul—he must see it, if not in love with him,[1] at least despoiled of its majesty.
In a salon illuminated by thousands of candles, a lively waltz ignites excitement in young hearts, banishes shyness, and increases their awareness of strength—in essence, it gives them the courage to love. Just seeing someone lovely isn't enough; in fact, the more lovable they are, the more it discourages a sensitive person—they need to see that person, if not in love with him,[1] at least stripped of their allure.
Who takes it into his head to become the paramour of a queen unless the advances are from her?[2]
Who decides to become the lover of a queen unless she is making the first move?[2]
Thus nothing is more favourable to the birth of love than a life of irksome solitude, broken now and again by a long-desired ball. This is the plan of wise mothers who have daughters.
So, nothing is better for the rise of love than a life of annoying solitude, occasionally interrupted by a long-awaited dance. This is the strategy of savvy mothers with daughters.
Court life gives the habit of observing and making a great number of subtle distinctions, and the subtlest distinction may be the beginning of an admiration and of a passion.[5]
Court life fosters the habit of noticing and making numerous subtle distinctions, and the tiniest distinction can spark admiration and passion.[5]
When the troubles of love are mixed with those of another kind (the troubles of vanity—if your mistress offend your proper pride, your sense of honour or personal dignity—troubles of health, money and political persecution, etc.), it is only in appearance that love is increased by these annoyances. Occupying the imagination otherwise, they prevent crystallisation in love still hopeful, and in happy love the birth of little doubts. When these misfortunes have departed, the sweetness and the folly of love return.
When love troubles are mixed with other issues (like vanity—if your partner hurts your pride, honor, or dignity—along with problems related to health, money, and political difficulties, etc.), it may seem like love is intensified by these annoyances. However, these distractions take up mental space, preventing the solidification of love that still holds hope and, in a happy relationship, the emergence of small doubts. Once these misfortunes are gone, the joy and foolishness of love come back.
Observe that misfortunes favour the birth of love in light and unsensitive characters, and that, after it is born, misfortunes, which existed before, are favourable to it; in as much as the imagination, recoiling from the gloomy impressions offered by all the other circumstances of life, throws itself wholly into the work of crystallisation.
See that misfortunes often spark the growth of love in light and unemotional people, and that once love is born, the misfortunes that were there before actually support it. This happens because the imagination, avoiding the dark feelings from all the other aspects of life, completely focuses on the process of crystallization.
[3] See the letters of Madame du Deffant, Mademoiselle de Lespinasse, Bezenval, Lauzun, the Memoirs of Madame d'Épinay, the Dictionnaire des Étiquettes of Madame de Genlis, the Memoirs of Danjeau and Horace Walpole.
[3] Check out the letters of Madame du Deffant, Mademoiselle de Lespinasse, Bezenval, Lauzun, the Memoirs of Madame d'Épinay, the Dictionnaire des Étiquettes by Madame de Genlis, and the Memoirs of Danjeau and Horace Walpole.
[5] See Saint-Simon and Werther. However gentle and delicate are the solitary, their soul is distracted, and part of their imagination is busy in foreseeing the world of men. Force of character is one of the charms which most readily seduces the truly feminine heart. Hence the success of serious young officers. Women well know how to make the distinction between force of character and the violence of those movements of passion, the possibility of which they feel strongly in their own hearts. The most distinguished women are sometimes duped by a little charlatanism in this matter. It can be used without fear, as soon as crystallisation is seen to have begun.
[5] See Saint-Simon and Werther. No matter how gentle and delicate they are, the solitary person's mind is restless, and part of their imagination is focused on anticipating the world of people. Personal strength is one of the qualities that easily attracts a truly feminine heart. This is why serious young officers are often successful. Women are well aware of the difference between personal strength and the intense emotions they feel in their own hearts. Even the most distinguished women can sometimes be misled by a bit of trickery in this area. It can be used without hesitation as soon as they see the signs of commitment starting to form.
CHAPTER XIV
The following point, which will be disputed, I offer only to those—shall I say unhappy enough?—to have loved with passion during long years, and loved in the face of invincible obstacles:—
The next point, which will be debated, I offer only to those—should I say unfortunate enough?—to have loved passionately for many years, and loved despite overwhelming obstacles:
The sight of all that is extremely beautiful in nature and in art recalls, with the swiftness of lightning, the memory of that which we love. It is by the process of the jewelled branch in the mines of Salzburg, that everything in the world which is beautiful and lofty contributes to the beauty of that which we love, and that forthwith a sudden glimpse of delight fills the eyes with tears. In this way, love and the love of beauty give life mutually to one another.
The sight of all that is incredibly beautiful in nature and art instantly brings to mind what we cherish. Just like the jeweled branches found in the mines of Salzburg, everything beautiful and noble in the world adds to the beauty of what we love, and suddenly, a rush of joy fills our eyes with tears. In this way, love and the appreciation of beauty energize each other.
One of life's miseries is that the happiness of seeing and talking to the object of our love leaves no distinct memories behind. The soul, it seems, is too troubled by its emotions for that which causes or accompanies them to impress it. The soul and its sensations are one and the same. It is perhaps because these pleasures cannot be used up by voluntary recollection, that they return again and again with such force, as soon as ever some object comes to drag us from day-dreams devoted to the woman we love, and by some new connexion[1] to bring her still more vividly to our memory.
One of life’s struggles is that the joy of seeing and talking to the person we love doesn’t leave clear memories behind. The soul seems too overwhelmed by its feelings for what triggers or accompanies them to make a lasting impression. The soul and its sensations are intertwined. Maybe it’s because these pleasures can’t be recalled at will that they come rushing back so powerfully, as soon as something pulls us away from daydreams about the woman we love, making her even more vivid in our minds through some new connection[1].
A dry old architect used to meet her in society every evening. Following a natural impulse, and without paying attention to what I was saying to her,[2] I one day sang his praises in a sentimental and pompous strain, [Pg 50]which made her laugh at me. I had not the strength to say to her: "He sees you every evening."
A boring old architect used to meet her in social settings every evening. Acting on a natural impulse, and without really thinking about what I was saying to her,[2] one day I praised him in a sentimental and over-the-top way, [Pg 50]which made her laugh at me. I didn't have the courage to say to her: "He sees you every evening."
So powerful is this sensation that it extends even to the person of my enemy, who is always at her side. When I see her, she reminds me of Léonore so much, that at the time I cannot hate her, however much I try.
This feeling is so strong that it even reaches my enemy, who is always with her. When I see her, she looks so much like Léonore that, in the moment, I can't bring myself to hate her, no matter how hard I try.
It looks as if, by a curious whim of the heart, the charm, which the woman we love can communicate, were greater than that which she herself possesses. The vision of that distant city, where we saw her a moment,[3] throws us into dreams sweeter and more profound than would her very presence. It is the effect of harsh treatment.
It seems that, by a strange twist of fate, the magic that the woman we love can bring is even stronger than what she actually has. The image of that distant city, where we saw her for just a moment,[3] pulls us into dreams that are sweeter and deeper than her actual presence would create. This is the result of harsh treatment.
The day-dreams of love cannot be scrutinised. I have observed that I can re-read a good novel every three years with the same pleasure. It gives me feelings akin to the kind of emotional taste, which dominates me at the moment, or if my feelings are nil, makes for variety in my ideas. Also, I can listen with pleasure to the same music, but, in this, memory must not intrude. The imagination should be affected and nothing else; if, at the twentieth representation, an opera gives more pleasure, it is either because the music is better understood, or because it also brings back the feeling it gave at the first.
The daydreams of love can't really be analyzed. I've noticed that I can reread a good novel every three years and still enjoy it just as much. It gives me feelings that match my current emotional state, or if I'm feeling nothing at all, it adds some variety to my thoughts. I can also listen to the same music with pleasure, but memories shouldn't get in the way. It should be the imagination that's moved, nothing else; if an opera is more enjoyable the twentieth time, it's either because the music is better understood or because it brings back the feelings it gave when I first heard it.
As to new lights, which a novel may throw upon our knowledge of the human heart, I still remember clearly the old ones, and am pleased even to find them noted in the margin. But this kind of pleasure pertains to the novels, in so far as they advance me in the knowledge of man, and not in the least to day-dreaming—the veritable pleasure of novels. Such day-dreaming is inscrutable. To watch it is for the present to kill it, for you fall into a philosophical analysis of pleasure; and it [Pg 51]is killing it still more certainly for the future, for nothing is surer to paralyse the imagination than the appeal to memory(9). If I find in the margin a note, depicting my feelings on reading Old Mortality three years ago in Florence, I am plunged immediately into the history of my life, into an estimate of the degree of happiness at the two epochs, in short, into the deepest problems of philosophy—and then good-bye for a long season to the unchecked play of tender feelings.
As for the new insights that a novel might bring to our understanding of the human heart, I still clearly remember the old ones, and I'm even happy to see them noted in the margins. But this kind of enjoyment relates to novels in how they help me understand people, and not at all to daydreaming—the real joy of reading novels. Daydreaming is mysterious. To analyze it kills it in the moment, as you get caught up in a philosophical breakdown of pleasure; and it definitely kills it for the future because nothing hinders the imagination more than looking back at memories. If I find a note in the margin that captures my feelings about reading Old Mortality three years ago in Florence, I instantly get pulled back into my life story, assessing how happy I was during both periods, diving into the deepest philosophical questions—and then I say goodbye for a long time to the free flow of tender emotions.
Every great poet with a lively imagination is timid, he is afraid of men, that is to say, for the interruptions and troubles with which they can invade the delight of his dreams. He fears for his concentration. Men come along with their gross interests to drag him from the gardens of Armida, and force him into a fetid slough: only by irritating him can they fix his attention on themselves. It is this habit of feeding his soul upon touching dreams and this horror of the vulgar which draws a great artist so near to love.
Every great poet with a vivid imagination is shy; he fears people because of the interruptions and issues they can bring into the joy of his dreams. He worries about losing his focus. People show up with their selfish interests to pull him away from his ideal world and push him into a dirty mess: they can only grab his attention by annoying him. It’s this tendency to nourish his spirit with beautiful dreams and his aversion to the ordinary that brings a great artist so close to love.
The more of the great artist a man has in him, the more must he wish for titles and honours as a bulwark.
The more of a great artist someone has within them, the more they will desire titles and honors as a shield.
[1] Scents.
Fragrances.
CHAPTER XV
Suddenly in the midst of the most violent and the most thwarted passion come moments, when a man believes that he is in love no longer—as it were a spring of fresh water in the middle of the sea. To think of his mistress is no longer very much pleasure, and, although he is worn-out by the severity of her treatment, the fact that everything in life has lost its interest is a still greater misery. After a manner of existence which, fitful though it was, gave to all nature a new aspect, passionate and absorbing, now follows the dreariest and most despondent void.
Suddenly, in the midst of the most intense and frustrated passion, there come moments when a man thinks he is no longer in love—like a spring of fresh water in the middle of the ocean. Thinking about his lover brings him little joy, and even though he’s exhausted by her harsh treatment, the realization that everything in life has lost its allure is an even greater misery. After a way of living that, though erratic, gave everything around him a new, passionate, and captivating perspective, he now faces the bleakest and most hopeless emptiness.
It may be that your last visit to the woman, whom you love, left you in a situation, from which, once before, your imagination had gathered the full harvest of sensation. For example, after a period of coldness, she has treated you less badly, letting you conceive exactly the same degree of hope and by the same external signs as on a previous occasion—all this perhaps unconsciously. Imagination picks up memory and its sinister warnings by the way, and instantly crystallisation[1] ceases.
It could be that your last visit to the woman you love put you in a situation similar to one you’ve experienced before, where your imagination took in all the feelings. For instance, after a chill between you, she has treated you a bit better, allowing you to feel the same level of hope and showing the same signs as before—possibly without even realizing it. Imagination taps into memory and its alarming warnings along the way, and just like that, the feeling stops.
[1] First, I am advised to cut out this word; next, if I fail in this for want of literary power, to repeat again and again that I mean by crystallisation a certain fever in the imagination, which transforms past recognition what is, as often as not, a quite ordinary object, and makes of it a thing apart. A man who looks to excite this fever in souls, which know no other path but vanity to reach their happiness, must tie his necktie well and constantly give his attention to a thousand details, which preclude all possibility of unrestraint. Society women own to the effect, denying at the same time or not seeing the cause.
[1] First, I’m told to remove this word; next, if I can’t do that due to a lack of writing skill, to keep mentioning that by crystallization I mean a certain excitement in the imagination that transforms, often without recognition, what is usually a pretty ordinary object into something special. A person trying to spark this excitement in souls that only know vanity as their way to happiness must make sure to tie their necktie properly and pay constant attention to countless details, leaving no room for carelessness. Society women acknowledge the effect while either denying or not realizing the cause.
CHAPTER XVI
In a small port, the name of which I forget, near Perpignan, 25th February, 1822.[1]
In a small port, the name of which I forget, near Perpignan, February 25, 1822.[1]
This evening I have just found out that music, when it is perfect, puts the heart into the same state as it enjoys in the presence of the loved one—that is to say, it gives seemingly the keenest happiness existing on the face of the earth.
This evening, I just discovered that music, when it's perfect, makes the heart feel the same way it does when you're with someone you love—that is to say, it brings about the deepest happiness you can find on earth.
If this were so for all men, there would be no more favourable incentive to love.
If this were true for everyone, there would be no better motivation to love.
But I had already remarked at Naples last year that perfect music, like perfect pantomime, makes me think of that which is at the moment the object of my dreams, and that the ideas, which it suggests to me, are excellent: at Naples, it was on the means of arming the Greeks.
But I had already noticed in Naples last year that perfect music, like perfect pantomime, makes me think of whatever is currently the focus of my dreams, and the ideas it brings to mind are fantastic: in Naples, it was about how to arm the Greeks.
Now this evening I cannot deceive myself—I have the misfortune of being too great an admirer of milady L.[2]
Now this evening I can't fool myself—I have the misfortune of being too great an admirer of lady L.[2]
And perhaps the perfect music, which I have had the luck to hear again, after two or three months of privation, although going nightly to the Opera, has simply had the effect, which I recognised long ago—I mean that of producing lively thoughts on what is already in the heart.
And maybe the perfect music, which I've been lucky to hear again after two or three months of missing it, even though I went to the Opera every night, has just had the effect I realized a long time ago—that is, it brings to life the joyful thoughts that are already in the heart.
March 4th—eight days later.
March 4th—8 days later.
I dare neither erase nor approve the preceding observation. Certain it is that, as I wrote it, I read it in my heart. If to-day I bring it into question, it is [Pg 54]because I have lost the memory of what I saw at that time.
I can't delete or agree with the previous comment. What I wrote came from my heart. If I'm questioning it today, it's because I've forgotten what I felt back then. [Pg 54]
The habit of hearing music and dreaming its dreams disposes towards love. A sad and gentle air, provided it is not too dramatic, so that the imagination is forced to dwell on the action, is a direct stimulant to dreams of love and a delight for gentle and unhappy souls: for example, the drawn-out passage on the clarionet at the beginning of the quartet in Bianca and Faliero(10), and the recitative of La Camporesi towards the middle of the quartet.
The habit of listening to music and dreaming its dreams leads to love. A soft and gentle tune, as long as it’s not too dramatic—where the imagination gets caught up in the action—directly inspires dreams of love and brings joy to gentle and sorrowful souls. For instance, the extended passage on the clarinet at the beginning of the quartet in Bianca and Faliero(10), and La Camporesi's recitative towards the middle of the quartet.
A lover at peace with his mistress enjoys to distraction Rossini's famous duet in Armida and Rinaldo, depicting so justly the little doubts of happy love and the moments of delight which follow its reconciliations. It seems to him that the instrumental part, which comes in the middle of the duet, at the moment when Rinaldo wishes to fly, and represents in such an amazing way the conflict of the passions, has a physical influence upon his heart and touches it in reality. On this subject I dare not say what I feel; I should pass for a madman among people of the north.
A lover at peace with his partner is completely captivated by Rossini's famous duet in Armida and Rinaldo, which accurately captures the little doubts of happy love and the moments of joy that come after making up. He feels that the instrumental section, which appears in the middle of the duet when Rinaldo wants to escape, powerfully illustrates the struggle of emotions and truly affects his heart. I hesitate to express what I feel about this; people from the north would think I’m crazy.
[1] Copied from the diary of Lisio.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From Lisio's diary.
CHAPTER XVII
Love Overthrows Beauty
Alberic meets in a box at the theatre a woman more beautiful than his mistress (I beg to be allowed here a mathematical valuation)—that is to say, her features promise three units of happiness instead of two, supposing the quantity of happiness given by perfect beauty to be expressed by the number four.
Alberic encounters a woman in a box at the theater who is more beautiful than his mistress (I ask to be allowed a mathematical assessment here)—which means her looks promise three units of happiness instead of two, assuming that the amount of happiness perfect beauty provides is represented by the number four.
Is it surprising that he prefers the features of his mistress, which promise a hundred units of happiness for him? Even the minor defects of her face, a small-pox mark, for example, touches the heart of the man who loves, and, when he observes them even in another woman, sets him dreaming far away. What, then, when he sees them in his mistress? Why, he has felt a thousand sentiments in presence of that small-pox mark, sentiments for the most part sweet, and all of the greatest interest; and now, such as they are, they are evoked afresh with incredible vividness by the sight of this sign, even in the face of another woman.
Is it surprising that he prefers the features of his mistress, which promise him a hundred units of happiness? Even the small imperfections of her face, like a smallpox scar, touch the heart of the man in love, and when he notices them in another woman, it sends him off into daydreams. So, what happens when he sees them on his mistress? He has felt countless emotions in the presence of that smallpox scar, mostly sweet ones, all of great significance; and now, whether he likes it or not, those feelings come rushing back with incredible clarity at the sight of this mark, even on another woman.
If ugliness thus comes to be preferred and loved, it is because in this case ugliness is beauty.[1] A man was passionately in love with a woman, very thin and scarred with small-pox: death bereft him of her. At Rome, three years after, he makes friends with two women, one more lovely than the day, the other thin, scarred with [Pg 56]small-pox, and thereby, if you will, quite ugly. There he is, at the end of a week, in love with the ugly one—and this week he employs in effacing her ugliness with his memories; and with a very pardonable coquetry the lesser beauty did not fail to help him in the operation with a slight whip-up of the pulse.[2] A man meets a woman and is offended by her ugliness; soon, if she is unpretentious, her expression makes him forget the defects of her features; he finds her amiable—he conceives that one could love her. A week later he has hopes; another week and they are taken from him; another and he's mad.
If ugliness is preferred and loved, it's because in this case, ugliness is beauty.[1] A man was deeply in love with a woman who was very thin and scarred from smallpox: death took her away from him. Three years later, in Rome, he befriends two women, one incredibly beautiful and the other thin and scarred from smallpox, making her, in a way, quite unattractive. By the end of the week, he finds himself in love with the unattractive one—and he spends that week trying to erase her ugliness from his memory; with some understandable flirtation, the less beautiful woman subtly helps him with a little excitement of the heart.[2] A man meets a woman and is put off by her ugliness; soon, if she’s down-to-earth, her expressions make him forget her physical flaws; he finds her charming—and starts to think that one could love her. A week later, he has hope; another week, and that hope is gone; a week later, he’s beside himself.
[1] Beauty is only the promise of happiness. The happiness of a Greek was different to that of a Frenchman of 1822. See the eyes of the Medici Venus and compare them with the eyes of the Magdalen of Pordenone (in the possession of M. de Sommariva.)
[1] Beauty is just a promise of happiness. The happiness of a Greek was different from that of a Frenchman in 1822. Look at the eyes of the Medici Venus and compare them with the eyes of the Magdalen by Pordenone (owned by M. de Sommariva).
[2] If one is sure of the love of a woman, one examines to see if she is more or less beautiful; if one is uncertain of her heart, there is no time to think of her face.
[2] If you're confident in a woman's love, you consider whether she's more or less beautiful; if you're unsure of her feelings, you don't have time to think about her looks.
CHAPTER XVIII
LIMITATIONS OF BEAUTY
An analogy is to be seen at the theatre in the reception of the public's favourite actors: the spectators are no longer conscious of the beauty or ugliness which the actors have in reality. Lekain, for all his remarkable ugliness, had a harvest of broken hearts—Garrick also. There are several reasons for this; the principal being that it was no longer the actual beauty of their features or their ways which people saw, but emphatically that which imagination was long since used to lend them, as a return for, and in memory of, all the pleasure they had given it. Why, take a comedian—his face alone raises a laugh as he first walks on.
You can see a comparison in the theater with how the audience reacts to their favorite actors: the audience is no longer aware of the real beauty or ugliness of the actors. Lekain, despite his striking ugliness, won over many hearts—just like Garrick. There are several reasons for this; the main one being that what people noticed wasn't their actual looks or mannerisms, but rather what their imagination had long since created for them, as a way to repay and remember all the joy they had brought. Just think about a comedian—his face alone gets a laugh as soon as he steps on stage.
A girl going for the first time to the Français would perhaps feel some antipathy to Lekain during the first scene; but soon he was making her weep or shiver—and how resist him as Tancrède[1] or Orosmane?
A girl going to the French theater for the first time might feel a bit of dislike for Lekain during the first scene; but soon he had her crying or shivering—and how could she resist him as Tancrède[1] or Orosmane?
If his ugliness were still a little visible to her eyes, the fervour of an entire audience, and the nervous effect produced upon a young heart,[2] soon managed to eclipse [Pg 58]it. If anything was still heard about his ugliness, it was mere talk; but not a word of it—Lekain's lady enthusiasts could be heard to exclaim "He's lovely!"
If his ugliness was still somewhat noticeable to her, the enthusiasm of the entire audience and the emotional impact on a young heart soon managed to overshadow it. If there were any whispers about his ugliness, they were just chatter; but not a single one of Lekain's female admirers could be heard saying anything other than, "He's gorgeous!"
Remember that beauty is the expression of character, or, put differently, of moral habits, and that consequently it is exempt from all passion. Now it is passion that we want. Beauty can only supply us with probabilities about a woman, and probabilities, moreover, based on her capacity for self-possession; while the glances of your mistress with her small-pox scars are a delightful reality, which destroys all the probabilities in the world.
Remember that beauty reflects character, or, in other words, moral habits, and that's why it's free from all emotion. But what we want is emotion. Beauty can only give us hints about a woman, and those hints are based on her ability to stay composed; meanwhile, the gaze of your girl with her small-pox scars is a lovely reality that shatters all the hints in the world.
[2] I should be inclined to attribute to this nervous sympathy the prodigious and incomprehensible effect of fashionable music. (Sympathy at Dresden for Rossini, 1821.) As soon as it is out of fashion, it becomes no worse for that, and yet it ceases to have any effect upon perfectly ingenuous girls. Perhaps it used to please them, as also stimulating young men to fervour.
[2] I would probably link this nervous connection to the overwhelming and puzzling impact of trendy music. (Connection in Dresden for Rossini, 1821.) Once it falls out of style, it doesn’t get any worse, but it stops affecting genuinely naïve girls. Maybe it used to make them happy, just like it inspired young men to passion.
Madame de Sévigné says to her daughter (Letter 202, May 6, 1672): "Lully surpassed himself in his royal music; that beautiful Miserere was still further enlarged: there was a Libera at which all eyes were full of tears."
Madame de Sévigné tells her daughter (Letter 202, May 6, 1672): "Lully outdid himself with his royal music; that beautiful Miserere was even more expanded: there was a Libera that brought tears to everyone's eyes."
It is as impossible to doubt the truth of this effect, as to refuse wit or refinement to Madame de Sévigné. Lully's music, which charmed her, would make us run away at present; in her day, his music encouraged crystallisation—it makes it impossible in ours.
It’s just as impossible to doubt the truth of this effect as it is to deny the wit or sophistication of Madame de Sévigné. Lully's music, which captivated her, would likely drive us away today; in her time, his music inspired creativity—it makes it impossible in ours.
CHAPTER XIX
LIMITATIONS OF BEAUTY—(continued)
A woman of quick fancy and tender heart, but timid and cautious in her sensibility, who the day after she appears in society, passes in review a thousand times nervously and painfully all that she may have said or given hint of—such a woman, I say, grows easily used to want of beauty in a man: it is hardly an obstacle in rousing her affection.
A woman with a lively imagination and a kind heart, but also shy and careful in her feelings, who the day after she steps into society, repeatedly and anxiously goes over everything she might have said or implied—such a woman, I say, quickly gets accustomed to a man's lack of good looks: it hardly stands in the way of sparking her love.
It is really on the same principle that you care next to nothing for the degree of beauty in a mistress, whom you adore and who repays you with harshness. You have very nearly stopped crystallising her beauty, and when your friend in need tells you that she isn't pretty, you are almost ready to agree. Then he thinks he has made great way.
It’s really based on the same idea that you hardly care about how beautiful your girlfriend is when you’re in love with her, even if she treats you badly. You’ve almost stopped noticing her beauty, and when your friend in need says she isn’t attractive, you’re almost ready to agree with him. Then he thinks he’s made significant progress.
My friend, brave Captain Trab, described to me this evening his feelings on seeing Mirabeau once upon a time. No one looking upon that great man felt a disagreeable sensation in the eyes—that is to say, found him ugly. People were carried away by his thundering words; they fixed their attention, they delighted in fixing their attention, only on what was beautiful in his face. As he had practically no beautiful features (in the sense of sculpturesque or picturesque beauty) they minded only what beauty he had of another kind, the beauty of expression.[1]
My friend, brave Captain Trab, shared his thoughts with me this evening about his experience seeing Mirabeau once. No one who looked at that great man felt any unpleasant sensation upon seeing him—that is to say, no one found him ugly. People were captivated by his powerful speech; they focused their attention, and they loved focusing their attention, only on what was beautiful in his face. Since he didn’t have many traditionally beautiful features (in the sense of sculpture or picturesque beauty), they only noticed the beauty he had of a different kind—the beauty of expression.[1]
[Pg 61]The appearance every evening of a pretty dancer forces a little interest from those poor souls, blasé or bereft of imagination, who adorn the balcony of the opera. By her graceful movements, daring and strange, she awakens their physical love and procures them perhaps the only crystallisation of which they are still capable. This is the way by which a young scarecrow, who in the street would not have been honoured with a glance, least of all from people the worse for wear, has only to appear frequently on the stage, and she manages to get herself handsomely supported. Geoffroy used to say that the theatre is the pedestal of woman. The more notorious and the more dilapidated a dancer, the more she is worth; hence the green-room proverb: "Some get sold at a price who wouldn't be taken as a gift." These women steal part of their passions from their lovers, and are very susceptible of love from pique.
[Pg 61]Every evening, a pretty dancer catches the attention of those poor souls on the opera balcony, who are either jaded or lacking imagination. Through her graceful, bold, and unusual movements, she stirs their physical desires, giving them perhaps the only spark of emotion they're still capable of feeling. This is how a young woman, who would normally go unnoticed in the street, especially by those who are intoxicated, can easily find support just by frequently appearing on stage. Geoffroy used to say the theater is a woman's showcase. The more notorious and worn-out a dancer is, the more valuable she becomes; hence the green-room saying: "Some are sold for a price that wouldn’t be accepted as a gift." These women draw part of their passion from their lovers and are very prone to love out of spite.
How manage not to connect generous or lovable sentiments with the face of an actress, in whose features there is nothing repugnant, whom for two hours every evening we see expressing the most noble feelings, and whom otherwise we do not know? When at last you succeed in being received by her, her features recall such pleasing feelings, that the entire reality which surrounds her, however little nobility it may sometimes possess, is instantly invested with romantic and touching colours.
How can you not connect generous or lovable feelings with the face of an actress, whose features are anything but unappealing, and whom we watch every evening expressing the most noble sentiments, despite not knowing her personally? When you finally get a chance to be around her, her features evoke such pleasant emotions that the whole reality surrounding her, no matter how lacking in nobility it might sometimes be, is instantly bathed in romantic and touching hues.
"Devotee, in the days of my youth, of that boring French tragedy,[3] whenever I had the luck of supping with Mlle. Olivier, I found myself every other moment overbrimming with respect, in the belief that I was speaking to a queen; and really I have never been quite sure whether, in her case, I had fallen in love with a queen or a pretty tart."
"Devotee, in my younger days, of that dull French tragedy,[3] whenever I was fortunate enough to have dinner with Mlle. Olivier, I felt like I was constantly overflowing with respect, convinced I was talking to a queen; and honestly, I've never really been sure if I had fallen in love with a queen or just a pretty girl."
[1] That is the advantage of being à la mode. Putting aside the defects of a face which are already familiar, and no longer have any effect upon the imagination, the public take hold of one of the three following ideas of beauty:—
[1] That's the benefit of being à la mode. Setting aside the flaws of a face that are already known and no longer impact the imagination, the public clings to one of the following three concepts of beauty:—
(1) The people—of the idea of wealth.
(1) The people—of the concept of wealth.
(2) The upper classes—of the idea of elegance, material or moral.
(2) The upper classes—of the concept of elegance, whether material or moral.
(3) The Court—of the idea: "My object is to please the women."
(3) The Court—of the idea: "My goal is to make the women happy."
Almost all take hold of a mixture of all three. The happiness attached to the idea of riches is linked to a refinement in the pleasure which the idea of elegance suggests, and the whole comes into touch with love. In one way or another the imagination is led on by novelty. It is possible in this way to be interested in a very ugly man without thinking of his ugliness,[*] and in good time his ugliness becomes beauty. At Vienna, in 1788, Madame Viganò, a dancer and the woman of the moment, was with child—very soon the ladies took to wearing little Ventres à la Viganò. For the same reason reversed, nothing more fearful than a fashion out of date! Bad taste is a confusion of fashion, which lives only by change, with the lasting beauty produced by such and such a government, guided by such and such a climate. A building in fashion to-day, in ten years will be out of fashion. It will be less displeasing in two hundred years, when its fashionable day will be forgotten. Lovers are quite mad to think about their dress; a woman has other things to do, when seeing the object of her love, than to bother about his get-up; we look at our lover, we do not examine him, says Rousseau. If this examination takes place, we are dealing with gallant-love and not passion-love. The brilliance of beauty is almost offensive in the object of our love; it is none of our business to see her beautiful, we want her tender and languishing. Adornment has effect in love only upon girls, who are so rigidly guarded in their parents' house, that they often lose their hearts through their eyes. (L.'s words. September 15, 1820.)
Almost everyone has a mix of all three. The happiness associated with wealth connects to a heightened pleasure suggested by elegance, and it all ties back to love. In some way, the imagination is driven by novelty. It’s possible to find a very unattractive man interesting without focusing on his flaws, and over time, his unattractiveness can seem like beauty. In Vienna, in 1788, Madame Viganò, a dancer and the center of attention, was pregnant—soon after, women started wearing little Ventres à la Viganò. For the opposite reason, there's nothing worse than a style that's gone out of fashion! Bad taste happens when fashion, which thrives on change, gets confused with a lasting beauty shaped by different influences and climates. A building that's in style today will be out of style in ten years. It might seem less unattractive in two hundred years, when its trendy period is forgotten. Lovers are foolish to worry about their outfits; a woman has better things to focus on when she sees the object of her affection than his appearance; we observe our lover, we don’t critique him, says Rousseau. If we do critique, we're engaging in gallant love instead of passionate love. The intensity of beauty can be almost off-putting in the one we love; it’s not our concern to see her as beautiful; we want her to be gentle and yearning. Adornment has an impact in love only on girls who are so strictly sheltered in their parents' homes that they often fall for someone through their looks. (L.'s words. September 15, 1820.)
* Le petit Germain, Mémoires de Grammont.
* Le petit Germain, Mémoires de Grammont.
[2] For their polish or their size or their form! In this way, or by the combination of sentiments (see above, the small-pox scars) a woman in love grows used to the faults of her lover. The Russian Princess C. has actually become used to a man who literally has no nose. The picture of his courage, of his pistol loaded to kill himself in despair at his misfortune, and pity for the bitter calamity, enhanced by the idea that he will recover and is beginning to recover, are the forces which have worked this miracle. The poor fellow with his wound must appear not to think of his misfortune. (Berlin, 1807.)
[2] For their polish, size, or shape! This way, or through a mix of feelings (see above, the smallpox scars), a woman in love adapts to her partner’s flaws. The Russian Princess C. has actually become accustomed to a man who literally has no nose. The image of his bravery, of his gun ready to end his life in despair over his fate, and the sympathy for his tragic situation, combined with the hope that he will recover and is starting to heal, are what have created this remarkable change. The poor guy with his injury must seem not to dwell on his misfortune. (Berlin, 1807.)
[3] Improper expression copied from the Memoirs of my friend, the late Baron de Bottmer. It is by the same trick that Feramorz pleases Lalla-Rookh. See that charming poem.
[3] Incorrect phrasing taken from the writings of my friend, the late Baron de Bottmer. It’s the same tactic that Feramorz uses to win over Lalla-Rookh. Check out that beautiful poem.
CHAPTER XX
Perhaps men who are not susceptible to the feelings of passion-love are those most keenly sensitive to the effects of beauty: that at least is the strongest impression which such men can receive of women.
Maybe men who aren't affected by passionate love are the ones most attuned to the impact of beauty: that's at least the strongest impression they can get from women.
He who has felt his heart beating at a distant glimpse of the white satin hat of the woman he loves, is quite amazed by the chill left upon him by the approach of the greatest beauty in the world. He may even have a qualm of distress, to observe the excitement of others.
He who has felt his heart race at the sight of the white satin hat of the woman he loves is often surprised by the chill that washes over him at the arrival of the most beautiful person in the world. He might even feel a pang of unease watching the excitement of others.
Extremely lovely women cause less surprise the second day. 'Tis a great misfortune, it discourages crystallisation. Their merit being obvious to all and public property, they are bound to reckon more fools in the list of their lovers than princes, millionaires, etc.[1]
Extremely attractive women are less surprising the next day. It's a real shame; it prevents them from shining as they should. Since their beauty is clear to everyone and feels like community property, they're likely to have more foolish admirers than princes, millionaires, and so on.[1]
CHAPTER XXI
Love at first sight
Imaginative souls are sensitive and also mistrustful, even the most ingenuous,[1]—I maintain. They may be suspicious without knowing it: they have had so many disappointments in life. Thus everything set-out and official, when a man is first introduced, scares the imagination and drives away the possibility of crystallisation; the romantic is then, on the contrary, love's triumph.
Imaginative people are sensitive and also skeptical, even the most naive,[1]—I stand by that. They can be suspicious without even realizing it because they've faced so many disappointments in life. So, everything that's formal and official when someone is first introduced can be intimidating, squashing the potential for deeper connections; in contrast, romance is the true victory of love.
Nothing simpler—for in the supreme astonishment, which keeps the thoughts busy for long upon something out of the ordinary, is already half the mental exercise necessary to crystallisation.
Nothing could be easier—because in the overwhelming surprise, which keeps our minds occupied for a long time on something unusual, is already half the mental exercise needed for clarity.
I will quote the beginning of the Amours of Séraphine (Gil Blas, Bk. IV, Chap. X). It is Don Fernando who tells the story of his flight, when pursued by the agents of the inquisition....
I will quote the beginning of the Amours of Séraphine (Gil Blas, Bk. IV, Chap. X). It's Don Fernando who shares the story of his escape while being chased by the inquisition's agents....
After crossing several walks I came to a drawing-room, the door of which was also left open. I entered, and when I had observed all its magnificence.... One side of the room a door stood ajar; I partly opened it and saw a suite of apartments [Pg 64]whereof only the furthest was lighted. "What is to be done now?" I asked myself.... I could not resist my curiosity.... Advancing boldly, I went through all the rooms and reached one where there was a light—to wit, a taper upon a marble table in a silver-gilt candlestick.... But soon afterwards, casting my eyes upon a bed, the curtains of which were partly drawn on account of the heat, I perceived an object which at once engrossed my attention: a young lady, fast asleep in spite of the noise of the thunder, which had just been bursting forth. I softly drew near her. My mind was suddenly troubled at the sight. Whilst I feasted my eyes with the pleasure of beholding her, she awoke.
After walking through several hallways, I reached a drawing room with an open door. I stepped inside and took in all its beauty. One side of the room had a door that was slightly open; I pushed it open further and found a series of rooms, only the farthest one was lit. "What should I do now?" I thought. I couldn’t hold back my curiosity. With determination, I explored all the rooms until I found one with light—a candle on a marble table in a silver-gilt candlestick. But soon, I noticed a bed with its curtains partly drawn due to the heat, and I saw something that caught my eye: a young lady, sound asleep despite the thunder rumbling outside. I quietly approached her. My mind was instantly filled with chaos at the sight. As I marveled at her beauty, she suddenly woke up.
Imagine her surprise at seeing in her room at midnight a man who was an utter stranger to her! She trembled on beholding me and shrieked aloud.... I took pains to reassure her and throwing myself on my knees before her, said—"Madam, have no fear." She called her women.... Grown a little braver by his (an old servant's) presence, she haughtily asked me who was, etc. etc."[2]
Just imagine her shock at finding a complete stranger in her room at midnight! She trembled in fear when she saw me and screamed loudly... I tried to soothe her and, dropping to my knees in front of her, said, "Ma'am, please don't be afraid." She called for her attendants... With the old servant there, she felt a bit braver and arrogantly asked me who I was, and so on. etc. etc.[2]
There is an introduction not easily to be forgotten! On the other hand, could there be anything sillier in our customs of to-day than the official, and at the same time almost sentimental, introduction of the young wooer to his future wife: such legal prostitution goes so far as to be almost offensive to modesty.
There’s an introduction that’s hard to forget! On the flip side, is there anything more ridiculous in our customs today than the official, yet almost sentimental, introduction of a young man to his future wife: this kind of legal arrangement almost feels offensive to modesty.
"I have just been present this afternoon, February 17th, 1790," says Chamfort, "at a so-called family function. That is to say, men of respectable reputation and a decent company were congratulating on her good fortune Mlle. de Marille, a young person of beauty, wit and virtue, who is to be favoured with becoming the wife of M. R.—an unhealthy dotard, repulsive, dishonest, and mad, but rich: she has seen him for the third time to-day, when signing the contract. If anything characterises an age of infamy, it is the jubilation on an occasion like this, it is the folly of such joy and—looking ahead—the sanctimonious cruelty, with which the same society will heap contempt without reserve upon [Pg 65]the pettiest imprudence of a poor young woman in love."
"I was just at a so-called family event this afternoon, February 17th, 1790," says Chamfort. "That is to say, respectable men and a decent crowd were congratulating Mlle. de Marille, a young woman of beauty, wit, and virtue, who is set to marry M. R.—an unhealthy old fool, unpleasant, dishonest, and crazy, but rich. She's met him for the third time today while signing the contract. If anything marks an age of disgrace, it's the celebration of an occasion like this, the absurdity of such joy and—looking ahead—the hypocritical cruelty with which the same society will show nothing but contempt for the tiniest mistake of a poor young woman in love."
Ceremony of all kinds, being in its essence something affected and set-out beforehand, in which the point is to act "properly," paralyses the imagination and leaves it awake only to that which is opposed to the object of the ceremony, e. g. something comical—whence the magic effect of the slightest joke. A poor girl, struggling against nervousness and attacks of modesty during the official introduction of her fiancé, can think of nothing but the part she is playing, and this again is a certain means of stifling the imagination.
Ceremonies of all kinds are, at their core, something pre-planned, where the goal is to act "correctly." This tightens the imagination and only allows it to focus on things that contrast with the ceremony, like something funny—hence the strong impact of even the smallest joke. A nervous girl, battling her shyness during the formal introduction of her fiancé, can’t think about anything other than the role she is playing, which further stifles her imagination.
Modesty has far more to say against getting into bed with a man whom you have seen but twice, after three Latin words have been spoken in church, than against giving way despite yourself to the man whom for two years you have adored. But I am talking double Dutch.
Modesty has a lot more to say against getting into bed with a guy you've only seen twice, after just three Latin words were spoken in church, than against giving in, despite your better judgment, to the guy you've adored for two years. But I’m just rambling.
The fruitful source of the vices and mishaps, which follow our marriages nowadays, is the Church of Rome. It makes liberty for girls impossible before marriage, and divorce impossible, when once they have made their mistake, or rather when they find out the mistake of the choice forced on them. Compare Germany, the land of happy marriages: a delightful princess (Madame la Duchesse de Sa——) has just married in all good faith for the fourth time, and has not failed to ask to the wedding her three first husbands, with whom she is on the best terms. That is going too far; but a single divorce, which punishes a husband for his tyranny, prevents a thousand cases of unhappy wedded life. What is amusing is that Rome is one of the places where you see most divorces.
The main source of the problems and issues that come with marriages today is the Catholic Church. It makes it impossible for women to have freedom before marriage, and once they’ve made a mistake in their choice, it’s equally impossible to get divorced. Now, look at Germany, where couples are much happier: a wonderful princess (Madame la Duchesse de Sa——) has just married for the fourth time, and she even invited her first three husbands to the wedding because they all get along well. That might be a bit much, but a single divorce that holds a husband accountable for his mistreatment can prevent countless unhappy marriages. It’s funny that Rome is one of the places where you see the most divorces.
Love goes out at first sight towards a face, which reveals in a man at once something to respect and something to pity.
Love strikes at first sight when looking at a face that shows both something to admire and something to feel sorry for in a man.
A man who has lived finds in his memory numberless examples of "affairs," and his only trouble is to make his choice. But if he wishes to write, he no longer knows where to look for support. The anecdotes of the particular circles he has lived in are unknown to the public, and it would require an immense number of pages to recount them with the necessary circumstantiality. I quote for that reason from generally-known novels, but the ideas which I submit to the reader I do not ground upon such empty fictions, calculated for the most part with an eye to the picturesque rather than the true effect.
A man who has lived has countless examples of "affairs" stored in his memory, and his only problem is deciding which one to choose. But if he wants to write, he no longer knows where to seek support. The stories from the specific circles he's been a part of are unfamiliar to the public, and it would take a huge number of pages to recount them in detail. For that reason, I reference well-known novels, but the ideas I present to the reader are not based on these shallow fictions, which are mostly crafted to be more visually appealing than truthful.
[2] [Translation of Henri van Laun.—Tr.]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ [Translation of Henri van Laun.—Tr.]
CHAPTER XXII
CRUSH
The most fastidious spirits are very given to curiosity and prepossession: this is to be seen, especially, in beings in which that sacred fire, the source of the passions, is extinct—in fact it is one of the most fatal symptoms. There is also the infatuation of schoolboys just admitted to society. At the two poles of life, with too much or too little sensibility, there is little chance of simple people getting the right effect from things, or feeling the genuine sensation which they ought to give. These beings, either too ardent or excessive in their ardour, amorous on credit, if one may use the expression, throw themselves at objects instead of awaiting them.
The most particular people are really curious and biased: you can see this especially in those whose passion is long gone—this is actually one of the most dangerous signs. There's also the obsession of schoolboys just stepping into society. At both ends of life, whether feeling too much or too little, it's unlikely that simple folks will get the right impression from things or experience the real feelings they should evoke. These people, either too enthusiastic or overly enthusiastic, love on borrowed time, so to speak, rushing toward things instead of waiting for them.
From afar off and without looking they enfold things in that imaginary charm, of which they find a perennial source within themselves, long before sensation, which is the consequence of the object's nature, has had time to reach them. Then, on coming to close quarters, they see these things not such as they are, but as they have made them; they think they are enjoying such and such an object, while, under cover of that object, they are enjoying themselves. But one fine day a man gets tired of keeping the whole thing going; he discovers that his idol is not playing the game; infatuation collapses and the resulting shock to his self-esteem makes him unfair to that which he appreciated too highly.
From a distance, without even looking, they wrap things in an imaginary charm that comes from deep within them, long before the sensation of the object’s true nature has had a chance to reach them. Then, when they get up close, they see these things not as they really are, but as they’ve made them in their minds; they think they’re enjoying a certain object, while underneath it all, they’re actually enjoying themselves. But one day, a person grows tired of maintaining this illusion; they realize that their idol is not playing the game; their infatuation crumbles, and the shock to their self-esteem makes them unfair to what they once valued too highly.
CHAPTER XXIII
THE THUNDERBOLT FROM THE BLUE(11)
So ridiculous an expression ought to be changed, yet the thing exists. I have seen the amiable and noble Wilhelmina, the despair of the beaux of Berlin, making light of love and laughing at its folly. In the brilliance of youth, wit, beauty and all kinds of good luck—a boundless fortune, giving her the opportunity of developing all her qualities, seemed to conspire with nature to give the world an example, rarely seen, of perfect happiness bestowed upon an object perfectly worthy. She was twenty-three years old and, already some time at Court, had won the homage of the bluest blood. Her virtue, unpretentious but invulnerable, was quoted as a pattern. Henceforth the most charming men, despairing of their powers of fascination, aspired only to make her their friend. One evening she goes to a ball at Prince Ferdinand's: she dances for ten minutes with a young Captain.
Such a ridiculous expression should be changed, yet it exists. I've seen the lovely and noble Wilhelmina, the heartbreak of the handsome men of Berlin, making light of love and laughing at its foolishness. In her youthful brilliance, with wit, beauty, and a ton of good luck—a limitless fortune that gave her the chance to develop all her qualities—seemed to conspire with nature to present the world with a rare example of perfect happiness granted to someone truly deserving. She was twenty-three years old and, having spent some time at Court, had earned the admiration of the highest nobility. Her virtue, humble yet unbreakable, was held up as a standard. From then on, the most charming men, feeling they could not captivate her, aspired only to be her friend. One evening, she went to a ball at Prince Ferdinand's: she danced for ten minutes with a young Captain.
"From that moment," she writes subsequently to a friend,[1] "he was master of my heart and of me, and this to a degree that would have filled me with terror, if the happiness of seeing Herman had left me time to think of the rest of existence. My only thought was to observe whether he gave me a little notice.
"From that moment," she later writes to a friend,[1] "he took control of my heart and my life, and this realization would have scared me if the joy of seeing Herman hadn’t occupied all my thoughts. All I could think about was whether he noticed me at all."
"To-day the only consolation that I might find for my fault is to nurse the illusion within me, that it is through a superior power that I am lost to reason and to myself. I have no word to describe, in a way that comes at all near the reality, the degree of disorder and turmoil [Pg 68]to which the mere sight of him could bring my whole being. I blush to think of the rapidity and the violence with which I was drawn towards him. If his first word, when at last he spoke to me, had been 'Do you adore me?'—truly I should not have had the power to have answered anything but 'yes.' I was far from thinking that the effect of a feeling could be at once so sudden and so unforeseen. In fact, for an instant, I believed that I had been poisoned.
"Today, the only comfort I find for my mistake is to hold on to the illusion that I’m lost to reason and to myself because of a greater force. I can’t describe, in a way that truly captures it, the level of chaos and turmoil [Pg 68] that just seeing him can bring upon me. I’m embarrassed to think about how quickly and intensely I was drawn to him. If his first words to me had been 'Do you adore me?'—honestly, I wouldn’t have had the strength to reply with anything but 'yes.' I never imagined that a feeling could hit me so suddenly and unexpectedly. For a moment, I actually thought I had been poisoned."
"Unhappily you and the world, my dear friend, know how well I have loved Herman. Well, after quarter of an hour he was so dear to me that he cannot have become dearer since. I saw then all his faults and I forgave them all, provided only he would love me.
"Sadly, you and the world, my dear friend, know how deeply I loved Herman. After just fifteen minutes, he was so precious to me that he couldn't have become more cherished since then. I saw all his flaws and forgave them all, as long as he would love me."
"Soon after I had danced with him, the king left: Herman, who belonged to the suite, had to follow him. With him, everything in nature disappeared. It is no good to try to depict the excess of weariness with which I felt weighed down, as soon as he was out of my sight. It was equal only to the keenness of my desire to be alone with myself.
"Soon after I danced with him, the king left: Herman, who was part of the entourage, had to follow him. With him, everything in nature vanished. There's no point in trying to describe the overwhelming weariness that settled over me as soon as he was out of my sight. It matched only the intensity of my desire to be alone with myself."
"At last I got away. No sooner the door of my room shut and bolted than I wanted to resist my passion. I thought I should succeed. Ah, dear friend, believe me I paid dear that evening and the following days for the pleasure of being able to credit myself with some virtue."
"At last I got away. No sooner had the door of my room shut and locked than I felt the urge to fight against my desires. I thought I could succeed. Ah, dear friend, believe me, I paid dearly that evening and in the days that followed for the satisfaction of believing I had some virtue."
The preceding lines are the exact story of an event which was the topic of the day; for after a month or two poor Wilhelmina was unfortunate enough for people to take notice of her feelings. Such was the origin of that long series of troubles by which she perished so young and so tragically—poisoned by herself or her lover. All that we could see in this young Captain was that he was an excellent dancer; he had plenty of gaiety and still more assurance, a general air of good nature and spent his time with prostitutes; for the rest, scarcely a nobleman, quite poor and not seen at Court.
The previous lines tell the exact story of an event that became the talk of the town; after a month or two, poor Wilhelmina was unfortunate enough for people to start noticing her feelings. This was the beginning of the long series of troubles that led to her dying young and tragically—poisoned by either herself or her lover. The only thing we could see in this young Captain was that he was a fantastic dancer; he was full of energy and even more confident, had a generally friendly vibe, and spent his time with prostitutes; aside from that, he was hardly a nobleman, quite poor, and not seen at Court.
[Pg 69]In these cases it is not enough to have no misgivings—one must be sick of misgivings—have, so to speak, the impatience of courage to face life's chances.
[Pg 69]In these situations, it's not enough to be free of doubts—one must be fed up with doubts—having, as it were, the impatience that comes from having the courage to face life's uncertainties.
The soul of a woman, grown tired, without noticing it, of living without loving, convinced in spite of herself by the example of other women—all the fears of life surmounted and the sorry happiness of pride found wanting—ends in creating unconsciously a model, an ideal. One day she meets this model: crystallisation recognises its object by the commotion it inspires and consecrates for ever to the master of its fortunes the fruit of all its previous dreams.[2]
The soul of a woman, worn out without realizing it, from living without love, persuaded despite herself by the example of other women—all the fears of life overcome and the hollow happiness of pride found lacking—ends up unconsciously creating a model, an ideal. One day she encounters this model: crystallization recognizes its object by the emotions it stirs and permanently dedicates to the master of its fate the culmination of all its past dreams.[2]
Women, whose hearts are open to this misfortune, have too much grandeur of soul to love otherwise than with passion. They would be saved if they could stoop to gallantry.
Women, who are compassionate towards this misfortune, have too much greatness of spirit to love in any way other than passionately. They would find salvation if they could lower themselves to flirtation.
As "thunderbolts" come from a secret lassitude in what the catechism calls Virtue, and from boredom brought on by the uniformity of perfection, I should be inclined to think that it would generally be the privilege of what is known in the world as "a bad lot" to bring them down. I doubt very much whether rigidity à la Cato has ever been the occasion of a "thunderbolt."
As "thunderbolts" come from a hidden fatigue in what the catechism refers to as Virtue, and from boredom caused by the sameness of perfection, I would tend to believe that it’s usually the privilege of what is called "a bad lot" to bring them about. I seriously doubt if strictness like Cato's has ever been the cause of a "thunderbolt."
What makes them so rare is that if the heart, thus disposed to love beforehand, has the slightest inkling of its situation, there is no thunderbolt.
What makes them so rare is that if the heart, already inclined to love, has even the slightest sense of its situation, there is no sudden shock.
The soul of a woman, whom troubles have made mistrustful, is not susceptible of this revolution.
The soul of a woman, made wary by her troubles, is not open to this change.
Nothing facilitates "a thunderbolt" like praise, given in advance and by women, to the person who is to occasion it.
Nothing makes "a thunderbolt" happen like praise, given beforehand and by women, to the person who will cause it.
False "thunderbolts" form one of the most comic sources of love stories. A weary woman, but one without much feeling, thinks for a whole evening that she is in love for life. She is proud of having found at last one of those great commotions of the soul, which used to [Pg 70]allure her imagination. The next day she no longer knows where to hide her face and, still more, how to avoid the wretched object she was adoring the night before.
False "thunderbolts" are one of the most amusing sources of love stories. A tired woman, though not very emotional, thinks for an entire evening that she has found true love. She feels proud to have finally experienced one of those intense feelings that used to captivate her imagination. The next day, she can't figure out how to face the world and, even more so, how to avoid the pitiful person she was infatuated with the night before.
Clever people know how to spot, that is to say, make capital out of these "thunderbolts."
Clever people know how to recognize, or in other words, take advantage of these "thunderbolts."
Physical love also has its "thunderbolts." Yesterday in her carriage with the prettiest and most easy-going woman in Berlin, we saw her suddenly blush. She became deeply absorbed and preoccupied. Handsome Lieutenant Findorff had just passed. In the evening at the play, according to her own confession to me, she was out of her mind, she was beside herself, she could think of nothing but Findorff, to whom she had never spoken. If she had dared, she told me, she would have sent for him—that pretty face bore all the signs of the most violent passion. The next day it was still going on. After three days, Findorff having played the blockhead, she thought no more about it. A month later she loathed him.
Physical love also has its "thunderbolts." Yesterday, in her carriage with the prettiest and most easy-going woman in Berlin, we saw her suddenly blush. She became deeply absorbed and lost in thought. Handsome Lieutenant Findorff had just passed by. In the evening at the play, according to her own confession to me, she was out of her mind, completely consumed by thoughts of Findorff, even though she had never spoken to him. If she had dared, she told me, she would have sent for him—that pretty face showed all the signs of intense passion. The next day it was still happening. After three days, with Findorff acting oblivious, she stopped thinking about it. A month later, she couldn't stand him.
CHAPTER XXIV
Voyage in an unfamiliar land
I advise the majority of people born in the North to skip the present chapter. It is an obscure dissertation upon certain phenomena relative to the orange-tree, a plant which does not grow or reach its full height except in Italy and Spain. In order to be intelligible elsewhere, I should have had to cut down the facts.
I suggest that most people from the North skip this chapter. It's a complicated essay on some aspects of the orange tree, a plant that only thrives and reaches its full height in Italy and Spain. To make it understandable for others, I would have needed to simplify the facts.
I should have had no hesitation about this, if for a single moment I had intended to write a book to be generally appreciated. But Heaven having refused me the writer's gift, I have thought solely of describing with all the ill-grace of science, but also with all its exactitude, certain facts, of which I became involuntarily the witness through a prolonged sojourn in the land of the orange-tree. Frederick the Great, or some such other distinguished man from the North, who never had the opportunity of seeing the orange-tree growing in the open, would doubtless have denied the facts which follow—and denied in good faith. I have an infinite respect for such good faith and can see its wherefore.
I shouldn't have hesitated about this at all if I had aimed to write a book that everyone would enjoy. But since I've been denied the gift of writing by fate, I’ve focused only on describing, with all the awkwardness of science but also with its precision, certain facts that I accidentally witnessed during my extended stay in the land of the orange tree. Frederick the Great, or any other notable figure from the North who has never seen the orange tree growing in the wild, would likely dispute the facts that follow—and he would do so sincerely. I have a deep respect for that sincerity and understand its reasoning.
As this sincere declaration may seem presumption, I append the following reflexion:—
As this honest statement might come across as arrogant, I add the following thought:—
We write haphazard, each one of us what we think true, and each gives the lie to his neighbour. I see in our books so many tickets in a lottery and in reality they have no more value. Posterity, forgetting some and reprinting others, declares the lucky numbers. And in so far, each one of us having written as best he can, what he thinks true, has no right to laugh at his neighbour—except [Pg 72]where the satire is amusing. In that case he is always right, especially if he writes like M. Courrier to Del Furia(12).
We write randomly, each expressing what we believe is true, and everyone contradicts their neighbor. I see in our writings so many lottery tickets that in reality hold no more value. Future generations, forgetting some and reprinting others, announce the winning numbers. And in this way, since each of us has written as well as we can what we think is true, we have no right to mock our neighbor—unless the satire is genuinely funny. In that case, they are always in the right, especially if they write like M. Courrier to Del Furia(12).
After this preamble, I am going bravely to enter into the examination of facts which, I am convinced, have rarely been observed at Paris. But after all at Paris, superior as of course it is to all other towns, orange-trees are not seen growing out in the open, as at Sorrento, and it is there that Lisio Visconti observed and noted the following facts—at Sorrento, the country of Tasso, on the Bay of Naples in a position half-way down to the sea, still more picturesque than that of Naples itself, but where no one reads the Miroir.
After this introduction, I'm going to boldly dive into the examination of facts that I believe are rarely observed in Paris. But even so, in Paris, which is, of course, superior to all other cities, you don't see orange trees growing outdoors like you do in Sorrento. It's there that Lisio Visconti observed and recorded the following facts—at Sorrento, Tasso's homeland, on the Bay of Naples, positioned midway down to the sea, even more picturesque than Naples itself, but where no one reads the Miroir.
When we are to see in the evening the woman we love, the suspense, the expectation of so great a happiness makes every moment, which separates us from it, unbearable.
When we’re about to see the woman we love in the evening, the suspense and anticipation of such great happiness make every moment that separates us from it feel unbearable.
A devouring fever makes us take up and lay aside twenty different occupations. We look every moment at our watch—overjoyed when we see that we have managed to pass ten minutes without looking at the time. The hour so longed-for strikes at last, and when we are at her door ready to knock—we would be glad not to find her in. It is only on reflexion that we would be sorry for it. In a word, the suspense before seeing her produces an unpleasant effect.
A consuming anxiety makes us start and stop twenty different tasks. We check our watch every moment—relieved when we realize we've gone ten whole minutes without checking the time. The hour we’ve been waiting for finally arrives, and when we stand at her door ready to knock, we’d almost prefer not to find her there. Only in hindsight would we regret that. In short, the tension before seeing her creates an uncomfortable feeling.
There you have one of the things which make good folk say that love drives men silly.
There you have one of the reasons people say that love makes men act crazy.
The reason is that the imagination, violently withdrawn from dreams of delight in which every step forward brings happiness, is brought back face to face with severe reality.
The reason is that the imagination, harshly pulled away from dreams of joy where every step forward brings happiness, is confronted with harsh reality.
The gentle soul knows well that in the combat which is to begin the moment he sees her, the least inadvertency, the least lack of attention or of courage will be paid for by a defeat, poisoning, for a long time to come, the dreams of fancy and of passion, and humiliating to a man's pride, if he try to find consolation outside the [Pg 73]sphere of passion. He says to himself: "I hadn't the wit, I hadn't the pluck"; but the only way to have pluck before the loved one is by loving her a little less.
The gentle soul understands that in the battle that will start the moment he sees her, even the smallest mistake, a moment of inattention or a lack of courage will lead to defeat, ruining his dreams of fantasy and passion for a long time, and hitting a man’s pride hard if he tries to find comfort outside the [Pg 73]realm of passion. He thinks to himself: "I didn’t have the brains, I didn’t have the guts"; but the only way to have courage in front of the one he loves is by loving her a little less.
It is a fragment of attention, torn by force with so much trouble from the dreams of crystallisation, which allows the crowd of things to escape us during our first words with the woman we love—things which have no sense or which have a sense contrary to what we mean—or else, what is still more heartrending, we exaggerate our feelings and they become ridiculous in our own eyes. We feel vaguely that we are not paying enough attention to our words and mechanically set about polishing and loading our oratory. And, also, it is impossible to hold one's tongue—silence would be embarrassing and make it still less possible to give one's thoughts to her. So we say in a feeling way a host of things that we do not feel, and would be quite embarrassed to repeat, obstinately keeping our distance from the woman before us, in order more really to be with her. In the early hours of my acquaintance with love, this oddity which I felt within me, made me believe that I did not love.
It’s a moment of distraction, forced out with so much effort from our ideal thoughts, which lets all the things slip away during our first conversations with the woman we love—things that make no sense or that contradict what we truly mean—or worse, we blow our feelings out of proportion and they end up seeming ridiculous to us. We sense that we’re not focusing enough on our words and automatically start trying to refine and embellish our speech. Also, it’s impossible to stay quiet—being silent would be awkward and would make it even harder to express our thoughts to her. So we express a lot of things that we don’t actually feel, and we’d be embarrassed to say them again, stubbornly keeping our distance from the woman in front of us, thinking it would help us connect with her more genuinely. In the early days of discovering love, this strange feeling inside me led me to believe that I didn’t actually love.
I understand cowardice and how recruits, to be delivered of their fear, throw themselves recklessly into the midst of the fire. The number of silly things I have said in the last two years, in order not to hold my tongue, makes me mad when I think of them.
I get cowardice and how new recruits, trying to shake off their fear, throw themselves headfirst into danger. The number of dumb things I've said in the past two years just to avoid staying quiet drives me crazy when I think about it.
And that is what should easily mark in a woman's eyes the difference between passion-love and gallantry, between the gentle soul and the prosaic.[1]
And that is what should clearly show in a woman's eyes the difference between passionate love and chivalry, between a gentle spirit and the ordinary.[1]
In these decisive moments the one gains as much as the other loses: the prosaic soul gets just the degree of warmth which he ordinarily wants, while excess of feeling drives mad the poor gentle heart, who, to crown his troubles, really means to hide his madness. Completely taken up with keeping his own transports in check, he is miles away from the self-possession necessary in order to seize opportunities, [Pg 74]and leaves in a muddle after a visit, in which the prosaic soul would have made a great step forward. Directly it is a question of advancing his too violent passion, a gentle being with pride cannot be eloquent under the eye of the woman whom he loves: the pain of ill-success is too much for him. The vulgar being, on the contrary, calculates nicely the chances of success: he is stopped by no foretastes of the suffering of defeat, and, proud of that which makes him vulgar, laughs at the gentle soul, who, with all the cleverness he may have, is never quite enough at ease to say the simplest things and those most certain to succeed. The gentle soul, far from being able to grasp anything by force, must resign himself to obtaining nothing except through the charity of her whom he loves. If the woman one loves really has feelings, one always has reason to regret having wished to put pressure on oneself in order to make love to her. One looks shame-faced, looks chilly, would look deceitful, did not passion betray itself by other and surer signs. To express what we feel so keenly, and in such detail, at every moment of the day, is a task we take upon our shoulders because we have read novels; for if we were natural, we would never undertake anything so irksome. Instead of wanting to speak of what we felt a quarter of an hour ago, and of trying to make of it a general and interesting topic, we would express simply the passing fragment of our feelings at the moment. But no! we put the most violent pressure upon ourselves for a worthless success, and, as there is no evidence of actual sensation to back our words, and as our memory cannot be working freely, we approve at the time of things to say—and say them—comical to a degree that is more than humiliating.
In these critical moments, one person gains as much as the other loses: the practical individual gets just the amount of warmth they usually desire, while an excess of emotion drives the sensitive heart to madness, who, to top it off, genuinely tries to hide that madness. Completely focused on controlling their own excitement, they are far from the composure needed to seize opportunities, [Pg 74], and ends up leaving a messy situation after a visit when the practical person would have made significant progress. When it comes to expressing intense feelings, a gentle person with pride can't be articulate in front of the woman he loves: the pain of failure is too much for him. The more ordinary person, on the other hand, carefully calculates the chances of success: he is not deterred by anticipations of the pain of failure, and, proud of what makes him ordinary, laughs at the sensitive soul who, regardless of his cleverness, is never quite calm enough to say even the simplest things that are most likely to succeed. The sensitive soul, unable to force anything, must resign himself to getting nothing except through the kindness of the woman he loves. If the woman one loves truly has feelings, there's always a reason to regret trying to pressure oneself to win her affection. One appears embarrassed, feels cold, would seem deceitful if passion didn't reveal itself through other, more certain signs. Expressing what we feel so intensely and in such detail every moment of the day is something we take on because we've read novels; if we were natural, we wouldn't undertake anything so burdensome. Instead of wanting to discuss what we felt a quarter of an hour ago and trying to make it a general and interesting topic, we would simply share the fleeting fragment of our feelings at that moment. But no! We push ourselves hard for a pointless success, and since there’s no genuine sensation to support our words and our memory isn't working freely, we agree at that time on things to say—and say them—in such a way that is more comical than humiliating.
When at last, after an hour's trouble, this extremely painful effort has resulted in getting away from the enchanted gardens of the imagination, in order to enjoy quite simply the presence of what you love, it often happens—that you've got to take your leave.
When you finally manage to escape the enchanted gardens of your imagination after an hour of struggling, just to enjoy the simple presence of what you love, it often turns out that you have to say goodbye.
[Pg 75]All this looks like extravagance, but I have seen better still. A woman, whom one of my friends loved to idolatry, pretending to take offence at some or other want of delicacy, which I was never allowed to learn, condemned him all of a sudden to see her only twice a month. These visits, so rare and so intensely desired, meant an attack of madness, and it wanted all Salviati's strength of character to keep it from being seen by outward signs.
[Pg 75]All this seems like extravagance, but I've seen even more. A woman, whom one of my friends adored, pretended to be offended by some perceived lack of delicacy, the details of which I was never told, abruptly decided to limit her visits to him to just twice a month. These rare and highly anticipated visits drove him almost to madness, and it took all of Salviati's strength of character to hide his feelings from showing outwardly.
From the very first, the idea of the visit's end is too insistent for one to be able to take pleasure in the visit. One speaks a great deal, deaf to one's own thoughts, saying often the contrary of what one thinks. One embarks upon discourses which have got suddenly to be cut short, because of their absurdity—if one manage to rouse oneself and listen to one's thoughts within. The effort we make is so violent that we seem chilly. Love hides itself in its excess.
From the very beginning, the idea that the visit will end is too overwhelming to allow for any enjoyment of the time spent together. People talk a lot, ignoring their own thoughts, often saying the opposite of what they really feel. Conversations start that need to be abruptly ended due to their silliness—if one can manage to pause and actually listen to their own thoughts. The effort we put in is so intense that we end up feeling cold. Love hides itself in its intensity.
Away from her, the imagination was lulled by the most charming dialogues: there were transports the most tender and the most touching. And thus for ten days or so you think you have the courage to speak; but two days before what should have been our day of happiness, the fever begins, and, as the terrible instant draws near, its force redoubles.
Away from her, my imagination was captivated by the most charming conversations: there were moments that were both the most tender and the most moving. So, for about ten days, you think you have the guts to express yourself; but two days before what should have been our day of happiness, the anxiety starts to rise, and as the dreadful moment approaches, its intensity increases.
Just as you come into her salon, in order not to do or say some incredible piece of nonsense, you clutch in despair at the resolution of keeping your mouth shut and your eyes on her—in order at least to be able to remember her face. Scarcely before her, something like a kind of drunkenness comes over your eyes; you feel driven like a maniac to do strange actions; it is as if you had two souls—one to act and the other to blame your actions. You feel, in a confused way, that to turn your strained attention to folly would temporarily refresh the blood, and make you lose from sight the end of the visit and the misery of parting for a fortnight.
As you walk into her salon, trying to avoid saying something really ridiculous, you desperately hold on to the decision to keep quiet and just focus on her—at least so you can remember her face. Standing in front of her, you suddenly feel a bit dizzy; it’s like you’re compelled to act strangely, almost as if you have two conflicting sides—one that wants to act and another that criticizes those actions. You sense, in a jumbled way, that diverting your attention to silliness could give you a brief burst of energy and help you forget the end of your visit and the sadness of being apart for two weeks.
[Pg 76]If some bore be there, who tells a pointless story, the poor lover, in his inexplicable madness, as if he were nervous of losing moments so rare, becomes all attention. That hour, of which he drew himself so sweet a picture, passes like a flash of lightning and yet he feels, with unspeakable bitterness, all the little circumstances which show how much a stranger he has become to her whom he loves. There he is in the midst of indifferent visitors and sees himself the only one who does not know her life of these past days, in all its details. At last he goes: and as he coldly says good-bye, he has the agonising feeling of two whole weeks before another meeting. Without a doubt he would suffer less never to see the object of his love again. It is in the style, only far blacker, of the Duc de Policastro, who every six months travelled a hundred leagues to see for a quarter of an hour at Lecce a beloved mistress guarded by a jealous husband.
[Pg 76]If there’s someone around who tells a pointless story, the poor lover, in his unspeakable madness, becomes hyper-focused, as if he’s terrified of missing these rare moments. That hour, which he envisioned so beautifully, passes in a flash, and yet he feels, with immense bitterness, all the little signs that show how distant he has become from the one he loves. He’s surrounded by indifferent guests and realizes he’s the only one who doesn’t know the details of her life over the past few days. Finally, he leaves; and as he coolly says goodbye, he feels the agonizing weight of having to wait two whole weeks until they meet again. He would undoubtedly suffer less if he never saw the object of his love again. It’s reminiscent, though far darker, of the Duc de Policastro, who traveled a hundred leagues every six months just to see his beloved mistress for a mere quarter of an hour, knowing she was protected by a jealous husband.
Here you can see clearly Will without influence upon Love.
Here you can clearly see Will without any influence from Love.
Out of all patience with one's mistress and oneself, how furious the desire to bury oneself in indifference! The only good of such visits is to replenish the treasure of crystallisation.
Out of all patience with your partner and yourself, how intense the urge to sink into indifference! The only benefit of those visits is to refill the treasure of crystallization.
Life for Salviati was divided into periods of two weeks, which took their colour from the last evening he had been allowed to see Madame ——. For example, he was in the seventh heaven of delight the 21st of May, and the 2nd of June he kept away from home, for fear of yielding to the temptation of blowing out his brains.
Life for Salviati was split into two-week blocks, each defined by the last evening he had spent with Madame ——. For instance, he was in seventh heaven on May 21st, but by June 2nd, he stayed away from home, afraid he might give in to the urge to end it all.
I saw that evening how badly novelists have drawn the moment of suicide. Salviati simply said to me: "I'm thirsty, I must take this glass of water." I did not oppose his resolution, but said good-bye: then he broke down.
I saw that evening how poorly novelists have portrayed the moment of suicide. Salviati just said to me, "I'm thirsty, I need to drink this glass of water." I didn’t argue with his decision, but said goodbye: then he fell apart.
Seeing the obscurity which envelops the discourse of lovers, it would not be prudent to push too far conclusions drawn from an isolated detail of their conversation. [Pg 77]They give a fair glimpse of their feelings only in sudden expressions—then it is the cry of the heart. Otherwise it is from the complexion of the bulk of what is said that inductions are to be drawn. And we must remember that quite often a man, who is very moved, has no time to notice the emotion of the person who is the cause of his own.
Seeing the confusion surrounding the conversations of lovers, it wouldn’t be wise to make conclusions based solely on a single detail of their discussion. [Pg 77] They only give a glimpse of their feelings through sudden outbursts—then it’s a true expression of the heart. Otherwise, we should draw conclusions from the overall tone of what is said. And we must remember that often a man, who is deeply affected, doesn’t have time to notice the emotions of the person who sparked his feelings.
CHAPTER XXV
THE INTRODUCTION
To see the subtlety and sureness of judgment with which women grasp certain details, I am lost in admiration: but a moment later, I see them praise a blockhead to the skies, let themselves be moved to tears by a piece of insipidity, or weigh gravely a fatuous affectation, as if it were a telling characteristic. I cannot conceive such simplicity. There must be some general law in all this, unknown to me.
To witness the finesse and confidence with which women perceive certain details fills me with admiration. But just moments later, I see them rave about a fool, get emotional over something bland, or seriously consider a meaningless pretension as if it were a significant trait. I can't understand such naivety. There must be some universal truth to all this that I'm unaware of.
Attentive to one merit in a man and absorbed by one detail, women feel it deeply and have no eyes for the rest. All the nervous fluid is used up in the enjoyment of this quality: there is none left to see the others.
Focused on one positive trait in a man and captivated by a single detail, women feel it intensely and overlook everything else. All their emotional energy is spent on appreciating this quality: there’s none left to notice the others.
I have seen the most remarkable men introduced to very clever women; it was always a particle of bias which decided the effect of the first inspection.
I have seen some truly remarkable men meet very intelligent women; it always seemed to be a hint of bias that influenced the outcome of their first impression.
If I may be allowed a familiar detail, I shall tell the story how charming Colonel L. B—— was to be introduced to Madame de Struve of Koenigsberg—she a most distinguished woman. "Farà colpo?"[1]—we asked each other; and a wager was made as a result. I go up to Madame de Struve, and tell her the Colonel wears his ties two days running—the second he turns them—she could notice on his tie the creases downwards. Nothing more palpably untrue!
If I may share a personal anecdote, I'll recount how charming Colonel L. B—— was when he was introduced to Madame de Struve from Koenigsberg—a truly distinguished woman. "Will it make an impression?"[1]—we asked each other, leading to a bet being placed. I approached Madame de Struve and told her that the Colonel wears his ties for two days straight—the second day he just flips them over—she could see the creases on his tie going downward. Nothing could be more untrue!
As I finish, the dear fellow is announced. The silliest little Parisian would have made more effect. Observe that Madame de Struve was one who could love. She is [Pg 79]also a respectable woman and there could have been no question of gallantry between them.
As I wrap up, the dear guy is announced. Even the silliest little Parisian would have made a bigger impact. Notice that Madame de Struve was someone who could truly love. She is [Pg 79]also a respectable woman, and there could have been no doubt about any romantic intentions between them.
Never were two characters more made for each other. People blamed Madame de Struve for being romantic, and there was nothing could touch L. B. but virtue carried to the point of the romantic. Thanks to her, he had a bullet put through him quite young.
Never were two characters more meant for each other. People criticized Madame de Struve for being too romantic, and nothing could appeal to L. B. except virtue taken to the extreme of romance. Because of her, he got shot when he was quite young.
It has been given to women admirably to feel the fine shades of affection, the most imperceptible variations of the human heart, the lightest movements of susceptibility.
Women have a remarkable ability to sense the subtle nuances of affection, the tiniest changes in the human heart, and the faintest signs of sensitivity.
In this regard they have an organ which in us is missing: watch them nurse the wounded.
In this regard, they have something we lack: watch them care for the injured.
But, perhaps, they are equally unable to see what mind consists in—as a moral composition. I have seen the most distinguished women charmed with a clever man, who was not myself, and, at the same time and almost with the same word, admire the biggest fools. I felt caught like a connoisseur, who sees the loveliest diamonds taken for paste, and paste preferred for being more massive.
But maybe they just can't understand what the mind really is—as a moral quality. I've seen the most remarkable women captivated by a smart guy, who wasn't me, while at the same time, almost in the same breath, they praised the biggest idiots. I felt trapped like an art expert who sees the most beautiful diamonds mistaken for fake ones, with the fake ones chosen for being more substantial.
And so I concluded that with women you have to risk everything. Where General Lassale came to grief, a captain with moustaches and heavy oaths succeeded.[2] There is surely a whole side in men's merit which escapes them. For myself, I always come back to physical laws. The nervous fluid spends itself in men through the brain and in women through the heart: that is why they are more sensitive. Some great and obligatory work, within the profession we have followed all our life, is our consolation, but for them nothing can console but distraction.
And so I realized that when it comes to women, you have to risk everything. Where General Lassale failed, a captain with a mustache and a few curse words managed to succeed.[2] There's definitely a side to men's worth that they overlook. Personally, I always go back to physical laws. Men expend their nervous energy through their brains, while women do it through their hearts; that’s why they’re more sensitive. Some significant and essential work in the profession we've dedicated our lives to brings us comfort, but for them, only distraction can provide solace.
Appiani, who only believes in virtue as a last resort, and with whom this evening I went routing out ideas (exposing meanwhile those of this chapter) answered:—
Appiani, who sees virtue as a last resort, and with whom I spent the evening brainstorming ideas (while also revealing those of this chapter) replied:—
"The force of soul, which Eponina used with heroic [Pg 80]devotion, to keep alive her husband in a cavern underground and to keep him from sinking into despair, would have helped her to hide from him a lover, if they had lived at Rome in peace. Strong souls must have their nourishment."
"The strength of the soul, which Eponina wielded with heroic devotion to keep her husband alive in an underground cave and to prevent him from falling into despair, could have helped her hide a lover from him if they had lived peacefully in Rome. Strong souls need their nourishment."
CHAPTER XXVI
MODESTY
In Madagascar, a woman exposes without a thought what is here most carefully hidden, but would die of shame sooner than show her arm. Clearly three-quarters of modesty come from example. It is perhaps the one law, daughter of civilisation, which produces only happiness.
In Madagascar, a woman openly reveals what is most meticulously concealed here, yet she would feel so ashamed that she would rather hide her arm. It's evident that most modesty comes from what we see in others. This is perhaps the only rule, born from civilization, that brings about happiness.
People have noticed that birds of prey hide themselves to drink; the reason being that, obliged to plunge their head in the water, they are at that moment defenceless. After a consideration of what happens at Tahiti,[1] I see no other natural basis for modesty.
People have observed that birds of prey conceal themselves to drink; the reason is that, having to immerse their heads in the water, they are vulnerable at that moment. After considering what happens in Tahiti,[1] I see no other natural reason for modesty.
Love is the miracle of civilisation. There is nothing but a physical love of the coarsest kind among savage or too barbarian peoples.
Love is the miracle of civilization. There’s only a physical love of the most basic kind among savage or overly barbaric people.
And modesty gives love the help of imagination—that is, gives it life.
And modesty gives love the boost of imagination—that is, brings it to life.
Modesty is taught little girls very early by their mothers with such jealous care, that it almost looks like fellow-feeling; in this way women take measures in good time for the happiness of the lover to come.
Modesty is instilled in little girls by their mothers from a young age with such protective care that it almost seems like a shared understanding; in this way, women prepare early for the happiness of the future partner.
There can be nothing worse for a timid, sensitive woman than the torture of having, in the presence of a man, allowed herself something for which she thinks she ought to blush; I am convinced that a woman with a [Pg 82]little pride would sooner face a thousand deaths. A slight liberty, which touches a soft corner in the lover's heart, gives her a moment of lively pleasure.[2] If he seem to blame it, or simply not to enjoy it to the utmost, it must leave in the soul an agonising doubt. And so a woman above the common sort has everything to gain by being very reserved in her manner. The game is not fair: against the chance of a little pleasure or the advantage of seeming a little more lovable, a woman runs the risk of a burning remorse and a sense of shame, which must make even the lover less dear. An evening gaily passed, in care-devil thoughtless fashion, is dearly paid for at the price. If a woman fears she has made this kind of mistake before her lover, he must become for days together hateful in her sight. Can one wonder at the force of a habit, when the lightest infractions of it are punished by such cruel shame?
There can be nothing worse for a shy, sensitive woman than the agony of having, in front of a man, allowed herself to do something she feels she should be embarrassed about; I’m convinced that a woman with a little pride would rather face a thousand deaths. A small indulgence that touches a tender spot in her lover's heart gives her a moment of intense joy. If he seems to criticize it, or simply doesn’t enjoy it fully, it must leave her with a painful uncertainty. So a woman of a higher caliber has everything to gain by being very reserved in her behavior. The odds are not in her favor: against a little pleasure or the chance of appearing more lovable, a woman risks intense regret and a feeling of shame that can make her lover seem less appealing. A night spent joyfully and carelessly comes with a heavy cost. If a woman worries she has made this kind of mistake in front of her lover, he may become repulsive to her for days. Can anyone blame the strength of a habit when even the slightest deviations from it are met with such harsh shame?
As for the utility of modesty—she is the mother of love: impossible, therefore, to doubt her claims. And for the mechanism of the sentiment—it's simple enough. The soul is busy feeling shame instead of busy desiring. You deny yourself desires and your desires lead to actions.
As for the usefulness of modesty—it's the foundation of love: so it's hard to question its value. And about how this feeling works—it's pretty straightforward. The soul is occupied with feeling shame rather than pursuing desires. You hold back your desires, and those desires lead to actions.
Evidently every woman of feeling and pride—and, these two things being cause and effect, one can hardly go without the other—must fall into ways of coldness, which the people whom they disconcert call prudery.
Clearly, every woman with emotions and self-respect—since these two qualities are interconnected, one can't really exist without the other—will develop a sense of distance that those people they unsettle often label as being prudish.
The accusation is all the more specious because of the extreme difficulty of steering a middle course: a woman has only to have little judgment and a lot of pride, and very soon she will come to believe that in modesty one cannot go too far. In this way, an Englishwoman takes it as an insult, if you pronounce before her the name of certain garments. An Englishwoman must be very careful, in the country, not to be seen in the evening [Pg 83]leaving the drawing-room with her husband; and, what is still more serious, she thinks it an outrage to modesty, to show that she is enjoying herself a little in the presence of anyone but her husband.[3] It is perhaps due to such studied scrupulousness that the English, a people of judgment, betray signs of such boredom in their domestic bliss. Theirs the fault—why so much pride?[4]
The accusation is even more ridiculous because it's really hard to find a middle ground: a woman just needs to have little sense and a lot of pride, and before long, she’ll think that you can’t be too modest. Because of this, an Englishwoman takes it as an insult if you mention certain types of clothing in front of her. An Englishwoman has to be very careful not to be seen leaving the living room with her husband in the evening; and even more importantly, she believes it’s a violation of modesty to show that she’s having a good time around anyone other than her husband. It might be this intense attention to modesty that makes the English, who are generally sensible, seem so bored in their domestic happiness. It’s their own fault—why so much pride?
To make up for this—and to pass straight from Plymouth to Cadiz and Seville—I found in Spain that the warmth of climate and passions caused people to overlook a little the necessary measure of restraint. The very tender caresses, which I noticed could be given in public, far from seeming touching, inspired me with feelings quite the reverse: nothing is more distressing.
To compensate for this—and to travel directly from Plymouth to Cadiz and Seville—I found that in Spain, the warm climate and passionate nature made people a bit more lenient about showing restraint. The very intimate gestures I observed being shared in public, instead of appearing sweet, inspired feelings quite the opposite: nothing is more upsetting.
We must expect to find incalculable the force of habits, which insinuate themselves into women under the pretext of modesty. A common woman, by carrying modesty to extremes, feels she is getting on a level with a woman of distinction.
We have to recognize the immense power of habits that creep into women under the guise of modesty. A regular woman, by taking modesty to an extreme, feels like she is elevating herself to the status of a distinguished woman.
Such is the empire of modesty, that a woman of feeling betrays her sentiments for her lover sooner by deed than by word.
Such is the power of modesty that a woman who has feelings for her partner reveals her emotions through actions rather than words.
The prettiest, richest and most easy-going woman of Bologna has just told me, how yesterday evening a fool of a Frenchman, who is here giving people a strange idea of his nation, thought good to hide under her bed. Apparently he did not want to waste the long string of absurd declarations, with which he has been pestering her for a month. But the great man should have had more presence of mind. He waited all right till Madame M—— sent away her maid and had got to bed, but he had not the patience to give the household time to go to sleep. She seized hold of the bell and had him thrown [Pg 84]out ignominiously, in the midst of the jeers and cuffs of five or six lackeys. "And if he had waited two hours?" I asked her. "I should have been very badly off. 'Who is to doubt,' he would have said, 'that I am here by your orders?'"[5]
The most beautiful, richest, and chill woman in Bologna just told me that last night, a clueless French guy, who's here giving people a weird impression of his country, decided to hide under her bed. Apparently, he didn't want to waste the long list of ridiculous things he's been telling her for a month. But the guy should have been smarter. He waited until Madame M—— had sent her maid away and gotten into bed, but he didn't have the patience to let everyone in the house fall asleep. She grabbed the bell and had him kicked out in shame, right in front of five or six servants who were laughing and mocking him. "What if he had waited two hours?" I asked her. "I would have been in big trouble. 'Who could doubt,' he would have said, 'that I'm here on your orders?'"[Pg 84]
After leaving this pretty woman's house, I went to see a woman more worthy of being loved than any I know. Her extremely delicate nature is something greater, if possible, than her touching beauty. I found her alone, told the story of Madame M—— and we discussed it. "Listen," was what she said; "if the man, who will go as far as that, was lovable in the eyes of that woman beforehand, he'll have her pardon, and, all in good time, her love." I own I was dumbfounded by this unexpected light thrown on the recesses of the human heart. After a short silence I answered her—"But will a man, who loves, dare go to such violent extremities?"
After leaving the house of that lovely woman, I went to see someone even more deserving of love than anyone I know. Her incredibly gentle nature is, if anything, even more impressive than her moving beauty. I found her alone, shared the story of Madame M——, and we talked about it. "Listen," she said; "if the man who would go to such lengths was already lovable in that woman's eyes, he will earn her forgiveness, and eventually her love." I must admit, I was taken aback by this unexpected insight into the depths of the human heart. After a brief silence, I replied, "But would a man in love really dare to take such drastic measures?"
There would be far less vagueness in this chapter had a woman written it. Everything relating to women's haughtiness or pride, to their habits of modesty and its excesses, to certain delicacies, for the most part dependent wholly on associations of feelings,[6] which cannot exist for men, and often delicacies not founded on Nature—all these things, I say, can only find their way here so far as it is permissible to write from hearsay.
There would be much less ambiguity in this chapter if a woman had written it. Everything related to women's pride or arrogance, their modesty and its extremes, certain sensitivities—mostly based entirely on emotional associations, which men can't experience—along with some sensitivities that aren't grounded in nature—all of these topics can only be addressed here to the extent that it's acceptable to rely on secondhand information.
A woman once said to me, in a moment of philosophical frankness, something which amounts to this:—
A woman once said to me, during a candid philosophical moment, something like this:—
"If ever I sacrificed my liberty, the man whom I should happen to favour would appreciate still more my [Pg 85]affection, by seeing how sparing I had always been of favours—even of the slightest." It is out of preference for this lover, whom perhaps she will never meet, that a lovable woman will offer a cold reception to the man who is speaking to her at the moment. That is the first exaggeration of modesty; that one can respect. The second comes from women's pride. The third source of exaggeration is the pride of husbands.
"If I ever gave up my freedom, the guy I end up liking would value my affection even more by realizing how rarely I've given out favors—even the smallest ones." It's out of loyalty to this lover, whom she might never meet, that a charming woman will give a chilly response to the man who's talking to her right now. That’s the first form of modesty exaggeration; one can understand that. The second comes from women's pride. The third source of exaggeration is the pride of husbands.
To my idea, this possibility of love presents itself often to the fancy of even the most virtuous woman—and why not? Not to love, when given by Heaven a soul made for love, is to deprive yourself and others of a great blessing. It is like an orange-tree, which would not flower for fear of committing a sin. And beyond doubt a soul made for love can partake fervently of no other bliss. In the would-be pleasures of the world it finds, already at the second trial, an intolerable emptiness. Often it fancies that it loves Art and Nature in its grander aspects, but all they do for it is to hold out hopes of love and magnify it, if that is possible; until, very soon, it finds out that they speak of a happiness which it is resolved to forego.
In my opinion, the chance for love often comes to the imagination of even the most virtuous woman—and why shouldn’t it? Not loving, when Heaven has given you a soul made for love, means missing out on a great blessing for yourself and others. It's like an orange tree that refuses to bloom out of fear of doing something wrong. And without a doubt, a soul crafted for love can only intensely enjoy love; anything else feels empty. It often thinks it loves Art and Nature in their grand forms, but all they do is spark hope for love and enhance it, if that’s even possible, until it soon realizes they talk about a happiness it has decided to pass up.
The only thing I see to blame in modesty is that it leads to untruthfulness, and that is the only point of vantage, which light women have over women of feeling. A light woman says to you: "As soon, my friend, as you attract me, I'll tell you and I'll be more delighted than you; because I have a great respect for you."
The only thing I can criticize about modesty is that it can lead to dishonesty, and that's the only advantage that carefree women have over emotionally sensitive women. A carefree woman will say to you: "As soon as you catch my interest, I'll let you know and I'll be even more excited than you; because I truly respect you."
The lively satisfaction of Constance's cry after her lover's victory! "How happy I am, not to have given myself to anyone, all these eight years that I've been on bad terms with my husband!"
The joyful relief in Constance's shout after her lover's win! "I'm so happy that I haven't given myself to anyone during these eight years I've been on bad terms with my husband!"
However comical I find the line of thought, this joy seems to me full of freshness.
However amusing I find this line of thinking, this joy feels very refreshing to me.
As a man, I think my eye can distinguish nine points in modesty.
As a man, I believe I can identify nine aspects of modesty.
1. Much is staked against little; hence extreme reserve; hence often affectation. For example, one doesn't laugh at what amuses one the most. Hence it needs a great deal of judgment to have just the right amount of modesty.[8] That is why many women have not enough in intimate gatherings, or, to put it more exactly, do not insist on the stories told them being sufficiently disguised, and only drop their veils according to the degree of their intoxication or recklessness.[9]
1. A lot is at stake over a little; that’s why there’s extreme caution; and often, pretentiousness. For instance, people don’t laugh at what makes them laugh the hardest. It takes a good amount of discernment to strike the right balance of modesty.[8] This is why many women don’t show enough modesty in close gatherings, or to be more precise, they don’t demand that the stories shared with them be adequately concealed, and only reveal their true selves based on how tipsy or reckless they feel.[9]
Could it be an effect of modesty and of the deadly dullness it must impose on many women, that the majority of them respect nothing in a man so much as impudence? Or do they take impudence for character?
Could it be that modesty and the boringness it brings to many women mean that most of them respect nothing in a man more than boldness? Or do they mistake boldness for true character?
2. Second law: "My lover will think the more of me for it."
2. Second law: "My partner will think more highly of me for it."
3. Force of habit has its way, even at the moments of greatest passion.
3. Habit has a way of taking over, even in the most intense moments.
4. To the lover, modesty offers very flattering pleasures; it makes him feel what laws are broken for his sake.
4. To the lover, modesty brings very appealing pleasures; it makes him realize which boundaries are crossed for his sake.
5. And to women it offers more intoxicating pleasures, which, causing the fall of a strongly established habit, throw the soul into greater confusion. The Comte de Valmont finds himself in a pretty woman's bedroom at [Pg 87]midnight. The thing happens every week to him; to her perhaps every other year. Thus continence and modesty must have pleasures infinitely more lively in store for women.[10]
5. And for women, it offers even more tempting pleasures, which can shake off a deeply ingrained habit, plunging the soul into even greater confusion. The Comte de Valmont finds himself in a beautiful woman's bedroom at [Pg 87]midnight. This happens to him every week; for her, maybe once every couple of years. Therefore, restraint and modesty must hold far more exciting pleasures for women.[10]
6. The drawback of modesty is that it is always leading to falsehood.
6. The downside of modesty is that it often leads to dishonesty.
7. Excess of modesty, and its severity, discourages gentle and timid hearts from loving[11]—just those made for giving and feeling the sweets of love.
7. Excessive modesty and its harshness prevent gentle and timid hearts from loving[11]—the very ones meant for giving and experiencing the joys of love.
8. In sensitive women, who have not had several lovers, modesty is a bar to ease of manner, and for this reason they are rather apt to let themselves be led by those friends, who need reproach themselves with no such failing.[12] They go into each particular case, instead of falling back blindly on habit. Delicacy and modesty give their actions a touch of restraint; by being natural they make [Pg 88]themselves appear unnatural; but this awkwardness is akin to heavenly grace.
8. In sensitive women who haven't had multiple partners, modesty can prevent them from feeling at ease, which is why they often let themselves be guided by friends who don’t have the same reservations. They consider each situation individually instead of just relying on habit. Their delicacy and modesty add a touch of restraint to their actions; by trying to be natural, they end up seeming unnatural. However, this awkwardness is similar to divine grace.
If familiarity in them sometimes resembles tenderness, it is because these angelic souls are coquettes without knowing it. They are disinclined to interrupt their dreams, and, to save themselves the trouble of speaking and finding something both pleasant and polite to say to a friend (which would end in being nothing but polite), they finish by leaning tenderly on his arm.[13]
If their familiarity sometimes feels like tenderness, it’s because these angelic souls are flirtatious without realizing it. They don’t want to break their daydreams, and to avoid the effort of talking and figuring out something nice and polite to say to a friend (which would just turn out to be polite), they end up gently leaning on his arm.[13]
9. Women only dare be frank by halves; which is the reason why they very rarely reach the highest, when they become authors, but which also gives a grace to their shortest note. For them to be frank means going out without a fichu. For a man nothing more frequent than to write absolutely at the dictate of his imagination, without knowing where he is going.
9. Women only feel comfortable being completely honest to a certain extent; that's why they rarely achieve the highest level when they become authors, but it also adds a charm to their briefest writings. For them, being frank is like stepping out without a fichu. For a man, it’s common to write freely from his imagination, without a clear sense of direction.
Résumé
Resume
The usual fault is to treat woman as a kind of man, but more generous, more changeable and with whom, above all, no rivalry is possible. It is only too easy to forget that there are two new and peculiar laws, which tyrannise over these unstable beings, in conflict with all the ordinary impulses of human nature—I mean:—
The common mistake is to treat women like a different version of men, but more generous, more unpredictable, and with whom, above all, no competition is possible. It’s all too easy to overlook the fact that there are two new and unique forces that dominate these unpredictable beings, which clash with all the usual urges of human nature—I mean:—
Feminine pride and modesty, and those often inscrutable habits born of modesty.
Feminine pride and modesty, along with those often mysterious behaviors that come from being modest.
[1] See the Travels of Bougainville, Cook, etc. In some animals, the female seems to retract at the moment she gives herself. We must expect from comparative anatomy some of the most important revelations about ourselves.
[1] Check out the Travels of Bougainville, Cook, and others. In some animals, the female appears to hold back right when she gives herself. We should anticipate that comparative anatomy will provide some of the most significant insights about ourselves.
[6] Modesty is one of the sources of taste in dress: by such and such an arrangement, a woman engages herself in a greater or less degree. This is what makes dress lose its point in old age.
[6] Modesty is one of the factors that influence style in clothing: with certain arrangements, a woman presents herself in varying degrees. This is what causes clothing to lose its significance in old age.
A provincial, who puts up to follow the fashion in Paris, engages herself in an awkward way, which makes people laugh. A woman coming to Paris from the provinces ought to begin by dressing as if she were thirty.
A provincial woman who tries to keep up with the fashion in Paris ends up looking awkward, which makes people laugh. A woman arriving in Paris from the provinces should start by dressing like she’s thirty.
[8] See the tone of society at Geneva, above all in the "best" families—use of a Court to correct the tendency towards prudery by laughing at it—Duclos telling stories to Madame de Rochefort—"Really, you take us for too virtuous." Nothing in the world is so nauseous as modesty not sincere.
[8] Look at the attitude of society in Geneva, especially among the "best" families—using humor to counteract the tendency toward prudishness—Duclos sharing stories with Madame de Rochefort—"Honestly, you think we're too virtuous." There's nothing more disgusting than insincere modesty.
[10] It is the story of the melancholy temperament and the sanguine. Consider a virtuous woman (even the mercenary virtue of certain of the faithful—virtue to be had for a hundredfold reward in Paradise) and a blasé debauchee of forty. Although the Valmont(13) of the Liaisons Dangereuses is not as far gone as that, the Présidente de Tourvel(13) is happier than he all the way through the book: and if the author, with all his wit, had had still more, that would have been the moral of his ingenious novel.
[10] It's the story of a sad person and an optimistic one. Think about a virtuous woman (even the mercenary virtue of some of the loyal—virtue that comes with a hundredfold reward in Paradise) and a jaded hedonist in his forties. While Valmont(13) from Liaisons Dangereuses isn't as lost as that, the Présidente de Tourvel(13) is much happier than he is throughout the book. If the author had even more wit, that would have been the lesson of his clever novel.
[11] Melancholy temperament, which may be called the temperament of love. I have seen women, the most distinguished and the most made for love, give the preference, for want of sense, to the prosaic, sanguine temperament. (Story of Alfred, Grande Chartreuse, 1810.)
[11] A melancholy temperament, often referred to as the temperament of love. I've observed that the most exceptional women, those truly suited for love, sometimes choose the dull, upbeat temperament simply because they lack insight. (Story of Alfred, Grande Chartreuse, 1810.)
I know no thought which incites me more to keep what is called bad company.
I can't think of anything that makes me want to hang out with what's considered bad company more.
(Here poor Visconti loses himself in the clouds.)
(Here, poor Visconti gets lost in the clouds.)
Fundamentally all women are the same so far as concerns the movements of the heart and passion: the forms the passions take are different. Consider the difference made by greater fortune, a more cultivated mind, the habit of higher thoughts, and, above all, (and more's the pity) a more irritable pride.
Basically, all women are the same when it comes to emotions and feelings; it's just the way those feelings express themselves that differs. Think about how factors like wealth, education, a more refined mindset, and, unfortunately, a more sensitive pride can make a difference.
Such and such a word irritates a princess, but would not in the very least shock an Alpine shepherdess. Only, once their anger is up, the passion works in princess and shepherdess the same). (The Editor's only note.)
Such and such a word annoys a princess, but wouldn’t even slightly disturb an Alpine shepherdess. However, once they’re both angry, the emotion affects the princess and the shepherdess in the same way. (The Editor's only note.)
[12] M.'s remark.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ M.'s comment.
[13] Vol. Guarna.
CHAPTER XXVII
THE LOOK
This is the great weapon of virtuous coquetry. With a glance, one may say everything, and yet one can always deny a glance; for it cannot be repeated textually.
This is the powerful tool of charming flirtation. With just a look, you can say everything, and yet you can always deny that look because it can't be repeated literally.
This reminds me of Count G——, the Mirabeau of Rome. The delightful little government of that land has taught him an original way of telling stories by a broken string of words, which say everything—and nothing. He makes his whole meaning clear, but repeat who will his sayings word for word, it is impossible to compromise him. Cardinal Lante told him he had stolen this talent from women—yes, and respectable women, I add. This roguery is a cruel, but just, reprisal on man's tyranny.
This reminds me of Count G——, the Mirabeau of Rome. The charming little government of that place has taught him a unique way of telling stories with a jumbled mix of words that convey everything—and nothing. He gets his whole point across, but if anyone tries to repeat his words exactly, it’s impossible to pin him down. Cardinal Lante told him he had taken this skill from women—yes, and respectable women, I would add. This trickery is a harsh, but fair, response to men's tyranny.
CHAPTER XXVIII
Feminine pride
All their lives women hear mention made by men of things claiming importance—large profits, success in war, people killed in duels, fiendish or admirable revenges, and so on. Those of them, whose heart is proud, feel that, being unable to reach these things, they are not in a position to display any pride remarkable for the importance of what it rests on. They feel a heart beat in their breast, superior by the force and pride of its movements to all which surrounds them, and yet they see the meanest of men esteem himself above them. They find out, that all their pride can only be for little things, or at least for things, which are without importance except for sentiment, and of which a third party cannot judge. Maddened by this desolating contrast between the meanness of their fortune and the conscious worth of their soul, they set about making their pride worthy of respect by the intensity of its fits or by the relentless tenacity with which they hold by its dictates. Before intimate intercourse women of this kind imagine, when they see their lover, that he has laid siege to them. Their imagination is absorbed in irritation at his endeavours, which, after all, cannot do otherwise than witness to his love—seeing that he does love. Instead of enjoying the feelings of the man of their preference, their vanity is up in arms against him; and it comes to this, that, with a soul of the tenderest, so long as its sensibility is not centred on a special object, they have only to love, in [Pg 91]order, like a common flirt, to be reduced to the barest vanity.
All their lives, women hear men talk about things that seem important—big profits, success in war, people killed in duels, revenge that is either cruel or admirable, and so on. Those women who are proud feel that, since they can’t achieve these things, they can’t show any pride that really matters. They sense a strong heartbeat in their chest, more powerful and proud than anything around them, yet they see even the lowest of men consider themselves superior. They realize that all their pride can only be based on small things, or at least things that are important only to them, which others can't judge. Frustrated by the harsh difference between their limited fortune and the true worth of their souls, they try to make their pride deserving of respect by the intensity of their emotions or by how fiercely they cling to their principles. When getting close to someone, women like this imagine their lover as if he’s trying to conquer them. Their thoughts are consumed with annoyance at his efforts, which, ultimately, only prove his love—since he does love them. Instead of enjoying the feelings of the man they like, their vanity rises up against him; and it turns out that, with the most delicate souls, as long as their feelings aren’t focused on a specific person, they just end up loving, like a typical flirt, reducing themselves to pure vanity.
A woman of generous character will sacrifice her life a thousand times for her lover, but will break with him for ever over a question of pride—for the opening or shutting of a door. Therein lies their point of honour. Well! Napoleon came to grief rather than yield a village.
A woman with a big heart would give up her life a thousand times for her partner, but she would end things with him forever over a matter of pride—for opening or closing a door. That's where their sense of honor lies. Well! Napoleon faced defeat rather than give up a single village.
I have seen a quarrel of this kind last longer than a year. It was a woman of the greatest distinction who sacrificed all her happiness, sooner than give her lover the chance of entertaining the slightest possible doubt of the magnanimity of her pride. The reconciliation was the work of chance, and, on my friend's side, due to a moment of weakness, which, on meeting her lover, she was unable to overcome. She imagined him forty miles away, and found him in a place, where certainly he did not expect to see her. She could not hide the first transports of delight; her lover was more overcome than she; they almost fell at each other's feet and never have I seen tears flow so abundantly—it was the unlooked-for appearance of happiness. Tears are the supreme smile.
I've seen a disagreement like this last over a year. It was a woman of great distinction who sacrificed all her happiness rather than let her lover think for even a moment that her pride could be anything but noble. Their reconciliation happened by chance, and it was my friend’s moment of weakness upon seeing her lover that made it possible. She thought he was forty miles away and found him in a place he definitely didn’t expect to see her. She couldn't hide her initial joy; her lover was even more affected than she was. They almost fell at each other’s feet, and I've never seen tears flow so freely—it was an unexpected burst of happiness. Tears are the ultimate expression of joy.
The Duke of Argyll gave a fine example of presence of mind, in not drawing Feminine Pride into a combat, in the interview he had at Richmond with Queen Caroline.[1] The more nobility in a woman's character, the more terrible are these storms—
The Duke of Argyll demonstrated great presence of mind by not letting Feminine Pride escalate into a conflict during his meeting with Queen Caroline at Richmond.[1] The more noble a woman's character, the more intense these storms can be—
Can it be that the more fervently, in the normal course of life, a woman delights in the rare qualities of her lover, the more she tries, in those cruel moments, when sympathy seems turned to the reverse, to wreak her vengeance on what usually she sees in him superior [Pg 92]to other people? She is afraid of being confounded with them.
Can it be that the more passionately a woman enjoys the unique qualities of her partner in everyday life, the more she tries, in those harsh moments when her feelings seem to flip, to take revenge on what she usually sees as his superiority over others? She is afraid of being grouped with them. [Pg 92]
It is a precious long time since I read that boring Clarissa; but I think it is through feminine pride that she lets herself die, and does not accept the hand of Lovelace.
It’s been a long time since I read that dull Clarissa; but I think it’s her feminine pride that makes her refuse Lovelace’s offer and ultimately leads her to her death.
Lovelace's fault was great; but as she did love him a little, she could have found pardon in her heart for a crime, of which the cause was love.
Lovelace's mistake was serious; but since she did care for him a little, she might have found it in her heart to forgive a wrongdoing caused by love.
Monime, on the contrary, seems to me a touching model of feminine delicacy. What cheek does not blush with pleasure to hear from the lips of an actress worthy of the part:—
Monime, on the other hand, appears to me to be a touching example of feminine grace. What heart doesn’t swell with joy to hear from the lips of an actress who truly deserves the role:—
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Your tricks have been uncovered, and I can’t now Disown what I've confessed; you can't erase Its memory; the embarrassment of that admission,
To what you made me do, I will accept forever. Bring to my mind, and I will consider You were always unsure of my beliefs.
The grave itself seemed less disturbing to me. Than a marriage bed shared with a partner, who took Cruel exploitation of my naive trust,
And, to ruin my peace forever, fanned A flame that warmed my cheek for another love
Than his.[2]
I can picture to myself future generations saying: "So that's what Monarchy[3] was good for—to produce that sort of character and their portrayal by great artists. "
I can imagine future generations saying: "So that's what Monarchy[3] was good for—to create that kind of character and have them depicted by great artists."
And yet I find an admirable example of this delicacy even in the republics of the Middle Ages; which seems to destroy my system of the influence of governments on the passions, but which I shall cite in good faith.
And yet I see a remarkable example of this sensitivity even in the republics of the Middle Ages; which seems to undermine my theory about how governments affect people's feelings, but I will mention it honestly.
[Pg 93]The reference is to those very touching verses of Dante:
[Pg 93]This refers to those incredibly moving lines by Dante:
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Remember me, for I am Pia; Siena made me; Maremma broke me;
Salsi the one who first rings Disposing, he had me with his gem.
The woman, who speaks with so much restraint, had suffered in secret the fate of Desdemona, and, by a word, could make known her husband's crime to the friends, whom she had left on earth.
The woman, who speaks so softly, had secretly endured the same fate as Desdemona, and with just a word, could reveal her husband's crime to the friends she had left behind.
Nello della Pietra won the hand of Madonna Pia(14), sole heiress of the Tolomei, the richest and noblest family of Sienna. Her beauty, which was the admiration of Tuscany, sowed in her husband's heart the seed of jealousy, which, envenomed by false reports and suspicions ever and anon rekindled, led him to a heinous project. It is difficult, at this hour, to decide whether his wife was altogether innocent, but Dante represents her as such.
Nello della Pietra won the hand of Madonna Pia(14), the only heir of the Tolomei, the wealthiest and most prestigious family in Sienna. Her beauty, which was admired throughout Tuscany, planted the seeds of jealousy in her husband's heart. This jealousy, fueled by false rumors and suspicions that kept flaring up, drove him to a terrible plan. It's hard to say now if his wife was completely innocent, but Dante portrays her that way.
Her husband carried her off into the fens of Volterra, famous then, as now, for the effects of the aria cattiva. Never would he tell his unhappy wife the reason of her exile in so dangerous a place. His pride did not deign to utter complaint or accusation. He lived alone with her in a deserted tower, the ruins of which by the edge of the sea I have been myself to visit. There he never broke his scornful silence, never answered his young wife's questions, never listened to her prayers. Coldly he waited at her side for the pestilential air to have its effect. The exhalations of these morasses were not long in withering those features—the loveliest, it is said, [Pg 94]which, in that century, the world had seen. In a few months she died. Some chroniclers of those remote times report that Nello used the dagger to hasten her end. She died in the fens in some horrible way; but the kind of death was a mystery even to her contemporaries. Nello della Pietra survived to pass the rest of his days in a silence which he never broke.
Her husband took her away to the marshes of Volterra, known then and now for the effects of the aria cattiva. He would never share with his unhappy wife the reason for her exile in such a dangerous place. His pride was too great to voice any complaints or accusations. They lived alone together in a deserted tower, the ruins of which I have visited by the edge of the sea. There, he never broke his disdainful silence, never answered his young wife’s questions, and never listened to her pleas. Coldly, he waited by her side for the toxic air to take its toll. The fumes from those marshes quickly took away her beauty—the loveliest, it is said, [Pg 94] which the world had seen in that century. Within a few months, she died. Some chroniclers of that era claim that Nello used a dagger to hasten her end. She died in the marshes in a horrific way; however, the details of her death remained a mystery even to those who lived through it. Nello della Pietra lived on to spend the rest of his days in a silence he never broke.
Nothing nobler and more delicate than the way in which young la Pia addresses Dante. She wishes to be recalled to the memory of the friends, whom she had left on earth so young; and yet, telling who she is and giving the name of her husband, she will not allow herself the slightest complaint against a piece of cruelty unheard of, but for the future irreparable; she only points out that he knows the story of her death.
Nothing is more noble and delicate than the way young la Pia speaks to Dante. She wants to be remembered by the friends she left on earth so young; and yet, while revealing who she is and mentioning her husband's name, she doesn't allow herself to make even the slightest complaint about this unheard-of cruelty that is now irreparable for her future; she simply indicates that he knows the story of her death.
This constancy in pride's revenge is not met, I think, except in the countries of the South.
This consistent pride in revenge, I believe, is only found in the southern countries.
In Piedmont I happened to be the involuntary witness of something very nearly parallel; though at the time I did not know the details. I was sent with twenty-five dragoons into the woods along the Sesia, to intercept contraband. Arriving in the evening at this wild and desolate spot, I caught sight between the trees of the ruins of an old castle. I went up to it and to my great surprise—it was inhabited. I found within a nobleman of the country, of sinister appearance, a man six foot high and forty years old. He gave me two rooms with a bad grace. I passed my time playing music with my quartermaster; after some days, we discovered that our friend kept a woman in the background, whom we used to call Camille, laughingly; but we were far from suspecting the fearful truth. Six weeks later she was dead. I had the morbid curiosity to see her in the coffin, paying a monk, who was watching, to introduce me into the chapel towards midnight, under pretext of going to sprinkle holy water. There I found one of those superb faces, which are beautiful even in the arms of death; [Pg 95]she had a large aquiline nose—the nobility and delicacy of its outline I shall never forget. Then I left that deadly spot. Five years later, a detachment of my regiment accompanying the Emperor to his coronation as King of Italy(15), I had the whole story told me. I learnt that the jealous husband, Count ——, had found one morning fastened to his wife's bed an English watch, belonging to a young man of the small town in which they lived. That very day he carried her off to the ruined castle in the midst of the woods of the Sesia. Like Nello della Pietra, he never uttered a single word. If she made him any request, he coldly and silently presented to her the English watch, which he carried always with him. Almost three years passed, spent thus alone with her. At last she died of despair, in the flower of life. Her husband tried to put a knife into the proprietor of the watch, missed him, passed on to Genoa, took ship and no one has heard of him since. His property has been divided.
In Piedmont, I found myself as an unwilling witness to something almost similar; although at the time, I didn’t know the details. I was sent with twenty-five dragoons into the woods along the Sesia to intercept smuggling. When we arrived in the evening at this wild and desolate place, I spotted the ruins of an old castle through the trees. I approached it and was surprised to find it was inhabited. Inside, I met a nobleman from the area, who looked quite sinister, a man who was six feet tall and about forty years old. Reluctantly, he showed me to two rooms. I spent my time playing music with my quartermaster; after a few days, we realized that our host had a woman hidden away, whom we jokingly called Camille, but we were far from suspecting the horrific truth. Six weeks later, she was dead. I was morbidly curious to see her in the coffin, so I paid a monk, who was keeping watch, to let me into the chapel around midnight, pretending I was going to sprinkle holy water. There, I saw one of those stunning faces that look beautiful even in death; she had a prominent aquiline nose—the nobility and delicacy of its shape is something I’ll never forget. After that, I left that grim place. Five years later, when a detachment of my regiment was accompanying the Emperor to his coronation as King of Italy, I learned the whole story. I found out that the jealous husband, Count ——, had discovered an English watch attached to his wife’s bed one morning, belonging to a young man from the small town where they lived. That same day, he took her to the ruined castle in the midst of the Sesia woods. Like Nello della Pietra, he never spoke a single word. If she asked him for anything, he coldly and silently showed her the English watch, which he always carried with him. Almost three years went by in that lonely situation. Eventually, she died of despair, in the prime of her life. Her husband attempted to stab the owner of the watch, missed him, then went to Genoa, took a ship, and no one has heard from him since. His property has since been divided.
As for these women with feminine pride, if you take their injuries with a good grace, which the habits of a military life make easy, you annoy these proud souls; they take you for a coward, and very soon become outrageous. Such lofty characters yield with pleasure to men whom they see overbearing with other men. That is, I fancy, the only way—you must often pick a quarrel with your neighbour in order to avoid one with your mistress.
As for these women with their pride, if you handle their wounds gracefully, which military life makes easier, you just irritate these proud souls; they see you as a coward and quickly become furious. These strong-willed women happily submit to men they see being dominant with other men. I think that's the only way—you often have to pick a fight with your neighbor to avoid one with your partner.
One day Miss Cornel, the celebrated London actress, was surprised by the unexpected appearance of the rich colonel, whom she found useful. She happened to be with a little lover, whom she just liked—and nothing more. "Mr. So-and-so," says she in great confusion to the colonel, "has come to see the pony I want to sell." "I am here for something very different," put in proudly the little lover who was beginning to bore her, but whom, from the moment of that answer, she started [Pg 96]to love again madly.[5] Women of that kind sympathise with their lover's haughtiness, instead of exercising at his expense their own disposition to pride.
One day, Miss Cornel, the famous actress from London, was surprised by the unexpected arrival of the wealthy colonel, who she found useful. She happened to be with a little boyfriend, whom she only liked—and nothing more. "Mr. So-and-so," she said to the colonel, clearly flustered, "has come to see the pony I want to sell." "I'm here for something very different," the little boyfriend interjected proudly, starting to bore her, but from that moment on, she began to fall in love with him madly again. Women like her tend to resonate with their partner's arrogance instead of using their own tendency towards pride against him.
The character of the Duc de Lauzun (that of 1660[6]), if they can forgive the first day its want of grace, is very fascinating for such women, and perhaps for all women of distinction. Grandeur on a higher plane escapes them; they take for coldness the calm gaze which nothing escapes, but which a detail never disturbs. Have I not heard women at the Court of Saint-Cloud maintain that Napoleon had a dry and prosaic character?[7] A great man is like an eagle: the higher he rises the less he is visible, and he is punished for his greatness by the solitude of his soul.
The character of the Duc de Lauzun (from 1660[6]), if they can overlook its lack of grace on the first day, is quite captivating for those women, and maybe for all distinguished women. They miss the higher forms of grandeur; they misinterpret the calm, watchful gaze as coldness, perceiving it as something unapproachable, my attention is never lost on a detail. Haven't I heard women at the Court of Saint-Cloud argue that Napoleon was dry and dull?[7] A great man is like an eagle: the higher he flies, the less visible he becomes, and his greatness brings the punishment of a lonely soul.
From feminine pride arises what women call want of refinement. I fancy, it is not at all unlike what kings call lèse majesté, a crime all the more dangerous, because [Pg 97]one slips into it without knowing. The tenderest lover may be accused of wanting refinement, if he is not very sharp, or, what is sadder, if he dares give himself up to the greatest charm of love—the delight of being perfectly natural with the loved one and of not listening to what he is told.
From feminine pride comes what women refer to as a lack of refinement. I believe it’s quite similar to what kings call lèse majesté, a crime that’s even more dangerous because one can fall into it without realizing. The most devoted lover might be accused of lacking refinement if he isn’t very perceptive, or, even more unfortunately, if he allows himself to experience the greatest joy of love—the pleasure of being completely natural with the one he loves and ignoring what he’s been told.
These are the sort of things, of which a well-born heart could have no inkling; one must have experience, in order to believe in them; for we are misled by the habit of dealing justly and frankly with our men friends.
These are the kinds of things that someone with a good upbringing wouldn't have any idea about; you need to have experience to believe in them, because we are often misled by the tendency to treat our male friends honestly and openly.
It is necessary to keep in mind incessantly that we have to do with beings, who can, however wrongly, think themselves inferior in vigour of character, or, to put it better, can think that others believe they are inferior.
It’s important to constantly remember that we’re dealing with individuals who, whether accurately or not, can perceive themselves as lacking in strength of character, or, to put it more clearly, can feel that others believe they are inferior.
Should not a woman's true pride reside in the power of the feeling she inspires? A maid of honour to the queen and wife of Francis I was chaffed about the fickleness of her lover, who, it was said, did not really love her. A little time after, this lover had an illness and reappeared at Court—dumb. Two years later, people showing surprise one day that she still loved him, she turned to him, saying: "Speak." And he spoke.
Shouldn't a woman's true pride come from the impact of the feelings she creates? A lady-in-waiting to the queen and the wife of Francis I was teased about the unreliability of her lover, who was rumored not to truly love her. A little while later, this lover fell ill and returned to Court—silent. Two years later, when people expressed surprise that she still loved him, she turned to him and said, "Speak." And he spoke.
[1] The Heart of Midlothian.
[4] Ah! when you are returned to the world of the living, give me a passing thought. I am la Pia. Sienna gave me life, death took me in our fens. He who, wedding me, gave me his ring, knows my story.
[4] Ah! When you come back to the world of the living, think of me for a moment. I am la Pia. Siena gave me life, and death took me in our marshes. He who married me and gave me his ring knows my story.
[5] I always come back from Miss Cornel's full of admiration and profound views on the passions laid bare. Her very imperious way of giving orders to her servants has nothing of despotism in it: she merely sees with precision and rapidity what has to be done.
[5] I always return from Miss Cornel's feeling inspired and with deep thoughts on the emotions exposed. Her commanding way of instructing her staff isn’t tyrannical at all; she simply understands quickly and clearly what needs to be done.
Incensed against me at the beginning of the visit, she thinks no more about it at the end. She tells me in detail of the economy of her passion for Mortimer. "I prefer seeing him in company than alone with me." A woman of the greatest genius could do no better, for she has the courage to be perfectly natural and is unhampered by any theory. "I'm happier an actress than the wife of a peer."—A great soul whose friendship I must keep for my enlightenment.
Angry with me at the start of the visit, she no longer cares by the end. She explains to me in detail how she manages her feelings for Mortimer. "I'd rather see him with others than just alone with me." A truly brilliant woman couldn't do it any better because she has the courage to be completely herself and isn’t held back by any ideas. "I feel more fulfilled as an actress than as the wife of a nobleman."—A remarkable person whose friendship I need to maintain for my own growth.
[6] Loftiness and courage in small matters, but a passionate care for these small matters.—The vehemence of the choleric temperament.—His behaviour towards Madame de Monaco (Saint-Simon, V. 383) and adventure under the bed of Madame de Montespan while the king was there.—Without the care for small matters, this character would remain invisible to the eye of women.
[6] High-mindedness and bravery in minor issues, but a strong passion for these minor issues.—The intensity of the hot-headed personality.—His actions towards Madame de Monaco (Saint-Simon, V. 383) and the escapade under the bed of Madame de Montespan while the king was present.—Without attention to these minor details, this character would be unnoticed by women.
[7] When Minna Troil heard a tale of woe or of romance, it was then her blood rushed to her cheeks and showed plainly how warm it beat, notwithstanding the generally serious, composed and retiring disposition which her countenance and demeanour seemed to exhibit. (The Pirate, Chap. III.)
[7] When Minna Troil heard a sad story or a love story, her cheeks flushed, revealing how passionately she felt, despite her usually serious, composed, and reserved appearance. (The Pirate, Chap. III.)
Souls like Minna Troil, in whose judgment ordinary circumstances are not worth emotion, by ordinary people are thought cold.
Souls like Minna Troil, who believe that everyday situations aren't worth feeling strongly about, are seen as cold by ordinary people.
CHAPTER XXIX
WOMEN'S COURAGE
I tell thee, proud Templar, that not in thy fiercest battles hast thou displayed more of thy vaunted courage than has been shewn by women, when called upon to suffer by affection or duty. (Ivanhoe.)
I tell you, proud Templar, that in none of your fiercest battles have you shown more of your so-called courage than women have, when asked to endure for love or duty. (Ivanhoe.)
I remember meeting the following phrase in a book of history: "All the men lost their head: that is the moment when women display an incontestable superiority."
I remember coming across this phrase in a history book: "All the men lost their heads: that’s the moment when women show undeniable superiority."
Their courage has a reserve which that of their lover wants; he acts as a spur to their sense of worth. They find so much pleasure in being able, in the fire of danger, to dispute the first place for firmness with the man, who often wounds them by the proudness of his protection and his strength, that the vehemence of that enjoyment raises them above any kind of fear, which at the moment is the man's weak point. A man, too, if the same help were given him at the same moment, would show himself superior to everything; for fear never resides in the danger, but in ourselves.
Their courage has a reserve that their lover lacks; he motivates their sense of worth. They take great pleasure in being able, in the heat of danger, to compete for the top spot in bravery with the man, who often hurts them with his proud protection and strength. The intensity of that enjoyment lifts them above any fear, which happens to be the man's weak point at that moment. A man, too, if he received the same support at the same time, would prove himself superior to everything; for fear doesn’t come from the danger itself, but from within us.
Not that I mean to depreciate women's courage—I have seen them, on occasions, superior to the bravest men. Only they must have a man to love. Then they no longer feel except through him; and so the most obvious and personal danger becomes, as it were, a rose to gather in his presence.[1]
Not that I want to downplay women's courage—I’ve seen them, at times, be braver than the toughest men. They just need a man to love. Then they only feel through him; so even the most obvious and personal danger turns into, in a way, a rose to pick in his presence.[1]
I have found also in women, who did not love, intrepidity, [Pg 99]the coldest, the most surprising and the most exempt from nerves.
I have also found in women, who didn't love, bravery, [Pg 99]the most detached, the most astonishing and the most free from anxiety.
It is true, I have always imagined that they are so brave, only because they do not know the tiresomeness of wounds!
It’s true, I’ve always thought they are so brave just because they don’t understand how exhausting injuries can be!
As for moral courage, so far superior to the other, the firmness of a woman who resists her love is simply the most admirable thing, which can exist on earth. All other possible marks of courage are as nothing compared to a thing so strongly opposed to nature and so arduous. Perhaps they find a source of strength in the habit of sacrifice, which is bred in them by modesty.
As for moral courage, which is far greater than anything else, the strength of a woman who fights against her love is truly the most admirable quality in the world. All other forms of bravery pale in comparison to something that goes so strongly against nature and is so challenging. Perhaps they draw their inner strength from the habit of sacrifice, nurtured in them by their humility.
Hard on women it is that the proofs of this courage should always remain secret and be almost impossible to divulge.
It's tough on women that the evidence of this courage often stays hidden and is nearly impossible to share.
Still harder that it should always be employed against their own happiness: the Princesse de Clèves would have done better to say nothing to her husband and give herself to M. de Nemours.
Still harder that it should always be used against their own happiness: the Princesse de Clèves would have been better off saying nothing to her husband and giving herself to M. de Nemours.
Perhaps women are chiefly supported by their pride in making a fine defence, and imagine that their lover is staking his vanity on having them—a petty and miserable idea. A man of passion, who throws himself with a light heart into so many ridiculous situations, must have a lot of time to be thinking of vanity! It is like the monks who mean to catch the devil and find their reward in the pride of hair-shirts and macerations.
Perhaps women are mainly supported by their pride in putting up a good defense, believing that their partner's self-worth is tied to having them—a small-minded and sad notion. A passionate man, who dives headfirst into so many absurd situations, must have a lot of time to waste on vanity! It's like the monks who aim to capture the devil and find their reward in the pride of their hair-shirts and self-discipline.
I should think that Madame de Clèves would have repented, had she come to old age,—to the period at which one judges life and when the joys of pride appear in all their meanness. She would have wished to have lived like Madame de la Fayette.[2]
I think Madame de Clèves would have regretted her choices if she had reached old age—the time when people reflect on life and see the shallow nature of prideful joys. She would have wanted to have lived like Madame de la Fayette.[2]
[Pg 100]I have just re-read a hundred pages of this essay: and a pretty poor idea I have given of true love, of love which occupies the entire soul, fills it with fancies, now the happiest, now heart-breaking—but always sublime—and makes it completely insensible to all the rest of creation. I am at a loss to express what I see so well; I have never felt more painfully the want of talent. How bring into relief the simplicity of action and of character, the high seriousness, the glance that reflects so truly and so ingenuously the passing shade of feeling, and above all, to return to it again, that inexpressible What care I? for all that is not the woman we love? A yes or a no spoken by a man in love has an unction which is not to be found elsewhere, and is not found in that very man at other times. This morning (August 3rd) I passed on horseback about nine o'clock in front of the lovely English garden of Marchese Zampieri, situated on the last crests of those tree-capped hills, on which Bologna rests, and from which so fine a view is enjoyed over Lombardy rich and green—the fairest country in the world. In a copse of laurels, belonging to the Giardino Zampieri, which dominates the path I was taking, leading to the cascade of the Reno at Casa Lecchio, I saw Count Delfante. He was absorbed in thought and scarcely returned my greeting, though we had passed the night together till two o'clock in the morning. I went to the cascade, I crossed the Reno; after which, passing again, at least three hours later, under the copse of the Giardino Zampieri, I saw him still there. He was precisely in the same position, leaning against a great pine, which rises above the copse of laurels—but this detail I am afraid will be found too simple and pointless. He came up to me with tears in his eyes, asking me not to go telling people of his trance. I was touched, and suggested retracing my steps and going with him to spend the day in the country. At the end of two hours he had told me everything. His is a fine soul, [Pg 101]but oh! the coldness of these pages, compared to his story.
[Pg 100]I just re-read a hundred pages of this essay, and I’ve done a pretty poor job of conveying true love—love that takes over the soul, fills it with feelings that can be the happiest one moment and heartbreakingly sad the next, but is always profound—and makes one completely indifferent to everything else in creation. I'm struggling to express what I understand so well; I’ve never felt more acutely the lack of talent. How do I highlight the simplicity of actions and character, the seriousness, the look that genuinely reflects the fleeting emotions, and above all, that indescribable What do I care? for everything that isn't the woman we love? A yes or a no from a man in love carries a weight that is found nowhere else, and it’s not even found in that same man at other times. This morning (August 3rd), I rode past the beautiful English garden of Marchese Zampieri around nine o'clock, perched on the last peaks of those tree-covered hills where Bologna sits, offering a stunning view over the lush and rich Lombardy—the most beautiful region in the world. In a laurel grove belonging to the Giardino Zampieri, which overlooks my path to the Reno cascade at Casa Lecchio, I spotted Count Delfante. He was lost in thought and barely acknowledged my greeting, even though we had spent the night together until two in the morning. I went to the cascade, crossed the Reno, and later, passing again under the laurel grove of the Giardino Zampieri, I saw him still there. He was in the same position, leaning against a tall pine tree that rises above the laurel grove—but I worry this detail might seem too plain and trivial. He approached me with tears in his eyes, asking me not to tell anyone about his trance. I was moved and suggested we turn back and spend the day in the countryside together. After two hours, he had shared everything with me. He has a wonderful soul, [Pg 101]but oh! the coldness of these pages pales in comparison to his story.
Furthermore, he thinks his love is not returned—which is not my opinion. In the fair marble face of the Contessa Ghigi, with whom we spent the evening, one can read nothing. Only now and then a light and sudden blush, which she cannot check, just betrays the emotions of that soul, which the most exalted feminine pride disputes with deeper emotions. You see the colour spread over her neck of alabaster and as much as one catches of those lovely shoulders, worthy of Canova. She somehow finds a way of diverting her black and sombre eyes from the observation of those, whose penetration alarms her woman's delicacy; but last night, at something which Delfante was saying and of which she disapproved, I saw a sudden blush spread all over her. Her lofty soul found him less worthy of her.
Also, he thinks his love isn't reciprocated—which I don't agree with. On the beautiful marble face of Contessa Ghigi, with whom we spent the evening, you can't read anything. Occasionally, a quick blush escapes her, revealing the emotions of a soul that great feminine pride is trying to suppress. You see the color rise on her alabaster neck and onto her lovely shoulders, worthy of Canova. She manages to keep her dark, serious eyes from the gaze of those whose scrutiny makes her feel uneasy; however, last night, at something Delfante said that she disagreed with, I noticed a sudden blush cover her face. Her noble spirit found him unworthy.
But when all is said, even if I were mistaken in my conjectures on the happiness of Delfante, vanity apart, I think him happier than I, in my indifference, although I am in a thoroughly happy position, in appearance and in reality.
But when it’s all said and done, even if I’m wrong in my guesses about Delfante’s happiness, putting vanity aside, I still believe he’s happier than I am in my indifference, even though I seem to be in a truly happy place, both outwardly and inwardly.
Bologna, August 3rd, 1818.
Bologna, August 3, 1818.
[2] It is well known that that celebrated woman was the author, probably in company with M. de la Rochefoucauld, of the novel, La Princesse de Clèves, and that the two authors passed together in perfect friendship the last twenty years of their life. That is exactly love à l'Italienne.
[2] It’s widely recognized that the famous woman was the author, likely alongside M. de la Rochefoucauld, of the novel, La Princesse de Clèves, and that the two authors spent the last twenty years of their lives in complete friendship. That is exactly love à l'Italienne.
CHAPTER XXX
A strange and sad sight
Women with their feminine pride visit the iniquities of the fools upon the men of sense, and those of the prosaic, prosperous and brutal upon the noble-minded. A very pretty result—you'll agree!
Women with their feminine pride observe the wrongdoings of the fools towards the sensible men, and those of the mundane, successful, and harsh towards the noble-minded. Quite an interesting outcome—you'll agree!
The petty considerations of pride and worldly proprieties are the cause of many women's unhappiness, for, through pride, their parents have placed them in their abominable position. Destiny has reserved for them, as a consolation far superior to all their misfortunes, the happiness of loving and being loved with passion, when suddenly one fine day they borrow from the enemy this same mad pride, of which they were the first victims—all to kill the one happiness which is left them, to work their own misfortune and the misfortune of him, who loves them. A friend, who has had ten famous intrigues (and by no means all one after another), gravely persuades them that if they fall in love, they will be dishonoured in the eyes of the public, and yet this worthy public, who never rises above low ideas, gives them generously a lover a year; because that, it says, "is the thing." Thus the soul is saddened by this odd spectacle: a woman of feeling, supremely refined and an angel of purity, on the advice of a low t——, runs away from the boundless, the only happiness which is left to her, in order to appear in a dress of dazzling white, before a great fat brute of a judge, whom everyone knows has been blind a hundred years, and who bawls out at the top of his voice: "She is dressed in black!"
The petty concerns of pride and societal expectations are the reasons for many women's unhappiness because, out of pride, their parents have put them in their awful situations. Destiny has offered them, as a consolation far greater than all their misfortunes, the joy of loving and being loved passionately. Yet, one day, they suddenly adopt this same foolish pride from others, of which they were the first victims, all to destroy the one happiness that remains for them, bringing about their own misfortune and the misfortune of the one who loves them. A friend, who has had ten well-known affairs (not all consecutively), seriously convinces them that if they fall in love, they will be shamed in the eyes of society. However, this so-called society, which never rises above shallow ideas, generously allows them one lover a year since that’s what it believes is "the norm." Thus, the soul is saddened by this strange sight: a sensitive woman, incredibly refined and an angel of purity, following the advice of a low-born fool, flees from the boundless, the only happiness left to her, to appear in a dazzling white dress before a big, crude judge, who everyone knows has been blind for a hundred years, and who shouts at the top of his lungs: "She is dressed in black!"
CHAPTER XXXI
EXTRACT FROM THE DIARY OF SALVIATI
Ingenium nobis ipsa puella facit.
(Propertius, II, i.)
The girl herself inspires us.
(Propertius, II, i.)
Bologna, April 29th, 1818.
Bologna, April 29, 1818.
Driven to despair by the misfortune to which love has reduced me, I curse existence. I have no heart for anything. The weather is dull; it is raining, and a late spell of cold has come again to sadden nature, who after a long winter was hurrying to meet the spring.
Driven to despair by the misfortune love has brought me, I curse existence. I have no passion for anything. The weather is gloomy; it's raining, and a late chill has returned to dampen nature, which after a long winter was eager to welcome spring.
Schiassetti, a half-pay colonel, my cold and reasonable friend, came to spend a couple of hours with me "You should renounce your love."
Schiassetti, a retired colonel, my unemotional and logical friend, came to spend a couple of hours with me. "You should give up your love."
"How? Give me back my passion for war."
"How? Give me back my love for battle."
"It is a great misfortune for you to have known her."
"It's really unfortunate that you got to know her."
I agree very nearly—so low-spirited and craven do I feel—so much has melancholy taken possession of me to-day. We discuss what interest can have led her friend to libel me, but find nothing but that old Neapolitan proverb: "Woman, whom love and youth desert, a nothing piques." What is certain is that that cruel woman is enraged with me—it is the expression of one of her friends. I could revenge myself in a fearful way, but, against her hatred, I am without the smallest means of defence. Schiassetti leaves me. I go out into the rain, not knowing what to do with myself. My rooms, this drawing-room, which I lived in during the first days of our acquaintance, and when I saw her every evening, have become insupportable to me. Each engraving, each piece of furniture, brings up again the [Pg 104]happiness I dreamed of in their presence—which now I have lost for ever.
I almost agree—I'm feeling so down and cowardly—melancholy has really taken over me today. We're trying to figure out what could have motivated her friend to slander me, but all we come up with is that old Neapolitan saying: "A woman, abandoned by love and youth, is stung by nothing." What’s clear is that that cruel woman is enraged at me—it’s what one of her friends said. I could get back at her in a terrible way, but I have no way to defend myself against her hatred. Schiassetti is leaving me. I step out into the rain, unsure of what to do with myself. My rooms, this drawing-room where I spent the early days of our acquaintance, when I saw her every evening, have become unbearable for me. Each picture, each piece of furniture, reminds me of the [Pg 104] happiness I once dreamed of in their presence—which I've now lost forever.
I tramped the streets through a cold rain: chance, if I can call it chance, made me pass under her windows. Night was falling and I went along, my eyes full of tears fixed on the window of her room. Suddenly the curtains were just drawn aside, as if to give a glimpse into the square, then instantly closed again. I felt within me a physical movement about the heart. I was unable to support myself and took refuge under the gateway of the next house. A thousand feelings crowd upon my soul. Chance may have produced this movement of the curtains; but oh! if it was her hand that had drawn them aside.
I walked the streets in the cold rain; fate, if I can even call it that, led me to pass by her windows. Night was settling in, and I continued on, my eyes filled with tears as I stared at her room’s window. Suddenly, the curtains were pulled aside, as if to offer a peek into the square, then closed again right away. I felt a flutter in my heart. I couldn’t hold myself together and sought shelter under the entrance of the next building. A flood of emotions rushed over me. It could have just been chance that moved the curtains; but oh! if it had been her hand that drew them back.
There are two misfortunes in the world: passion frustrated and the "dead blank."
There are two kinds of misfortune in the world: unfulfilled passion and the "empty void."
In love—I feel that two steps away from me exists a boundless happiness, something beyond all my prayers, which depends upon nothing but a word, nothing but a smile.
In love—I sense that just two steps away from me lies an endless joy, something beyond all my wishes, which relies on nothing but a word, nothing but a smile.
Passionless like Schiassetti, on gloomy days I see happiness nowhere, I come to doubt if it exists for me, I fall into depression. One ought to be without strong passions and have only a little curiosity or vanity.
Passionless like Schiassetti, on gloomy days I see happiness nowhere, and I start to doubt if it even exists for me; I sink into depression. One should lack strong passions and have only a bit of curiosity or vanity.
It is two o'clock in the morning; I have seen that little movement of the curtain; at six o'clock I paid some calls and went to the play, but everywhere, silent and dreaming, I passed the evening examining this question: "After so much anger with so little foundation (for after all did I wish to offend her and is there a thing on earth which the intention does not excuse?)—has she felt a moment of love?"
It’s two in the morning; I noticed that little movement of the curtain. At six, I made some visits and went to the theater, but everywhere, silent and lost in thought, I spent the evening pondering this question: “After so much anger over so little reason (after all, did I really want to upset her, and is there anything on earth that intention doesn’t excuse?)—has she felt any moment of love?”
Poor Salviati, who wrote the preceding lines on his Petrarch, died a short time after. He was the intimate friend of Schiassetti and myself; we knew all his thoughts, and it is from him that I have all the tearful part of this essay. He was imprudence incarnate; moreover, [Pg 105]the woman, for whom he went to such wild lengths, is the most interesting creature that I have met. Schiassetti said to me: "But do you think that that unfortunate passion was without advantages for Salviati? To begin with, the most worrying of money troubles that can be imagined came upon him. These troubles, which reduced him to a very middling fortune after his dazzling youth, and would have driven him mad with anger in any other circumstances, crossed his mind not once in two weeks.
Poor Salviati, who wrote the earlier lines about his Petrarch, died shortly after. He was a close friend of Schiassetti and me; we knew all his thoughts, and it’s from him that I got all the emotional parts of this essay. He was the personification of recklessness; besides, the woman for whom he went to such extreme lengths is the most fascinating person I’ve ever met. Schiassetti said to me, “But do you think that this unfortunate passion didn’t bring any benefits for Salviati? To start with, the most stressful financial troubles one could imagine fell upon him. These issues, which left him with a pretty mediocre fortune after his dazzling youth, would have driven anyone else mad with anger, but they barely crossed his mind once every two weeks.
"And then—a matter of importance of a quite different kind for a mind of his range—that passion is the first true course of logic, which he ever had. That may seem peculiar in a man who has been at Court; but the fact is explained by his extreme courage. For example, he passed without winking the day of ——, the day of his undoing; he was surprised then, as in Russia(16), not to feel anything extraordinary. It is an actual fact, that his fear of anything had never gone so far as to make him think about it for two days together. Instead of this callousness, the last two years he was trying every minute to be brave. Before he had never seen danger.
"And then—there's an important point of a different nature for someone with his intellect—his passion is the first real path to logic that he's ever experienced. That might seem strange for a man who's been at Court; however, his extraordinary courage explains it. For instance, he got through the day of ——, the day of his downfall, without batting an eye; surprisingly, just like in Russia(16), he didn’t feel anything particularly unusual. It’s true that his fear had never lasted long enough for him to dwell on it for two straight days. Instead of that indifference, in the last two years, he was constantly trying to be brave. Before that, he had never faced any real danger."
"When as a result of his imprudence and his faith in the generosity of critics,[1] he had managed to get condemned to not seeing the woman he was in love with, except twice a month, we would see him pass those evenings, talking to her as if intoxicated with joy, because he had been received with that noble frankness which he worshipped. He held that Madame —— and he were two souls without their like, who should understand each other with a glance. It was beyond him to grasp that she should pay the least attention to petty bourgeois comments, which tried to make a criminal of him. The result of this fine confidence in a woman, surrounded by his enemies, was to find her door closed to him.
"When, due to his reckless behavior and his belief in the kindness of critics,[1] he found himself condemned to see the woman he loved only twice a month, we would watch him spend those evenings, talking to her as if he were drunk with happiness because he had been welcomed with the kind of honest warmth he adored. He believed that Madame —— and he were two unique souls who would understand each other with just a glance. He couldn't comprehend why she would pay any attention to the petty bourgeois gossip that aimed to portray him as a criminal. As a result of this misplaced trust in a woman, surrounded by his enemies, he discovered that her door was closed to him."
"'With M——,' I used to say to him, 'you forget [Pg 106]your maxim—that you mustn't believe in greatness of soul, except in the last extremity.'
"'With M——,' I would tell him, 'you forget [Pg 106]your rule—that you shouldn’t believe in the greatness of the soul, except in the most extreme situations.'"
"'Do you think,' he answered, 'that the world contains another heart which is more suited to hers? True, I pay for this passionate way of being, which Léonore, in anger, made me see on the horizon in the line of the rocks of Poligny, with the ruin of all the practical enterprises of my life—a disaster which comes from my lack of patient industry and imprudence due to the force of momentary impressions.'" One can see the touch of madness!
"'Do you think,' he replied, 'that there’s another person out there who’s a better match for her? It’s true, I’m paying the price for this intense way of being, which Léonore, in her anger, made me see looming on the horizon like the jagged rocks of Poligny, bringing ruin to all the practical plans of my life—a disaster that stems from my lack of perseverance and the recklessness brought on by fleeting emotions.'" You can see the hint of madness!
For Salviati life was divided into periods of a fortnight, which took their hue from the last interview, which he had been granted. But I noticed often, that the happiness he owed to a welcome, which he thought less cold, was far inferior in intensity to the unhappiness with which a hard reception overwhelmed him.[2] At times Madame ---- failed to be quite honest with him; and these are the only two criticisms I ever dared offer him. Beyond the more intimate side of his sorrow, of which he had the delicacy never to speak even to the friends dearest to him and most devoid of envy, he saw in a hard reception from Léonore the triumph of prosaic and scheming beings over the open-hearted and the generous. At those times he lost faith in virtue and, above all, in glory. It was his way to talk to his friends only of sad notions, to which it is true his passion led up, but notions capable besides of having some interest in the eyes of philosophy. I was curious to observe that uncommon soul. Ordinarily passion-love is found in people, a little simple in the German way.[3] Salviati, on the contrary, was among the firmest and sharpest men I have known.
For Salviati, life was divided into two-week periods, each colored by his most recent meeting. Yet, I often noticed that the joy he derived from a warm welcome, which he perceived as less cold, was far less intense than the unhappiness he felt from a harsh reception.[2] Sometimes Madame ---- wasn’t entirely honest with him; and those are the only two criticisms I ever felt comfortable sharing with him. Aside from the more personal side of his sorrow, which he had the grace not to mention even to his closest friends who were completely devoid of jealousy, he viewed a cold reception from Léonore as a victory for the mundane and scheming over the sincere and generous. In those moments, he lost faith in virtue and, especially, in glory. He tended to discuss only sad ideas with his friends, which, it’s true, his passion led him to, but these ideas also had the potential to interest philosophers. I was intrigued to observe that exceptional spirit. Typically, passionate love is found in people who are somewhat simple in a German way.[3] Salviati, on the other hand, was one of the most resolute and sharp-minded individuals I’ve ever known.
I seemed to notice that, after these cruel visits, he had [Pg 107]no peace until he had found a justification for Léonore's severities. So long as he felt that she might have been wrong in ill-using him, he was unhappy. Love, so devoid of vanity, I should never have thought possible.
I noticed that after these harsh visits, he had [Pg 107] no peace until he found a reason for Léonore's harsh treatment. As long as he believed she might have been wrong to mistreat him, he was unhappy. I never would have thought a love so selfless was possible.
He was incessantly singing us the praises of love.
He never stopped singing the praises of love to us.
"If a supernatural power said to me: Break the glass of that watch and Léonore will be for you, what she was three years ago, an indifferent friend—really I believe I would never as long as I live have the courage to break it." I saw in these discourses such signs of madness, that I never had the courage to offer my former objections.
"If a supernatural power told me: Break the glass of that watch and Léonore will be yours, just like she was three years ago, an indifferent friend—I honestly believe I would never find the courage to do it, not for the rest of my life." I saw such signs of madness in these discussions that I never had the courage to bring up my previous objections.
He would add: "Just as Luther's Reformation at the end of the Middle Ages, shaking society to its base, renewed and reconstructed the world on reasonable foundations, so is a generous character renewed and retempered by love.
He would add: "Just like Luther's Reformation at the end of the Middle Ages, which shook society to its core and rebuilt the world on solid foundations, a generous character is revitalized and strengthened by love."
"It is only then, that he casts off all the baubles of life; without this revolution he would always have had in him a pompous and theatrical something. It is only since I began to love that I have learnt to put greatness into my character—such is the absurdity of education at our military academy.
"It is only then that he sheds all the trivialities of life; without this change, he would always carry a pretentious and dramatic something within him. It’s only since I started to love that I’ve learned to add depth to my character—such is the ridiculousness of the education at our military academy."
"Although I behaved well, I was a child at the Court of Napoleon and at Moscow. I did my duty, but I knew nothing of that heroic simplicity, the fruit of entire and whole-hearted sacrifice. For example, it is only this last year, that my heart takes in the simplicity of the Romans in Livy. Once upon a time, I thought them cold compared to our brilliant colonels. What they did for their Rome, I find in my heart for Léonore. If I had the luck to be able to do anything for her, my first desire would be to hide it. The conduct of a Regulus or a Decius was something confirmed beforehand, which had no claim to surprise them. Before I loved, I was small, precisely because I was tempted sometimes to think myself great; I felt a certain effort, for which I applauded myself.
"Even though I acted well, I was just a kid at the Court of Napoleon and in Moscow. I fulfilled my duties, but I didn’t understand that heroic simplicity that comes from complete and selfless sacrifice. For instance, it’s only this past year that I’ve come to appreciate the simplicity of the Romans in Livy. There was a time when I thought they were cold compared to our impressive colonels. What they did for their Rome, I feel in my heart for Léonore. If I were lucky enough to do anything for her, my first wish would be to keep it hidden. The actions of a Regulus or a Decius were something they had planned ahead of time; they didn’t expect to be surprised by it. Before I fell in love, I felt small, especially because I sometimes fooled myself into thinking I was great; I sensed a certain effort, and I would pat myself on the back for it."
[Pg 108]"And, on the side of affection, what do we not owe to love? After the hazards of early youth, the heart is closed to sympathy. Death and absence remove our early companions, and we are reduced to passing our life with lukewarm partners, measure in hand, for ever calculating ideas of interest and vanity. Little by little all the sensitive and generous region of the soul becomes waste, for want of cultivation, and at less than thirty a man finds his heart steeled to all sweet and gentle sensations. In the midst of this arid desert, love causes a well of feelings to spring up, fresher and more abundant even than that of earliest youth. In those days it was a vague hope, irresponsible and incessantly distracted[4]—no devotion to one thing, no deep and constant desire; the soul, at all times light, was athirst for novelty and forgot to-day its adoration of the day before. But, than the crystallisation of love nothing is more concentrated, more mysterious, more eternally single in its object. In those days only agreeable things claimed to please and to please for an instant: now we are deeply touched by everything which is connected with the loved one—even by objects the most indifferent. Arriving at a great town, a hundred miles from that which Léonore lives in, I was in a state of fear and trembling; at each street corner I shuddered to meet Alviza, the intimate friend of Madame ——, although I did not know her. For me everything took a mysterious and sacred tint. My heart beat fast, while talking to an old scholar; for I could not hear without blushing the name of the city gate, near which the friend of Léonore lives.
[Pg 108]"And what do we not owe to love on the side of affection? After the trials of early youth, our hearts shut down to sympathy. Death and distance take away our early friends, leaving us to spend our lives with indifferent partners, constantly calculating our interests and appearances. Gradually, all the sensitive and generous parts of the soul become barren from neglect, and before thirty, a person finds their heart hardened to all the sweet and tender feelings. In this dry desert, love brings forth a well of emotions that is fresher and more abundant even than in our youth. Back then, it was just a vague hope, carefree and constantly distracted—no commitment to one thing, no deep and lasting desire; the soul, always light, craved novelty and quickly forgot yesterday’s infatuation. But nothing is more focused, mysterious, and singularly devoted than the crystallization of love. In those days, only pleasant things sought to entertain us briefly: now we find ourselves deeply moved by everything associated with the person we love—even the most trivial objects. Upon arriving in a big city, a hundred miles from where Léonore lives, I was filled with anxiety; at every street corner, I feared running into Alviza, Madame’s close friend, even though I had never met her. For me, everything took on a mysterious and sacred aura. My heart raced while talking to an elderly scholar; I couldn’t help but blush at the mention of the city gate, near where Léonore’s friend resides."
"Even the severities of the woman we love have an infinite grace, which the most flattering moments in the company of other women cannot offer. It is like the great shadows in Correggio's pictures, which far from being, as in other painters, passages less pleasant, but necessary in order to give effect to the lights and relief to the figures, [Pg 109]have graces of their own which charm and throw us into a gentle reverie.[5]
"Even the harshness of the woman we love has an infinite grace that no flattering moments with other women can provide. It's like the deep shadows in Correggio's paintings, which, unlike in the works of other artists where they serve merely as necessary contrasts to highlight the light and give shape to the figures, have their own charm that captivates us and puts us in a gentle daydream.[Pg 109][5]
"Yes, half and the fairest half of life is hidden from the man, who has not loved with passion."
"Yes, half of life, and the best part, is hidden from the person who hasn't loved intensely."
Salviati had need of the whole force of his dialectic powers, to hold his own against the wise Schiassetti, who was always saying to him: "You want to be happy, then be content with a life exempt from pains and with a small quantity of happiness every day. Keep yourself from the lottery of great passions."
Salviati had to use all of his debating skills to stand his ground against the wise Schiassetti, who always told him, "If you want to be happy, then be satisfied with a life free of pain and a little bit of happiness each day. Stay away from the risks of intense passions."
"Then give me your curiosity," was Salviati's answer.
"Then give me your curiosity," was Salviati's reply.
I imagine there were not a few days, when he would have liked to be able to follow the advice of our sensible colonel; he made a little struggle and thought he was succeeding; but this line of action was absolutely beyond his strength. And yet what strength was in that soul!
I imagine there were definitely days when he wished he could take our sensible colonel's advice; he made a small effort and thought he was getting somewhere, but this path was completely beyond his ability. And still, what strength was in that soul!
A white satin hat, a little like that of Madame ——, seen in the distance in the street, made his heart stop beating, and forced him to rest against the wall. Even in his blackest moments, the happiness of meeting her gave him always some hours of intoxication, beyond the reach of all misfortune and all reasoning.[6] For the rest, at the time of his death[7] his character had certainly contracted more than one noble habit, after two years of [Pg 110]this generous and boundless passion; and, in so far at least, he judged himself correctly. Had he lived, and circumstances helped him a little, he would [Pg 111]have made a name for himself. Maybe also, just through his simplicity, his merit would have passed on this earth unseen.
A white satin hat, somewhat like the one worn by Madame ——, spotted from a distance on the street, made his heart stop and forced him to lean against the wall. Even in his darkest moments, the joy of seeing her always brought him a few hours of a high beyond the grasp of all misfortune and logic.[6] As for the rest, at the time of his death[7] he had certainly developed more than one noble habit after two years of this generous and boundless passion; and, at least in that way, he was right in judging himself. Had he lived, and if circumstances had favored him a bit, he would have made a name for himself. Maybe, also because of his simplicity, his merits would have gone unnoticed in this world.
Biondo was handsome and had a kind appearance; But one of the edges had been split by a blow.
[4] Mordaunt Mertoun, Pirate, Vol. I.
[5] As I have mentioned Correggio, I will add that in the sketch of an angel's head in the gallery of the museum at Florence, is to be seen the glance of happy love, and at Parma in the Madonna crowned by Jesus the downcast eyes of love.
[5] Since I mentioned Correggio, I’ll add that in the sketch of an angel's head at the museum in Florence, you can see the look of happy love, and in Parma, in the Madonna crowned by Jesus, there are the downcast eyes of love.
[7] Some days before the last he made a little ode, which has the merit of expressing just the sentiments, which formed the subject of our conversations:—.
[7] A few days before the end, he wrote a short poem that perfectly captures the feelings we discussed.
L'ULTIMO DI.
Anacreontica.
A ELVIRA.
Vedi tu dove il rio
Lambendo un mirto va,
Là del riposo mio
La pietra surgerà.
Il passero amoroso,
E il nobile usignuol
Entro quel mirto ombroso
Raccoglieranno il vol.
Vieni, diletta Elvira,
A quella tomba vien,
E sulla muta lira,
Appoggia il bianco sen.
Su quella bruna pietra,
Le tortore verran,
E intorno alia mia cetra,
Il nido intrecieran.
E ogni anno, il di che offendere
M'osasti tu infedel,
Faro la su discendere
La folgore del ciel.
Odi d'un uom che muore
Odi l'estremo suon
Questo appassito fiore
Ti lascio, Elvira, in don
Quanto prezioso ei sia
Saper tu il devi appien
Il di che fosti mia,
Te l'involai dal sen.
Simbolo allor d'affetto
Or pegno di dolor
Torno a posarti in petto
Quest' appassito fior.
E avrai nel cuor scolpito
Se crudo il cor non è,
Come ti fu rapito,
Come fu reso a te.—(S. Radael.)*
THE FINAL DAY.
Anacreontics.
To ELVIRA.
Do you see where the river
Curls around a myrtle tree,
There is my final resting place.
Will rise like a rock.
The lovebird,
And the noble nightingale
In the shady myrtle
Will collect their song.
Come, dear Elvira,
Visit that grave,
And on the quiet lyre,
Lay down your white chest.
On that dark stone,
The doves are coming,
And around my guitar,
They'll build their nest.
And every year, the day you wronged me,
Cheater,
I'll bring down on you
Heaven's thunder.
Hear the sound of a man dying,
Listen to the last note
This wilting flower
I leave you, Elvira, as a present.
As precious as it is,
You must really know
The day you became mine,
I took it from your heart.
A symbol then of affection,
Now a symbol of pain,
I return this wilted flower
To rest on your chest.
And you will have carved in your heart
If your heart isn't cold,
How it was taken away from you,
How it was given back to you.—(S. Radael.)*
* [Lo! where the passing stream laps round the myrtle-tree, raise there the stone of my resting-place. The amorous sparrow and the noble nightingale within the shade of that myrtle will rest from flight. Come, beloved Elvira, come to that tomb and press my mute lyre to your white bosom. Turtles shall perch on that dark stone and will twine their nest about my harp. And every year on the day when you did dare cruelly betray me, on this spot will I make the lightning of heaven descend. Listen, listen to the last utterances of a dying man. This faded flower, Elvira, is the gift I leave you. How precious it is you must know full well: from your bosom I stole it the day you became mine. Then it was a symbol of love; now as a pledge of suffering I will put it back in your bosom—this faded flower. And you shall have engraved on your heart, if a woman's heart you have, how it was snatched from you, how it was returned.]
* [Look! where the flowing stream gently embraces the myrtle tree, place there the stone of my resting place. The loving sparrow and the noble nightingale will take a break from their flight in the shade of that myrtle. Come, dear Elvira, come to that tomb and hold my silent lyre against your white chest. Turtles will perch on that dark stone and build their nest around my harp. And every year on the day you cruelly betrayed me, I will call down the lightning of heaven to this spot. Listen, listen to the final words of a dying man. This faded flower, Elvira, is the gift I leave you. You must know how precious it is: I stole it from your bosom the day you became mine. Then it symbolized love; now, as a token of suffering, I will return it to your bosom—this faded flower. And you shall engrave on your heart, if you truly have a woman’s heart, how it was taken from you and how it was returned.]
[8] "Poor wretch, how many sweet thoughts, what constancy brought him to his last hour. He was fair and beautiful and gentle of countenance, only a noble scar cut through one of his eyebrows."
[8] "Oh, you unfortunate soul, how many lovely thoughts and what strength brought him to his final moments. He was handsome and beautiful, kind in appearance, with only a noble scar crossing one of his eyebrows."
CHAPTER XXXII
OF INTIMATE RELATIONS
The greatest happiness that love can give—'tis first joining your hand to the hand of a woman you love.
The greatest happiness that love can bring is when you first hold hands with the woman you love.
The happiness of gallantry is quite otherwise—far more real, and far more subject to ridicule.
The joy of being chivalrous is quite different—it’s much more genuine and much more open to mockery.
In passion-love intimate intercourse is not so much perfect delight itself, as the last step towards it.
In passion, intimate physical connection isn't the ultimate joy itself but rather the final step toward it.
But how depict a delight, which leaves no memories behind?
But how do you describe a joy that leaves no memories behind?
Mortimer returned from a long voyage in fear and trembling; he adored Jenny, but Jenny had not answered his letters. On his arrival in London, he mounts his horse and goes off to find her at her country home. When he gets there, she is walking in the park; he runs up to her, with beating heart, meets her and she offers him her hand and greets him with emotion; he sees that she loves him. Roaming together along the glades of the park, Jenny's dress became entangled in an acacia bush. Later on Mortimer won her; but Jenny was faithless. I maintain to him that Jenny never loved him and he quotes, as proof of her love, the way in which she received him at his return from the Continent; but he could never give me the slightest details of it. Only he shudders visibly directly he sees an acacia bush: really, it is the only distinct remembrance he succeeded in preserving of the happiest moment of his life.[1]
Mortimer came back from a long journey feeling scared and anxious; he loved Jenny, but she hadn't replied to his letters. When he got to London, he hopped on his horse and set off to find her at her country home. When he arrived, he saw her walking in the park; he ran up to her, his heart racing, and she offered him her hand and greeted him with emotion; he knew she loved him. As they wandered through the park's paths, Jenny's dress got caught in an acacia bush. Eventually, Mortimer won her over, but Jenny was unfaithful. I argue that Jenny never truly loved him, and he points to the way she welcomed him back from his time abroad as proof of her love; however, he could never give me any specific details about it. The only thing he visibly shudders at is the sight of an acacia bush: it's the only clear memory he managed to hold onto from the happiest moment of his life.[1]
A sensitive and open man, a former chevalier, confided [Pg 113]to me this evening (in the depth of our craft buffeted by a high sea on the Lago di Garda[2]) the history of his loves, which I in my turn shall not confide to the public. But I feel myself in a position to conclude from them that the day of intimate intercourse is like those fine days in May, a critical period for the fairest flowers, a moment which can be fatal and wither in an instant the fairest hopes.
A sensitive and open man, a former knight, shared with me this evening (in the midst of our craft tossed about by high waves on Lake Garda) the story of his loves, which I won’t share with the public. However, I believe I can conclude from his experiences that moments of deep connection are like those beautiful days in May—a critical time for the most beautiful flowers, a moment that can suddenly destroy the brightest hopes.
Naturalness cannot be praised too highly. It is the only coquetry permissible in a thing so serious as love à la Werther; in which a man has no idea where he is going, and in which at the same time by a lucky chance for virtue, that is his best policy. A man, really moved, says charming things unconsciously; he speaks a language which he does not know himself.
Naturalness can't be praised enough. It's the only flirtation allowed in something as serious as love à la Werther; where a guy has no idea where he's headed, yet, by a fortunate turn for the better, that’s his best approach. A man, genuinely touched, says wonderful things without realizing it; he’s speaking a language he doesn't even understand.
Woe to the man the least bit affected! Given he were in love, allow him all the wit in the world, he loses three-quarters of his advantages. Let him relapse for an instant into affectation—a minute later comes a moment of frost.
Woe to the man who is even slightly affected! If he's in love, no matter how clever he is, he loses three-quarters of his advantages. If he slips into affectation for just a moment—just a minute later, he faces a chill.
The whole art of love, as it seems to me, reduces itself to saying exactly as much as the degree of intoxication at the moment allows of, that is to say in other terms, to listen to one's heart. It must not be thought, that this is so easy; a man, who truly loves, has no longer strength to speak, when his mistress says anything to make him happy.
The entire art of love, as I see it, comes down to expressing just as much as your level of intoxication at any given moment permits, which means, in other words, listening to your heart. It shouldn't be assumed that this is simple; a man who truly loves often finds he can't speak when his partner says something that makes him happy.
[Pg 114]Thus he loses the deeds which his words[4] would have given birth to. It is better to be silent than say things too tender at the wrong time, and what was in point ten seconds ago, is now no longer—in fact at this moment it makes a mess of things. Every time that I used to infringe this rule[5] and say something, which had come into my head three minutes earlier and which I thought pretty, Léonore never failed to punish me. And later I would say to myself, as I went away—"She is right." This is the sort of thing to upset women of delicacy extremely; it is indecency of sentiment. Like tasteless rhetoricians, they are readier to admit a certain degree of weakness and coldness. There being nothing in the world to alarm them but the falsity of their lover, the least little insincerity of detail, be it the most innocent in the world, robs them instantly of all delight and puts mistrust into their heart.
[Pg 114]So he loses the feelings that his words[4] could have inspired. It’s better to stay quiet than to say something too sensitive at the wrong moment, and what seemed relevant ten seconds ago is no longer the case—in fact, right now it complicates everything. Every time I broke this rule[5] and said something that popped into my head three minutes earlier, which I thought was nice, Léonore always made sure to call me out on it. Later, as I walked away, I would think to myself—"She’s right." This kind of thing can really upset delicate women; it’s an emotional inconsistency. Like unrefined speakers, they’re more willing to accept a certain level of vulnerability and detachment. The only thing that truly unsettles them is the dishonesty of their partner; even the tiniest detail of insincerity, no matter how innocent it may be, instantly takes away their joy and fills their hearts with doubt.
Respectable women have a repugnance to what is vehement and unlooked for—those being none the less characteristics of passion—and, furthermore, that vehemence alarms their modesty; they are on the defensive against it.
Respectable women have a strong dislike for what is intense and unexpected—since those are still traits of passion—and, in addition, that intensity threatens their modesty; they feel the need to protect themselves against it.
When a touch of jealousy or displeasure has occasioned some chilliness, it is generally possible to begin subjects, fit to give birth to the excitement favourable to love, and, after the first two or three phrases of introduction, as long as a man does not miss the opportunity of saying exactly what his heart suggests, the pleasure he will give to his loved one will be keen. The fault of most men is that they want to succeed in saying something, which they think either pretty or witty or touching—instead of [Pg 115]releasing their soul from the false gravity of the world, until a degree of intimacy and naturalness brings out in simple language what they are feeling at the moment. The man, who is brave enough for this, will have instantly his reward in a kind of peacemaking.
When a bit of jealousy or annoyance creates some tension, it's usually possible to start conversations that can spark excitement for love. After the first couple of introductory sentences, as long as a guy seizes the chance to express exactly what’s on his mind, the joy he brings to his partner will be intense. The problem for most men is that they try to say something clever, funny, or sentimental, instead of simply [Pg 115]opening up and letting go of the false weight of the world. This way, a natural closeness allows them to express their feelings in straightforward terms. A man who is brave enough to do this will quickly find his reward in a sense of reconciliation.
It is this reward, as swift as it is involuntary, of the pleasure one gives to the object of one's love, which puts this passion so far above the others.
It’s this reward, as quick as it is automatic, of the joy one brings to the person they love, that elevates this passion above all the rest.
If there is perfect naturalness between them, the happiness of two individuals comes to be fused together.[6] This is simply the greatest happiness which can exist, by reason of sympathy and several other laws of human nature.
If there’s perfect naturalness between them, the happiness of two people blends together.[6] This is the greatest happiness that can exist, thanks to empathy and various other aspects of human nature.
It is quite easy to determine the meaning of this word naturalness—essential condition of happiness in love.
It’s pretty straightforward to figure out what the word naturalness means—it's essential for happiness in love.
We call natural that which does not diverge from an habitual way of acting. It goes without saying that one must not merely never lie to one's love, but not even embellish the least bit or tamper with the simple outline of truth. For if a man is embellishing, his attention is occupied in doing so and no longer answers simply and truly, as the keys of a piano, to the feelings mirrored in his eye. The woman finds it out at once by a certain chilliness within her, and she, in her turn, falls back on coquetry. Might not here be found hidden the cause why it is impossible to love a woman with a mind too far below one's own—the reason being that, in her case, one can make pretence with impunity, and, as that course is more convenient, one abandons oneself to unnaturalness by force of habit? From that moment love is no longer love; it sinks to the level of an ordinary transaction—the only difference being that, instead of money, you get pleasure or flattery or a mixture of both. It is hard not to feel a shade of contempt for a woman, before whom one can with impunity act a part, and [Pg 116]consequently, in order to throw her over, one only needs to come across something better in her line. Habit or vow may hold, but I am speaking of the heart's desire, whose nature it is to fly to the greatest pleasure.
We refer to natural as what doesn’t stray from a usual way of acting. Obviously, it’s not enough to never lie to someone you love; you shouldn’t even slightly embellish or change the basic truth. Because when a person is embellishing, they’re focused on that and can’t respond simply and honestly, like how piano keys resonate with the feelings reflected in someone’s eyes. A woman instantly senses this through a certain coldness inside her, leading her to resort to flirting in return. Could this be why it’s impossible to truly love a woman whose intelligence is significantly beneath your own? After all, with her, one can pretend without consequence, and since that’s easier, it leads to unnatural behavior out of habit. From that point, love isn’t love anymore; it degrades to just a standard transaction—the only difference being that instead of money, you receive pleasure or flattery or a mix of both. It’s hard not to feel a bit of disdain for a woman in front of whom you can easily play a role, and [Pg 116] thus, to leave her, all it takes is finding someone better in her category. Habit or promises might hold firm, but I’m talking about the heart’s desire, which is to seek out the greatest pleasure.
To return to this word natural—natural and habitual are two different things. If one takes these words in the same sense, it is evident that the more sensibility in a man, the harder it is for him to be natural, since the influence of habit on his way of being and acting is less powerful, and he himself is more powerful at each new event. In the life-story of a cold heart every page is the same: take him to-day or take him to-morrow, it is always the same dummy.
To go back to the word natural—natural and habitual are two different things. If someone considers these words the same way, it’s clear that the more sensitivity a person has, the harder it is for them to be natural, as the influence of habit on their behavior and actions is weaker, and they are more engaged with each new experience. In the life story of someone who is emotionally detached, every page reads the same: whether you take them today or tomorrow, it’s always the same facade.
A man of sensibility, so soon as his heart is touched, loses all traces of habit to guide his action; and how can he follow a path, which he has forgotten all about?
A sensitive man, as soon as his heart is moved, loses all sense of routine to guide his actions; and how can he follow a path that he has completely forgotten?
He feels the enormous weight attaching to every word which he says to the object of his love—it seems to him as if a word is to decide his fate. How is he not to look about for the right word? At any rate, how is he not to have the feeling that he is trying to say "the right thing"? And then, there is an end of candour. And so we must give up our claim to candour, that quality of our being, which never reflects upon itself. We are the best we can be, but we feel what we are.
He feels the huge weight attached to every word he says to the person he loves—it seems to him that a single word could determine his fate. How can he not search for the right word? At the very least, how can he not feel like he’s trying to say "the right thing"? And then, there goes his honesty. So, we have to let go of our claim to honesty, that part of us that never reflects on itself. We are the best we can be, but we know what we are.
I fancy this brings us to the last degree of naturalness, to which the most delicate heart can pretend in love.
I think this brings us to the highest level of naturalness, which even the most sensitive heart can strive for in love.
A man of passion can but cling might and main, as his only refuge in the storm, to the vow never to change a jot or tittle of the truth and to read the message of his heart correctly. If the conversation is lively and fragmentary, he may hope for some fine moments of naturalness: otherwise he will only be perfectly natural in hours when he will be a little less madly in love.
A passionate man can only hold on tightly, as his only refuge in the chaos, to the promise to never change even a little bit of the truth and to correctly interpret the message of his heart. If the conversation is lively and fragmented, he might have some great moments of naturalness: otherwise, he'll only be completely natural during times when he's a little less crazily in love.
In the presence of the loved one, we hardly retain naturalness even in our movements, however deeply such habits are rooted in the muscles. When I gave my [Pg 117]arm to Léonore, I always felt on the point of stumbling, and I wondered if I was walking properly. The most one can do is never to be affected willingly: it is enough to be convinced that want of naturalness is the greatest possible disadvantage, and can easily be the source of the greatest misfortunes. For the heart of the woman, whom you love, no longer understands your own; you lose that nervous involuntary movement of sincerity, which answers the call of sincerity. It means the loss of every way of touching, I almost said of winning her. Not that I pretend to deny, that a woman worthy of love may see her fate in that pretty image of the ivy, which "dies if it does not cling"—that is a law of Nature; but to make your lover's happiness is none the less a step that will decide your own. To me it seems that a reasonable woman ought not to give in completely to her lover, until she can hold out no longer, and the slightest doubt thrown on the sincerity of your heart gives her there and then a little strength—enough at least to delay her defeat still another day.[7]
In the presence of a loved one, we barely maintain naturalness in our movements, no matter how deeply those habits are ingrained in us. Whenever I took Léonore's arm, I always felt like I was about to trip, and I questioned if I was walking correctly. The best we can do is not to be intentionally affected: it's enough to believe that a lack of naturalness is the biggest disadvantage and can easily lead to major misfortunes. The heart of the woman you love no longer understands yours; you lose that nervous, involuntary movement of sincerity that responds to sincerity. It means losing every way to reach out to her, or I might say, to win her over. Not that I deny that a woman deserving of love might see her fate mirrored in that pretty image of ivy, which "dies if it doesn't cling"—that's a law of nature; but creating your lover's happiness still plays a crucial role in deciding your own fate. To me, it seems that a reasonable woman shouldn't completely surrender to her lover until she can no longer hold back, and any doubt cast on the sincerity of your heart gives her, right then and there, a little strength—enough at least to postpone her defeat for another day.[7]
Is it necessary to add that to make all this the last word in absurdity you have only to apply it to gallant-love?
Is it really necessary to say that to make all this the ultimate example of absurdity, you just have to apply it to romantic love?
[2] 20 September, 1811.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ September 20, 1811.
[3] At the first quarrel Madame Ivernetta gave poor Bariac his congé. Bariac was truly in love and this congé threw him into despair; but his friend Guillaume Balaon, whose life we are writing, was of great help to him and managed, finally, to appease the severe Ivernetta. Peace was restored, and the reconciliation was accompanied by circumstances so delicious, that Bariac swore to Balaon that the hour of the first favours he had received from his mistress had not been as sweet as that of this voluptuous peacemaking. These words turned Balaon's head; he wanted to know this pleasure, of which his friend had just given him a description, etc. etc. (Vie de quelques Troubadours, by Nivernois, Vol. I, p. 32.)
[3] During their first argument, Madame Ivernetta gave poor Bariac his congé. Bariac was genuinely in love, and this congé plunged him into despair. However, his friend Guillaume Balaon, whose life we are chronicling, was a great support to him and eventually managed to soften the stern Ivernetta. Harmony was restored, and their reconciliation came with such delightful circumstances that Bariac swore to Balaon that the moment of the first favors he had received from his mistress hadn’t been as sweet as this indulgent peacemaking. These words captivated Balaon; he wanted to experience this pleasure his friend had just described, etc. etc. (Vie de quelques Troubadours, by Nivernois, Vol. I, p. 32.)
[5] Remember that, if the author uses sometimes the expression "I," it is an attempt to give the form of this essay a little variety. He does not in the least pretend to fill the readers' ears with the story of his own feelings. His aim is to impart, with as little monotony as possible, what he has observed in others.
[5] Keep in mind that when the author occasionally uses the word "I," it's just to add some variety to the essay's style. He doesn’t intend to overwhelm readers with his personal feelings. His goal is to share, with as little repetition as possible, what he has noticed in other people.
[7] Haec autem ad acerbam rei memoriam, amara quadam dulcedine, scribere visum est—ut cogitem nihil esse debere quod amplius mihi placeat in hac vita. (Petrarch, Ed. Marsand.) [These things, to be a painful reminder, yet not without a certain bitter charm, I have seen good to write—to remind me that nothing any longer can give me pleasure in this life.—Tr.]
[7] These things, though they serve as a painful reminder, also have a certain bitter charm, which is why I felt compelled to write about them—to remind myself that nothing in this life can bring me pleasure anymore. (Petrarch, Ed. Marsand.) [These things, to be a painful reminder, yet not without a certain bitter charm, I have seen good to write—to remind me that nothing any longer can give me pleasure in this life.—Tr.]
15 January, 1819.
15 January 1819.
CHAPTER XXXIII
Always a little doubt to allay—that is what whets our appetite every moment, that is what makes the life of happy love. As it is never separated from fear, so its pleasures can never tire. The characteristic of this happiness is its high seriousness.
Always a little doubt to ease—that’s what sharpens our appetite every moment, that’s what creates the life of happy love. Since it’s never separated from fear, its pleasures can never grow old. The defining trait of this happiness is its deep seriousness.
CHAPTER XXXIV
Trust Issues
There is no form of insolence so swiftly punished as that which leads you, in passion-love, to take an intimate friend into your confidence. He knows that, if what you say is true, you have pleasures a thousand times greater than he, and that your own make you despise his.
There’s no kind of disrespect that gets punished as quickly as when you, in the heat of love, confide in a close friend. He realizes that if what you’re saying is true, you enjoy pleasures a thousand times greater than his, and that your own experiences make you look down on his.
It is far worse between women—their lot in life being to inspire a passion, and the confidante having commonly also displayed her charms for the advantage of the lover.
It’s much worse among women—they’re meant to inspire passion, and the confidante often shows off her charms to benefit the lover.
On the other hand, for anyone a prey to this fever, there is no moral need more imperative than that of a friend, before whom to dilate on the fearful doubts which at every instant beset his soul; for in this terrible passion, always a thing imagined is a thing existent.
On the other hand, for anyone caught in this fever, there’s no moral necessity more urgent than having a friend to talk to about the crushing doubts that haunt them at every moment; because in this intense passion, what is imagined feels real.
"A great fault in Salviati's character," he writes in 1817, "—in this point how opposed to Napoleon's!—is that when, in the discussion of interests in which passion is concerned, something is at last morally proved, he cannot resolve to take that as a fact once and for all established and as a point to start from. In spite of himself and greatly to his hurt, he brings it again and again under discussion." The reason is that, in the field of ambition, it is easy to be brave. Crystallisation, not being subjected to the desire of the thing to be won, helps to fortify our courage; in love it is wholly in the service of the object against which our courage is wanted.
"A major flaw in Salviati's character," he writes in 1817, "—in this respect, he is very different from Napoleon!—is that when something is finally proven morally in discussions driven by passion, he can't accept it as a fact that is established once and for all and as a starting point. Despite his better judgment and to his own detriment, he keeps bringing it up for debate. The reason is that, in the realm of ambition, it's easy to be brave. Clarity, not being influenced by the desire for what we want to achieve, helps to boost our courage; in matters of love, it completely serves the aim against which our courage is needed."
A woman may find an unfaithful friend, she also may find one with nothing to do.
A woman might discover a disloyal friend, or she might find one who is just aimlessly hanging around.
[Pg 120]A princess of thirty-five,[1] with nothing to do and dogged by the need of action, of intrigue, etc. etc., discontented with a lukewarm lover and yet unable to hope to sow the seeds of another love, with no use to make of the energy which is consuming her, with no other distraction than fits of black humour, can very well find an occupation, that is to say a pleasure, and a life's work, in accomplishing the misfortune of a true passion—passion which someone has the insolence to feel for another than herself, while her own lover falls to sleep at her side.
[Pg 120]A thirty-five-year-old princess, with nothing to do and craving excitement, is frustrated with a lackluster boyfriend but feels hopeless about finding new love. She has no channel for the energy that's consuming her, and her only distraction is her dark sense of humor. She can easily find a way to occupy herself, or rather a source of enjoyment and purpose, by sabotaging someone else's true passion—someone who has the audacity to have feelings for someone else while her own partner drifts off to sleep beside her.
It is the only case in which hate produces happiness; the reason being that it procures occupation and work.
It’s the only situation where hate brings about happiness; the reason is that it provides engagement and labor.
Just at first, the pleasure of doing something, and, as soon as the design is suspected by society, the prick of doubtful success add a charm to this occupation. Jealousy of the friend takes the mask of hatred for the lover; otherwise how would it be possible to hate so madly a man one has never set eyes on? You cannot recognise the existence of envy, or, first, you would have to recognise the existence of merit; and there are flatterers about you who only hold their place at Court by poking fun at your good friend.
At first, the joy of doing something, and the moment society starts to suspect your intentions, the fear of not succeeding adds a thrill to the whole endeavor. Jealousy towards a friend can disguise itself as hatred for a lover; otherwise, how could someone hate so intensely a person they’ve never even met? You can't acknowledge envy without first acknowledging that there's something worthy of admiration; and there are people around you who only stay in your good graces by making fun of your good friend.
The faithless confidante, all the while she is indulging in villainies of the deepest dye, may quite well think herself solely animated by the desire not to lose a precious friendship. A woman with nothing to do tells herself that even friendship languishes in a heart devoured by love and its mortal anxieties. Friendship can only hold its own, by the side of love, by the exchange of confidences; but then what is more odious to envy than such confidences?
The untrustworthy confidante, while she's engaging in the darkest betrayals, may honestly believe she's just trying to preserve a valuable friendship. A woman with too much free time convinces herself that even friendship suffers in a heart consumed by love and its intense worries. Friendship can only thrive alongside love through sharing secrets; but what could be more detestable to jealousy than those secrets?
The only kind of confidences well received between women are those accompanied in all its frankness by a statement of the case such as this:—"My dear friend, in this war, as absurd as it is relentless, which the prejudices, [Pg 121]brought into vogue by our tyrants, wage upon us, you help me to-day—to-morrow it will be my turn."[2]
The only type of confessions that women really appreciate are those presented openly with a comment like this:—"My dear friend, in this war, as ridiculous as it is harsh, which the biases pushed by our oppressors fight against us, you support me today—tomorrow it will be my turn."[2]
Beyond this exception there is another—that of true friendship born in childhood and not marred since by any jealousy...
Beyond this exception, there’s another—true friendship that starts in childhood and hasn’t been tainted by jealousy since...
The confidences of passion-love are only well received between schoolboys in love with love, and girls eaten up with unemployed curiosity and tenderness or led on perhaps by the instinct,[3] which whispers to them that there lies the great business of their life, and that they cannot look after it too early.
The secrets of passionate love are only truly understood by schoolboys infatuated with the idea of love and girls filled with restless curiosity and tenderness, or perhaps driven by an instinct,[3] that tells them this is the most important part of their lives, and that they can’t start too soon.
We have all seen little girls of three perform quite creditably the duties of gallantry. Gallant-love is inflamed, passion-love chilled by confidences.
We’ve all seen three-year-old girls handle the challenges of being polite with surprising grace. The excitement of gallant love is fueled by passion, while passion love is cooled down by secrets.
Apart from the danger, there is the difficulty of confidences. In passion-love, things one cannot express (because the tongue is too gross for such subtleties) exist none the less; only, as these are things of extreme delicacy, we are more liable in observing them to make mistakes.
Aside from the danger, there's the challenge of sharing secrets. In passionate love, there are feelings we can't articulate (because words are too clumsy for such nuances) that still exist; however, since these feelings are incredibly delicate, we are more likely to misinterpret them when we try to notice them.
Also, an observer in a state of emotion is a bad observer; he won't allow for chance.
Also, someone who is emotional makes a poor observer; they won't consider randomness.
Perhaps the only safe way is to make yourself your own confidant. Write down this evening, under borrowed [Pg 122]names, but with all the characteristic details, the dialogue you had just now with the woman you care for, and the difficulty which troubles you. In a week, if it is passion-love, you will be a different man, and then, rereading your consultation, you will be able to give a piece of good advice to yourself.
Perhaps the only safe way is to become your own confidant. Write down tonight, using fake names but including all the key details, the conversation you just had with the woman you care about and the concerns that are bothering you. In a week, if it’s passionate love, you’ll be a different person, and when you read your notes again, you’ll be able to give yourself some good advice.
In male society, as soon as there are more than two together, and envy might make its appearance, politeness allows none but physical love to be spoken of—think of the end of dinners among men. It is Baffo's sonnets[4] that are quoted and which give such infinite pleasure; because each one takes literally the praises and excitement of his neighbour, who, quite often, merely wants to appear lively or polite. The sweetly tender words of Petrarch or French madrigals would be out of place.
In a male-dominated society, whenever more than two men are together and jealousy could arise, it’s considered polite to only discuss physical love—just think about the way conversations end at dinner among men. It’s Baffo's sonnets[4] that are often quoted and bring so much joy; because each guy takes the compliments and excitement his buddy expresses at face value, when often, he’s just trying to seem lively or courteous. The sweet and tender words of Petrarch or French madrigals would feel out of place.
[1] Venice, 1819.
Venice, 1819.
[2] Memoirs of Madame d'Épinay, Geliotte.
Prague, Klagenfurth, all Moravia, etc. etc. Their women are great wits and their men are great hunters. Friendship is very common between the women. The country enjoys its fine season in the winter; among the nobles of the province a succession of hunting parties takes place, each lasting from fifteen to twenty days. One of the cleverest of these nobles said to me one day that Charles V had reigned legitimately over all Italy, and that, consequently, it was all in vain for the Italians to want to revolt. The wife of this good man read the Letters of Mlle. de Lespinasse. (Znaym, 1816.)
Prague, Klagenfurt, all of Moravia, and so on. Their women are very smart and their men are excellent hunters. The women have close friendships with each other. The country enjoys its beautiful winter season; among the local nobility, a series of hunting trips take place, each lasting from fifteen to twenty days. One of the sharpest noblemen told me one day that Charles V had legitimately ruled over all of Italy, and that, therefore, it was pointless for the Italians to want to rebel. The wife of this kind man read the letters of Mlle. de Lespinasse. (Znaym, 1816.)
[3] Important point. It seems to me that independent of their education, which begins at eight or ten months, there is a certain amount of instinct.
[3] Important point. I believe that regardless of their education, which starts around eight to ten months, there is a certain level of instinct involved.
[4] The Venetian dialect boasts descriptions of physical love which for vivacity leave Horace, Propertius, La Fontaine and all the poets a hundred miles behind. M. Buratti of Venice is at the moment the first satirical poet of our unhappy Europe. He excels above all in the description of the physical grotesqueness of his heroes; and he finds himself frequently in prison. (See l'Elefanteide, l'Uomo, la Strefeide.)
[4] The Venetian dialect has vivid descriptions of physical love that put Horace, Propertius, La Fontaine, and all the poets far behind. M. Buratti from Venice is currently the leading satirical poet in our troubled Europe. He particularly stands out in portraying the physical absurdity of his characters, and he often finds himself in prison. (See l'Elefanteide, l'Uomo, la Strefeide.)
CHAPTER XXXV
Jealousy
When you are in love, as each new object strikes your eye or your memory, whether crushed in a gallery and patiently listening to a parliamentary debate, or galloping to the relief of an outpost under the enemy's fire, you never fail to add a new perfection to the idea you have of your mistress, or discover a new means (which at first seems excellent) of winning her love still more.
When you're in love, every new thing you notice, whether you're packed in a gallery listening to a parliamentary debate or rushing to assist an outpost under enemy fire, makes you add a new perfection to your idea of your lover or find a new way (that initially seems great) to win her love even more.
Each step the imagination takes is repaid by a moment of sweet delight. No wonder that existence, such as this, takes hold of one.
Each step of the imagination brings a moment of pure joy. It’s no surprise that a life like this captivates us.
Directly jealousy comes into existence, this turn of feelings continues in itself the same, though the effect it is to produce is contrary. Each perfection that you add to the crown of your beloved, who now perhaps loves someone else, far from promising you a heavenly contentment, thrusts a dagger into your heart. A voice cries out: "This enchanting pleasure is for my rival to enjoy."[1]
Direct jealousy arises, and this shift in feelings remains constant even though it leads to a different outcome. Each quality you add to the charm of your loved one, who might now be in love with someone else, only fills you with deeper pain instead of bringing you joy. A voice shouts out: "This delightful pleasure is for my rival to enjoy."[1]
Even the objects which strike you, without producing this effect, instead of showing you, as before, a new way of winning her love, cause you to see a new advantage for your rival.
Even the things that impress you, without having this effect, instead of revealing a new way to win her love like before, make you see a new advantage for your competitor.
You meet a pretty woman galloping in the park[2]; your rival is famous for his fine horses which can do ten miles in fifty minutes.
You see a beautiful woman riding in the park[2]; your rival is known for his great horses that can cover ten miles in fifty minutes.
[Pg 124]In this state, rage is easily fanned into life; you no longer remember that in love possession is nothing, enjoyment everything. You exaggerate the happiness of your rival, exaggerate the insolence happiness produces in him, and you come at last to the limit of tortures, that is to say to the extremest unhappiness, poisoned still further by a lingering hope.
[Pg 124]When you're in this state, it's easy for anger to flare up; you forget that in love, owning someone means nothing, and actually experiencing love is everything. You blow your rival's happiness out of proportion, you amplify the arrogance that their happiness brings them, and eventually, you reach the peak of suffering—basically, the worst kind of unhappiness, made even worse by a lingering hope.
The only remedy is, perhaps, to observe your rival's happiness at close quarters. Often you will see him fall peacefully asleep in the same salon as the woman, for whom your heart stops beating, at the mere sight of a hat like hers some way off in the street.
The only solution is, maybe, to watch your rival's happiness up close. Often, you'll see him peacefully fall asleep in the same salon as the woman for whom your heart skips a beat just at the sight of a hat like hers a little way down the street.
To wake him up you have only to show your jealousy. You may have, perhaps, the pleasure of teaching him the price of the woman who prefers him to you, and he will owe to you the love he will learn to have for her.
To wake him up, all you have to do is show that you're jealous. You might even get the satisfaction of showing him the value of the woman who chooses him over you, and he’ll end up feeling the love for her because of you.
Face to face with a rival there is no mean—you must either banter with him in the most off-hand way you can, or frighten him.
When you're face to face with a rival, there’s no middle ground—you either joke around with him casually or intimidate him.
Jealousy being the greatest of all evils, endangering one's life will be found an agreeable diversion. For then not all our fancies are embittered and blackened (by the mechanism explained above)—sometimes it is possible to imagine that one kills this rival.
Jealousy is the worst of all evils, and risking one's life can become a welcome distraction. In those moments, not all our thoughts are tainted and darkened (by the reasons discussed earlier)—sometimes it’s even possible to picture ourselves eliminating this rival.
According to this principle, that it is never right to add to the enemy's forces, you must hide your love from your rival, and, under some pretext of vanity as far as possible removed from love, say to him very quietly, with all possible politeness, and in the calmest, simplest tone: "Sir, I cannot think why the public sees good to make little So-and-so mine; people are even good enough to believe that I am in love with her. As for you, if you want her, I would hand her over with all my heart, if unhappily there were not the risk of placing myself into a ridiculous position. In six months, take her as much as ever you like, but at the present moment, honour, such as people attach (why, I don't know) to these things, [Pg 125]forces me to tell you, to my great regret, that, if by chance you have not the justice to wait till your turn comes round, one of us must die."
According to this principle, that it's never right to strengthen the enemy's forces, you need to keep your feelings hidden from your rival. Under some cover of vanity, as far removed from love as possible, say to him very quietly, with all due politeness and in the calmest, simplest tone: "Sir, I can't understand why the public thinks it’s good to claim little So-and-so as mine; people even seem to believe that I am in love with her. As for you, if you want her, I would gladly let her go, if it weren't for the risk of making myself look ridiculous. In six months, take her if you wish, but for now, honor, which people seem to attach (though I don’t get why) to these matters, forces me to tell you, to my great regret, that if you don’t have the fairness to wait for your turn, one of us must die."
Your rival is very likely a man without much passion, and perhaps a man of much prudence, who once convinced of your resolution, will make haste to yield you the woman in question, provided he can find any decent pretext. For that reason you must give a gay tone to your challenge, and keep the whole move hidden with the greatest secrecy.
Your rival is probably a man who's not very passionate, and maybe a cautious guy who, once he sees your determination, will quickly back down and let you have the woman in question, as long as he can come up with a good excuse. For that reason, you should approach your challenge with a lighthearted attitude and keep the entire plan under wraps.
What makes the pain of jealousy so sharp is that vanity cannot help you to bear it. But, according to the plan I have spoken of, your vanity has something to feed on; you can respect yourself for bravery, even if you are reduced to despising your powers of pleasing.
What makes the pain of jealousy so intense is that vanity can't help you cope with it. However, according to the plan I've mentioned, your vanity has something to hold on to; you can take pride in your courage, even if you end up looking down on your ability to charm others.
If you would rather not carry things to such tragic lengths, you must pack up and go miles away, and keep a chorus-girl, whose charms people will think have arrested you in your flight.
If you'd rather not take things to such a dramatic extreme, you need to pack up and leave far away, and keep a chorus girl, whose allure will make people think you've been captivated as you escape.
Your rival has only to be an ordinary person and he will think you are consoled.
Your rival just has to be an average person, and he'll believe you're comforted.
Very often the best way is to wait without flinching, while he wears himself out in the eyes of the loved one through his own stupidity. For, except in a serious passion formed little by little and in early youth, a clever woman does not love an undistinguished man for long.[3] In the case of jealousy after intimate intercourse, there must follow also apparent indifference or real inconstancy. Plenty of women, offended with a lover whom they still love, form an attachment with the man, of whom he has shown himself jealous, and the play becomes a reality.[4]
Often, the best approach is to wait patiently while he exhausts himself in the eyes of the person he loves with his own foolishness. Because, unless it's a deep passion that develops gradually in early youth, a smart woman doesn't stay in love with an ordinary man for long.[3] In situations involving jealousy after intimacy, there should also be an appearance of indifference or genuine inconsistency. Many women, upset with a lover they still care for, often find themselves attracted to the man who has made them jealous, and the dynamic turns into reality.[4]
I have gone into some detail, because in these moments of jealousy one often loses one's head. Counsels, made in writing a long time ago, are useful, and, the essential [Pg 126]thing being to feign calmness, it is not out of place in a philosophical piece of writing, to adopt that tone.
I have gone into some detail because in moments of jealousy, it’s easy to lose your mind. Advice written a long time ago can be helpful, and since the key thing is to pretend to be calm, it’s appropriate in a philosophical text to use that tone.
As your adversaries' power over you consists in taking away from you or making you hope for things, whose whole worth consists in your passion for them, once manage to make them think you are indifferent, and suddenly they are without a weapon.
As your opponents gain power over you by taking things away or making you hope for things that are valuable only because of your desire for them, once you can get them to believe you don’t care, they suddenly lose their advantage.
If you have no active course to take, but can distract yourself in looking for consolation, you will find some pleasure in reading Othello; it will make you doubt the most conclusive appearances. You will feast your eyes on these words:—
If you don't have an active course to take, but can keep yourself occupied by seeking comfort, you'll find some enjoyment in reading Othello; it will make you question even the most convincing things. You'll enjoy these words:—
It is my experience that the sight of a fine sea is consoling.
In my experience, the view of a beautiful sea is soothing.
The morning which had arisen calm and bright gave a pleasant effect to the waste mountain view, which was seen from the castle on looking to the landward, and the glorious ocean crisped with a thousand rippling waves of silver extended on the other side in awful, yet complacent majesty to the verge of the horizon. With such scenes of calm sublimity the human heart sympathises even in its most disturbed moods, and deeds of honour and virtue are inspired by their majestic influence. (The Bride of Lammermoor, Chap. VII.)
The morning was clear and bright, offering a beautiful view of the empty mountains from the castle when looking inland, while the breathtaking ocean sparkled with countless shimmering silver waves on the other side, reaching elegantly to the horizon. Even in our toughest times, we find solace in such peaceful beauty, and the magnificence of these sights encourages us to perform acts of honor and goodness. (The Bride of Lammermoor, Chap. VII.)
I find this written by Salviati:—
I found this written by Salviati:—
July 20th, 1818.—I often—and I think unreasonably—apply to life as a whole the feelings of a man of ambition or a good citizen, if he finds himself set in battle to guard the baggage or in any other post without danger or action. I should have felt regret at forty to have passed the age of loving without deep passion. I should have had that bitter and humiliating displeasure, to have found out too late that I had been fool enough to let life pass, without living.
July 20th, 1818.—I often—and I think unfairly—see life through the lens of an ambitious person or a good citizen who finds themselves stuck in a safe role, like guarding supplies, instead of being in the action. I’d regret hitting forty and realizing I went through life without experiencing deep love. I’d feel that bitter and humiliating disappointment of discovering too late that I had been foolish enough to let life pass me by without truly living.
Yesterday I spent three hours with the woman I love and a rival, whom she wants to make me think she favours. Certainly, [Pg 127]there were moments of bitterness, in watching her lovely eyes fixed on him, and, on my departure, there were wild transports from utter misery to hope. But what changes, what sudden lights, what swift thoughts, and, in spite of the apparent happiness of my rival, with what pride and what delight my love felt itself superior to his! I went away saying to myself: The most vile fear would bleach those cheeks at the least of the sacrifices, which my love would make for the fun of it, nay, with delight—for example, to put this hand into a hat and draw one of these two lots: "Be loved by her," the other—"Die on the spot." And this feeling in me is so much second nature, that it did not prevent me being amiable and talkative.
Yesterday, I spent three hours with the woman I love and a rival, who she wants me to believe she prefers. There were definitely moments of bitterness as I watched her beautiful eyes on him, and as I left, my emotions swung wildly from complete misery to hope. But what changes, what sudden insights, what quick thoughts! And despite my rival's apparent happiness, how proud and delighted my love felt to be better than him! I left thinking to myself: the most despicable fear would flush those cheeks at the slightest of sacrifices my love would happily make for fun—for instance, to stick this hand into a hat and draw one of two lots: "Be loved by her," or "Die on the spot." This feeling is so deep-rooted in me that it didn’t stop me from being friendly and chatty.
If someone had told me all that two years ago, I should have laughed.
If someone had told me all this two years ago, I would have laughed.
I find in the Travels to the Source of the Missouri River ... in 1804–6 of Captains Lewis and Clarke (p. 215):—
I find in the Travels to the Source of the Missouri River ... in 1804–6 of Captains Lewis and Clarke (p. 215):—
The Ricaras are poor and generous; we stayed some time in three of their villages. Their women are more beautiful than those of the other tribes we came across; they are also not in the least inclined to let their lover languish. We found a new example of the truth that you only have to travel to find out that there is variety everywhere. Among the Ricaras, for a woman to grant her favours without the consent of her husband or her brother, gives great offence. But then the brothers and the husband are only too delighted to have the opportunity of showing this courtesy to their friends.
The Ricaras are poor but generous; we spent some time in three of their villages. Their women are more beautiful than those from the other tribes we encountered, and they aren't shy about showing affection for their partners. This experience reinforced the idea that traveling reveals diversity everywhere. Among the Ricaras, if a woman expresses her affections without her husband's or brother's permission, it's seen as very disrespectful. However, the brothers and husbands are more than willing to let their friends have that chance.
There was a negro in our crew; he created a great sensation among a people who had never seen a man of his colour before. He was soon a favourite with the fair sex, and we noticed that the husbands, instead of being jealous, were overjoyed to see him come to visit them. The funny part was that the interior of the huts was so narrow that everything was visible.[5]
There was a Black guy in our group, and he made quite an impression among people who had never seen a man of his color before. He quickly became a favorite among the women, and we noticed that the husbands, instead of feeling jealous, were actually glad to see him around. The funny part was that the insides of the huts were so small that everything was visible.[5]
[2] Montaguola, 13th April, 1819.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Montaguola, April 13, 1819.
[5] There ought to be instituted at Philadelphia an academy, whose sole occupation would be the collection of materials for the study of man in the savage state, instead of waiting till these curious peoples have been exterminated.
[5] There should be an academy set up in Philadelphia dedicated solely to gathering information about human behavior in its primitive state, instead of waiting until these fascinating cultures disappear.
I know quite well that such academies exist—but apparently regulated in a way worthy of our academies in Europe. (Memoir and Discussion on the Zodiac of Denderah at the Académie des Sciences of Paris, 1821.) I notice that the academy of, I fancy, Massachusetts wisely charges a [Pg 128]member of the clergy (Mr. Jarvis) to make a report on the religion of the savage. The priest, of course, refutes energetically an impious Frenchman, called Volney. According to the priest, the savage has the most exact and noble ideas of the Divinity, etc. If he lived in England, such a report would bring the worthy academician a preferment of three or four hundred pounds and the protection of all the noble lords in the county. But in America! For the rest, the absurdity of this academy reminds me of the free Americans, who set the greatest store on seeing fine coats-of-arms painted on the panels of their carriages; what upsets them is that, through their carriage-painter's want of instruction, the blazoning is often wrong.
I know for sure that these academies exist—but they seem to be regulated in a way that's fitting for our academies in Europe. (Memoir and Discussion on the Zodiac of Denderah at the Académie des Sciences of Paris, 1821.) I see that the academy in, I believe, Massachusetts wisely appoints a member of the clergy (Mr. Jarvis) to report on the religion of the native people. The priest, of course, strongly argues against an irreverent Frenchman named Volney. According to the priest, the native has the most accurate and noble ideas of God, etc. If he lived in England, such a report would earn the esteemed academician a position worth three or four hundred pounds and the support of all the noble lords in the county. But in America! Furthermore, the ridiculousness of this academy reminds me of the free Americans, who value seeing fine coats-of-arms painted on their carriage panels; what bothers them is that, due to their carriage painter's lack of skill, the heraldry is often incorrect.
CHAPTER XXXVI
OF JEALOUSY—(continued)
Now for the woman suspected of inconstancy!
Now for the woman thought to be unfaithful!
She leaves you, because you have discouraged crystallisation, but it is possible that in her heart you have habit to plead for you.
She leaves you because you've pushed her away, but it's possible that in her heart she still hopes you'll come back.
She leaves you, because she is too sure of you. You have killed fear, and there is nothing left to give birth to the little doubts of happy love. Just make her uneasy, and, above all, beware of the absurdity of protestations!
She leaves you because she’s too confident in you. You’ve eliminated fear, and there’s nothing left to spark the small doubts of happy love. Just make her a little uneasy, and, most importantly, be cautious of the ridiculousness of declarations!
During all the time you have lived in touch with her, you will doubtless have discovered what woman, in society or outside it, she is most jealous or most afraid of. Pay court to that woman, but so far from blazoning it about, do your best to keep it secret, and do your best sincerely; trust to the eyes of anger to see everything and feel everything. The strong aversion you will have felt for several months to all women ought to make this easy.[1] Remember that in the position you are in, everything is spoiled by a show of passion: avoid seeing much of the woman you love, and drink champagne with the wits.
During the time you've been close to her, you probably figured out which woman, whether in public or private, she's the most jealous or afraid of. Flatter that woman, but instead of flaunting it, keep it on the down-low and genuinely try to be discreet; trust that anger will reveal everything and feel everything. The strong dislike you’ve had for all women over the past few months should make this pretty easy.[1] Just remember that in your situation, showing any passion can ruin everything: try not to spend too much time with the woman you love, and have some fun with the clever ones over champagne.
In order to judge of your mistress' love, remember:—
In order to evaluate your mistress's love, keep in mind:—
1. The more physical pleasure counts for in the basis of her love and in what formerly determined her to yield, the more prone it is to inconstancy, and, still more, to infidelity. This applies especially to love in [Pg 130]which crystallisation has been favoured by the fire of sweet seventeen.
1. The more physical pleasure plays a role in the foundation of her love and in what used to make her give in, the more likely it is to be inconsistent and, even more so, to lead to infidelity. This is especially true for love in [Pg 130] where its formation has been fueled by the excitement of being seventeen.
2. Two people in love are hardly ever equally in love:[2] passion-love has its phases, during which now one, now the other is more impassioned. Often, too, it is merely gallantry or vain love which responds to passion-love, and it is generally the woman who is carried away by passion. But whatever the love may be that either of them feels, directly one of them is jealous, he insists on the other fulfilling all the conditions of passion-love; vanity pretends to all the claims of a heart that feels.
2. Two people in love are rarely equally in love:[2] Passionate love has its ups and downs, where sometimes one partner is more intense than the other. Often, it’s just flirtation or superficial love that reacts to passionate love, and it’s usually the woman who gets swept up in the passion. But no matter what kind of love either of them feels, the moment one of them gets jealous, they demand that the other meet all the expectations of passionate love; ego tries to claim all the rights of a heart that feels.
Furthermore, nothing wearies gallant-love like passion-love from the other side.
Furthermore, nothing wears down brave love like passionate love from the other side.
Often a clever man, paying court to a woman, just sets her thinking of love in a sentimental frame of mind. She receives this clever man kindly for giving her this pleasure—he conceives hopes.
Often a smart guy, trying to impress a woman, just gets her thinking about love in a romantic way. She welcomes this clever guy for bringing her this joy—he starts to have hopes.
But one fine day that woman meets the man, who makes her feel what the other has described.
But one great day, that woman meets the man who makes her feel what the other one described.
I do not know what are the effects of a man's jealousy on the heart of the woman he loves. Displayed by an admirer who wearies her, jealousy must inspire a supreme disgust, and it may even turn to hatred, if the man he is jealous of is nicer than the jealous one; for we want jealousy, said Madame de Coulanges, only from those of whom we could be jealous.
I don’t understand the impact of a man’s jealousy on the heart of the woman he loves. When shown by an admirer who annoys her, jealousy must cause extreme disgust, and it might even turn into hatred if the man he’s jealous of is nicer than he is; because we only want jealousy from those we could be jealous of, as Madame de Coulanges said.
If the jealous one is liked, but has no real claims, his jealousy may offend that feminine pride so hard to keep in humour or even to recognise. Jealousy may please women of pride, as a new way of showing them their power.
If the jealous person is liked but has no genuine reasons to be jealous, their jealousy might hurt that feminine pride that’s so hard to maintain or even acknowledge. Jealousy can appeal to proud women, as it serves as a new way of demonstrating their power.
Jealousy can please as a new way of giving proof of love. It can also offend the modesty of a woman who is over-refined.
Jealousy can be a way to show love. However, it can also upset a woman who is very delicate and refined.
[Pg 131]It can please as a sign of the lover's hot blood—ferrum est quod amant. But note that it is hot blood they love, and not courage à la Turenne, which is quite compatible with a cold heart.
[Pg 131]It can be satisfying as a sign of a lover's passion—ferrum est quod amant. But keep in mind that it is passion they love, not the courage à la Turenne, which can exist alongside a cold heart.
One of the consequences of crystallisation is that a woman can never say "yes" to the lover, to whom she has been unfaithful, if she ever means to make anything of him.
One of the results of crystallization is that a woman can never say "yes" to the lover she has cheated on if she ever wants to build anything with him.
Such is the pleasure of continuing to enjoy the perfect image we have formed of the object of our attachment, that until that fatal "yes"—
Such is the joy of still being able to enjoy the ideal image we've created of the one we care for, that until that decisive "yes"—
Some friendly excuse to live and to suffer.
Everyone in France knows the anecdote of Mademoiselle de Sommery, who, caught in flagrant delict by her lover, flatly denied the fact. On his protesting, she replied: "Very well, I see you don't love me any more: you believe what you see before what I tell you."
Everyone in France knows the story of Mademoiselle de Sommery, who was caught red-handed by her lover but completely denied it. When he protested, she replied, "Fine, I see you don't love me anymore; you believe what you see instead of what I say."
To make it up with an idol of a mistress, who has been unfaithful, is to set yourself to undo with the point of a dagger a crystallisation incessantly forming afresh. Love has got to die, and your heart will feel the cruel pang of every stage in its agony.
To reconcile with an unfaithful mistress is like trying to stop a constantly reforming crystal with a dagger. Love has to die, and your heart will endure the painful sting of every moment of that suffering.
It is one of the saddest dispositions of this passion and of life. You must be strong enough to make it up only as friends.
It’s one of the saddest aspects of this feeling and of life. You have to be strong enough to settle for just being friends.
[2] e. g. the love of Alfieri for that great English lady (Lady Ligonier) who also philandered with her footman and prettily signed herself Penelope. (Vita, Epoca III, Chaps. X and XI.)
[2] For example, the affection Alfieri had for that impressive English woman (Lady Ligonier) who also flirted with her footman and charmingly signed her name as Penelope. (Vita, Epoca III, Chaps. X and XI.)
CHAPTER XXXVII
ROXANA
As for women's jealousy—they are suspicious, they have infinitely more at stake than we, they have made a greater sacrifice to love, have far fewer means of distraction and, above all, far fewer means of keeping a check on their lover's actions. A woman feels herself degraded by jealousy; she thinks her lover is laughing at her, or, still worse, making fun of her tenderest transports. Cruelty must tempt her—and yet, legally, she cannot kill her rival!
As for women's jealousy—they're suspicious, they have way more at stake than we do, they've made a bigger sacrifice for love, have way fewer ways to distract themselves, and, above all, far fewer ways to monitor their partner's actions. A woman feels humiliated by jealousy; she thinks her partner is mocking her, or, even worse, laughing at her most vulnerable moments. Cruelty must tempt her—and yet, legally, she can't kill her rival!
For women, jealousy must be a still more abominable evil than it is for men. It is the last degree of impotent rage and self-contempt[1] which a heart can bear without breaking.
For women, jealousy is likely an even more detestable evil than it is for men. It represents the ultimate level of helpless anger and self-loathing that a heart can endure without shattering.
I know no other remedy for so cruel an evil, than the death of the one who is the cause of it or of the one who suffers. An example of French jealousy is the story of Madame de la Pommeraie in Jacques le Fataliste(19).
I know of no other solution for such a cruel problem than the death of the person who causes it or the person who suffers from it. A prime example of French jealousy is the story of Madame de la Pommeraie in Jacques le Fataliste(19).
La Rochefoucauld says: "We are ashamed of owning we are jealous, but pride ourselves on having been and of being capable of jealousy."[2] Poor woman dares not own even to having suffered this torture, so much ridicule does it bring upon her. So painful a wound can never quite heal up.
La Rochefoucauld says: "We feel ashamed to admit that we are jealous, but we take pride in having been and being capable of jealousy."[2] A poor woman doesn’t even dare to acknowledge that she has gone through this torment, as it brings too much mockery upon her. Such a painful wound can never really heal.
If cold reason could be unfolded before the fire of imagination with the merest shade of success, I would say [Pg 133]to those wretched women, who are unhappy from jealousy: "There is a great difference between infidelity in man and in you. In you, the importance of the act is partly direct, partly symbolic. But, as an effect of the education of our military schools, it is in man the symbol of nothing at all. On the contrary, in women, through the effect of modesty, it is the most decisive of all the symbols of devotion. Bad habit makes it almost a necessity to men. During all our early years, the example set by the so-called 'bloods' makes us set all our pride on the number of successes of this kind—as the one and only proof of our worth. For you, your education acts in exactly the opposite direction."
If cold logic could be laid out in front of the warmth of imagination with even a hint of success, I would say [Pg 133]to those miserable women who suffer from jealousy: "There's a significant difference between a man's infidelity and yours. For you, the significance of the act is partly direct and partly symbolic. But, due to the influence of our military education, for men, it's a symbol of nothing at all. In fact, for women, due to the effects of modesty, it's the strongest symbol of devotion. Bad habits make it almost a necessity for men. Throughout our youth, the example set by the so-called 'bloods' leads us to place all our pride in the number of such successes—as the sole proof of our value. For you, your education has the opposite effect."
As for the value of an action as symbol—in a moment of anger I upset a table on to the foot of my neighbour; that gives him the devil of a pain, but can quite easily be fixed up—or again, I make as if to give him a slap in the face....
As for the value of an action as a symbol—in a moment of anger, I knocked a table onto my neighbor's foot; that gives him a sharp pain, but it can be easily fixed—or again, I pretend to slap him in the face....
The difference between infidelity in the two sexes is so real, that a woman of passion may pardon it, while for a man that is impossible.
The difference between infidelity in both sexes is so significant that a passionate woman might forgive it, while for a man, that's impossible.
Here we have a decisive ordeal to show the difference between passion-love and love from pique: infidelity in women all but kills the former and doubles the force of the latter.
Here we have a crucial test to demonstrate the difference between passion-love and love from annoyance: infidelity in women nearly destroys the former and intensifies the latter.
Haughty women disguise their jealousy from pride. They will spend long and dreary evenings in silence with the man whom they adore, and whom they tremble to lose, making themselves consciously disagreeable in his eyes. This must be one of the greatest possible tortures, and is certainly one of the most fruitful sources of unhappiness in love. In order to cure these women, who merit so well all our respect, it needs on the man's side a strong and out-of-the-way line of action—but, mind, he must not seem to notice what is going on—for example, a long journey with them undertaken at a twenty-four hours' notice.
Haughty women hide their jealousy behind their pride. They'll spend long, dreary evenings in silence with the man they adore and fear losing, making themselves deliberately unpleasant in his eyes. This must be one of the greatest tortures and is certainly one of the leading causes of unhappiness in love. To help these women, who truly deserve our respect, the man needs to take a strong and unconventional approach—but he must not act like he notices what's happening. For instance, going on a long trip with them on just a day's notice could work.
[2] Pensée 495. The reader will have recognised, without my marking it each time, several other thoughts of celebrated writers. It is history which I am attempting to write, and such thoughts are the facts.
[2] Pensée 495. The reader will have noticed, without me pointing it out every time, several other ideas from well-known writers. I'm trying to write history, and those ideas are the facts.
CHAPTER XXXVIII
OF SELF-ESTEEM PIQUED[1]
Pique is a manifestation of vanity; I do not want my antagonist to go higher than myself and I take that antagonist himself as judge of my worth. I want to produce an effect on his heart. It is this that carries us so far beyond all reasonable limits.
Pique is a sign of vanity; I don't want my rival to be better than me and I consider that rival himself as the judge of my value. I want to have an impact on his feelings. This is what pushes us well beyond all reasonable boundaries.
Sometimes, to justify our own extravagance, we go so far as to tell ourselves that this rival has a mind to dupe us.
Sometimes, to rationalize our own indulgence, we convince ourselves that this rival is trying to trick us.
Pique, being an infirmity of honour, is far more common in monarchies; it must, surely, be exceedingly rare in countries, where the habit is rampant of valuing things according to their utility—for example, in the United States.
Pique, which is a weakness of honor, is much more common in monarchies; it must be extremely rare in countries where people tend to value things based on their usefulness—for example, in the United States.
Every man, and a Frenchman sooner than any other, loathes being taken for a dupe; and yet the lightness of the French character under the old monarchic régime[2], prevented pique from working great havoc beyond the domains of gallantry and gallant-love. Pique has produced serious tragedies only in monarchies, where, through the climate, the shade of character is darker (Portugal, Piedmont).
Every man, and a Frenchman more than anyone else, hates being seen as a fool; yet the lightheartedness of the French spirit under the old monarchy régime[2] kept jealousy from causing too much trouble outside of romance and love affairs. Jealousy has led to serious tragedies only in monarchies, where, due to the environment, the temperament is more intense (Portugal, Piedmont).
The provincial in France forms a ludicrous idea of what is considered a gentleman in good society—and then he takes cover behind his model, and waits there all his [Pg 135]life to see that no one trespasses. And so good-bye naturalness! He is always in a state of pique, a mania which gives a laughable character even to his love affairs. This enviousness is what makes it most unbearable to live in small towns, and one should remind oneself of this, when one admires the picturesque situation of any of them. The most generous and noble emotions are there paralysed by contact with all that is most low in the products of civilisation. In order to put the finishing touch to their awfulness, these bourgeois talk of nothing but the corruption of great cities.[3]
The provincial in France has a ridiculous idea of what it means to be a gentleman in good society—and then he hides behind this model, waiting his whole life to make sure no one crosses that line. So much for naturalness! He’s always in a bad mood, a kind of obsession that even turns his romantic relationships into something laughable. This envy makes it unbearable to live in small towns, and it’s something to keep in mind when admiring their picturesque settings. The most generous and noble feelings are stifled there by everything that’s lowest in the products of civilization. To top it all off, these bourgeois folks only talk about the corruption of big cities.[3]
Pique cannot exist in passion-love; it is feminine pride. "If I let my lover treat me badly, he will despise me and no longer be able to love me." It may also be jealousy in all its fury.
Pique can't exist in passionate love; it's just feminine pride. "If I allow my partner to treat me poorly, he will lose respect for me and won't be able to love me anymore." It might also be jealousy at its most intense.
Jealousy desires the death of the object it fears. The man in a state of pique is miles away from that—he wants his enemy to live, and, above all, be witness of his triumph.
Jealousy wishes for the destruction of what it fears. The man who is upset is far from that—he wants his rival to live and, more than anything, see him succeed.
He would be sorry to see his rival renounce the struggle, for the fellow may have the insolence to say in the depth of his heart: "If I had persevered in my original object, I should have outdone him."
He would regret seeing his rival back down from the fight, because deep down, that guy might have the arrogance to think, "If I had stuck to my original plan, I would have surpassed him."
With pique, there is no interest in the apparent purpose—the point of everything is victory. This is well brought out in the love affairs of chorus-girls; take away the rival, and the boasted passion, which threatened suicide from the fifth-floor window, instantly subsides.
With annoyance, there is no interest in the obvious purpose—the main focus is winning. This is clearly illustrated in the love lives of chorus girls; remove the competition, and the so-called passion, which seemed to lead to suicide from the fifth-floor window, quickly fades away.
Love from pique, contrary to passion-love, passes in a moment; it is enough for the antagonist by an irrevocable step to own that he renounces the struggle. I hesitate, however, to advance this maxim, having only one example, and that leaves doubts in my mind. Here are the facts—the reader will judge. Dona Diana is a [Pg 136]young person of twenty-three, daughter of one of the richest and proudest citizens of Seville. She is beautiful, without any doubt, but of a peculiar type of beauty, and is credited with ever so much wit and still more pride. She was passionately in love, to all appearances at least, with a young officer, with whom her family would have nothing to do. The officer left for America with Morillo, and they corresponded continuously. One day in the midst of a lot of people, assembled round the mother of Dona Diana, a fool announced the death of the charming officer. All eyes are turned upon Dona Diana; Dona Diana says nothing but these words: "What a pity—so young."
Love from pique, unlike passion-love, fades quickly; it only takes an irrevocable decision from the rival to admit that they’re giving up the fight. I’m hesitant to promote this idea since I have only one example, and it raises some doubts for me. Here are the facts—the reader can decide for themselves. Dona Diana is a [Pg 136]young woman of twenty-three, daughter of one of the wealthiest and most arrogant citizens of Seville. She is undeniably beautiful, but in a unique way, and is known for her sharp wit and even greater pride. She seemed to be madly in love with a young officer, with whom her family had no interest in getting involved. The officer left for America with Morillo, and they wrote to each other regularly. One day, in front of a crowd gathered around Dona Diana’s mother, a fool announced the death of the charming officer. Everyone turned to Dona Diana; she only said, "What a pity—so young."
Just that day we had been reading a play of old Massinger, which ends tragically, but in which the heroine takes the death of her lover with this apparent tranquillity. I saw the mother shudder in spite of her pride and dislike; the father went out of the room to hide his joy. In the midst of this scene and the dismay of all present, who were making eyes at the fool who had told the story, Dona Diana, the only one at ease, proceeded with the conversation, as if nothing had happened. Her mother, in apprehension, set her maid to watch her, but nothing seemed to be altered in her behaviour.
Just that day we had been reading a play by old Massinger, which ends tragically, but in which the heroine accepts her lover's death with apparent calm. I saw the mother shudder despite her pride and dislike; the father left the room to hide his relief. Amidst this scene and the shock of everyone present, who were glaring at the fool who shared the story, Dona Diana, the only one unfazed, continued the conversation as if nothing had happened. Her mother, worried, had her maid keep an eye on her, but nothing seemed to change in her behavior.
Two years later, a very fine young man paid his attentions to her. This time again, and, still for the same reason, Dona Diana's parents violently opposed the marriage, because the aspirant was not of noble birth. She herself declared it should take place. A state of pique ensues between the daughter's sense of honour and the father's. The young man is forbidden the house. Dona Diana is no longer taken to the country and hardly ever to church. With scrupulous care, every means of meeting her lover is taken from her. He disguises himself and sees her secretly at long intervals. She becomes more and more resolute, and refuses the most [Pg 137]brilliant matches, even a title and a great establishment at the Court of Ferdinand VII. The whole town is talking of the misfortunes of the two lovers and of their heroic constancy. At last the majority of Dona Diana draws near. She gives her father to understand that she means to make use of her right of disposing of her own hand. The family, driven back on its last resources, opens negotiations for the marriage. When it is half concluded, at an official meeting of the two families, the young man, after six years' constancy, refuses Dona Diana.[4]
Two years later, a really great young man showed interest in her. Once again, and still for the same reason, Dona Diana's parents strongly opposed the marriage because the suitor wasn't from a noble family. She insisted that it should happen. A conflict arose between the daughter's sense of honor and her father's. The young man was banned from the house. Dona Diana was no longer taken to the countryside and rarely went to church. With meticulous care, every opportunity for her to meet her lover was removed. He disguised himself and secretly saw her at long intervals. She grew increasingly determined and turned down even the most impressive offers, including a title and a grand position at the Court of Ferdinand VII. The whole town buzzed about the struggles of the two lovers and their heroic loyalty. Eventually, the moment came for Dona Diana to assert her right to choose her own partner. The family, left with no other options, began negotiations for the marriage. Just as the deal was about to be finalized, during an official meeting of the two families, the young man, after six years of devotion, turned down Dona Diana.[4]
A quarter of an hour later no trace of anything—she was consoled. Did she love from pique? Or are we face to face with a great soul, that disclaims to parade its sorrow before the eyes of the world?
A quarter of an hour later, there was no sign of anything—she felt reassured. Did she love out of spite? Or are we seeing a truly noble person who refuses to show their pain to the world?
In passion-love satisfaction, if I can call it such, is often only to be won by piquing the loved one's self-esteem. Then, in appearance, the lover realises all that can be desired; complaints would be ridiculous and seem senseless. He cannot speak of his misfortune, and yet how constantly he knows and feels its prick! Its traces are inwoven, so to speak, with circumstances, the most flattering and the most fit to awaken illusions of enchantment. This misfortune rears its monstrous head at the tenderest moments, as if to taunt the lover and make him feel, at one and the same instant, all the delight of being loved by the charming and unfeeling creature in his arms, and the impossibility of this delight being his. Perhaps after jealousy, this is the cruellest unhappiness.
In passionate love, if I can call it that, satisfaction often comes from boosting the loved one's self-esteem. Then, to the outside world, the lover seems to fulfill every desire; complaints would seem absurd and pointless. He can't talk about his misfortune, yet he constantly feels its sting. Its effects are intertwined, so to speak, with the most flattering situations that are perfect for stirring up illusions of bliss. This misfortune pops up at the most tender moments, almost to mock the lover and make him feel, all at once, both the joy of being loved by the charming yet unfeeling person in his arms and the impossibility of fully experiencing that joy. Perhaps after jealousy, this is the harshest kind of unhappiness.
The story is still fresh in a certain large town[5] of a man of soft and gentle nature, who was carried away by a rage of this kind to spill the blood of his mistress, who only loved him from pique against her sister. He arranged [Pg 138]with her, one evening, to come for a row on the sea by themselves, in a pretty little boat he had devised himself. Once well out to sea, he touches a spring, the boat divides and disappears for ever.
The story is still fresh in a certain large town[5] about a man with a kind and gentle nature, who was driven by a rage that made him kill his mistress, who only loved him out of spite against her sister. One evening, he made plans with her to go for a row on the sea alone, in a charming little boat he had designed himself. Once they were far out to sea, he pressed a lever, and the boat split apart and vanished forever.
I have seen a man of sixty set out to keep an actress, the most capricious, irresponsible, delightful and wonderful on the London stage—Miss Cornel.
I’ve seen a sixty-year-old man try to win over an actress, the most unpredictable, carefree, charming, and amazing one on the London stage—Miss Cornel.
"And you expect that she'll be faithful?" people asked him.
"And you think she'll be loyal?" people asked him.
"Not in the least. But she'll be in love with me—perhaps madly in love."
"Not at all. But she’ll be in love with me—maybe even crazy in love."
And for a whole year she did love him—often to distraction. For three whole months together she never even gave him subject for complaint. He had put a state of pique, disgraceful in many ways, between his mistress and his daughter.
And for a whole year, she loved him—sometimes to the point of distraction. For three entire months, she didn’t give him any reason to complain. He had created an awkward situation, shameful in many ways, between his girlfriend and his daughter.
Pique wins the day in gallant-love, being its very life and blood. It is the ordeal best fitted to differentiate between gallant-love and passion-love. There is an old maxim of war, given to young fellows new to their regiment, that if you are billeted on a house, where there are two sisters, and you want to have one, you must pay your attentions to the other. To win the majority of Spanish women, who are still young and ready for love affairs, it is enough to give out, seriously and modestly, that you have no feelings whatever for the lady of the house. I have this useful maxim from dear General Lassale. This is the most dangerous way of attacking passion-love.
Pique takes the lead in romantic love, being its very essence. It's the test best suited to distinguish between romantic love and passionate love. There's an old saying in the military, shared with new recruits, that if you're staying at a house with two sisters and you're interested in one, you should show attention to the other. To win over most young Spanish women who are open to romance, it’s often enough to honestly and modestly claim you have no feelings for the lady of the house. I got this helpful advice from dear General Lassale. This is the most risky approach to engaging with passionate love.
Piqued self-esteem is the bond which ties the happiest marriages, after those formed by love. Many husbands make sure of their wives' love for many years, by taking up with some little woman a couple of months after their marriage.[6] In this way the habit is engendered of thinking only of one man, and family ties succeed in making the habit invincible.
Piqued self-esteem is the connection that holds the happiest marriages together, right after those built on love. Many husbands ensure their wives love them for years by getting involved with another woman a few months after their wedding.[6] This way, the pattern of focusing on just one man is established, and family ties help make that pattern unbreakable.
The most neglected mistress, once she makes us see that she prefers another man, robs us of our peace and afflicts our heart with all the semblance of passion.
The most overlooked lover, once she shows us that she favors another guy, steals our peace and burdens our hearts with the illusion of passion.
The courage of an Italian is an access of rage; the courage of a German a moment of intoxication; that of a Spaniard an outburst of pride. If there were a nation, in which courage were generally a matter of piqued self-esteem between the soldiers of each company and the regiments of each division, in the case of a rout there would be no support, and consequently there would be no means of rallying the armies of such a nation. To foresee the danger and try to remedy it, would be the greatest of all absurdities with such conceited runaways.
The courage of an Italian is a surge of rage; the courage of a German is a moment of intoxication; and the courage of a Spaniard is an explosion of pride. If there were a nation where courage came down to wounded pride among the soldiers in each company and the regiments in each division, then in the event of a defeat, there would be no support, and as a result, no way to regroup the armies of that nation. Imagining the danger and trying to fix it would be the height of absurdity for such arrogant deserters.
"It is enough to have opened any single description of a voyage among the savages of North America," says one of the most delightful philosophers of France,[8] "to know that the ordinary fate of prisoners of war is not only to be burnt alive and eaten, but first to be bound to a stake near a flaming bonfire and to be tortured there for several hours, by all the most ferocious and refined devices that fury can imagine. Read what travellers, who have witnessed these fearful scenes, tell of the cannibal joy of the assistants, above all, of the fury of the women and children, and of their gruesome delight in this competition of cruelty. See also what they add about the heroic firmness and immutable self-possession of the prisoner, who not only gives no sign of pain, but taunts and defies his torturers, by all that pride can make most haughty, irony most bitter, and sarcasm most insulting—singing his own glorious deeds, going through the number of the relations and friends of the onlookers whom he has killed, detailing the sufferings he has inflicted on them, and accusing all that stand around him of cowardice, timidity and ignorance of the methods of torture; until falling limb from limb, devoured alive [Pg 140]under his own eyes by enemies drunk with fury, he gasps out his last whisper and his last insult together with his life's breath.[9] All this would be beyond belief in civilised nations, will look like fable to the most fearless captains of our grenadiers, and will one day be brought into doubt by posterity."
"Just reading any account of a journey among Native American tribes," says one of the most enjoyable philosophers from France,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "makes it clear that the typical fate of prisoners of war isn’t just to be burned alive and eaten, but first to be tied to a stake near a roaring bonfire and tortured for several hours using the most brutal and inventive methods that rage can devise. Travelers who have witnessed these horrific scenes describe the cannibalistic joy of the spectators, particularly the fury of the women and children, and their gruesome delight in this cruel spectacle. They also mention the heroic courage and unwavering composure of the prisoner, who shows no signs of pain but instead mocks and challenges his torturers with all the pride he can muster, sharpest irony, and most biting sarcasm—singing about his own glorious deeds, counting the relatives and friends of the onlookers he has killed, detailing the suffering he has inflicted on them, and accusing everyone around him of cowardice, fear, and ignorance of torture methods; until, torn apart and alive, he’s devoured right before his own eyes by furious enemies, he breathes out his final words and last insult along with his dying breath.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ All of this would be unbelievable in civilized nations, it might seem like a myth to the bravest leaders of our grenadiers, and someday it will be questioned by future generations."
This physiological phenomenon is closely connected with a particular moral state in the prisoner, which constitutes, between him on the one side and all his torturers on the other, a combat of self-esteem—of vanity against vanity, as to who can hold out longer.
This physiological phenomenon is closely linked to a specific emotional state in the prisoner, which creates a struggle of self-esteem between him and all his torturers—it's a battle of vanity against vanity, determining who can endure longer.
Our brave military doctors have often observed that wounded soldiers, who, in a calm state of mind and senses, would have shrieked out, during certain operations, display, on the contrary, only calmness and heroism, if they are prepared for it in a certain manner. It is a matter of piquing their sense of honour; you have to pretend, first in a roundabout way, and then with irritating persistence, that it is beyond their present power to bear the operation without shrieking.
Our courageous military doctors have frequently noticed that injured soldiers, who would normally scream during certain procedures when in a calm state of mind and body, instead show only composure and bravery if they are prepared in a specific way. It’s about tapping into their sense of honor; you have to suggest, first indirectly and then with persistent annoyance, that they can’t handle the procedure without screaming.
[2] Three-quarters of the great French noblemen about 1778 would have been on the high road to prison in a country where the laws were executed without respect of persons.
[2] About 75% of the prominent French nobles around 1778 would have been heading straight to prison in a country where the laws were enforced fairly, without favoritism.
[3] As the one keeps strict watch on the other in all that touches love, there is less love and more immorality in provincial towns. Italy is luckier.
[3] As one person keeps a close eye on the other in matters of love, there tends to be less genuine love and more immorality in small towns. Italy has it better.
[5] Leghorn, 1819.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Leghorn, 1819.
[9] Anyone accustomed to a spectacle like this, who feels the risk of being the hero of such another, may possibly be interested only in its heroic aspect, and, in that case, the spectacle must be the foremost and most intimate of the non-active pleasures.
[9] Anyone used to a scene like this, who worries about being the hero in a similar situation, might only care about its heroic side. In that case, the experience has to be the most prominent and personal of the passive pleasures.
CHAPTER XXXIX
TURBULENT LOVE
It is of two kinds:
It's of two types:
- In which the originator of the quarrel loves.
- In which he does not love.
If one of the lovers is too superior in advantages which both value, the love of the other must die; for sooner or later comes the fear of contempt, to cut short crystallisation.
If one of the partners has too many advantages that both care about, the love of the other has to fade; because sooner or later, the fear of being looked down on will put an end to anything growing between them.
Nothing is so odious to the mediocre as mental superiority. There lies the source of hatred in the world of to-day, and if we do not have to thank this principle for desperate enmities, it is solely due to the fact that the people it comes between are not forced to live together. What then of love? For here, everything being natural, especially on the part of the superior being, superiority is not masked by any social precaution.
Nothing irritates mediocre people more than someone who is mentally superior. This is the root of hatred in today's world, and if we're not seeing outright hostility, it's mainly because those affected don't have to coexist. But what about love? In this case, everything feels organic, especially from the perspective of the superior person, and their superiority isn’t hidden behind any social niceties.
For the passion to be able to survive, the inferior must ill-treat the other party; otherwise the latter could not shut a window, without the other taking offence.
For the passion to survive, the less dominant must mistreat the other; otherwise, the other could not close a window without the first taking offense.
As for the superior party, he deludes himself: the love he feels is beyond the reach of danger, and, besides, almost all the weaknesses in that which we love, make it only the dearer to us.
As for the one in the dominant position, he tricks himself: the love he feels is untouchable by danger, and, what's more, almost all the flaws in what we love only make it even more precious to us.
In point of duration, directly after passion-love reciprocated between people on the same level, one must put quarrelsome love, in which the quarreller does not love. Examples of this are to be found in the anecdotes, relative to the Duchesse de Berri (Memoirs of Duclos).
In terms of duration, right after mutual passion-love between equals, comes contentious love, where the person arguing doesn’t really love. You can find examples of this in the stories about the Duchesse de Berri (Memoirs of Duclos).
Partaking, as it does, of the nature of set habits, which [Pg 142]are rooted in the prosaic and egoistic side of life and follow man inseparably to the grave, this love can last longer than passion-love itself. But it is no longer love, it is a habit engendered by love, which has nothing of that passion but memories and physical pleasure. This habit necessarily presupposes a less noble kind of being. Each day a little scene is got ready—"Will he make a fuss?"—which occupies the imagination, just as, in passion-love, every day a new proof of affection had to be found. See the anecdotes about Madame d'Houdetot and Saint-Lambert.[1]
Being rooted in established habits, which are tied to the mundane and self-centered aspects of life and follow a person closely until death, this type of love can last longer than passionate love itself. However, it is no longer true love; it's a habit formed from love, lacking the passion but filled with memories and physical enjoyment. This habit inherently assumes a less elevated form of existence. Each day, a little drama unfolds—“Will he make a scene?”—which occupies the mind, just as, in passionate love, each day required a new expression of affection. See the anecdotes about Madame d'Houdetot and Saint-Lambert.[1]
It is possible that pride refuses to get used to this kind of occupation; in which case, after some stormy months, pride kills love. But we see the nobler passion make a long resistance before giving in. The little quarrels of happy love foster a long time the illusion of a heart that still loves and sees itself badly treated. Some tender reconciliations may make the transition more bearable. A woman excuses the man she has deeply loved, on the score of a secret sorrow or a blow to his prospects. At last she grows used to being scolded. Where, really, outside passion-love, outside gambling or the possession of power,[2] can you find any other unfailing entertainment to be compared with it for liveliness? If the scolder happens to die, the victim who survives proves inconsolable. This is the principle which forms the bond of many middle-class marriages; the scolded can listen to his own voice all day long talking of his favourite subject.
It’s possible that pride struggles to adapt to this type of situation; in which case, after some turbulent months, pride destroys love. However, we see the deeper emotion put up a long fight before giving in. The minor arguments of a happy relationship often create the illusion that a heart still loves and feels wronged. Some sweet makeups can make the transition easier. A woman forgives the man she has deeply loved because of a hidden sadness or a setback in his life. Eventually, she gets used to being criticized. Where else, outside of passionate love, gambling, or having power,[2] can you find such a dependable source of entertainment that matches its intensity? If the one who scolds dies, the one left behind is inconsolable. This is the foundation that holds many middle-class marriages together; the one being scolded can spend all day talking about their favorite topic.
There is a false kind of quarrelsome love. I took from the letters of a woman of extraordinary brilliance this in Chapter XXXIII:—
There is a deceptive type of combative love. I drew from the letters of a remarkably talented woman this in Chapter XXXIII:—
"Always a little doubt to allay—that is what whets our [Pg 143]appetite in passion-love every moment.... As it is never separated from fear, so its pleasures can never tire."
"There's always a little doubt to deal with—that's what keeps our [Pg 143]interest in passionate love alive every moment.... Since it's never without fear, its pleasures can never become stale."
With rough and ill-mannered people, or those with a very violent nature, this little doubt to calm, this faint misgiving shows itself in the form of a quarrel.
With rude and ill-mannered people, or those with a very aggressive nature, this small doubt to calm down, this slight unease, turns into a conflict.
If the loved one has not the extreme susceptibility, which comes of a careful education, she may find that love of this kind has more life in it, and consequently is more enjoyable. Even with all the refinement in the world, it is hard not to love "your savage" all the more, if you see him the first to suffer for his transports. What Lord Mortimer thinks back on, perhaps, with most regret for his lost mistress, are the candlesticks she threw at his head. And, really, if pride forgives and permits such sensations, it must also be allowed that they do wage implacable warfare upon boredom—that arch-enemy of the happy!
If the person you love doesn’t have a heightened sensitivity from a careful upbringing, they might find that this type of love is more vibrant and, therefore, more enjoyable. Even with all the sophistication in the world, it’s hard not to appreciate your "wild one" even more when you see them being the first to suffer for their passions. What Lord Mortimer probably regrets the most about his lost lover are the candlesticks she threw at him. And really, if pride allows for such feelings, it must also be acknowledged that they fiercely combat boredom—the arch-enemy of happiness!
Saint-Simon, the one historian France has had, says:—
Saint-Simon, the only historian France has had, says:—
After several passing fancies, the Duchesse de Berri had fallen in love, in real earnest, with Riom, cadet of the house of d'Aydie, son of a sister of Madame de Biron. He had neither looks nor sense: a stout, short youth, with a puffy white face, who with all his spots looked like one big abscess—though, true, he had fine teeth. He had no idea of having inspired a passion, which in less than no time went beyond all limits and lasted ever after, without, indeed, preventing passing fancies and cross-attachments. He had little property, and many brothers and sisters who had no more. M. and Madame de Pons, lady-in-waiting to the Duchesse de Berri, were related to them and of the same province, and they sent for the young man, who was a lieutenant in the dragoons, to see what could be made of him. He had scarcely arrived before the Duchess's weakness for him became public and Riom was master of the Luxembourg.
After a few brief crushes, the Duchesse de Berri truly fell in love with Riom, a cadet from the d'Aydie family and the son of Madame de Biron's sister. He had no charm or cleverness: a short, stocky young man with a pale, bloated face covered in spots, resembling a giant pimple—though, to be fair, he did have nice teeth. He was completely oblivious to the powerful passion he inspired, which quickly grew out of control and lasted indefinitely, even though it didn’t prevent her from having other fleeting attractions and infatuations. He had little money and many siblings who were just as poor. M. and Madame de Pons, the Duchesse de Berri's lady-in-waiting, were relatives from the same region, so they brought the young man, who was a lieutenant in the dragoons, to see what could come of him. He had barely arrived before the Duchess's infatuation with him became well-known, and Riom soon found himself in control of the Luxembourg.
M. de Lauzun, whose grand-nephew he was, laughed in his sleeve; he was delighted to see in Riom a reincarnation at the Luxembourg of himself from the time of Mademoiselle. He gave Riom instructions which were listened to by him, as befitted [Pg 144]a mild and naturally polite and respectful young fellow, well behaved and straightforward. But before long Riom began to feel the power of his own charms, which could only captivate the incomprehensible humour of this princess. Without abusing his power with others, he made himself liked by everyone, but he treated his duchess as M. de Lauzun had treated Mademoiselle. He was soon dressed in the richest laces, the richest suits, furnished with money, buckles, jewels. He made himself an object of admiration and took a delight in making the princess jealous or pretending to be jealous himself—bringing her often to tears. Little by little he reduced her to the state of doing nothing without his permission, not even in matters of indifference. At one time, ready to go out to the Opera, he made her stay at home; at another he made her go against her will. He forced her to do favours to ladies she disliked, or of whom she was jealous, and to injure people she liked, or of whom he pretended to be jealous. Even as far as dress, she was not allowed the smallest liberty. He used to amuse himself by making her have her hair done all over again, or have her dress changed when she was completely ready—and this happened so often and so publicly, that he had accustomed her to take in the evening his orders for dress and occupation for the next day. The next day he would change it all and make the princess cry still more. At last she came to sending him messages by trusted valets—for he lived in the Luxembourg almost from the day of his arrival—and the messages had often to be repeated during her toilet for her to know what ribbons to wear and about her frock and other details of dress; and nearly always he made her wear what she disliked. If sometimes she gave herself some liberty in the smallest matter without leave, he treated her like a servant, and often her tears lasted several days.
M. de Lauzun, his great-uncle, smiled to himself; he was pleased to see in Riom a younger version of himself from the time of Mademoiselle. He offered Riom guidance, which he listened to, as was fitting for a gentle, naturally polite, and respectful young man who was well-mannered and straightforward. But before long, Riom began to recognize his own charm, which could only amuse the whims of this princess. Without overstepping his bounds with others, he made himself liked by everyone, but he treated the duchess just as M. de Lauzun had treated Mademoiselle. He quickly dressed in the finest lace and richest suits, flaunting money, buckles, and jewels. He became an object of admiration and took pleasure in making the princess jealous or pretending to be jealous himself—often bringing her to tears. Gradually, he made her so dependent that she did nothing without his approval, not even trivial matters. Once, ready to go out to the Opera, he made her stay home; another time, he forced her to go when she didn’t want to. He coerced her into doing favors for women she disliked or felt envious of, and to betray people she liked or whom he feigned jealousy towards. Even in fashion, she had no freedom at all. He would amuse himself by making her redo her hair or change her outfit after she was completely ready—and this happened so frequently and so publicly that she came to expect his orders for her clothing and plans for the next day. The next day, he would change everything and make the princess cry even more. Eventually, she started sending him messages through trusted valets—since he lived at the Luxembourg almost from the day he arrived—and these messages often had to be repeated while she was getting ready, so she would know what ribbons to wear and what to do with her dress and other details; almost always, he made her wear what she disliked. If she ever took even the slightest liberty without asking, he treated her like a servant, leaving her in tears for days on end.
This haughty princess, who was so fond of display and indulging her boundless pride, could bring herself so low as to partake of obscene parties with him and unmentionable people—she with whom no one could dine unless he were prince of the blood. The Jesuit Riglet, whom she as a child had known, and who had brought her up, was admitted to these private meals, without feeling ashamed himself or the Duchess being embarrassed. Madame de Mouchy was admitted into the secret of all these strange events; she and Riom summoned the company and chose the days. This lady was the peacemaker between the two lovers, [Pg 145]and the whole of this existence was a matter of general knowledge at the Luxembourg. Riom was there looked to, as the centre of everything, while on his side he was careful to live on good terms with all, honouring them with a show of respect, which he refused in public only to his princess. Before everybody he would give her curt answers, which would make the whole company lower their eyes and bring blushes to the cheeks of the Duchess, who put no constraint upon her idolatry of him."
This arrogant princess, who loved to show off and indulge her endless pride, could stoop so low as to attend scandalous parties with him and unspeakable people—she, who would only dine with someone of royal blood. The Jesuit Riglet, whom she had known as a child and who raised her, was allowed at these private meals, without feeling ashamed, and neither the Duchess nor he felt uncomfortable. Madame de Mouchy was in on all these strange events; she and Riom organized the gatherings and picked the dates. This woman acted as the mediator between the two lovers, and everyone at the Luxembourg knew about this arrangement. Riom was seen as the focal point, and he ensured that he maintained good relationships with everyone, treating them with a show of respect that he only withheld from his princess in public. In front of everyone, he would give her short replies, causing the whole room to lower their eyes and bringing a blush to the Duchess’s cheeks, who didn’t hide her adoration for him.
Riom was a sovereign remedy, for the Duchess, against the monotony of life.
Riom was a perfect escape for the Duchess from the boredom of everyday life.
A famous woman said once off-hand to General Bonaparte, then a young hero covered with glory and with no crimes against liberty on his conscience: "General, a woman could only be a wife or a sister to you." The hero did not understand the compliment, which the world has made up for with some pretty slanders.
A famous woman once casually told General Bonaparte, who was then a young hero full of glory and with no crimes against freedom on his conscience: "General, a woman can only be a wife or a sister to you." The hero didn't grasp the compliment, which the world has since compensated for with some unflattering rumors.
The women, of whom we are speaking, like to be despised by their lover, whom they only love in his cruelty.
The women we're talking about enjoy being looked down upon by their lover, whom they only love for his harshness.
[2] Whatever certain hypocritical ministers may say, power is the foremost of pleasures. I believe love alone can beat it, and love is a lucky illness, which cannot be got like a ministry.
[2] No matter what some hypocritical ministers might claim, power is the greatest pleasure. I believe only love can surpass it, and love is a fortunate kind of sickness that you can't obtain like a government position.
CHAPTER XXXIX
Cures for Love
The leap of Leucas was a fine image of antiquity. It is true, the remedy of love is almost impossible. A danger is needed to call man's attention back sharply to look to his own preservation.[1] But that is not all. What is harder to realise—a pressing danger must continue, and one that can only be averted with care, in order that the habit of thinking of his own preservation may have time to take root. I can see nothing that will do but a storm of sixteen days, like that in Don Juan[2] or the shipwreck of M. Cochelet among the Moors. Otherwise, one gets soon used to the peril, and even drops back into thoughts of the loved one with still more charm—when reconnoitring at twenty yards' range from the enemy.
The leap of Leucas was a great representation of the past. It's true that the cure for love is nearly impossible. A danger is needed to snap a person back to focus on their own safety.[1] But that's not all. What's harder to achieve is that the pressing danger must persist, and it can only be avoided with care, so that the habit of thinking about self-preservation can take hold. I can’t see anything that can work except for a storm lasting sixteen days, like the one in Don Juan[2] or the shipwreck of M. Cochelet among the Moors. Otherwise, people quickly get accustomed to the danger and slip back into thoughts of their loved one with even more allure—while scouting just twenty yards away from the enemy.
We have repeated over and over again that the love of a man, who loves well, delights in and vibrates to every movement of his imagination, and that there is nothing in nature which does not speak to him of the object of his love. Well, this delight and this vibration form a most interesting occupation, next to which all others pale.
We have said time and again that a man who truly loves finds joy in and responds to every spark of his imagination, and that everything in nature reminds him of the one he loves. This joy and response create a fascinating experience that makes all other pursuits seem insignificant by comparison.
A friend who wants to work the cure of the patient, must, first of all, be always on the side of the woman [Pg 147]the patient is in love with—and all friends, with more zeal than sense, are sure to do exactly the opposite.
A friend who wants to help the patient must always support the woman the patient is in love with—while all friends, with more enthusiasm than good judgment, are likely to do just the opposite. [Pg 147]
It is attacking with forces too absurdly inferior that combination of sweet illusions, which earlier we called crystallisation.[3]
It is attacking with forces that are ridiculously weaker than that combination of sweet illusions, which we previously referred to as crystallization.[3]
The friend in need should not forget this fact, that, if there is an absurdity to be believed, as the lover has either to swallow it or renounce everything which holds him to life, he will swallow it. With all the cleverness in the world, he will deny in his mistress the most palpable vices and the most villainous infidelities. This is how, in passion-love, everything is forgiven after a little.
The friend in need should remember that if there’s something ridiculous to believe, the lover will either accept it or give up everything that ties him to life, and he will accept it. No matter how smart he is, he will overlook the most obvious flaws and the most disgraceful betrayals in his partner. This is how, in passionate love, everything is forgiven after a while.
In the case of reasonable and cold characters, for the lover to swallow the vices of a mistress, he must only find them out after several months of passion.[4]
In the case of reasonable and reserved people, for a lover to overlook the flaws of their partner, they need to discover them only after several months of being in love.[4]
Far from trying bluntly and openly to distract the lover, the friend in need ought to tire him with talking of his love and his mistress, and at the same time manage that a host of little events force themselves upon his notice. Even if travel isolates,[5] it is still no remedy, and in fact nothing recalls so tenderly the object of our love as change of scene. It was in the midst of the brilliant Paris salons, next to women with the greatest reputation for charm, that I was most in love with my poor mistress, solitary and sad in her little room in the depth of the Romagna.[6]
Far from trying to distract the lover bluntly and openly, the friend in need should wear him out by talking about his love and his girlfriend, while also managing to bring a lot of little events to his attention. Even if travel isolates,[5] it still doesn’t solve anything, and in fact, nothing brings back memories of our love as vividly as a change of scenery. It was in the midst of the vibrant Paris salons, next to women known for their charm, that I was most in love with my poor mistress, alone and sad in her little room deep in the Romagna.[6]
I looked at the superb clock in the brilliant salon, where I was exiled, for the hour she goes out on foot, even in the rain, to call on her friend. Trying to forget her, I have found that change of scene is the source of memories of one's love, less vivid but far more heavenly [Pg 148]than those one goes in search for in places, where once upon a time one met her.
I looked at the beautiful clock in the fancy living room, where I was stuck, waiting for the time she goes out on foot, even in the rain, to visit her friend. Trying to forget her, I’ve realized that a change of scenery brings back memories of love—less intense but far more blissful [Pg 148]than those I seek out in places where I used to meet her.
In order that absence may prove useful, the friend in need must be always at hand, and suggest to the lover's mind all possible reflections on the history of his love, trying to make these reflections tiresome through their length and importunity. In this way he gives them the appearance of commonplaces. For example, tender sentimental talk after a dinner enlivened with good wine.
To make absence meaningful, the friend in need should always be nearby and remind the lover of everything related to their love, attempting to make these thoughts exhausting with their length and insistence. This way, he makes them seem like clichés. For instance, having sweet, romantic conversations after a nice dinner with good wine.
It is hard to forget a woman, with whom one has been happy; for, remember, that there are certain moments the imagination can never be tired of evoking and beautifying.
It’s hard to forget a woman with whom you’ve been happy; because, remember, there are certain moments that the imagination can never get tired of recalling and enhancing.
I leave out all mention of pride, cruel but sovereign remedy, which, however, is not to be applied to sensitive souls.
I omit any mention of pride, a harsh yet powerful cure, which, however, should not be used on sensitive souls.
The first scenes of Shakespeare's Romeo form an admirable picture; there is so vast a gap between the man who says sorrowfully to himself: "She hath forsworn to love," and he who cries out in the height of happiness: "Come what sorrow can!"
The first scenes of Shakespeare's Romeo create an impressive image; there's such a huge difference between the man who sadly tells himself, "She has sworn off love," and the one who joyfully exclaims, "Bring on whatever sadness comes!"
[2] Of the over-extolled Lord Byron.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Of the highly acclaimed Lord Byron.
[6] Salviati.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Salviati.
CHAPTER XXXIX
(Part III)
Her passion will die like a lamp for want of what the flame should feed upon. (Bride of Lammermoor, II, Chap. VI.)]
Her passion will fade like a lamp without the fuel it needs to keep burning. (Bride of Lammermoor, II, Chap. VI.)
The friend in need must beware of faulty reasoning—for example, of talking about ingratitude. You are giving new life to crystallisation, by procuring it a victory and a new enjoyment.
The friend in need should be careful of flawed reasoning—like discussing ingratitude. You are revitalizing crystallization by giving it a win and a fresh enjoyment.
In love there is no such thing as ingratitude; the actual pleasure always repays, and more than repays, sacrifices that seem the greatest. In love no other crime but want of honesty seems to me possible: one should be scrupulous as to the state of one's heart.
In love, there’s no such thing as ingratitude; the joy you get always pays back, and even exceeds, the sacrifices that feel the hardest. In love, the only real wrongdoing seems to be a lack of honesty: one should be careful about the state of their heart.
The friend in need has only to attack fair and square, for the lover to answer:—
The friend in need just has to approach things honestly and fairly, for the lover to respond:—
"To be in love, even while enraged with the loved one, is nothing less, to bring myself down to your £ s. d. style, than having a ticket in a lottery, in which the prize is a thousand miles above all that you can offer me, in your world of indifference and selfish interests. One must have plenty of vanity—and precious petty vanity—to be happy, because people receive you well. I do not blame men for going on like this, in their world, but in the love of Léonore I found a world where everything was heavenly, tender and generous. The most lofty and almost incredible virtue of your world counted, between her and me, only as any ordinary and everyday virtue. Let me at all events dream of the happiness of passing my life close to such a creature. Although I understand that [Pg 150]slander has ruined me, and that I have nothing to hope for, at least I shall make her the sacrifice of my vengeance."
"Being in love, even when I'm angry with the person I love, is really like holding a lottery ticket for a prize that's way better than anything you can offer me in your world of indifference and selfishness. You need a lot of vanity—some pretty petty vanity—to be happy, because people treat you well. I don't blame men for acting this way in their world, but with Léonore, I discovered a world that was heavenly, kind, and generous. The most remarkable and almost unbelievable virtues of your world were just ordinary traits between her and me. Let me at least dream of the joy of spending my life near such a wonderful person. Even though I know that slander has destroyed me and that I have nothing to look forward to, I will still make her the target of my revenge."
It is quite impossible to put a stop to love except in its first stages. Besides a prompt departure, and the forced distractions of society (as in the case of the Comtesse Kalember), there are several other little ruses, which the friend in need can bring into play. For example, he can bring to your notice, as if by chance, the fact that the woman you love, quite outside the disputed area, does not even observe towards you the same amount of politeness and respect, with which she honours your rival. The smallest details are enough; for in love everything is a sign. For example, she does not take your arm to go up to her box. This sort of nonsense, taken tragically by a passionate heart, couples a pang of humiliation to every judgment formed by crystallisation, poisons the source of love and may destroy it.
It's pretty much impossible to stop loving someone, except maybe in the early stages. Besides a quick exit and the distractions of socializing (like in Comtesse Kalember's case), there are a few other tricks that a friend in need can employ. For instance, they might casually point out that the woman you love, totally outside the situation, treats you with much less politeness and respect than she shows your rival. Even the smallest details matter because in love, everything carries meaning. For example, she doesn't take your arm when going up to her box. This kind of trivial stuff, when taken to heart by someone who's passionate, adds a sting of humiliation to every conclusion drawn in love, tainting its very essence and potentially ruining it.
One way against the woman, who is behaving badly to our friend, is to bring her under suspicion of some absurd physical defect, impossible to verify. If it were possible for the lover to verify the calumny, and even if he found it substantiated, it would be disqualified by his imagination, and soon have no place with him at all. It is only imagination itself which can resist imagination: Henry III knew that very well when he scoffed at the famous Duchesse de Montpensier(22).
One way to deal with the woman who's treating our friend poorly is to cast doubt on her character by suggesting she has some ridiculous physical flaw that can't be proven. Even if the lover were to verify the rumor and found it to be true, his imagination would dismiss it, and it would quickly fade from his mind. Only imagination can combat imagination: Henry III understood this well when he mocked the famous Duchesse de Montpensier(22).
Hence it is the imagination you must look to—above all, in a girl whom you want to keep safe from love. And the less her spirit has of the common stuff, the more noble and generous her soul, in a word the worthier she is of our respect, just so much greater the danger through which she must pass.
So, it’s her imagination you need to focus on—especially in a girl you want to protect from love. The less ordinary her spirit is, the more noble and generous her soul, and the more deserving she is of our respect, the greater the danger she will face.
It is always perilous, for a girl, to suffer her memories to group themselves too repeatedly and too agreeably round the same individual. Add gratitude, admiration or curiosity to strengthen the bonds of memory, and she is almost certainly on the edge of the [Pg 151]precipice. The greater the monotony of her everyday life, the more active are those poisons called gratitude, admiration and curiosity. The only thing, then, is a swift, prompt and vigorous distraction.
It’s always dangerous for a girl to let her memories cluster too often and too happily around the same person. If she adds gratitude, admiration, or curiosity to those memories, she’s almost definitely on the edge of the [Pg 151]cliff. The more monotonous her daily life is, the more active those feelings of gratitude, admiration, and curiosity become. The only solution, then, is to find a quick, immediate, and strong distraction.
Just so, a little roughness and "slap-dash" in the first encounter, is an almost infallible means of winning the respect of a clever woman, if only the drug be administered in a natural and simple manner.
Just like that, a bit of roughness and "slapdash" in the initial meeting is almost a guaranteed way to earn the respect of a smart woman, as long as it's done in a natural and straightforward way.
BOOK II
CHAPTER XL
Every kind of love and every kind of imagination, in the individual, takes its colour from one of these six temperaments:—
Every type of love and every form of imagination in a person is shaped by one of these six temperaments:—
- The sanguine, or French,—M. de Francueil (Memoirs of Madame d'Épinay);
- The choleric, or Spanish,—Lauzun (the Peguilhen of Saint-Simon's Memoirs);
- The melancholy, or German,—Schiller's Don Carlos;
- The phlegmatic, or Dutch;
- The nervous—Voltaire;
- The athletic—Milo of Croton.[1]
If the influence of temperament makes itself felt in ambition, avarice, friendship, etc. etc., what must it be in the case of love, in which the physical also is perforce an ingredient? Let us suppose that all kinds of love can be referred to the four varieties, which we have noted:—
If temperament influences ambition, greed, friendship, and so on, what must it be like when it comes to love, where the physical is definitely a factor? Let’s assume that all types of love can be categorized into the four types we've mentioned:—
- Passion-love—Julie d'Étanges;(23)
- Gallant-love or gallantry;
- Physical love;
- Vanity-love—"a duchess is never more than thirty for a bourgeois."
We must submit these four kinds of love to the six different characters, with which habits, dependent upon the six kinds of temperament, stamp the imagination. Tiberius did not have the wild imagination of Henry VIII.
We need to present these four types of love to the six different characters, which habits, based on the six kinds of temperament, shape the imagination. Tiberius didn’t have the wild imagination of Henry VIII.
[Pg 156]Then let us submit all these combinations, thus obtained, to the differences of habit which depend upon government or national character:—
[Pg 156]Then let’s take all these combinations we've gathered and compare them to the differences in habits that come from government or national character:—
- Asiatic despotism, such as may be seen at Constantinople;
- Absolute monarchy à la Louis XIV;
- Aristocracy masked by a charter, or government of a nation for the profit of the rich, as in England—all according to the rules of a self-styled biblical morality;
- A federal republic, or government for the profit of all, as in the United States of America;
- Constitutional monarchy, or—
- A State in revolution, as Spain, Portugal, France(24).
This state of things in a country gives lively
passions to everyone, makes manners more natural,
destroys puerilities, the conventional virtues and senseless
proprieties[2]—gives seriousness to youth and causes it to
despise vanity-love and neglect gallantry.
This state can last a long time and form the habits of a generation. In France it began in 1788, was interrupted in 1802, and began again in 1818—to end God knows when!
After all these general ways of considering love, we have the differences of age, and come finally to individual peculiarities.
After considering all these general aspects of love, we also have to look at age differences, and finally, we arrive at individual traits.
For example, we might say:—
Understood. Please provide the text you want me to modernize.
I found at Dresden, in Count Woltstein, vanity-love, a melancholy temperament, monarchical habits, thirty years, and ... his individual peculiarities.
I found in Dresden, in Count Woltstein, a vain love, a melancholy mood, royal habits, thirty years, and ... his unique quirks.
For anyone who is to form a judgment on love, this way of viewing things is conveniently short and cooling to the head—an essential, but difficult operation.
For anyone trying to make sense of love, this perspective is surprisingly brief and refreshing—a necessary, yet challenging task.
Now, as in physiology man has learnt scarcely anything about himself, except by means of comparative anatomy, [Pg 157]so in the case of passions, through vanity and many other causes of illusion, we can only get enlightenment on what goes on in ourselves from the foibles we have observed in others. If by chance this essay has any useful effect, it will be by bringing the mind to make comparisons of this sort. To lead the way, I am going to attempt a sketch of some general traits in the character of love in different nations.
Now, just as in physiology, humans have learned very little about themselves, except through comparative anatomy, [Pg 157] similarly, when it comes to our emotions, due to vanity and various other illusions, we can only understand what happens within us from the flaws we notice in others. If this essay happens to have any positive impact, it will be by encouraging the mind to make these kinds of comparisons. To begin, I will attempt to outline some general characteristics of love across different cultures.
I beg for pardon if I often come back to Italy; in the present state of manners in Europe, it is the only country where the plant, which I describe, grows in all freedom. In France, vanity; in Germany, a pretentious and highly comical philosophy; in England, pride, timid, painful and rancorous, torture and stifle it, or force it into a crooked channel.[3]
I apologize if I keep bringing up Italy; in today's European culture, it's the only place where the plant I'm talking about can grow freely. In France, there's vanity; in Germany, a pretentious and amusing philosophy; in England, pride that is timid, painful, and bitter, which tortures and stifles it or forces it into a twisted path.[3]
[2] The laces missing from Minister Roland's shoes: "Ah, Monsieur, all is lost," answers Dumouriez. At the royal sitting, the President of the Assembly crosses his legs.
[2] The laces missing from Minister Roland's shoes: "Ah, Sir, everything is ruined," replies Dumouriez. At the royal meeting, the President of the Assembly crosses his legs.
[3] The reader will have perceived only too easily that this treatise is made up of Lisio's Visconti's fragmentary account of events, written in the order that they were presented to him on his travels. All these events may be found related at length in the journal of his life; perhaps I ought to have inserted them—but they might have been found scarcely suitable. The oldest notes bear the date, Berlin 1807, and the last are some days before his death, June 1819. Some dates have been altered expressly to avoid indiscretion; but the changes, which I have made, go no further than that. I have not thought myself authorised to recast the style. This book was written in a hundred different places—so may it be read!
[3] The reader will easily understand that this treatise is made up of Lisio Visconti's incomplete account of events, written in the order he experienced them during his travels. All these events are detailed in his life journal; perhaps I should have included them—but they might not have been entirely appropriate. The earliest notes are dated Berlin 1807, and the latest were written just days before his death in June 1819. Some dates have been intentionally changed to avoid any indiscretion; however, the adjustments I made do not go beyond that. I haven’t felt entitled to change the style. This book was written in a hundred different places—so it can be read!
CHAPTER XLI
OF NATIONS REGARDING LOVE.
FRANCE
I mean to put aside my natural affections and be only a cold philosopher. French women, fashioned by their amiable men, themselves creatures only of vanity and physical desires, are less active, less energetic, less feared, and, what's more, less loved and less powerful, than Spanish and Italian women.
I intend to set aside my natural feelings and be just a detached thinker. French women, shaped by their charming men, are themselves driven only by vanity and physical desires. They are less active, less energetic, less feared, and, what's more, less loved and less powerful than Spanish and Italian women.
A woman is powerful only according to the degree of unhappiness, which she can inflict as punishment on her lover. Where men have nothing but vanity, every woman is useful, but none is indispensable. It is success in winning a woman's love, not in keeping it, which flatters a man. When men have only physical desires, they go to prostitutes, and that is why the prostitutes of France are charming and those of Spain the very reverse. In France, to a great many men prostitutes can give as much happiness as virtuous women—happiness, that is to say, without love. There is always one thing for which a Frenchman has much more respect than for his mistress—his vanity.
A woman is powerful only to the extent that she can make her partner unhappy as a form of punishment. While men are often driven by vanity, every woman can be helpful, but none are essential. Success lies in winning a woman's love, not in maintaining it, and that’s what boosts a man’s ego. When men have only physical desires, they turn to prostitutes, which explains why French prostitutes are charming while Spanish ones are quite the opposite. In France, many men find that prostitutes can provide just as much happiness as virtuous women—happiness without love, that is. There is always one thing a French man respects more than his lover—his own vanity.
In Paris a young man sees in his mistress a kind of slave, whose destiny it is, before everything, to please his vanity. If she resist the orders of this dominating passion, he leaves her—and is only the better pleased with himself, when he can tell his friends in what a piquant way, with how smart a gesture, he waved her off.
In Paris, a young man views his mistress as a sort of servant, whose main purpose is to satisfy his ego. If she defies the commands of this overpowering desire, he walks away—and feels even more satisfied with himself when he can share with his friends the amusing way he dismissed her.
A Frenchman, who knew his own country well (Meilhan), said: "In France, great passions are as rare as great men."
A Frenchman, who knew his country well (Meilhan), said: "In France, intense passions are as rare as great men."
[Pg 159]No language has words to express how impossible it is for a Frenchman to play the role of a deserted and desperate lover, in full view of a whole town—yet no sight is commoner at Venice or Bologna.
[Pg 159]No language can capture how impossible it is for a Frenchman to act like a heartbroken and desperate lover, right in front of an entire town—yet you see this scene all the time in Venice or Bologna.
To find love at Paris, we must descend to those classes, in which the absence of education and of vanity, and the struggle against real want, have left more energy.
To find love in Paris, we need to look among those groups where a lack of education and vanity, along with the fight against real hardship, has created more energy.
To let oneself be seen with a great and unsatisfied desire, is to let oneself be seen in a position of inferiority—and that is impossible in France, except for people of no position at all. It means exposing oneself to all kinds of sneers—hence come the exaggerated praises bestowed on prostitutes by young men who mistrust their own hearts. A vulgar susceptibility and dread of appearing in a position of inferiority forms the principle of conversation among provincial people. Think of the man who only lately, when told of the assassination of H. R. H. the Duke of Berri(25), answered: "I knew it."[1]
To allow oneself to be seen with strong and unfulfilled desire is to reveal oneself as inferior—and that's not acceptable in France, except for those with no status at all. It means exposing yourself to all sorts of mockery—this is where the exaggerated admiration for prostitutes by young men, who doubt their own feelings, comes from. A crass sensitivity and fear of appearing inferior drives the conversations among people from the provinces. Consider the man who just recently, upon hearing about the assassination of H. R. H. the Duke of Berri(25), simply responded: "I knew it."[1]
In the Middle Ages hearts were tempered by the presence of danger, and therein, unless I am mistaken, lies another cause of the astonishing superiority of the men of the sixteenth century. Originality, which among us is rare, comical, dangerous and often affected, was then of everyday and unadorned. Countries where even to-day danger often shows its iron hand, such as Corsica,[2] [Pg 160]Spain or Italy, can still produce great men. In those climates, where men's gall cooks for three months under the burning heat, it is activity's direction that is to seek; at Paris, I fear, it is activity itself.[3]
In the Middle Ages, people's hearts were shaped by the presence of danger, and I believe that's another reason for the remarkable superiority of the men from the sixteenth century. Originality, which is rare, comical, risky, and often pretentious among us today, was common and straightforward back then. Countries where danger still often flexes its muscle today, like Corsica,[2] [Pg 160]Spain, or Italy, can still produce great individuals. In those climates, where men's tempers simmer for three months in the intense heat, the focus should be on directing activity; in Paris, I'm afraid, it’s about activity itself.[3]
Many young men, fine enough to be sure at Montmirail or the Bois de Boulogne, are afraid of love; and when you see them, at the age of twenty, fly the sight of a young girl who has struck them as pretty, you may know that cowardice is the real cause. When they remember what they have read in novels is expected of a lover, their blood runs cold. These chilly spirits cannot conceive how the storm of passion, which lashes the sea to waves, also fills the sails of the ship and gives her the power of riding over them.
Many young men, who are undoubtedly handsome enough at Montmirail or the Bois de Boulogne, are scared of love; and when you see them, at twenty years old, avoid the sight of a girl they find pretty, you can tell that fear is the real reason. When they think about what novels say a lover should do, they get cold feet. These timid souls can’t imagine how the storm of passion, which churns the sea into waves, also fills the sails of the ship and gives it the strength to ride over them.
Love is a delicious flower, but one must have the courage to go and pick it on the edge of a frightful precipice. Besides ridicule, love has always staring it in the face the desperate plight of being deserted by the loved one, and in her place only a dead blank for all the rest of one's life.
Love is a beautiful flower, but you have to be brave enough to reach out and grab it, even if it feels like you're standing on the edge of a scary cliff. Alongside the fear of being laughed at, love constantly faces the harsh reality of possibly being abandoned by the person you care about, leaving you with nothing but a dead blank for the rest of your life.
Civilisation would be perfect, if it could continue the delicate pleasures of the nineteenth century with a more frequent presence of danger.[4]
Civilization would be perfect if it could keep the subtle pleasures of the nineteenth century while having a more regular presence of danger.[4]
[Pg 161]It ought to be possible to augment a thousandfold the pleasures of private life by exposing it frequently to danger. I do not speak only of military danger. I would have this danger present at every instant, in every shape, and threatening all the interests of existence, such as formed the essence of life in the Middle Ages. Such danger as our civilisation has trained and refined, goes hand in hand quite naturally with the most insipid feebleness of character.
[Pg 161]It should be possible to greatly increase the joys of private life by frequently exposing it to danger. I’m not just talking about military danger. I want this danger to be present at every moment, in every form, and threatening all the vital interests of life, similar to what defined existence in the Middle Ages. The kind of danger our civilization has shaped and polished goes hand in hand with an incredibly bland weakness of character.
I hear the words of a great man in A Voice from St Helena by Mr. O'Meara:—
I hear the words of a great man in A Voice from St Helena by Mr. O'Meara:—
Order Murat to attack and destroy four or five thousand men in such a direction, it was done in a moment; but leave him to himself, he was an imbecile without judgment. I cannot conceive how so brave a man could be so "lâche." He was nowhere brave unless before the enemy. There he was probably the bravest man in the world.... He was a paladin, in fact a Don Quixote in the field; but take him into the Cabinet, he was a poltroon without judgment or decision. Murat and Ney were the bravest men I ever witnessed. (O'Meara, Vol. II, p. 95.)
Order Murat to attack and take out four or five thousand troops in that direction, and it was done instantly; but leave him to figure things out on his own, and he was lost without any direction. I can’t wrap my head around how such a courageous man could act so timidly. He was only brave when facing the enemy. In those moments, he was probably the bravest man alive... He was a hero, essentially a Don Quixote on the battlefield; but place him in the Cabinet, and he became a coward lacking judgment and decisiveness. Murat and Ney were the most fearless men I’ve ever seen. (O'Meara, Vol. II, p. 95.)
[1] This is historical. Many people, though very curious, are annoyed at being told news; they are frightened of appearing inferior to him who tells them the news.
[1] This is historical. Many people, even though they’re very curious, dislike being told news; they’re scared of looking inferior to the person who shares it with them.
[2] Memoirs of M. Realier-Dumas. Corsica, which, as regards its population of one hundred and eighty thousand souls, would not form a half of most French Departments, has produced in modern times Salliceti, Pozzo di Borgo, General Sebastiani, Cervioni, Abbatucci, Lucien and Napoleon Bonaparte and Aréna. The Département du Nord, with its nine hundred thousand inhabitants, is far from being able to show a similar list. The reason is that in Corsica anyone, on leaving his house, may be greeted by a bullet; and the Corsican, instead of submitting like a good Christian, tries to defend himself and still more to be revenged. That is the way spirits like Napoleon are forged. It's a long cry from such surroundings to a palace with its lords-in-waiting and chamberlains, and a Fénelon obliged to find reasons for his respect to His Royal Highness, when speaking to H. R. H. himself, aged twelve years. See the works of that great writer.
[2] Memoirs of M. Realier-Dumas. Corsica, which has a population of one hundred eighty thousand, is less than half the size of most French Departments, yet it has produced notable figures like Salliceti, Pozzo di Borgo, General Sebastiani, Cervioni, Abbatucci, Lucien, and Napoleon Bonaparte, along with Aréna. In contrast, the Département du Nord, with its nine hundred thousand residents, cannot boast a similar roster. The reason for this is that in Corsica, when you step outside, you might be met with a bullet; and instead of just accepting this fate like a complacent Christian, a Corsican will fight back and seek revenge. This is how strong characters like Napoleon are shaped. The leap from such a harsh environment to a palace filled with nobles and attendants, where a Fénelon must find reasons to show respect to a twelve-year-old royal, is immense. Check out the works of that great writer.
[3] At Paris, to get on, you must pay attention to a million little details. None the less there is this very powerful objection. Statistics show many more women who commit suicide from love at Paris than in all the towns of Italy together. This fact gives me great difficulty; I do not know what to say to it for the moment, but it doesn't change my opinion. It may be that our ultra-civilised life is so wearisome, that death seems a small matter to the Frenchman of to-day—or more likely, overwhelmed by the wreck of his vanity, he blows out his brains.
[3] In Paris, to get by, you have to pay attention to a million little details. However, there is a very strong counterargument. Statistics show that many more women commit suicide because of love in Paris than in all the towns of Italy combined. This fact troubles me greatly; I don't know how to address it at the moment, but it doesn't change my viewpoint. It might be that our overly civilized life is so exhausting that death seems trivial to the modern French person—or more likely, overwhelmed by the collapse of his pride, he takes his own life.
[4] I admire the manners of the time of Lewis XIV: many a man might pass in three days from the salons of Marly to the battlefield of Senet or Ramillies. Wives, mothers, sweethearts, were all in a continual state of apprehension. See the Letters of Madame de Sévigné. The presence of danger had kept in the language an energy and a freshness that we would not dare to hazard nowadays; and yet M. de Lameth killed his wife's lover. If a Walter Scott were to write a novel of the times of Lewis XIV, we should be a good deal surprised.
[4] I admire the manners during the time of Louis XIV: many men could go from the salons of Marly to the battlefield of Senet or Ramillies in just three days. Wives, mothers, and sweethearts were always on edge. Just look at the Letters of Madame de Sévigné. The presence of danger kept the language vibrant and fresh in a way we wouldn't dare to express today; and yet M. de Lameth killed his wife's lover. If someone like Walter Scott were to write a novel set in the time of Louis XIV, we would be quite surprised.
CHAPTER XLII
FRANCE (continued)
I beg leave to speak ill of France a little longer. The reader need have no fear of seeing my satire remain unpunished; if this essay finds readers, I shall pay for my insults with interest. Our national honour is wide awake.
I ask for permission to criticize France a bit longer. The reader shouldn’t worry about my satire going unpunished; if this essay finds an audience, I will pay for my insults tenfold. Our national pride is fully alert.
France fills an important place in the plan of this book, because Paris, thanks to the superiority of its conversation and its literature, is, and will always be, the salon of Europe.
France plays a crucial role in this book because Paris, with its exceptional conversation and literature, is and will always be the salon of Europe.
Three-quarters of the billets in Vienna, as in London, are written in French or are full of French allusions and quotations—Lord knows what French![1]
Three-quarters of the billets in Vienna, like in London, are written in French or are packed with French references and quotes—who knows what kind of French![1]
As regards great passions, France, in my opinion, is void of originality from two causes:—
As for strong passions, I think France lacks originality for two reasons:—
1. True honour—the desire to resemble Bayard(26)—in order to be honoured in the world and there, every day, to see your vanity satisfied.
1. True honor—the wish to be like Bayard(26)—so that you can be respected in the world and see your ego gratified each day.
2. The fool's honour, or the desire to resemble the upper classes, the fashionable world of Paris. The art of entering a drawing-room, of showing aversion to a rival, of breaking with your mistress, etc.
2. The fool's pride, or the urge to fit in with the upper classes, the trendy society of Paris. The skill of entering a living room, of showing disdain for a rival, of ending things with your girlfriend, etc.
The fool's honour is much more useful than true honour in ministering to the pleasures of our vanity, [Pg 163]both in itself, as being intelligible to fools, and also as being applicable to the actions of every day and every hour. We see people, with only this fool's honour and without true honour, very well received in society; but the contrary is impossible.
The fool's honor is way more useful than real honor when it comes to feeding our vanity, [Pg 163] because it's understandable to fools and applies to our daily lives. We see people who have only this fool's honor, without any real honor, being welcomed in society; but the opposite isn't true.
This is the way of the fashionable world:—
This is how the trendy world works:—
1. To treat all great interests ironically. 'Tis natural enough. Formerly people, really in society, could not be profoundly affected by anything; they hadn't the time. Residence in the country has altered all this. Besides, it is contrary to a Frenchman's nature to let himself be seen in a posture of admiration,[2] that is to say, in a position of inferiority, not only in relation to the object of his admiration—that goes without saying—but also in relation to his neighbour, if his neighbour choose to mock at what he admires.
1. To treat all significant interests with irony. It's pretty natural. In the past, people who were truly part of society couldn't be deeply affected by anything; they just didn’t have the time. Living in the countryside has changed that. Besides, it's not in a Frenchman's nature to be seen in a position of admiration, [2] which means being in a position of inferiority, not just in relation to what he admires—that's obvious—but also in relation to his neighbor, especially if his neighbor decides to make fun of what he admires.
In Germany, Italy and Spain, on the contrary, admiration is genuine and happy; there the admirer is proud of his transports and pities the man who turns up his nose. I don't say the mocker, for that's an impossible rôle in countries, where it is not in failing in the imitation of a particular line of conduct, but in failing to strike the road to happiness, that the only ridicule exists. In the South, mistrust and horror at being troubled in the midst of pleasures vividly felt, plants in men an inborn admiration of luxury and pomp. See the Courts of Madrid and Naples; see a funzione at Cadiz—things are carried to a point of delirium.[3]
In Germany, Italy, and Spain, on the other hand, admiration is genuine and joyful; there, admirers take pride in their feelings and pity those who look down on them. I don’t mean the mocker, because that role doesn’t fit in countries where the only ridicule comes from failing to find the path to happiness, not from not copying a particular behavior. In the South, the fear of being disturbed during moments of pleasure creates an innate admiration for luxury and extravagance. Just look at the courts of Madrid and Naples; observe a performance in Cadiz—things reach a level of excitement. [3]
2. A Frenchman thinks himself the most miserable of men, and almost the most ridiculous, if he is obliged to spend his time alone. But what is love without solitude?
2. A Frenchman believes he is the most miserable and almost the most ridiculous person if he has to spend his time alone. But what is love without solitude?
3. A passionate man thinks only of himself; a man [Pg 164]who wants consideration thinks only of others. Nay more: before 1789, individual security was only found in France by becoming one of a body, the Robe, for example,[4] and by being protected by the members of that body. The thoughts of your neighbour were then an integral and necessary part of your happiness. This was still truer at the Court than in Paris. It is easy to [Pg 165]see how far such manners, which, to say the truth, are every day losing their force, but which Frenchmen will retain for another century, are favourable to great passions.
3. A passionate person thinks only about themselves; someone who seeks consideration thinks only about others. Moreover, before 1789, individual security in France was achieved by becoming part of a group, like the Robe, for instance, and being shielded by its members. Back then, what your neighbor thought was essential to your happiness. This was even more true at Court than in Paris. It's clear how these customs, which, to be honest, are gradually losing their power but will be maintained by the French for another century, support intense passions.
Try to imagine a man throwing himself from a window, and at the same time trying to reach the pavement in a graceful position.
Try to picture a guy jumping out of a window while also trying to land on the ground in a graceful way.
In France, the passionate man, merely as such, and in no other light, is the object of general ridicule. Altogether, he offends his fellow-men, and that gives wings to ridicule.
In France, a passionate man, just for being passionate, is often the target of widespread mockery. Overall, he annoys those around him, and that fuels the ridicule.
[1] In England, the gravest writers think they give themselves a smart tone by quoting French words, which, for the most part, have never been French, except in English grammars. See the writers for the Edinburgh Review; see the Memoirs of the Comtesse de Lichtnau, mistress of the last King of Prussia but one.
[1] In England, serious writers believe they sound more sophisticated by using French words, most of which have never actually existed in French, except in English textbooks. Check out the writers for the Edinburgh Review; look at the Memoirs of the Comtesse de Lichtnau, the mistress of the second-to-last King of Prussia.
[3] Voyage en Espagne, by M. Semple; he gives a true picture, and the reader will find a description of the Battle of Trafalgar, heard in the distance which sticks in the memory.
[3] Voyage en Espagne, by M. Semple; he provides an accurate portrayal, and the reader will come across a memorable description of the Battle of Trafalgar, heard faintly in the background.
[4] Correspondance of Grimm, January, 1783. "Comte de N——, Captain commanding the guards of the Duke of Orleans, being piqued at finding no place left in the balcony, the day of the opening of the new hall, was so ill-advised as to dispute his place with an honest Procureur; the latter, one Maître Pernot, was by no means willing to give it up.—'You've taken my place.'—'I'm in my own.'—'Who are you?'—'I'm Mr. Six Francs'... (that is to say, the price of these places). Then, angrier words, insults, jostling. Comte de N—— pushed his indiscretion so far as to treat the poor joker as a thief, and finally took it upon himself to order the sergeant on duty to arrest the person of the Procureur, and to conduct him to the guard-room. Maître Pernot surrendered with great dignity, and went out, only to go and depose his complaint before a Commissary. The redoubtable body, of which he had the honour to be a member, had no intention of letting the matter drop. The affair came up before the Parlement. M. de N—— was condemned to pay all the expenses, to make reparation to the Procureur, to pay him two thousand crowns damages and interest, which were to be applied, with the Procureur's consent, to the poor prisoners of the Conciergerie; further, the said Count was very expressly enjoined never again, under pretext of the king's orders, to interfere with a performance, etc. This adventure made a lot of noise, and great interests were mixed up in it: the whole Robe has considered itself insulted by an outrage done to a man who wears its livery, etc. M. de N——, that his affair may be forgotten, has gone to seek his laurels at the Camp of St. Roch. He couldn't do better, people say, for no one can doubt of his talent for carrying places by sheer force. Now suppose an obscure philosopher in the place of Maître Pernot. Use of the Duel. (Grimm, Part III, Vol. II, p. 102.)
[4] Correspondance of Grimm, January, 1783. "Count de N——, Captain in charge of the Duke of Orleans’ guards, got annoyed when he found no spot left in the balcony on the opening day of the new hall. He foolishly argued over his seat with a man named Maître Pernot, a respectable Procureur, who was not willing to give it up. —‘You’ve taken my spot.’ —‘I’m in my own.’ —‘Who are you?’ —‘I’m Mr. Six Francs’... (referring to the cost of these seats). This led to more angry words, insults, and shoving. Count de N—— took his inconsideration so far as to accuse the poor jokester of being a thief and ultimately ordered the sergeant on duty to arrest the Procureur and take him to the guardroom. Maître Pernot left with great dignity and immediately filed a complaint with a Commissary. The influential group of which he was part wasn't going to let this slide. The matter was brought before the Parlement. M. de N—— was ordered to cover all expenses, compensate the Procureur, and pay him two thousand crowns in damages and interest, which would go, with the Procureur’s consent, to help the poor prisoners at the Conciergerie. Additionally, the Count was explicitly prohibited from interfering with any performances again under any pretext of the king's orders. This incident caused quite a stir and involved significant interests: the entire legal profession felt insulted by the affront to a man in its ranks. M. de N——, hoping to let this situation be forgotten, has gone to seek glory at the Camp of St. Roch. It's said he couldn't have made a better choice since no one doubts his talent for seizing seats through sheer force. Now, imagine an obscure philosopher in Maître Pernot's position. Use of the Duel. (Grimm, Part III, Vol. II, p. 102.)
See further on, p. 496, a most sensible letter of Beaumarchais refusing a closed box (loge grillée) for Figaro, which one of his friends had asked of him. So long as people thought that his answer was addressed to a Duke, there was great excitement, and they talked about severe punishment. But it turned to laughter when Beaumarchais declared that his letter was addressed to Monsieur le Président du Paty. It is a far cry from 1785 to 1822! We no longer understand these feelings. And yet people pretend that the same tragedies that touched those generations are still good for us!
See further on, p. 496, a very sensible letter from Beaumarchais refusing a closed box (loge grillée) for Figaro, which one of his friends had requested from him. As long as people believed his response was directed to a Duke, there was a lot of excitement, and they talked about harsh punishment. But it turned into laughter when Beaumarchais revealed that his letter was actually addressed to Monsieur le Président du Paty. It’s a big difference between 1785 and 1822! We no longer relate to these feelings. And yet, people claim that the same tragedies that affected those generations are still relevant to us!
CHAPTER XLIII
ITALY__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Italy's good fortune is that it has been left to the inspiration of the moment, a good fortune which it shares, up to a certain point, with Germany and England.
Italy's good luck is that it has been free to follow the inspiration of the moment, a good luck it shares, to some extent, with Germany and England.
Furthermore, Italy is a country where Utility, which was the guiding principle of the mediæval republic,[1] has not been dethroned by Honour or Virtue, disposed to the advantages of monarchy.[2] True honour leads the way to the fool's honour. It accustoms men to ask themselves: What [Pg 167]will my neighbour think of my happiness? But how can happiness of the heart be an object of vanity, since no one can see it.?[3] In proof of all this, France is the country, where there are fewer marriages from inclination than anywhere else in the world.[4]
Furthermore, Italy is a country where Utility, which was the guiding principle of the medieval republic,[1] has not been replaced by Honour or Virtue, which tend to favor the advantages of monarchy.[2] True honour leads to the shallow kind of honour. It encourages people to ask themselves: What will my neighbor think of my happiness? But how can true happiness be a source of vanity when no one can see it?[3] To illustrate this, France is the country where there are the fewest marriages based on love compared to anywhere else in the world.[4]
And Italy has other advantages. The Italian has undisturbed leisure and an admirable climate, which makes men sensible to beauty under every form. He is extremely, yet reasonably, mistrustful, which increases the aloofness of intimate love and doubles its charms. He reads no novels, indeed hardly any books, and this leaves still more to the inspiration of the moment. He has a passion for music, which excites in the soul a movement very similar to that of love.
And Italy has other benefits. Italians enjoy uninterrupted leisure time and a wonderful climate, making them more attuned to beauty in all its forms. They are very, yet sensibly, cautious, which adds to the distance of close relationships and enhances their allure. They don’t read many novels or really any books at all, allowing for more inspiration in the moment. They have a deep passion for music, which stirs a feeling in the soul that's quite similar to love.
In France, towards 1770, there was no mistrust.; on the contrary, it was good form to live and die before the public. As the Duchess of Luxemburg was intimate with a hundred friends, there was no intimacy and no friendship, properly so-called.
In France, around 1770, there was no suspicion; in fact, it was fashionable to live and die in the public eye. Even though the Duchess of Luxemburg was close with a hundred friends, there was no true intimacy or genuine friendship.
In Italy, passion, since it is not a very rare distinction, is not a subject of ridicule,[5] and you may hear people in the salons openly quoting general maxims of love. The public knows the symptoms and periods of this illness, and is very much concerned with it. They say to a man who has been deserted: "You'll be in despair for six months, but you'll get over it in the end, like So-and-so, etc."
In Italy, passion, since it's not a rare thing, is not something to be mocked,[5] and you might overhear people in the salons freely sharing general truths about love. The public is aware of the signs and stages of this experience and cares a lot about it. They tell a man who's been left: "You'll be heartbroken for six months, but you'll move on eventually, just like So-and-so, and so on."
In Italy, public opinion is the very humble attendant on passion. Real pleasure there exercises the power, which elsewhere is in the hands of society. 'Tis quite simple—for society can give scarcely any pleasure to a people, who has no time to be vain, and can have [Pg 168]but little authority over those, who are only trying to escape the notice of their "pacha"(29). The blasés censure the passionate—but who cares for them? South of the Alps, society is a despot without a prison.
In Italy, public opinion is a very humble servant to passion. True pleasure there holds the power that society controls elsewhere. It’s pretty straightforward—even society offers little pleasure to people who don’t have time for vanity, and has barely any authority over those who are just trying to avoid their "pacha." The blasés criticize the passionate—but who really cares what they think? South of the Alps, society is a dictator without a prison.
As in Paris honour challenges, sword in hand, or, if possible, bon mot in the mouth, every approach to every recognised great interest, it is much more convenient to take refuge in irony. Many young men have taken up a different attitude, and become disciples of J. J. Rousseau and Madame de Staël. As irony had become vulgar, one had to fall back on feelings. A. de Pezai in our days writes like M. Darlincourt. Besides, since 1789, everything tends to favour utility or individual sensibility, as opposed to honour or the empire of opinion. The sight of the two Chambers teaches people to discuss everything, even mere nonsense. The nation is becoming serious, and gallantry is losing ground.
In Paris, honor often involves a duel, or if possible, a clever remark, making it much easier to hide behind irony when dealing with important issues. Many young men have chosen a different approach, becoming followers of J. J. Rousseau and Madame de Staël. As irony has become common, people have turned to genuine emotions instead. A. de Pezai today writes like M. Darlincourt. Additionally, since 1789, everything has leaned toward practicality or personal feelings, rather than honor or societal opinion. The sight of the two Chambers encourages people to debate everything, even trivial matters. The nation is becoming serious, and chivalry is fading.
As a Frenchman, I ought to say that it is not a small number of colossal fortunes, but the multiplicity of middling ones, that makes up the riches of a country. In every country passion is rare, and gallantry is more graceful and refined: in France, as a consequence, it has better fortune. This great nation, the first in the world,[6] has the same kind of aptitude for love as for intellectual achievements. In 1822 we have, to be sure, no Moore, no Walter Scott, no Crabbe, no Byron, no Monti, no Pellico; but we have among us more men of intellect, clear-sighted, agreeable and up to the level of the lights of this century, than England has, or Italy. It is for this reason that the debates in our Chamber of Deputies in 1822, are so superior to those in the English Parliament, and that when a Liberal from England comes to France, we are quite surprised to find in him several opinions which are distinctly feudal.
As a Frenchman, I have to point out that it’s not just the few massive fortunes, but the many average ones that contribute to a country’s wealth. In every country, true passion is rare, and charm is usually more elegant and sophisticated; in France, that leads to better outcomes. This great nation, the best in the world,[6] has a natural talent for love just like it does for intellectual pursuits. In 1822, we may not have a Moore, a Walter Scott, a Crabbe, a Byron, a Monti, or a Pellico; however, we have more clear-headed, likable intellectuals who match the brilliance of this century than England or Italy does. That’s why the discussions in our Chamber of Deputies in 1822 are way better than those in the English Parliament, and when a Liberal from England visits France, we’re often surprised to discover several of his views are distinctly feudal.
I am exceedingly uncomfortable here; I suppose it's because I have no leisure for falling in love at my ease. Here, sensibility is spent drop by drop, just as it forms, in such a way, at least so I find it, as to be a drain on the source. At Rome, owing to the little interest created by the events of every day and the somnolence of the outside world, sensibility accumulates to the profit of passion.
I feel really uneasy here; I think it’s because I don’t have the time to fall in love at my own speed. Here, feelings fade away slowly, just as they develop, or at least that’s how I perceive it, and it seems to deplete the energy. In Rome, since not much happens from day to day and the outside world is so boring, emotions accumulate and fuel passion.
[1] G. Pecchio, in his very lively Letters to a beautiful young English woman, says on the subject of free Spain, where the Middle Ages are not a revival, but have never ceased to exist (p. 60): "The aim of the Spaniards was not glory, but independence. If the Spaniards had only fought for honour, the war had ended with the battle of Tudela. Honour is a thing of an odd nature—once soiled, it loses all its power of action. ... The Spanish army of the line, having become imbued in its turn with prejudices in favour of honour (that means having become modern-European) disbanded, once beaten, with the thought that, with honour, all was lost, etc."
[1] G. Pecchio, in his vibrant Letters to a beautiful young English woman, discusses free Spain, where the Middle Ages are not just a revival but have never really gone away (p. 60): "The goal of the Spaniards wasn't glory, but independence. If the Spaniards had only fought for honor, the war would have ended with the battle of Tudela. Honor is a strange thing—once tarnished, it loses all its significance. ... The Spanish army, having absorbed prejudices in favor of honor (which means becoming more modern-European), disbanded after being defeated, thinking that with honor, everything was lost, etc."
[2] In 1620 a man was honoured by saying unceasingly and as servilely as he could: "The King my Master" (See the Memoirs of Noailles, Torcy and all Lewis XIV's ambassadors). Quite simple—by this turn of phrase, he proclaims the rank he occupies among subjects. This rank, dependent on the King, takes the place, in the eyes and esteem of these subjects, of the rank which in ancient Rome depended on the good opinion of his fellow-citizens, who had seen him fighting at Trasimene and speaking in the Forum. You can batter down absolute monarchy by destroying vanity and its advance works, which it calls conventions. The dispute between Shakespeare and Racine(28) is only one form of the dispute between Louis XIV and constitutional government.
[2] In 1620, a man was celebrated for constantly and as submissively as possible saying, "The King my Master" (See the Memoirs of Noailles, Torcy, and all of Louis XIV's ambassadors). Quite simply—through this phrase, he declares his position among the subjects. This status, which depends on the King, replaces, in the eyes and respect of these subjects, the status that in ancient Rome relied on the approval of his fellow citizens, who had seen him fighting at Trasimene and speaking in the Forum. You can undermine absolute monarchy by targeting vanity and its preliminary forms, which it refers to as conventions. The conflict between Shakespeare and Racine(28) is just one aspect of the conflict between Louis XIV and constitutional government.
[6] I want no other proof than the world's envy. See the Edinburgh Review for 1821. See the German and Italian literary journals, and the Scimiatigre of Alfieri.
[6] I need no other evidence than the envy of the world. Check the Edinburgh Review from 1821. Look at the German and Italian literary magazines, and Alfieri's Scimiatigre.
CHAPTER XLIV
Rome
Only at Rome[1] can a respectable woman, seated in her carriage, say effusively to another woman, a mere acquaintance, what I heard this morning: "Ah, my dear, beware of love with Fabio Vitteleschi; better for you to fall in love with a highwayman! For all his soft and measured air, he is capable of stabbing you to the heart with a knife, and of saying with the sweetest smile, while he plunged the knife into your breast: 'Poor child, does it hurt?'" And this conversation took place in the presence of a pretty young lady of fifteen, daughter of the woman who received the advice, and a very wide-awake young lady.
Only in Rome[1] can a respectable woman, sitting in her carriage, say enthusiastically to another woman, a mere acquaintance, what I heard this morning: "Ah, my dear, watch out for love with Fabio Vitteleschi; it’s better for you to fall for a highwayman! For all his smooth and polished demeanor, he’s capable of stabbing you right in the heart and saying with the sweetest smile, while he plunges the knife into your chest: 'Poor thing, does it hurt?'" And this conversation happened in front of a pretty fifteen-year-old girl, the daughter of the woman receiving the advice, who was very aware of what was going on.
If a man from the North has the misfortune not to be shocked at first by the candour of this southern capacity for love, which is nothing but the simple product of a magnificent nature, favoured by the twofold absence of good form and of all interesting novelty, after a stay of one year the women of all other countries will become intolerable to him.
If a man from the North isn't initially taken aback by the straightforwardness of this southern way of loving, which is just a natural response from a beautiful environment that lacks both good manners and any real excitement, after living there for a year, women from all other countries will start to seem unbearable to him.
He will find Frenchwomen, perfectly charming, with their little graces,[2] seductive for the first three days, but boring the fourth—fatal day, when one discovers that all these graces, studied beforehand, and learned by [Pg 171]rote, are eternally the same, every day and for every lover.
He will find French women perfectly charming, with their little graces,[2] seductive for the first three days, but boring on the fourth— fatal day, when one realizes that all these graces, practiced ahead of time, and learned by heart, are always the same, every day and for every lover.
He will see German women, on the contrary, so very natural, and giving themselves up with so much ardour to their imagination, but often with nothing to show in the end, for all their naturalness, but barrenness, insipidity, and blue-stocking tenderness. The phrase of Count Almaviva(30) seems made for Germany: "And one is quite astonished, one fine evening, to find satiety, where one went to look for happiness."
He will see German women, on the other hand, very natural, fully embracing their imagination, but often with nothing to show for it in the end, despite their naturalness, except emptiness, dullness, and overly sensitive sweetness. Count Almaviva's phrase seems perfect for Germany: "And one is quite shocked, one fine evening, to find emptiness, where one went to seek happiness."
At Rome, the foreigner must not forget that, if nothing is tedious in countries where everything is natural, the bad is there still more bad than elsewhere. To speak only of the men,[3] we can see appearing here in society a kind of monster, who elsewhere lies low—a man passionate, clear-sighted and base, all in an equal degree. Suppose evil chance has set him near a woman in some capacity or other: madly in love with her, suppose, he will drink to the very dregs the misery of seeing her prefer a rival. There he is to oppose her happier lover. Nothing escapes him, and everyone sees that nothing escapes him; but he continues none the less, in despite of every honourable sentiment, to trouble the woman, her lover and himself. No one blames him—"That's his way of getting pleasure."—"He is doing what gives him pleasure." One evening, the lover, at the end of his patience, gives him a kick. The next day the wretch is full of excuses, and begins again to torment, constantly and imperturbably, the woman, the lover and himself. One shudders, when one thinks of the amount of unhappiness that these base spirits have every day to swallow—and doubtless there is but one grain less of cowardice between them and a poisoner.
In Rome, foreigners shouldn't forget that while nothing feels tedious in places where everything is genuine, the bad things can be even worse here. To talk about the men, we see a kind of monster in society that stays hidden elsewhere—a man who is passionate, sharp-minded, and morally corrupt, all at the same time. If bad luck puts him near a woman in any way, and he falls madly in love with her, he will fully experience the pain of watching her choose someone else. He becomes an obstacle to her happier lover. Nothing gets past him, and everyone knows he notices everything; yet, he stubbornly continues to haunt the woman, her lover, and himself despite any decent feelings. No one criticizes him—"That's just how he finds pleasure."—"He's just doing what makes him happy." One evening, the lover, out of patience, kicks him. The next day, the miserable man is full of excuses and starts tormenting the woman, the lover, and himself again, relentlessly and unfazed. It's shocking to think about how much misery these lowly souls endure every day—and surely there's only a slight difference in cowardice between them and a poisoner.
Two brothers X——, fine young fellows, always hunting and on horseback, are jealous of a foreigner. Instead of going and laying their complaint before him, they are sullen, and spread abroad unfavourable reports of this poor foreigner. In France, public opinion would force such men to prove their words or give satisfaction to the foreigner. Here public opinion and contempt mean nothing. Riches are always certain of being well received everywhere. A millionaire, dishonoured and excluded from every house in Paris, can go quite securely to Rome; there he will be estimated just according to the value of his dollars.
Two brothers, X——, are fine young guys who are always out hunting and riding horses. They're envious of a foreigner. Instead of confronting him and sharing their grievances, they choose to sulk and spread negative rumors about him. In France, public opinion would force them to either back up their claims or apologize to the foreigner. Here, public opinion and scorn mean nothing at all. Wealth is always welcomed everywhere. A millionaire who is disgraced and shunned from every home in Paris can still go to Rome without worry; there, he will be valued solely based on the worth of his money.
[1] September 30th, 1819.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ September 30, 1819.
[4] See in the manners of the age of Lewis XV how Honour and Aristocracy load with profusion such ladies as Duthé, La Guerre and others. Eighty or a hundred thousand francs a year was nothing extraordinary; with less, a man of fashion would have lowered himself.
[4] Look at the attitudes during the time of Louis XV; wealth and high status greatly favored women like Duthé, La Guerre, and others. Earning eighty or a hundred thousand francs a year was quite normal; anything less would have made a fashionable man seem inferior.
CHAPTER XLV
ENGLAND
I have lived a good deal of late with the ballet-girls of the Teatro Del Sol, at Valencia. People assure me that many of them are very chaste; the reason being that their profession is too fatiguing. Vigano makes them rehearse his ballet, the Jewess of Toledo, every day, from ten in the morning to four, and from midnight to three in the morning. Besides this, they have to dance every evening in both ballets.
I’ve spent a lot of time recently with the ballet dancers at the Teatro Del Sol in Valencia. People tell me that many of them are quite chaste, mainly because their job is too exhausting. Vigano has them rehearse his ballet, the Jewess of Toledo, every day from 10 AM to 4 PM, and then again from midnight to 3 AM. On top of that, they also have to perform every evening in both ballets.
This reminds me that Rousseau prescribes a great deal of walking for Émile. This evening I was strolling at midnight with these little ballet girls out along the seashore, and I was thinking especially how unknown to us, in our sad lands of mist, is this superhuman delight in the freshness of a sea breeze under this Valencian sky, under the eyes of these resplendent stars that seem close above us. This alone repays the journey of four hundred leagues; this it is that banishes thought, for feeling is too strong. I thought that the chastity of my little ballet girls gives the explanation of the course adopted by English pride, in order, little by little, to bring back the morals of the harem into the midst of a civilised nation. One sees how it is that some of these young English girls, otherwise so beautiful and with so touching an expression, leave something to be desired as regards ideas. In spite of liberty, which has only just been banished from their island, and the admirable originality of their national character, they lack interesting ideas and originality. Often there is nothing [Pg 174]remarkable in them but the extravagance of their refinements. It's simple enough—in England the modesty of the women is the pride of their husbands. But, however submissive a slave may be, her society becomes sooner or later a burden. Hence, for the men, the necessity of getting drunk solemnly every evening,[1] instead of as in Italy, passing the evening with their mistresses. In England, rich people, bored with their homes and under the pretext of necessary exercise, walk four or five leagues a day, as if man were created and put into the world to trot up and down it. They use up their nervous fluid by means of their legs, not their hearts; after which, they may well talk of female refinement and look down on Spain and Italy.
This reminds me that Rousseau recommends a lot of walking for Émile. This evening, I was out for a stroll at midnight with these little ballet girls along the seashore, and I was especially thinking about how unknown to us, in our gloomy lands of mist, is this incredible joy in the freshness of a sea breeze under this Valencian sky, beneath the bright stars that seem so close. This alone makes the journey of four hundred leagues worth it; this is what drives away thought, as the feeling is too strong. I considered that the innocence of my little ballet girls explains the path taken by English pride, as it slowly seeks to bring the morals of a harem back into what is supposed to be a civilized nation. It's clear how some of these young English girls, who are otherwise beautiful and have such a touching expression, still leave something to be desired when it comes to ideas. Despite the recent liberation of their island and the remarkable originality of their national character, they lack interesting ideas and creativity. Often, the only remarkable thing about them is the excessiveness of their refinements. It’s quite simple—in England, the modesty of women is the pride of their husbands. But no matter how submissive a slave may be, her company inevitably becomes a burden. Thus, for the men, there’s a need to get drunk every evening, instead of, like in Italy, spending the evening with their mistresses. In England, wealthy people, bored with their homes and under the pretext of needing exercise, walk four or five leagues a day, as if humans were made to trot up and down the land. They expend their energy with their legs, not their hearts; after which, they can afford to talk about female refinement and look down on Spain and Italy.
No life, on the other hand, could be less busy than that of young Italians; to them all action is importunate, if it take away their sensibility. From time to time they take a walk of half a league for health's sake, as an unpleasant medicine. As for the women, a Roman woman in a whole year does not walk as far as a young Miss in a week.
No life could be less busy than that of young Italians; for them, any activity is bothersome if it disrupts their sensitivity. Occasionally, they take a walk of about half a mile for their health, viewing it as an unwelcome remedy. As for the women, a Roman woman does not walk as far in an entire year as a young woman does in a week.
It seems to me that the pride of an English husband exalts very adroitly the vanity of his wretched wife. He persuades her, first of all, that one must not be vulgar, and the mothers, who are getting their daughters ready to find husbands, are quick enough to seize upon this idea. Hence fashion is far more absurd and despotic in reasonable England than in the midst of light-hearted France: in Bond Street was invented the idea of the "carefully careless." In England fashion is a duty, at Paris it is a pleasure. In London fashion raises a wall of bronze between New Bond Street and Fenchurch Street far different from that between the Chaussée d'Antin and the rue Saint-Martin at Paris. Husbands are quite [Pg 175]willing to allow their wives this aristocratic nonsense, to make up for the enormous amount of unhappiness, which they impose on them. I recognise a perfect picture of women's society in England, such as the taciturn pride of its men produces, in the once celebrated novels of Miss Burney. Since it is vulgar to ask for a glass of water, when one is thirsty, Miss Burney's heroines do not fail to let themselves die of thirst. While flying from vulgarity, they fall into the most abominable affectation.
It seems to me that the pride of an English husband skillfully boosts the vanity of his miserable wife. He convinces her that one must not be tacky, and mothers preparing their daughters to find husbands quickly embrace this idea. As a result, fashion in sensible England is much more absurd and controlling than in cheerful France: the concept of being "carefully careless" was invented on Bond Street. In England, fashion is a responsibility; in Paris, it's a joy. In London, fashion creates a solid barrier between New Bond Street and Fenchurch Street, which is very different from the one between the Chaussée d'Antin and the rue Saint-Martin in Paris. Husbands are all too willing to let their wives indulge in this aristocratic nonsense to compensate for the enormous unhappiness they impose on them. I see a perfect depiction of women's society in England, shaped by the silent pride of its men, in the once-famous novels of Miss Burney. Since it's considered tacky to ask for a glass of water when thirsty, Miss Burney's heroines don’t hesitate to let themselves suffer from thirst. In trying to avoid vulgarity, they end up in the most appalling pretentiousness.
Compare the prudence of a young Englishman of twenty-two with the profound mistrust of a young Italian of the same age. The Italian must be mistrustful to be safe, but this mistrust he puts aside, or at least forgets, as soon as he becomes intimate, while it is apparently just in his most tender relationships that you see the young Englishman redouble his prudence and aloofness. I once heard this:—
Compare the caution of a young Englishman at twenty-two with the deep distrust of a young Italian the same age. The Italian needs to be distrustful for his own safety, but he sets this mistrust aside, or at least forgets it, as soon as he gets close to someone. In contrast, it seems that it’s in his closest relationships where the young Englishman becomes even more cautious and distant. I once heard this:—
"In the last seven months I haven't spoken to her of the trip to Brighton." This was a question of a necessary economy of twenty-four pounds, and a lover of twenty-two years speaking of a mistress, a married woman, whom he adored. In the transports of his passion prudence had not left him: far less had he let himself go enough to say to his mistress: "I shan't go to Brighton, because I should feel the pinch."
"In the past seven months, I haven't mentioned the trip to Brighton to her." This was about saving twenty-four pounds, and a man who had been in love for twenty-two years was talking about a mistress, a married woman, whom he adored. Even in his passionate moments, he still had his wits about him; he had not let himself be so reckless as to say to his mistress, "I can't go to Brighton because I would feel the financial strain."
Note that the fate of Gianone de Pellico, and of a hundred others, forces the Italian to be mistrustful, while the young English beau is only forced to be prudent by the excessive and morbid sensibility of his vanity. A Frenchman, charming enough with his inspirations of the minute, tells everything to her he loves. It is habit. Without it he would lack ease, and he knows that without ease there is no grace.
Note that the fate of Gianone de Pellico, and of a hundred others, makes the Italian cautious, while the young English guy is only made careful by the excessive and unhealthy sensitivity of his pride. A Frenchman, charming enough with his spontaneous ideas, shares everything with the woman he loves. It’s just a habit. Without it, he wouldn’t feel relaxed, and he knows that without relaxation, there’s no charm.
It is with difficulty and with tears in my eyes that I have plucked up courage to write all this; but, since I would not, I'm sure, flatter a king, why should I say of a country anything but what seems to me the [Pg 176]truth? Of course it may be all very absurd, for the simple reason that this country gave birth to the most lovable woman that I have known.
It’s been hard and I’m in tears as I muster the courage to write all this; but since I wouldn’t, I’m sure, flatter a king, why should I say anything about a country that isn’t what I truly believe? Of course, it might all seem very silly, simply because this country brought into the world the most wonderful woman I’ve ever known.
It would be another form of cringing before a monarch. I will content myself with adding that in the midst of all this variety of manners, among so many Englishwomen, who are the spiritual victims of Englishmen's pride, a perfect form of originality does exist, and that a family, brought up aloof from these distressing restrictions (invented to reproduce the morals of the harem) may be responsible for charming characters. And how insufficient, in spite of its etymology,—and how common—is this word "charming" to render what I would express. The gentle Imogen, the tender Ophelia might find plenty of living models in England; but these models are far from enjoying the high veneration that is unanimously accorded to the true accomplished Englishwoman, whose destiny is to show complete obedience to every convention and to afford a husband full enjoyment of the most morbid aristocratic pride and a happiness that makes him die of boredom.[2]
It would be another way of bowing down to a ruler. I’ll just add that amidst all the different behaviors of so many Englishwomen, who are the spiritual victims of Englishmen’s pride, there exists a perfect form of originality. A family raised away from these painful restrictions (created to mimic the morals of a harem) can produce delightful characters. And how inadequate, despite its roots — and how ordinary — is the word “charming” to capture what I want to convey. The gentle Imogen and the tender Ophelia could find plenty of living examples in England; but these examples are far from receiving the deep respect that’s universally given to the truly sophisticated Englishwoman, whose role is to show total obedience to every convention and to allow her husband to fully indulge in his most grotesque aristocratic pride and a happiness that makes him feel drained of excitement.[2]
In the great suites of fifteen or twenty rooms, so fresh and so dark, in which Italian women pass their lives softly propped on low divans, they hear people speak of love and of music for six hours in the day. At night, at the theatre, hidden in their boxes for four hours, they hear people speak of music and love.
In the large suites of fifteen or twenty rooms, which are both fresh and dark, Italian women spend their lives comfortably resting on low couches, listening to discussions about love and music for six hours a day. At night, in the theater, tucked away in their boxes for four hours, they listen to conversations about music and love.
Then, besides the climate, the whole way of living is in Spain or Italy as favourable to music and love, as it is the contrary in England.
Then, besides the climate, the lifestyle in Spain or Italy is as supportive of music and love, whereas in England, it is quite the opposite.
I neither blame nor approve; I observe.
I don't blame or approve; I just observe.
[1] This custom begins to give way a little in very good society, which is becoming French, as everywhere; but I'm speaking of the vast generality.
[1] This custom is starting to fade a bit in high society, which is increasingly adopting French influences, like everywhere else; but I'm talking about the larger trend overall.
[2] See Richardson: the manners of the Harlowe family, translated into modern manners, are frequent in England. Their servants are worth more than they.
[2] See Richardson: the behavior of the Harlowe family, updated to reflect modern times, is common in England. Their servants are more valuable than they are.
CHAPTER XLVI
ENGLAND—(continued)
I love England too much and I have seen of her too little to be able to speak on the subject. I shall make use of the observations of a friend.
I love England too much and I have seen so little of her that I can't really speak on the topic. I'll rely on the observations of a friend.
In the actual state of Ireland (1822) is realised, for the twentieth time in two centuries,[1] that curious state of society which is so fruitful of courageous resolutions, and so opposed to a monotonous existence, and in which people, who breakfast gaily together, may meet in two hours' time on the field of battle. Nothing makes a more energetic and direct appeal to that disposition of the spirit, which is most favourable to the tender passions—to naturalness. Nothing is further removed from the two great English vices—cant and bashfulness,—moral hypocrisy and haughty, painful timidity. (See the Travels of Mr. Eustace(32) in Italy.) If this traveller gives a poor picture of the country, in return he gives a very exact idea of his own character, and this character, as that of Mr. Beattie(32), the poet (see his Life written by an intimate friend), is unhappily but too common in England. For the priest, honest in spite of his cloth, refer to the letters of the Bishop of Landaff.[2](32).
In the current state of Ireland (1822), we see for the twentieth time in two centuries,[1] a fascinating social situation that encourages brave decisions and opposes a dull existence, where people who joyfully have breakfast together can find themselves on a battlefield just two hours later. Nothing appeals more strongly to the part of the spirit that fosters deep emotions—naturalness. Nothing is further from the two major English flaws—hypocrisy and shyness, or moral pretense and painful arrogance. (See the Travels of Mr. Eustace(32) in Italy.) If this traveler paints a negative picture of the country, he simultaneously reveals a very accurate view of his own character, which, like that of Mr. Beattie(32), the poet (see his Life written by a close friend), is unfortunately all too typical in England. As for the priest, honest despite his position, refer to the letters of the Bishop of Landaff.[2](32)
One would have thought Ireland already unfortunate enough, bled as it has been for two centuries by the cowardly and cruel tyranny of England; but now there [Pg 178]enters into the moral state of Ireland a terrible personage: the Priest....
One would think Ireland has already suffered enough, having been drained for two centuries by the cowardly and cruel tyranny of England; but now there [Pg 178]comes a terrible figure into the moral state of Ireland: the Clergy....
For two centuries Ireland has been almost as badly governed as Sicily. A thorough comparison between these two islands, in a volume of five hundred pages, would offend many people and overwhelm many established theories with ridicule. What is evident is that the happiest of these two countries—both of them governed by fools, only for the profit of a minority—is Sicily. Its governors have at least left it its love of pleasure; they would willingly have robbed it of this as of the rest, but, thanks to its climate, Sicily knows little of that moral evil called Law and Government.[3]
For two hundred years, Ireland has been governed almost as poorly as Sicily. A detailed comparison between these two islands in a five-hundred-page book would upset a lot of people and mock many accepted beliefs. What’s clear is that the happier of the two countries—both run by fools only for the benefit of a few—is Sicily. Its rulers have at least allowed it to retain its joy for pleasure; they would have been happy to strip that away along with everything else, but thanks to its climate, Sicily is largely untouched by that moral evil known as Law and Government.[3]
It is old men and priests who make the laws and have them executed, and this seems quite in keeping with the comic jealousy, with which pleasure is hunted down in the British Isles. The people there might say to its governors as Diogenes said to Alexander: "Be content with your sinecures, but please don't step between me and my daylight."[4]
It’s old men and religious leaders who create and enforce the laws, and this seems to match the silly jealousy with which pleasure is chased away in the British Isles. The people there might tell their leaders what Diogenes told Alexander: “Enjoy your easy jobs, but please don’t get in the way of my happiness.”[4]
By means of laws, rules, counter-rules and punishments, the Government in Ireland has created the potato, and the population of Ireland exceeds by far that of Sicily. This is to say, they have produced several millions of degenerate and half-witted peasants, broken down by [Pg 179]work and misery, dragging out a wretched life of some forty or fifty years among the marshes of old Erin—and, you may be sure, paying their taxes! A real miracle! With the pagan religion these poor wretches would at least have enjoyed some happiness—but not a bit of it, they must adore St. Patrick.
Through laws, rules, counter-rules, and punishments, the Government in Ireland has created the potato, and the population of Ireland far surpasses that of Sicily. In other words, they have produced several million degenerate and simple-minded peasants, worn down by work and misery, struggling through a miserable life of forty or fifty years in the marshes of old Erin—and you can be sure, they still pay their taxes! A real miracle! With a pagan religion, these poor souls might have found some happiness—but not at all, they have to worship St. Patrick.
Everywhere in Ireland one sees none but peasants more miserable than savages. Only, instead of there being a hundred thousand, as there would be in a state of nature, there are eight millions,[5] who allow five hundred "absentees" to live in prosperity at London or Paris.
Everywhere in Ireland, you see nothing but peasants who are more miserable than savages. However, instead of just a hundred thousand, as there would be in a natural state, there are eight million,[5] who let five hundred "absentees" thrive in comfort in London or Paris.
Society is infinitely more advanced in Scotland,[6] where, in very many respects, government is good (the rarity of crime, the diffusion of reading, the non-existence of bishops, etc.). There the tender passions can develop much more freely, and it is possible to leave these sombre thoughts and approach the humorous.
Society is so much more advanced in Scotland,[6] where, in many ways, the government is effective (the low crime rate, the widespread literacy, the absence of bishops, etc.). There, people can express their emotions more openly, and it's possible to move away from serious thoughts and embrace humor.
One cannot fail to notice a foundation of melancholy in Scottish women. This melancholy is particularly seductive at dances, where it gives a singular piquancy to the extreme ardour and energy with which they perform their national dances. Edinburgh has another advantage, that of being withdrawn from the vile empire of money. In this, as well as in the singular and savage beauty of its site, this city forms a complete contrast with London. Like Rome, fair Edinburgh seems rather the sojourn of the contemplative life. At London you have the ceaseless whirlwind and restless interests of active life, with all its advantages and inconveniences. Edinburgh seems to me to pay its tribute to the devil by a slight disposition to pedantry. Those days when Mary Stuart lived at old Holyrood, and Riccio was assassinated in her arms, were worth more to Love (and here all [Pg 180]women will agree with me) than to-day, when one discusses at such length, and even in their presence, the preference to be accorded to the neptunian system over the vulcanian system of ... I prefer a discussion on the new uniform given by the king to the Guards, or on the peerage which Sir B. Bloomfield(35) failed to get—the topic of London in my day—to a learned discussion as to who has best explored the nature of rocks, de Werner or de....
One can't help but notice a sense of sadness in Scottish women. This sadness becomes especially enchanting at dances, where it adds a unique charm to the intense passion and energy with which they perform their traditional dances. Edinburgh has another advantage; it's removed from the corrupting influence of money. In this way, along with the striking and wild beauty of its landscape, the city stands in stark contrast to London. Like Rome, beautiful Edinburgh feels more like a place for reflective living. In London, you have the constant chaos and restless pursuits of active life, with all its benefits and drawbacks. Edinburgh seems to owe a slight nod to pretentiousness. The days when Mary Stuart lived at the old Holyrood and Riccio was murdered in her arms were far more valuable to Love (and I believe all women will agree) than today, when people engage in long discussions—even in their presence—about the preference between the neptunian system and the vulcanian system of ... I’d much rather talk about the new uniform that the king gave to the Guards or the peerage that Sir B. Bloomfield didn’t receive—the subjects of London in my time—than delve into an academic debate about who has best studied the nature of rocks, de Werner or de....
I say nothing about the terrible Scottish Sunday, after which a Sunday in London looks like a beanfeast. That day, set aside for the honour of Heaven, is the best image of Hell that I have ever seen on earth. "Don't let's walk so fast," said a Scotchman returning from church to a Frenchman, his friend; "people might think we were going for a walk."[7]
I won't mention the awful Scottish Sunday, which makes a Sunday in London seem like a celebration. That day, meant to honor Heaven, is the closest thing to Hell I’ve ever experienced on earth. "Let's not walk so fast," said a Scotsman to his French friend as they left church; "people might think we were out for a walk."[7]
Of the three countries, Ireland is the one in which there is the least hypocrisy. See the New Monthly Magazine thundering against Mozart and the Nozze di Figaro.[8]
Of the three countries, Ireland is the one with the least hypocrisy. Check out the New Monthly Magazine railing against Mozart and the Nozze di Figaro.[8]
In every country it is the aristocrats, who try to judge a literary magazine and literature; and for the last four years in England these have been hand in glove with the bishops. As I say, that of the three countries where, it seems to me, there is the least hypocrisy, is Ireland: on the contrary, you find there a reckless, a most fascinating vivacity. In Scotland there is the strict observance of Sunday, but on Monday they dance with a joy and an abandon unknown to London. There is plenty of love among the peasant class in Scotland. The omnipotence of imagination gallicised the country in the sixteenth century.
In every country, it’s the aristocrats who try to judge a literary magazine and literature; for the past four years in England, they’ve been closely aligned with the bishops. As I’ve mentioned, of the three countries where I believe there’s the least hypocrisy, Ireland stands out: instead, you find a reckless and truly captivating liveliness there. In Scotland, Sundays are strictly observed, but on Mondays, people dance with a joy and abandon that’s unimaginable in London. There’s a lot of love among the peasant class in Scotland. The power of imagination transformed the country in the sixteenth century.
The terrible fault of English society, that which in a single day creates a greater amount of sadness than the national debt and its consequences, and even than the [Pg 181]war to the death waged by the rich against the poor, is this sentence which I heard last autumn at Croydon, before the beautiful statue of the bishop: "In society no one wants to put himself forward, for fear of being deceived in his expectations."
The major flaw in English society, which in just one day causes more sadness than the national debt and its repercussions, and even more than the [Pg 181]war to the death fought by the rich against the poor, is this statement I overheard last fall in Croydon, in front of the beautiful statue of the bishop: "In society, no one wants to step up, fearing they'll be let down in their expectations."
Judge what laws, under the name of modesty, such men must impose on their wives and mistresses.
Judge what laws, under the guise of modesty, these men must enforce on their wives and lovers.
[2] To refute otherwise than by insults the portraiture of a certain class of Englishmen presented in these three works seems to me an impossible task. Satanic school.
[2] I think it's impossible to counter the portrayal of a certain group of Englishmen shown in these three works without resorting to insults. Satanic school.
[3] I call moral evil, in 1822, every government which has not got two chambers; the only exception can be when the head of the government is great by reason of his probity, a miracle to be seen in Saxony and at Naples.
[3] In 1822, I refer to moral evil as any government that doesn't have two chambers; the only exception would be if the leader of the government is exceptional because of their integrity, which is a rare occurrence in places like Saxony and Naples.
[4] See in the trial of the late Queen of England(33), a curious list of the peers with the sums which they and their families receive from the State. For example, Lord Lauderdale and his family, £36,000. The half-pint of beer that is necessary to the miserable existence of the poorest Englishman, is taxed a halfpenny for the profit of the noble peer. And, what is very much to the point, both of them know it. As a result, neither the lord nor the peasant have leisure enough to think of love; they are sharpening their arms, the one publicly and haughtily, the other secretly and enraged. (Yeomanry and Whiteboys.)(34).
[4] In the trial of the late Queen of England(33), there’s an intriguing list of peers along with the amounts they and their families receive from the State. For instance, Lord Lauderdale and his family get £36,000. The half-pint of beer that's essential for the survival of the poorest Englishman is taxed a halfpenny to benefit the noble peer. And, importantly, both of them are aware of this. As a result, neither the lord nor the peasant has enough time to think about love; they are sharpening their weapons, the former publicly and arrogantly, the latter secretly and furiously. (Yeomanry and Whiteboys.)(34).
[5] Plunkett Craig, Life of Curran.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Plunkett Craig, *Life of Curran*.
[6] Degree of civilisation to be seen in the peasant Robert Burns and his family; a peasants' club with a penny subscription each meeting; the questions discussed there. (See the Letters of Burns.)
[6] The level of civilization evident in the farmer Robert Burns and his family; a farmers' club with a penny subscription for each meeting; the topics discussed there. (See the Letters of Burns.)
[8] January, 1822, Cant.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ January 1822, Cant.
CHAPTER XLVII
SPAIN__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Andalusia is one of the most charming sojourns that Pleasure has chosen for itself on earth. I had three or four anecdotes to show how my ideas about the three or four different acts of madness, which together constitute Love, hold good for Spain: I have been advised to sacrifice them to French refinement. In vain I protested that I wrote in French, but emphatically not French literature. God preserve me from having anything in common with the French writers esteemed to-day!
Andalusia is one of the most delightful places that Pleasure has picked for itself on earth. I had a few stories to illustrate how my thoughts on the different aspects of madness that together make up Love apply to Spain: I’ve been told to set them aside for French sophistication. I protested in vain that I write in French, but definitely not French literature. God save me from having anything in common with the French writers who are popular today!
The Moors, when they abandoned Andalusia, left it their architecture and much of their manners. Since it is impossible for me to speak of the latter in the language of Madame de Sévigné, I'll at least say this of Moorish architecture:—its principal trait consists in providing every house with a little garden surrounded by an elegant and graceful portico. There, during the unbearable heat of summer, when for whole weeks together the Réaumur thermometer never falls below a constant level of thirty degrees, a delicious obscurity pervades these porticoes. In the middle of the little garden there is always a fountain, monotonous and voluptuous, whose sound is all that stirs this charming retreat. The marble basin is surrounded by a dozen orange-trees and laurels. A thick canvas, like a tent, covers in the whole of the little garden, and, while it protects it from the rays of the sun and from the light, lets in the gentle [Pg 183]breezes which, at midday, come down from the mountains.
The Moors, when they left Andalusia, left behind their architecture and much of their customs. Since I can't talk about the latter in the style of Madame de Sévigné, I’ll at least mention this about Moorish architecture: its main feature is that every house has a small garden surrounded by an elegant and graceful portico. There, during the unbearable summer heat, when the Réaumur thermometer doesn’t drop below thirty degrees for weeks, a delightful shade fills these porticoes. In the middle of the small garden, there’s always a fountain, steady and soothing, whose sound is the only thing that breaks the peace of this lovely retreat. The marble basin is surrounded by a dozen orange trees and laurels. A thick canvas like a tent covers the entire garden, protecting it from the sun's rays and light, while allowing in the gentle breezes that descend from the mountains around midday.
There live and receive their guests the fair ladies of Andalusia: a simple black silk robe, ornamented with fringes of the same colour, and giving glimpses of a charming ankle; a pale complexion and eyes that mirror all the most fugitive shades of the most tender and ardent passion—such are the celestial beings, whom I am forbidden to bring upon the scene.
There live and host their guests the lovely ladies of Andalusia: a simple black silk robe, adorned with matching fringes, revealing a glimpse of a charming ankle; a fair complexion and eyes that reflect all the fleeting shades of the most tender and passionate feelings—such are the divine beings, whom I am not allowed to bring into the spotlight.
I look upon the Spanish people as the living representatives of the Middle Age.
I see the Spanish people as the living representatives of the Middle Ages.
It is ignorant of a mass of little truths (the puerile vanity of its neighbours); but it has a profound knowledge of great truths and enough character and wit to follow their consequences down to their most remote effects. The Spanish character offers a fine contrast to French intellect—hard, brusque, inelegant, full of savage pride, and unconcerned with others. It is just the contrast of the fifteenth with the eighteenth century.
It is unaware of many small truths (the childish vanity of those around it); but it has a deep understanding of significant truths and enough strength and cleverness to trace their consequences to their furthest effects. The Spanish character presents a sharp contrast to French intellect—harsh, blunt, unrefined, filled with fierce pride, and indifferent to others. It’s a clear contrast between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries.
Spain provides me with a good contrast; the only people, that was able to withstand Napoleon, seems to me to be absolutely lacking in the fool's honour and in all that is foolish in honour.
Spain gives me a strong contrast; the only people who were able to resist Napoleon seem to completely lack both the foolish sense of honor and all the foolishness associated with honor.
Instead of making fine military ordinances, of changing uniforms every six months and of wearing large spurs, Spain has general No importa.[1]
Instead of creating detailed military rules, changing uniforms every six months, and wearing big spurs, Spain has general No importa.[1]
[1] See the charming Letters of M. Pecchio. Italy is full of people of this wonderful type; but, instead of letting themselves be seen, they try to keep quiet—paese della virtù scunosciuta—"Land of mute, inglorious virtue.
[1] Check out the delightful Letters of M. Pecchio. Italy has plenty of people like this wonderful type; however, instead of stepping into the spotlight, they prefer to stay quiet—paese della virtù scunosciuta—"Land of silent, unrecognized virtue."
CHAPTER XLVIII
GERMAN LOVE
If the Italian, always agitated between love and hate, is a creature of passion, and the Frenchman of vanity, the good and simple descendants of the ancient Germans are assuredly creatures of imagination. Scarcely raised above social interests, the most directly necessary to their subsistence, one is amazed to see them soar into what they call their philosophy, which is a sort of gentle, lovable, quite harmless folly. I am going to cite, not altogether from memory, but from hurriedly taken notes, a work whose author, though writing in a tone of opposition, illustrates clearly, even in his admirations, the military spirit in all its excesses—I speak of the Travels in Austria of M. Cadet-Gassicourt, in 1809. What would the noble and generous Desaix have said, if he had seen the pure heroism of '95 lead on to this execrable egoism?
If the Italian, always torn between love and hate, is a passionate person and the Frenchman is driven by vanity, then the good and simple descendants of the ancient Germans are definitely imaginative individuals. Barely focused on social interests, which are basically essential for their survival, it's surprising to see them dive into what they call their philosophy, a kind of gentle, lovable, and completely harmless nonsense. I’m going to reference, not just from memory but from some quick notes I took, a work whose author, despite writing from a critical perspective, clearly illustrates the military spirit in all its extremes—I’m referring to the Travels in Austria by M. Cadet-Gassicourt, published in 1809. What would the noble and generous Desaix have thought if he had witnessed the pure heroism of '95 give way to this terrible selfishness?
Two friends find themselves side by side with a battery at the battle of Talavera, one as Captain in command, the other as lieutenant. A passing bullet lays the Captain low. "Good," says the lieutenant, quite beside himself with joy, "that's done for Francis—now I shall be Captain." "Not so quick," cries Francis, as he gets up. He had only been stunned by the bullet. The lieutenant, as well as the Captain, were the best fellows in the world, not a bit ill-natured, and only a little stupid; the excitement of the chase and the furious egoism which the Emperor had succeeded in awakening, by decorating it with the name of glory, made these enthusiastic worshippers of him forget their humanity.
Two friends find themselves side by side with a battery at the Battle of Talavera, one as Captain and the other as Lieutenant. A passing bullet hits the Captain. "Great," says the Lieutenant, caught up in excitement, "that's taken care of Francis—now I’ll be Captain." "Not so fast," Francis calls out as he gets back up. He had only been stunned by the bullet. Both the Lieutenant and the Captain were the kindest guys you could meet, not a bit mean-spirited, just a little clueless; the thrill of the chase and the intense selfishness that the Emperor had stirred up, calling it glory, made these enthusiastic followers forget their humanity.
After the harsh spectacle offered by men like this, who [Pg 185]dispute on parade at Schoenbrunn for a look from their master and a barony—see how the Emperor's apothecary describes German love, page 188:
After the brutal display put on by men like this, who [Pg 185] showing off at Schoenbrunn for a glance from their master and a title—check out how the Emperor's apothecary talks about German love, page 188:
"Nothing can be more sweet, more gentle, than an Austrian woman. With her, love is a cult, and when she is attached to a Frenchman, she adores him—in the full force of the word.
"Nothing can be sweeter or more gentle than an Austrian woman. For her, love is a devotion, and when she’s involved with a Frenchman, she adores him in every sense of the word."
"There are light, capricious women everywhere, but in general the Viennese are faithful and in no way coquettes; when I say that they are faithful, I mean to the lover of their own choice, for husbands are the same at Vienna as everywhere else" (June 7, 1809).
"There are playful, fickle women everywhere, but generally, the women in Vienna are loyal and not at all flirtatious; when I say they are loyal, I mean to the partner of their choice, because husbands in Vienna are the same as they are anywhere else" (June 7, 1809).
The most beautiful woman of Vienna accepts the homage of one of my friends, M. M——, a captain attached to the Emperor's headquarters. He's a young man, gentle and witty, but certainly neither his figure nor face are in any way remarkable.
The most beautiful woman in Vienna receives the admiration of one of my friends, M. M——, a captain at the Emperor's headquarters. He's a young man, kind and funny, but definitely neither his looks nor his appearance are anything special.
For some days past his young mistress has made a very great sensation among our brilliant staff officers, who pass their life ferreting about in every corner of Vienna. It has become a contest of daring. Every possible manœuvre has been employed. The fair one's house has been put in a state of siege by all the best-looking and richest. Pages, brilliant colonels, generals of the guard, even princes, have gone to waste their time under her windows, and their money on the fair lady's servants. All have been turned away. These princes were little accustomed to find a deaf ear at Paris or Milan. When I laughed at their discomfiture before this charming creature: "But good Heavens," she said, "don't they know that I'm in love with M. M....?"
For the past few days, his young mistress has caused quite a stir among our impressive staff officers, who spend their time exploring every corner of Vienna. It has turned into a contest of boldness. Every possible tactic has been used. The lovely lady's house has been surrounded by all the best-looking and wealthiest suitors. Pages, handsome colonels, generals of the guard, and even princes have wasted their time outside her windows and their money on her servants. All have been rejected. These princes are not used to being turned away in Paris or Milan. When I laughed at their embarrassment in front of this charming woman, she replied, "But good heavens, don’t they know that I'm in love with M. M....?"
A singular remark and certainly a most improper one!
That's a unique comment and definitely a very inappropriate one!
Page 290: "While we were at Schoenbrunn I noticed that two young men, who were attached to the Emperor, never received anyone in their lodgings at Vienna. We used to chaff them a lot on their discretion. One of them said to me one day: 'I'll keep no secrets from [Pg 186]you: a young woman of the place has given herself to me, on condition that she need never leave my apartment, and that I never receive anyone at all without her leave.' I was curious," says the traveller, "to know this voluntary recluse, and my position as doctor giving me, as in the East, an honourable pretext, I accepted a breakfast offered me by my friend. The woman I found was very much in love, took the greatest care of the household, never wanted to go out, though it was just a pleasant time of the year for walking—and for the rest, was quite certain that her lover would take her back with him to France.
Page 290: "While we were at Schoenbrunn, I noticed that two young men who worked for the Emperor never hosted anyone in their lodgings in Vienna. We used to tease them a lot about their discretion. One of them said to me one day, 'I won't keep any secrets from you: a local young woman has given herself to me on the condition that she never has to leave my apartment and that I don’t host anyone without her permission.' I was curious," says the traveler, "to meet this voluntary recluse, and since my role as a doctor gave me, much like in the East, an honorable excuse, I accepted a breakfast invitation from my friend. The woman I found was very much in love, took great care of the household, never wanted to go out, even though it was a lovely time of year for walking—and besides that, she was completely convinced that her lover would take her back with him to France."
"The other young man, who was also never to be found in his rooms, soon after made me a similar confession. I also saw his mistress. Like the first, she was fair, very pretty, and an excellent figure.
"The other young man, who also never seemed to be in his room, soon confessed something similar to me. I also met his girlfriend. Like the first, she was attractive, very good-looking, and had a great figure."
"The one, eighteen years of age, was the daughter of a well-to-do upholsterer; the other, who was about twenty-four, was the wife of an Austrian officer, on service with the army of the Archduke John. This latter pushed her love to the verge of what we, in our land of vanity, would call heroism. Not only was her lover faithless to her, he also found himself under the necessity of making a confession of a most unpleasant nature. She nursed him with complete devotion; the seriousness of his illness attached her to her lover; and perhaps she only cherished him the more for it, when soon after his life was in danger.
The first woman, eighteen years old, was the daughter of a wealthy upholsterer; the second, around twenty-four, was married to an Austrian officer serving with the army of Archduke John. The latter took her love to what we, in our world of vanity, might call heroic lengths. Not only was her lover unfaithful to her, but he also found himself needing to make a very uncomfortable confession. She cared for him with total devotion; the seriousness of his illness drew her closer to him, and perhaps she cherished him even more when his life was soon in danger.
"It will be understood that I, a stranger and a conqueror, have had no chance of observing love in the highest circles, seeing that the whole of the aristocracy of Vienna had retired at our approach to their estates in Hungary. But I have seen enough of it to be convinced that it is not the same love as at Paris.
"It should be clear that I, as an outsider and a conqueror, haven't had the opportunity to witness love in the upper echelons, especially since the entire aristocracy of Vienna withdrew to their estates in Hungary when we arrived. However, I've seen enough to believe that the love here is different from that in Paris."
"The feeling of love is considered by the Germans as a virtue, as an emanation of the Divinity, as something mystical. It is riot quick, impetuous, jealous, tyrannical, [Pg 187]as it is in the heart of an Italian woman: it is profound and something like illuminism; in this Germany is a thousand miles away from England.
"The Germans view love as a virtue, a reflection of the divine, and something mystical. It's not quick, impulsive, jealous, or tyrannical like it can be in the heart of an Italian woman; instead, it's profound and almost like enlightenment. In this way, Germany is a thousand miles away from England."
"Some years ago a Leipsic tailor, in a fit of jealousy, waited for his rival in the public garden and stabbed him. He was condemned to lose his head. The moralists of the town, faithful to the German traditions of kindness and unhampered emotion (which makes for feebleness of character) discussed the sentence, decided that it was severe and, making a comparison between the tailor and Orosmanes, were moved to pity for his fate. Nevertheless they were unable to have his sentence mitigated. But the day of the execution, all the young girls of Leipsic, dressed in white, met together and accompanied the tailor to the scaffold, throwing flowers in his path.
"Some years ago in Leipzig, a tailor, filled with jealousy, waited for his rival in the public park and stabbed him. He was sentenced to death. The moralists of the town, loyal to the German traditions of kindness and unrestrained emotion (which often leads to weakness of character), debated the verdict, concluded it was harsh, and, comparing the tailor to Orosmanes, felt sympathy for his situation. However, they couldn't get his sentence reduced. On the day of the execution, all the young girls of Leipzig, dressed in white, gathered together and accompanied the tailor to the gallows, throwing flowers in his path."
"No one thought this ceremony odd; yet, in a country which considers itself logical, it might be said that it was honouring a species of murder. But it was a ceremony—and everything which is a ceremony, is always safe from ridicule in Germany. See the ceremonies at the Courts of the small princes, which would make us Frenchmen die with laughter, but appear quite imposing at Meiningen or Koethen. In the six gamekeepers who file past their little prince, adorned with his star, they see the soldiers of Arminius marching out to meet the legions of Varus.
"No one found this ceremony strange; however, in a country that prides itself on reason, it could be seen as celebrating a kind of murder. But it was a ceremony—and anything that's a ceremony is always protected from mockery in Germany. Just look at the ceremonies at the courts of the minor princes, which would have us French people bursting with laughter, but seem very impressive in Meiningen or Koethen. In the six gamekeepers who march past their little prince, decorated with his star, they see the soldiers of Arminius stepping out to confront the legions of Varus."
"A point of difference between the Germans and all other peoples: they are exalted, instead of calming themselves, by meditation. A second subtle point: they are all eaten up with the desire to have character.
A key difference between Germans and all other cultures is that they elevate themselves through meditation rather than finding calm. Another subtle detail: they are all consumed by the desire to have character.
"Life at Court, ordinarily so favourable to love, in Germany deadens it. You have no idea of the mass of incomprehensible minutiæ and the pettinesses that constitute what is called a German Court,[1]—even the Court of the best princes. (Munich, 1820).
"Life at Court, which is usually so good for love, actually stifles it in Germany. You can’t imagine the overwhelming number of confusing details and trivialities that make up what is known as a German Court,[1]—even at the Court of the best princes. (Munich, 1820).
[Pg 188]"When we used to arrive with the staff in a German town, at the end of the first fortnight the ladies of the district had made their choice. But that choice was constant; and I have heard it said that the French were a shoal, on which foundered many a virtue till then irreproachable."
[Pg 188]"When we arrived with the crew in a German town, by the end of the first two weeks, the local women had made their pick. But that choice was unwavering; and I've heard it said that the French were a tide that swallowed up many virtues that had previously been untarnished."
The young Germans whom I have met at Gottingen, Dresden, Koenigsberg, etc., are brought up among pseudo-systems of philosophy, which are merely obscure and badly written poetry, but, as regards their ethics, of the highest and holiest sublimity. They seem to me to have inherited from their Middle Age, not like the Italians, republicanism, mistrust and the dagger, but a strong disposition to enthusiasm and good faith. Thus it is that every ten years they have a new great man who's going to efface all the others. (Kant, Steding, Fichte, etc. etc.[2])
The young Germans I’ve met in Göttingen, Dresden, Königsberg, and other places are raised on confusing philosophical ideas, which are really just obscure and poorly written poetry, but their ethics have a remarkable and pure depth. They seem to have inherited from their Middle Ages—not like the Italians, who got republicanism, distrust, and the dagger—a strong tendency towards enthusiasm and integrity. That's why every ten years, a new great thinker emerges who’s supposed to surpass all the previous ones. (Kant, Steding, Fichte, etc. etc.[2])
Formerly Luther made a powerful appeal to the moral sense, and the Germans fought thirty years on end, in order to obey their conscience. It's a fine word and one quite worthy of respect, however absurd the belief; I say worthy of respect even from an artist. See the struggle in the soul of S—— between the third [sixth] commandment of God—"Thou shalt not kill"—and what he believed to be the interest of his country.
Previously, Luther made a strong appeal to people's moral judgment, and the Germans fought for thirty years straight to follow their conscience. It's a noble concept and deserves respect, no matter how irrational the belief may be; I say it deserves respect even from an artist. Observe the inner conflict in S—— between the third [sixth] commandment of God—"You shall not kill"—and what he thought was best for his country.
Already in Tacitus we find a mystical enthusiasm for women and love, at least if that writer was not merely aiming his satire at Rome.[3]
Already in Tacitus, there is a mystical enthusiasm for women and love, unless that writer was just targeting his satire at Rome.[3]
One has not been five hundred miles in Germany, [Pg 189]before one can distinguish in this people, disunited and scattered, a foundation of enthusiasm, soft and tender, rather than ardent and impetuous.
One hasn’t traveled five hundred miles in Germany, [Pg 189]before you can notice that in this people, disunited and scattered, there’s a base of enthusiasm—soft and gentle, rather than fiery and impulsive.
If this disposition were not so apparent, it would be enough to reread three or four of the novels of Auguste La Fontaine, whom the pretty Louise, Queen of Prussia, made Canon of Magdeburg, as a reward for having so well painted the Peaceful Life.[4]
If this attitude weren't so obvious, it would be enough to reread three or four of the novels by Auguste La Fontaine, whom the lovely Louise, Queen of Prussia, made Canon of Magdeburg as a reward for depicting the Peaceful Life so beautifully.[4]
I see a new proof of this disposition, which is common to all the Germans, in the Austrian code, which demands the confession of the guilty for the punishment of almost all crimes. This code is calculated to fit a people, among whom crime is a rare phenomenon, and sooner an excess of madness in a feeble being than the effect of interests, daring, reasoned and for ever in conflict with society. It is precisely the contrary of what is wanted in Italy, where they are trying to introduce it—a mistake of well-meaning people.
I see a new example of this attitude, which is shared by all Germans, in the Austrian legal code that requires the guilty to confess for almost all crimes to be punished. This code is designed for a society where crime is uncommon, and it’s more likely a sign of madness in a weak individual than the result of conflicting interests or reasoned decisions against society. This is exactly the opposite of what’s needed in Italy, where they are attempting to implement it—a misjudgment by well-meaning individuals.
I have seen German judges in Italy in despair over sentences of death or, what's the equivalent, the irons, if they were obliged to pronounce it without the confession of the guilty.
I have seen German judges in Italy feeling hopeless about death sentences or, what's basically the same, hard labor, if they had to deliver it without the guilty person's confession.
[3] I have had the good fortune to meet a man of the liveliest wit, and at the same time as learned as ten German professors, and one who discloses his discoveries in terms clear and precise. If ever M. F.(39) publishes, we shall see the Middle Age revealed to our eyes in a full light, and we shall love it.
[4] The title of one of the novels of Auguste La Fontaine. The peaceful life, another great trait of German manners—it is the "farniente" of the Italian, and also the physiological commentary on a Russian droski and on the English "horseback."
[4] The title of one of Auguste La Fontaine's novels. The calm lifestyle, another significant feature of German culture—it’s the "farniente" of the Italians, as well as a commentary on a Russian droshky and on English horseback riding.
CHAPTER XLIX
A Day in Florence
Florence, February 12, 1819.
Florence, February 12, 1819.
This evening, in a box at the theatre, I met a man who had some favour to ask of a magistrate, aged fifty. His first question was: "Who is his mistress? Chi avvicina adesso?" Here everyone's affairs are absolutely public; they have their own laws; there is an approved manner of acting, which is based on justice without any conventionality—if you act otherwise, you are a porco.
This evening, in a box at the theater, I met a man who had a favor to ask of a magistrate, who was about fifty. His first question was: "Who is his mistress? Chi avvicina adesso?" Here, everyone’s business is completely public; they have their own laws; there’s an accepted way of behaving that’s based on justice without any pretense—if you act differently, you're a porco.
"What's the news?" one of my friends asked yesterday, on his arrival from Volterra. After a word of vehement lamentation about Napoleon and the English, someone adds, in a tone of the liveliest interest: "La Vitteleschi has changed her lover: poor Gherardesca is in despair."—"Whom has she taken?"—"Montegalli, the good-looking officer with a moustache, who had Princess Colonna; there he is down in the stalls, nailed to her box; he's there the whole evening, because her husband won't have him in the house, and there near the door you can see poor Gherardesca, walking about so sadly and counting afar the glances, which his faithless mistress throws his successor. He's very changed and in the depths of despair; it's quite useless for his friends to try to send him to Paris or London. He is ready to die, he says, at the very idea of leaving Florence."
"What's the news?" one of my friends asked yesterday when he arrived from Volterra. After a passionate rant about Napoleon and the English, someone chimed in with great interest: "La Vitteleschi has switched lovers: poor Gherardesca is heartbroken."—"Who has she taken?"—"Montegalli, the handsome officer with a mustache, who was with Princess Colonna; he's down in the stalls, glued to her box; he stays there all evening because her husband won't allow him in the house, and over by the door, you can see poor Gherardesca walking around so sadly, counting from a distance the glances that his unfaithful mistress throws at her new partner. He's really changed and in deep despair; his friends trying to send him to Paris or London are wasting their time. He says he's ready to die just thinking about leaving Florence."
Every year there are twenty such cases of despair in high circles; some of them I have seen last three or four [Pg 191]years. These poor devils are without any shame and take the whole world into their confidence. For the rest, there's little society here, and besides, when one's in love, one hardly mixes with it. It must not be thought that great passions and great hearts are at all common, even in Italy; only, in Italy, hearts which are more inflamed and less stunted by the thousand little cares of our vanity, find delicious pleasures even in the subaltern species of love. In Italy I have seen love from caprice, for example, cause transports and moments of madness, such as the most violent passion has never brought with it under the meridian of Paris.[1]
Every year, there are about twenty cases of despair among the elites; some of these I've seen last three or four years. These unfortunate souls have no shame and confide in the entire world. For others, there’s little social life here, and besides, when you're in love, you hardly engage with it. It shouldn’t be assumed that intense passions and great hearts are common, even in Italy; however, in Italy, hearts that are more passionate and less burdened by the petty worries of our vanity find pleasure even in the simpler forms of love. In Italy, I've witnessed love born from whims, for instance, causing moments of ecstasy and madness that the most intense passion has never produced under the Parisian skyline.[1]
I noticed this evening that there are proper names in Italian for a million particular circumstances in love, which, in French, would need endless paraphrases; for example, the action of turning sharply away, when from the floor of the house you are quizzing a woman you are in love with, and the husband or a servant come towards the front of her box.
I noticed this evening that there are specific Italian names for a million particular situations in love, which in French would require endless explanations; for instance, the act of quickly turning away when you're in the same room as a woman you love, and her husband or a servant approaches her box.
The following are the principal traits in the character of this people:—
The main characteristics of this group of people are:—
1. The attention, habitually at the service of deep passions, cannot move rapidly. This is the most marked difference between a Frenchman and an Italian. You have only to see an Italian get into a diligence or make a payment, to understand "la furia francese." It's for this reason that the most vulgar Frenchman, provided that he is not a witty fool, like Démasure, always seems a superior being to an Italian woman. (The lover of Princess D—— at Rome.)
1. Attention, which is usually driven by intense emotions, can't shift quickly. This is the biggest difference between a French person and an Italian. Just watch an Italian get on a carriage or make a payment, and you'll understand "la furia francese." For this reason, even the most ordinary Frenchman, as long as he isn't a clever idiot like Démasure, always seems like a superior being to an Italian woman. (The lover of Princess D—— in Rome.)
2. Everyone is in love, and not under cover, as in France; the husband is the best friend of the lover.
2. Everyone is in love, and it's out in the open, unlike in France; the husband is the lover's best friend.
3. No one reads.
Nobody reads.
4. There is no society. A man does not reckon, in [Pg 192]order to fill up and occupy his life, on the happiness which he derives from two hours' conversation and the play of vanity in this or that house. The word causerie cannot be translated into Italian. People speak when they have something to say, to forward a passion, but they rarely talk just in order to talk on any given subject.
4. There is no society. A person doesn’t rely, in [Pg 192]order to fill up and occupy their life, on the happiness that comes from two hours of conversation and the play of vanity in this or that house. The word causerie cannot be translated into Italian. People speak when they have something to say, to express a passion, but they rarely chat just to talk about any given topic.
5. Ridicule does not exist in Italy.
5. There is no ridicule in Italy.
In France, both of us are trying to imitate the same model, and I am a competent judge of the way in which you copy it.[2] In Italy I cannot say whether the peculiar action, which I see this man perform, does not give pleasure to the performer and might not, perhaps, give pleasure to me.
In France, we’re both trying to follow the same model, and I can judge how well you’re copying it.[2] In Italy, I can’t say whether the unique action I see this man doing doesn’t bring him joy and might not, possibly, bring me joy as well.
What is affectation of language or manner at Rome, is good form or unintelligible at Florence, which is only fifty leagues away. The same French is spoken at Lyons as at Nantes. Venetian, Neapolitan Genoese, Piedmontese are almost entirely different languages, and only spoken by people who are agreed never to print except in a common language, namely that spoken at Rome. Nothing is so absurd as a comedy, with the scene laid at Milan and the characters speaking Roman. It is only by music that the Italian language, which is far more fit to be sung than spoken, will hold its own against the clearness of French, which threatens it.
What’s considered fancy language or style in Rome is seen as proper or completely confusing in Florence, which is only about fifty miles away. The same French is spoken in Lyon as in Nantes. Venetian, Neapolitan, Genoese, and Piedmontese are almost entirely different languages and are only spoken by people who agree never to publish anything except in a common language, specifically the one used in Rome. There’s nothing more ridiculous than a play set in Milan where the characters speak Roman. The only way the Italian language, which is much better for singing than for speaking, can compete with the clarity of French is through music, which poses a real threat to it.
In Italy, fear of the "pacha"(29) and his spies causes the useful to be held in esteem; the fool's honour simply doesn't exist.[3] Its place is taken by a kind of petty hatred of society, called "petegolismo." Finally, to make fun of a person is to make a mortal enemy, a very dangerous thing in a country where the power and activity of governments is limited to exacting taxes and punishing everything above the common level.
In Italy, the fear of the "pacha"(29) and his spies makes society value the useful; the fool's honor just doesn't exist.[3] Instead, there's a kind of petty hatred of society known as "petegolismo." Finally, mocking someone turns them into a mortal enemy, which is very dangerous in a country where the government's power and actions are mainly focused on collecting taxes and punishing anything that rises above the common level.
That pride which leads a man to seek the esteem of his fellow-citizens and to make himself one of them, but which in Italy was cut off, about the year 1550, from any noble enterprise by the jealous despotism of the small Italian princes, has given birth to a barbarous product, to a sort of Caliban, to a monster full of fury and sottishness, the patriotism of the antechamber, as M. Turgot called it, à propos of the siege of Calais (the Soldat laboureur(40) of those times.) I have seen this monster blunt the sharpest spirits. For example, a stranger will make himself unpopular, even with pretty women, if he thinks fit to find anything wrong with the painter or poet of the town; he will be soon told, and that very seriously, that he ought not to come among people to laugh at them, and they will quote to him on this topic a saying of Lewis XIV about Versailles.
That pride that drives a person to seek the respect of their fellow citizens and to be part of the community, but which in Italy was stifled around 1550 by the jealous rule of the small Italian princes, has resulted in a crude outcome, like a kind of Caliban, a creature filled with rage and ignorance, what M. Turgot referred to as the "patriotism of the antechamber," in relation to the siege of Calais (the Soldat laboureur(40) of those times.) I have seen this creature dull even the sharpest minds. For instance, a newcomer can quickly become unpopular, even with attractive women, if they dare to criticize the local painter or poet; they will soon be told, quite seriously, that they shouldn't come here to mock the people, and they will reference a saying of Louis XIV about Versailles.
At Florence people say: "our Benvenuti," as at Brescia—"our Arrici": they put on the word "our" a certain emphasis, restrained yet very comical, not unlike the Miroir talking with unction about national music and of M. Monsigny, the musician of Europe.
At Florence, people say: "our Benvenuti," just like in Brescia—"our Arrici": they put a special emphasis on the word "our," which is subtle yet really funny, somewhat like the Miroir speaking earnestly about national music and M. Monsigny, the musician of Europe.
In order not to laugh in the face of these fine patriots one must remember that, owing to the dissensions of the Middle Age, envenomed by the vile policy of the Popes,[4] each city has a mortal hatred for its neighbour, and the name of the inhabitants in the one always stands in the other as a synonym for some gross fault. The Popes have succeeded in making this beautiful land into the kingdom of hate.
To avoid laughing at these noble patriots, we need to remember that due to the conflicts of the Middle Ages, worsened by the terrible policies of the Popes,[4] each city holds a deep hatred for its neighbor, and the name of people from one city is often synonymous with some major flaw in the other. The Popes have turned this beautiful land into a realm of hate.
This patriotism of the antechamber is the greatest moral sore in Italy, a corrupting germ that will still show its disastrous effects long after Italy has thrown off the yoke of its ridiculous little priests.[5] The form of this patriotism is an inexorable hatred for everything foreign. [Pg 194]Thus they look on the Germans as fools, and get angry when someone says: "What has Italy in the eighteenth century produced the equal of Catherine II or Frederick the Great? Where have you an English garden comparable to the smallest German garden, you who, with your climate, have a real need of shade?"
This patriotism in the waiting room is the biggest moral issue in Italy, a corrupting influence that will continue to have harmful effects long after Italy shakes off the oppression of its ridiculous little priests.[5] This kind of patriotism is marked by an intense hatred for everything foreign. [Pg 194]They view Germans as fools and get upset when someone says, "What has Italy produced in the eighteenth century that's comparable to Catherine II or Frederick the Great? Where is your English garden that is as nice as even the smallest German garden, especially when you, with your climate, really need some shade?"
7. Unlike the English or French, the Italians have no political prejudices; they all know by heart the line of La Fontaine:—
7. Unlike the English or French, the Italians don't have political biases; they all know La Fontaine's lines by heart:—
Aristocracy, supported by the priest and a biblical state of society, is a worn-out illusion which only makes them smile. In return, an Italian needs a stay of three months in France to realise that a draper may be a conservative.
The aristocracy, backed by the clergy and an outdated biblical view of society, is a tired illusion that just makes them chuckle. In exchange, an Italian needs to spend three months in France to understand that a tailor can be a conservative.
8. As a last trait of character I would mention intolerance in discussion, and anger as soon as they do not find an argument ready to hand, to throw out against that of their adversary. At that point they visibly turn pale. It is one form of their extreme sensibility, but it is not one of its most amiable forms: consequently it is one of those that I am most willing to admit as proof of the existence of sensibility.
8. Lastly, I would point out their intolerance during discussions and their anger when they can’t find a quick argument to counter their opponent's. In those moments, they noticeably become pale. This is one expression of their heightened sensitivity, but it's not one of the more pleasant ones; therefore, it's one of the traits I’m most inclined to accept as evidence of sensitivity.
I wanted to see love without end, and, after considerable difficulty, I succeeded in being introduced this evening to Chevalier C—— and his mistress, with whom he has lived for fifty-four years. I left the box of these charming old people, my heart melted; there I saw the art of being happy, an art ignored by so many young people.
I wanted to witness love that never fades, and after a lot of effort, I finally got introduced tonight to Chevalier C—— and his partner, with whom he has been together for fifty-four years. I left the presence of these delightful old people with my heart full; there I discovered the secret to being truly happy, a secret that so many young people overlook.
Two months ago I saw Monsignor R——, by whom I was well received, because I brought him some copies of the Minerve. He was at his country house with Madame D——, whom he is still pleased, after thirty-four years, "avvicinare," as they say. She is still beautiful, but there is a touch of melancholy in this household. People [Pg 195]attribute it to the loss of a son, who was poisoned long ago by her husband.
Two months ago, I met with Monsignor R——, who welcomed me warmly because I brought him some copies of the Minerve. He was at his country house with Madame D——, who he still enjoys having around, after thirty-four years, "avvicinare," as they say. She is still beautiful, but there’s a hint of sadness in this home. People [Pg 195] say it’s due to the loss of a son, who was poisoned long ago by her husband.
Here, to be in love does not mean, as at Paris, to see one's mistress for a quarter of an hour every week, and for the rest of the time to obtain a look or a shake of the hand: the lover, the happy lover, passes four or five hours every day with the woman he loves. He talks to her about his actions at law, his English garden, his hunting parties, his prospects, etc. There is the completest, the most tender intimacy. He speaks to her with the familiar "tu," even in the presence of her husband and everywhere.
Here, being in love doesn’t mean, like it does in Paris, to see your partner for just fifteen minutes each week and then only get a glance or a handshake the rest of the time. The lucky lover spends four or five hours every day with the woman he loves. He talks to her about his legal matters, his English garden, his hunting trips, his future plans, and more. There’s the fullest, most tender intimacy. He addresses her with the familiar "tu," even in front of her husband and everywhere else.
A young man of this country, one very ambitious as he believed, was called to a high position at Vienna (nothing less than ambassador). But he could not get used to his stay abroad. At the end of six months he said good-bye to his job, and returned to be happy in his mistress's box at the opera.
A young man from this country, who was quite ambitious as he thought, was appointed to a high position in Vienna (the ambassador, no less). However, he couldn't adjust to living abroad. After six months, he quit his job and went back to enjoy his time in his girlfriend's box at the opera.
Such continual intercourse would be inconvenient in France, where one must display a certain degree of affectation, and where your mistress can quite well say to you: "Monsieur So-and-so, you're glum this evening; you don't say a word." In Italy it is only a matter of telling the woman you love everything that passes through your head—you must actually think aloud. There is a certain nervous state which results from intimacy; freedom provokes freedom, and is only to be got in this way. But there is one great inconvenience; you find that love in this way paralyses all your tastes and renders all the other occupations of your life insipid. Such love is the best substitute for passion.
Such constant interaction would be awkward in France, where you have to show a bit of pretension, and your girlfriend can easily say to you, "Mr. So-and-so, you seem down tonight; you're not saying anything." In Italy, it’s just about sharing everything you think—essentially, you have to speak your mind. There’s a certain tension that comes from being close; openness encourages more openness, and you can only achieve that through this. But there’s a major downside; you’ll find that this kind of love dulls all your interests and makes everything else in your life feel bland. This type of love is the best substitute for passion.
Our friends at Paris, who are still at the stage of trying to conceive that it's possible to be a Persian(71), not knowing what to say, will cry out that such manners are indecent. To begin with, I am only an historian; and secondly, I reserve to myself the right to show one day, by dint of solid reasoning, that as regards [Pg 196]manners and fundamentally, Paris is not superior to Bologna. Quite unconsciously these poor people are still repeating their twopence-halfpenny catechism.
Our friends in Paris, who are still struggling to believe that it’s possible to be Persian(71), not knowing what to say, will shout that such behavior is inappropriate. First of all, I'm just a historian; and secondly, I maintain the right to demonstrate one day, through solid reasoning, that when it comes to manners, Paris is not fundamentally better than Bologna. These poor folks are unknowingly just reciting a worn-out lesson.
12 July, 1821. There is nothing odious in the society of Bologna. At Paris the role of a deceived husband is execrable; here (at Bologna) it is nothing—there are no deceived husbands. Manners are the same, it is only hate that is missing; the recognised lover is always the husband's friend, and this friendship, which has been cemented by reciprocal services, quite often survives other interests. Most love-affairs last five or six years, many for ever. People part at last, when they no longer find it sweet to tell each other everything, and when the first month of the rupture is over, there is no bitterness.
12 July, 1821. There's nothing unpleasant about society in Bologna. In Paris, being a betrayed husband is awful; here in Bologna, it’s just not a thing—there are no betrayed husbands. The social customs are the same; it’s just that hate is absent. The recognized lover is always a friend of the husband, and this friendship, strengthened by mutual support, often lasts beyond other interests. Most affairs last five or six years, and some last forever. People eventually part ways when they no longer enjoy sharing everything with each other, and after the first month of separation, there’s no resentment.
January, 1822. The ancient mode of the cavaliere servente, imported into Italy by Philip II, along with Spanish pride and manners, has entirely fallen into disuse in the large towns. I know of only one exception, and that's Calabria, where the eldest brother always takes orders, marries his younger brother, sets up in the service of his sister-in-law and becomes at the same time her lover.
January, 1822. The old tradition of the cavaliere servente, brought to Italy by Philip II, along with Spanish pride and customs, has completely gone out of style in the big cities. I know of only one exception: Calabria, where the oldest brother always takes charge, marries his younger brother, serves his sister-in-law, and also becomes her lover.
Napoleon banished libertinism from upper Italy, and even from here (Naples).
Napoleon drove libertinism out of northern Italy and even from here (Naples).
The morals of the present generation of pretty women shame their mothers; they are more favourable to passion-love, but physical love has lost a great deal.[7]
The values of today’s generation of beautiful women shame their mothers; they are more open to romantic love, but physical love has diminished significantly.[7]
[1] Of that Paris which has given the world Voltaire, Molière and so many men of distinguished wit—but one can't have everything, and it would show little wit to be annoyed at it.
[1] Of the Paris that has produced Voltaire, Molière, and so many other people of notable intellect—because you can’t have it all, and it wouldn’t be very clever to be bothered by that.
[5] 1822.
[7] Towards 1780 the maxim ran:
Around 1780, the saying went:
Travels of Shylock [Sherlock?—Tr.].
Travels of Shylock [Sherlock?—Tr.].
CHAPTER L
LOVE IN THE U.S.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
A free government is a government which does no harm to its citizens, but which, on the contrary, gives them security and tranquillity. But 'tis a long cry from this to happiness. That a man must find for himself; for he must be a gross creature who thinks himself perfectly happy, because he enjoys security and tranquillity. We mix these things up in Europe, especially in Italy. Accustomed as we are to governments, which do us harm, it seems to us that to be delivered from them would be supreme happiness; in this we are like invalids, worn out with the pain of our sufferings. The example of America shows us just the contrary. There government discharges its office quite well, and does harm to no one. But we have been far removed, for very many centuries, thanks to the unhappy state of Europe, from any actual experience of the kind, and now destiny, as if to disconcert and give the lie to all our philosophy, or rather to accuse it of not knowing all the elements of human nature, shows us, that just when the unhappiness of bad government is wanting to America, the Americans are wanting to themselves.
A free government is one that doesn’t harm its citizens; instead, it provides them with safety and peace of mind. But there’s a big difference between that and actual happiness. Happiness is something each person must find for themselves. Anyone who believes they are completely happy just because they have security and peace is seriously mistaken. We often confuse these concepts in Europe, especially in Italy. After being used to governments that harm us, we tend to think that escaping them would bring ultimate happiness; in this way, we’re like sick people who are exhausted from their pain. The example of America shows the opposite. There, the government functions well and doesn’t harm anyone. However, because of the unfortunate situation in Europe for many centuries, we haven’t had real experience of this, and now fate, seemingly to challenge and contradict all our beliefs—or rather to point out that we don’t understand all aspects of human nature—shows us that while America lacks the suffering of bad government, Americans are lacking in something deeper within themselves.
One is inclined to say that the source of sensibility is dried up in this people. They are just, they are reasonable, but they are essentially not happy.
One might say that the source of sensitivity is dried up in this group of people. They are fair, they are logical, but they are fundamentally not happy.
Is the Bible, that is to say, the ridiculous consequences and rules of conduct which certain fantastic wits deduce from that collection of poems and songs, sufficient to cause all this unhappiness? To me it seems a very considerable effect for such a cause.
Is the Bible, meaning the absurd consequences and rules of behavior that some imaginative thinkers draw from that collection of poems and songs, enough to create all this unhappiness? It seems like a pretty significant impact for such a source.
[Pg 198]M. de Volney related that, being at table in the country at the house of an honest American, a man in easy circumstances, and surrounded by children already grown up, there entered into the dining-room a young man. "Good day, William," said the father of the family; "sit down." The traveller enquired who this young man was. "He's my second son." "Where does he come from?"—"From Canton."
[Pg 198]Mr. de Volney shared that while dining in the countryside at the home of a decent American family, a man with a comfortable lifestyle and surrounded by grown children, a young man walked into the dining room. "Good day, William," said the father. "Take a seat." The traveler asked who the young man was. "He's my second son." "Where is he from?"—"Canton."
The arrival of one of his sons from the end of the world caused no more sensation than that.
The arrival of one of his sons from across the globe made no bigger impact than that.
All their attention seems employed on finding a reasonable arrangement of life, and on avoiding all inconveniences. When finally they arrive at the moment of reaping the fruit of so much care and of the spirit of order so long maintained, there is no life left for enjoyment.
All their focus seems to be on figuring out a sensible way to live and avoiding any problems. When they finally reach the moment to enjoy the rewards of all that effort and the order they've kept up for so long, there’s no energy left for enjoyment.
One might say that the descendants of Penn never read that line, which looks like their history:—
One could argue that the descendants of Penn never read that line, which mirrors their history:—
Et propter vitam vivendi perdere causas.
And for the sake of life, to lose the reasons for living.
The young people of both sexes, when winter comes, which in this country, as in Russia, is the gay season, go sleighing together day and night over the snow, often going quite gaily distances of fifteen or twenty miles, and without anyone to look after them. No inconvenience ever results from it.
The young people of both genders, when winter arrives, which in this country, like in Russia, is the lively season, go sledding together day and night through the snow, frequently traveling happily distances of fifteen or twenty miles, without anyone to supervise them. No problems ever come from it.
They have the physical gaiety of youth, which soon passes away with the warmth of their blood, and is over at twenty-five. But I find no passions which give pleasure. In America there is such a reasonable habit of mind that crystallisation has been rendered impossible.
They have the lively energy of youth, which quickly fades away as their blood cools, and is gone by the age of twenty-five. But I don't see any passions that bring joy. In America, there's such a rational way of thinking that crystallization has become impossible.
I admire such happiness, but I do not envy it; it is like the happiness of human beings of a different and lower species. I augur much better things from Florida and Southern America.[1]
I admire that happiness, but I don’t envy it; it feels like the happiness of a different and lesser kind of person. I expect much better things from Florida and Southern America.[1]
[1] See the manners of the Azores: there, love of God and the other sort of love occupy every moment. The Christian religion, as interpreted by the Jesuits, is much less of an enemy to man, in this sense, than English protestantism; it permits him at least to dance on Sunday; and one day of pleasure in the seven is a great thing for the agricultural labourer, who works hard for the other six.
[1] Check out the customs of the Azores: there, love for God and romantic love fill every moment. The Christian faith, as understood by the Jesuits, is much less of a burden for people than English Protestantism; it even allows them to dance on Sundays; and a day of fun in the week is a big deal for the farmworker who toils hard the other six days.
CHAPTER LI
LOVE IN PROVENCE UNTIL THE CONQUEST OF TOULOUSE IN 1328 BY THE NORTHERN BARBARIANS
Love took a singular form in Provence, from the year 1100 up to 1328. It had an established legislation for the relations of the two sexes in love, as severe and as exactly followed as the laws of Honour could be to-day. The laws of Love began by putting completely aside the sacred rights of husbands. They presuppose no hypocrisy. These laws, taking human nature such as it is, were of the kind to produce a great deal of happiness.
Love took a unique shape in Provence, from the year 1100 to 1328. It had a clear set of rules for the relationships between men and women in love, as strict and closely followed as modern-day laws of Honor. The laws of Love completely disregarded the sacred rights of husbands. They assumed no pretense. These laws, recognizing human nature as it is, were designed to create a great deal of happiness.
There was an official manner of declaring oneself a woman's lover, and another of being accepted by her as lover. After so many months of making one's court in a certain fashion, one obtained her leave to kiss her hand. Society, still young, took pleasure in formalities and ceremonies, which were then a sign of civilisation, but which to-day would bore us to death. The same trait is to be found in the language of Provence, in the difficulty and interlacing of its rhymes, in its masculine and feminine words to express the same object, and indeed in the infinite number of its poets. Everything formal in society, which is so insipid to-day, then had all the freshness and savour of novelty.
There was a formal way to declare yourself a woman's lover and another way to be accepted by her as one. After months of pursuing her in a particular manner, you would earn the right to kiss her hand. At that time, society was still young and enjoyed formalities and ceremonies, which were seen as signs of civilization, but today they would bore us to death. You can see the same character in the language of Provence, with its complex rhymes, its masculine and feminine words for the same thing, and the countless poets it produced. Everything that seems so dull in society today had a freshness and novelty back then.
After having kissed a woman's hand, one was promoted from grade to grade by force of merit, and without extraordinary promotion.
After kissing a woman's hand, you would advance from one grade to the next based on your merit, without any special promotions.
It should be remarked, however, that if the husbands [Pg 201]were always left out of the question, on the other hand the official promotion of the lover stopped at what we should call the sweetness of a most tender friendship between persons of a different sex.[1] But after several months or several years of probation, in which a woman might become perfectly sure of the character and discretion of a man, and he enjoy at her hand all the prerogatives and outward signs which the tenderest friendship can give, her virtue must surely have had to thank his friendship for many a violent alarm.
It should be noted, however, that if the husbands [Pg 201] were always excluded from the conversation, conversely, the official recognition of the lover remained at what we might call the sweetness of a very close friendship between individuals of different genders.[1] But after several months or years of trial, during which a woman could become completely confident in a man's character and discretion, and he received from her all the privileges and outward signs that the closest friendship can provide, her virtue must have had to credit his friendship for many a distressing moment.
I have spoken of extraordinary promotion, because a woman could have more than one lover, but one only in the higher grades. It seems that the rest could not be promoted much beyond that degree of friendship which consisted in kissing her hand and seeing her every day. All that is left to us of this singular civilisation is in verse, and in a verse that is rhymed in a very fantastic and difficult way; and it need not surprise us if the notions, which we draw from the ballads of the troubadours, are vague and not at all precise. Even a marriage contract in verse has been found. After the conquest in 1328, as a result of its heresy, the Pope, on several occasions, ordered everything written in the vulgar tongue to be burnt. Italian cunning proclaimed Latin the only language worthy of such clever people. 'Twere a most advantageous measure could we renew it in 1822.
I’ve talked about the unusual promotion because a woman could have more than one lover, but only one at a higher status. It seems that the others couldn't be promoted beyond that level of friendship which involved kissing her hand and seeing her daily. All that remains of this unique civilization is in verse, and in verse that’s very complex and challenging; it shouldn’t surprise us if the ideas we get from the troubadour ballads are vague and not clear at all. There’s even a marriage contract written in verse that has been found. After the conquest in 1328, due to its heresy, the Pope ordered on several occasions that everything written in the common tongue be burned. Italian cleverness declared Latin to be the only language suitable for such intelligent people. It would be a very beneficial move if we could revive it in 1822.
Such publicity and such official ordering of love seem at first sight to ill-accord with real passion. But if a lady said to her lover: "Go for your love of me and visit the tomb of our Lord Jesus Christ at Jerusalem; there you will pass three years and then return"—the lover was gone immediately: to hesitate a moment would have covered him with the same ignominy as would nowadays a sign of wavering on a point of honour. The language of this people has an extreme fineness in [Pg 202]expressing the most fugitive shades of feeling. Another sign that their manners were well advanced on the road of real civilisation is that, scarcely out of the horrors of the Middle Ages and of Feudalism, when force was everything, we see the feebler sex less tyrannised over than it is to-day with the approval of the law; we see the poor and feeble creatures, who have the most to lose in love and whose charms disappear the quickest, mistresses over the destiny of the men who approach them. An exile of three years in Palestine, the passage from a civilisation full of gaiety to the fanaticism and boredom of the Crusaders' camp, must have been a painful duty for any other than an inspired Christian. What can a woman do to her lover who has basely deserted her at Paris?
Such publicity and such official displays of love might seem like they don't match real passion at first glance. But if a woman told her partner, "Go for your love for me and visit the tomb of our Lord Jesus Christ in Jerusalem; you will spend three years there and then return"—the partner would leave right away: to hesitate even for a moment would bring him the same shame that today would come from showing uncertainty about a point of honor. The language of this people expresses the most fleeting shades of feeling with incredible subtlety. Another sign that their manners were quite advanced on the path of true civilization is that, just stepping out of the horrors of the Middle Ages and Feudalism—when force was everything—we see the weaker sex less oppressed than it is today with the law's approval; we see the vulnerable individuals, who have the most to lose in love and whose beauty fades the fastest, holding power over the destiny of the men who pursue them. An exile of three years in Palestine, moving from a civilization full of joy to the fanaticism and tedium of the Crusaders' camp, must have been a painful duty for anyone who wasn't an inspired Christian. What can a woman do to a partner who has cowardly abandoned her in Paris?
I can only see one answer to be made here: at Paris no self-respecting woman has a lover. Certainly prudence has much more right to counsel the woman of to-day not to abandon herself to passion-love. But does not another prudence, which, of course, I am far from approving, counsel her to make up for it with physical love? Our hypocrisy and asceticism[2] imply no homage to virtue; for you can never oppose nature with impunity: there is only less happiness on earth and infinitely less generous inspiration.
I see only one answer here: in Paris, no self-respecting woman has a lover. Sure, being cautious makes sense for modern women, advising them not to give in to passionate love. But isn’t there another kind of caution—one that I definitely don’t support—that suggests she should compensate for that with physical love? Our hypocrisy and self-denial[2] don’t honor virtue; you can’t go against nature without consequences: it only leads to less happiness in life and far less generous inspiration.
A lover who, after ten years of intimate intercourse, deserted his poor mistress, because he began to notice her two-and-thirty years, was lost to honour in this lovable Provence; he had no resource left but to bury himself in the solitude of a cloister. In those days it was to the interest of a man, not only of generosity but even of prudence, to make display of no more passion than he really had. We conjecture all this; for very few remains are left to give us any exact notions....
A lover who, after ten years of being together, abandoned his poor girlfriend because he started to notice she was in her thirties, lost his sense of honor in this charming Provence; he had no choice but to retreat into the solitude of a monastery. Back then, it was in a man’s best interest, not just for being generous but also for being wise, to show no more passion than he actually felt. We can only guess at all this; very few remains are left to give us any clear ideas...
We must judge manners as a whole, by certain particular facts. You know the anecdote of the poet who [Pg 203]had offended his lady: after two years of despair she deigned at last to answer his many messages and let him know that if he had one of his nails torn off and had this nail presented to her by fifty loving and faithful knights, she might perhaps pardon him. The poet made all haste to submit to the painful operation. Fifty knights, who stood in their ladies' good graces, went to present this nail with all imaginable pomp to the offended beauty. It was as imposing a ceremony as the entry of a prince of the blood into one of the royal towns. The lover, dressed in the garb of a penitent, followed his nail from afar. The lady, after having watched the ceremony, which was of great length, right through, deigned to pardon him; he was restored to all the sweets of his former happiness. History tells that they spent long and happy years together. Sure it is that two such years of unhappiness prove a real passion and would have given birth to it, had it not existed before in that high degree.
We need to evaluate behavior as a whole, based on certain specific facts. You know the story about the poet who upset his lady: after two years of misery, she finally decided to respond to his countless messages and let him know that if he had one of his nails removed and had this nail presented to her by fifty loving and loyal knights, she might consider forgiving him. The poet quickly agreed to the painful procedure. Fifty knights, who were in their ladies’ favor, went to present this nail with all possible grandeur to the offended beauty. It was as grand an event as the arrival of a royal prince into one of the royal towns. The lover, dressed like a penitent, followed the nail from a distance. The lady, after watching the long ceremony unfold, ultimately chose to forgive him; he was restored to all the joys of his past happiness. History tells us they spent many long, happy years together. It’s certain that two such years of unhappiness demonstrate a true passion and would have sparked it, even if it hadn’t already existed at such a strong level.
I could cite twenty anecdotes which show us everywhere gallantry, pleasing, polished and conducted between the two sexes on principles of justice. I say gallantry, because in all ages passion-love is an exception, rather curious than frequent, a something we cannot reduce to rules. In Provence every calculation, everything within the domain of reason, was founded on justice and the equality of rights between the two sexes; and I admire it for this reason especially, that it eliminates unhappiness as far as possible. The absolute monarchy under Lewis XV, on the contrary, had come to make baseness and perfidy the fashion in these relations.[3]
I could share twenty stories that show how chivalry, charming and refined, operates between men and women based on principles of fairness. I call it chivalry because throughout history, passionate love is more of an oddity than a common occurrence; it's something we can’t easily categorize. In Provence, every decision and everything based on reason was rooted in fairness and equal rights for both genders. I especially admire this because it minimizes unhappiness as much as possible. In contrast, the absolute monarchy under Louis XV made deceit and treachery the norm in these relationships.[3]
Although this charming Provencal language, so full of delicacy and so laboured in its rhymes,[4] was probably not [Pg 204]the language of the people, the manners of the upper classes had permeated the lower classes, which in Provence were at that time far from coarse, for they enjoyed a great deal of comfort. They were in the first enjoyment of a very prosperous and very valuable trade. The inhabitants of the shores of the Mediterranean had just realised (in the ninth century) that to engage in commerce, by risking a few ships on this sea, was less troublesome and almost as amusing as following some little feudal lord and robbing the passers-by on the neighbouring high-road. Soon after, the Provencals of the tenth century learnt from the Arabs that there are sweeter pleasures than pillage, violence and war.
Although this charming Provençal language, rich in delicacy and complex rhymes,[4] was probably not the language of the people, the behaviors of the upper classes had influenced the lower classes, who in Provence at that time were far from rough, as they enjoyed a significant amount of comfort. They were experiencing the benefits of a very prosperous and valuable trade. The people living along the Mediterranean shores had just discovered (in the ninth century) that getting into commerce, by risking a few ships on this sea, was less difficult and almost as enjoyable as following some minor feudal lord and robbing travelers on the nearby highway. Soon after, the Provençals of the tenth century learned from the Arabs that there are sweeter pleasures than looting, violence, and war.
One must think of the Mediterranean as the home of European civilisation. The happy shores of this lovely sea, so favoured in its climate, were still more favoured in the prosperous state of their inhabitants and in the absence of all religion or miserable legislation. The eminently gay genius of the Provencals had by then passed through the Christian religion, without being altered by it.
One should view the Mediterranean as the birthplace of European civilization. The beautiful shores of this stunning sea, blessed with a mild climate, were even more fortunate due to the prosperous condition of their people and the lack of oppressive religion or harsh laws. The inherently cheerful spirit of the Provencals had already experienced the influence of Christianity, without being changed by it.
We see a lively image of a like effect from a like cause in the cities of Italy, whose history has come down to us more distinctly and which have had the good fortune besides of bequeathing to us Dante, Petrarch and the art of painting.
We see a vibrant example of a similar effect from a similar cause in the cities of Italy, whose history has been preserved for us more clearly and which have also had the good fortune of giving us Dante, Petrarch, and the art of painting.
The Provencals have not left us a great poem like the Divine Comedy, in which are reflected all the peculiarities of the manners of the time. They had, it seems to me, less passion and much more gaiety than the Italians. They learnt this pleasant way of taking life from their neighbours, the Moors of Spain. Love reigned with joy, festivity and pleasure in the castles of happy Provence.
The Provencals haven't given us a great poem like the Divine Comedy, which captures all the unique aspects of the era's behavior. It seems to me they had less passion and a lot more cheerfulness than the Italians. They picked up this enjoyable approach to life from their neighbors, the Moors of Spain. Love thrived with joy, celebration, and happiness in the castles of blissful Provence.
Have you seen at the opera the finale of one of Rossini's beautiful operettas? On the stage all is gaiety, beauty, ideal magnificence. We are miles away from all the [Pg 205]mean side of human nature. The opera is over, the curtain falls, the spectators go out, the great chandelier is drawn up, the lights are extinguished. The house is filled with the smell of lamps hastily put out; the curtain is pulled up half-way, and you see dirty, ill-dressed roughs tumble on to the stage; they bustle about it in a hideous way, occupying the place of the young women who filled it with their graces only a moment ago.
Have you seen the finale of one of Rossini's beautiful operettas at the opera? On stage, everything is joyful, beautiful, and magnificently ideal. We are far removed from the meaner sides of human nature. The opera ends, the curtain falls, the audience exits, the grand chandelier rises, and the lights go out. The theater is filled with the smell of lamps that were quickly extinguished; the curtain is pulled up halfway, and you see dirty, poorly dressed thugs rush onto the stage; they move about in a disturbing way, taking the place of the young women who just moments ago filled it with their grace.
Such for the kingdom of Provence was the effect of the conquest of Toulouse by the army of Crusaders. Instead of love, of grace, of gaiety, we have the Barbarians from the North and Saint Dominic. I shall not darken these pages with a blood-curdling account of the horrors of the Inquisition in all the zeal of its early days. As for the Barbarians, they were our fathers; they killed and plundered everywhere; they destroyed, for the pleasure of destroying, whatever they could not carry off; a savage madness animated them against everything that showed the least trace of civilisation; above all, they understood not a word of that beautiful southern language; and that redoubled their fury. Highly superstitious and guided by the terrible S. Dominic, they thought to gain Heaven by killing the Provencals. For the latter all was over; no more love, no more gaiety, no more poetry. Less than twenty years after the conquest (1335), they were almost as barbarous and as coarse as the French, as our fathers.[5]
The conquest of Toulouse by the Crusader army had a huge impact on the kingdom of Provence. Instead of love, grace, and joy, we had the Barbarians from the North and Saint Dominic. I won’t fill these pages with a gruesome account of the horrors of the Inquisition in its early days. As for the Barbarians, they were our ancestors; they killed and looted everywhere, destroying things just for the sake of it if they couldn’t take them. A wild rage drove them against anything that showed any sign of civilization; above all, they didn’t understand a word of that beautiful southern language, which only fueled their anger. Highly superstitious and led by the fearsome S. Dominic, they believed they could reach Heaven by killing the Provencals. For the latter, everything was over; no more love, no more joy, no more poetry. Less than twenty years after the conquest (1335), they were almost as brutal and rough as the French, as our ancestors were. [5]
Whence had lighted on this corner of the world that charming form of civilisation, which for two centuries was the happiness of the upper classes of society? Apparently from the Moors of Spain.
Whence did this charming form of civilization, which brought happiness to the upper classes for two centuries, come to this corner of the world? It seems to have originated from the Moors of Spain.
[3] The reader should have heard charming General Laclos talk at Naples in 1802. If he has not had the luck he can open the Vie privée du maréchal de Richelieu, nine volumes very pleasantly put together.
[3] The reader should have listened to the charming General Laclos speaking in Naples in 1802. If he hasn't had that luck, he can check out the Vie privée du maréchal de Richelieu, a very nicely assembled nine-volume set.
CHAPTER LII(39)
Provence in the 12th Century
I am going to translate an anecdote from the Provençal manuscripts. The facts, of which you are going to read, happened about the year 1180 and the history was written about 1250.[1] The anecdote, to be sure, is very well known: the style especially gives the colour of the society which produced it.
I am going to translate a story from the Provençal manuscripts. The events you are about to read took place around the year 1180, and the history was written around 1250.[1] The story, of course, is very well known: the style especially reflects the culture of the society that created it.
I beg that I be allowed to translate it word for word, and without seeking in any way after the elegance of the language of to-day.
I ask to be allowed to translate it word for word, without trying to make it sound elegant in today's language.
"My Lord Raymond of Roussillon was a valiant baron, as you know, and he took to wife my Lady Marguerite, the most beautiful woman of all her time and one of the most endowed with all good qualities, with all worth and with all courtesy. Now it happened that William of Cabstaing came to the Court of my Lord Raymond of Roussillon, presented himself to him and begged, if it so pleased him, that he might be a page in his Court. My Lord Raymond, who saw that he was fair and of good grace, told him that he was welcome and that he might dwell at his Court. Thus William dwelt with him, and succeeded in bearing himself so gently that great and small loved him; and he succeeded in placing himself in so good a light that my Lord Raymond wished him to be page to my Lady Marguerite, his wife; and [Pg 207]so it was. Then William set himself to merit yet more both in word and deed. But now, as is wont to happen in love, it happened that Love wished to take hold of my Lady Marguerite and to inflame her thoughts. So much did the person of William please her, both his word and his air, that one day she could not restrain herself from saying to him: 'Now listen, William, if a woman showed you likelihood of love, tell me would you dare love her well?' 'Yes, that I would, madam, provided only that the likelihood were the truth.'—'By S. John,' said the lady, 'you have answered well, like a man of valour; but at present I wish to try you, whether you can understand and distinguish in matter of likelihood the difference between what is true and what is not.'
"My Lord Raymond of Roussillon was a brave baron, as you know, and he married my Lady Marguerite, the most beautiful woman of her time and one of the most blessed with all good qualities, worth, and courtesy. One day, William of Cabstaing came to the Court of my Lord Raymond of Roussillon, introduced himself, and asked, if it pleased him, to be a page in his Court. My Lord Raymond, noticing that he was handsome and well-spoken, welcomed him and allowed him to stay at his Court. William lived there and managed to carry himself so gracefully that everyone—great and small—came to love him; he positioned himself so well that my Lord Raymond wanted him to be a page to my Lady Marguerite, his wife; [Pg 207] and so it was. William then worked even harder to prove himself both in words and actions. But as often happens in love, it came to pass that Love wanted to take hold of my Lady Marguerite and ignite her feelings. She found William so pleasing, in both his demeanor and words, that one day she couldn’t hold back from asking him: 'Now listen, William, if a woman showed you signs of love, would you dare to love her back?' 'Yes, I would, madam, as long as the signs were genuine.' 'By S. John,' the lady said, 'you've answered well, like a man of courage; but for now, I want to test whether you can tell the difference between what is true and what is not when it comes to signs of love.'"
"When William heard these words he answered: 'My lady, it is as it shall please you.'
"When William heard these words, he replied, 'My lady, it will be as you wish.'"
"He began to be pensive, and at once Love sought war with him; and the thoughts that love mingled with his entered into the depth of his heart, and straightway he was of the servants of Love and began to 'find'[2] little couplets, gracious and gay, and tunes for the dance and tunes with sweet words,[3] by which he was well received, and the more so by reason of her for whom he sang. Now Love, that grants to his servants their reward, when he pleases, wished to grant William the price of his; and behold, he began to take hold of the lady with such keen thoughts and meditations on love that neither night nor day could she rest, thinking of the valour and prowess that had been so beautifully disposed and set in William.
He started to think deeply, and immediately Love declared war on him; the thoughts that love mixed with his sank deep into his heart, and soon he became one of Love's followers. He began to create little verses, charming and cheerful, along with dance tunes and sweet lyrics, which were well received, especially because of the woman he was singing for. Now Love, who rewards his followers when he sees fit, decided to grant William his reward. Suddenly, he began to catch the lady’s attention with such intense thoughts about love that she could not find peace, day or night, as she pondered the bravery and skill that William displayed so beautifully.
"One day it happened that the lady took William and said to him: 'William, come now, tell me, have you up to this hour taken note of our likelihood, whether it truly is or lies?' William answered: 'My lady, so help me God, from that moment onward that I have been your [Pg 208]servant, no thought has been able to enter my heart but that you were the best woman that was ever born, and the truest in the world and the most likely. So I think, and shall think, all my life.' And the lady answered: 'William, I tell you that, if God help me, you shall never be deceived by me, and that what you think shall not prove vain or nothing.' And she opened her arms and kissed him softly in the room where they two sat together, and they began their "druerie";[4] and straightway there wanted not those, whom God holds in wrath, who set themselves to talk and gossip of their love, by reason of the songs that William made, saying that he had set his love on my Lady Marguerite, and so indiscriminately did they talk that the matter came to the ears of my Lord Raymond. Then he was sorely pained and grievously sad, first that he must lose his familiar squire, whom he loved so well, and more still for his wife's shame.
"One day, the lady took William and said to him, 'William, come now, tell me, have you noticed how we stand with each other, whether it’s real or not?' William replied, 'My lady, I swear to God, since the moment I became your servant, I haven’t been able to think of anyone but you as the best woman ever born, the most genuine in the world and the most right for me. That’s what I believe, and I will believe it for the rest of my life.' The lady responded, 'William, I promise you, with God as my witness, you will never be deceived by me, and what you think will not turn out to be false or meaningless.' She opened her arms and kissed him gently in the room where they were sitting together, and they began their love story; and soon there were those, whom God has turned against, who started to talk and gossip about their love because of the songs William wrote, claiming he was in love with Lady Marguerite. They talked so carelessly that it reached the ears of my Lord Raymond. He felt deep pain and sadness, first because he would lose his beloved squire and even more so because of the shame it brought to his wife."
"One day it happened that William went out to hunt with his hawks and a single squire; and my Lord Raymond made enquiry where he was; and a groom answered him that he had gone out to hawk, and one who knew added that it was in such-and-such a spot. Immediately Raymond took arms, which he hid, and had his horse brought to him, and all alone took his way towards the spot whither William had gone: by dint of hard riding he found him. When William saw him approach he was greatly astonished, and at once evil thoughts came to him, and he advanced to meet him and said: 'My lord, welcome. Why are you thus alone?' My Lord Raymond answered: 'William, because I have come to find you to enjoy myself with you. Have you caught anything?'—'I have caught nothing, my lord, because I have found nothing; and he who finds little will not catch much, as the saying goes.'—'Enough of this talk,' said my Lord Raymond, 'and by the faith [Pg 209]you owe me, tell me the truth on all the questions that I may wish to ask.'—'By God, my lord,' said William, 'if there is ought to say, certainly to you shall I say it.' Then said my Lord Raymond: 'I wish for no subtleties here, but you must answer me in all fullness on everything that I shall ask you.'—'My lord, as it shall please you to ask,' said William, 'so shall I tell you the truth.' And my Lord Raymond asked: 'William, as you value God and the holy faith, have you a mistress for whom you sing and for whom Love constrains you?' William answered: 'My lord, and how else should I be singing, if Love did not urge me on? Know the truth, my lord, that Love has me wholly in his power.' Raymond answered: 'I can well believe it, for otherwise you could not sing so well; but I wish to know, if you please, who is your lady.'—'Ah, my lord, in God's name,' said William, 'see what you ask me. You know too well that a man must not name his lady, and that Bernard of Ventadour says:—
"One day, William set out to hunt with his hawks and a single squire. Lord Raymond asked where he was, and a servant replied that he had gone hawking, while someone who knew added that it was in a specific location. Right away, Raymond took his concealed armor and had his horse brought to him, heading alone toward the spot where William had gone. After a hard ride, he found him. When William saw him approaching, he was very surprised, and immediately, dark thoughts crossed his mind. He went to meet him and said, 'My lord, welcome. Why are you alone?' Lord Raymond replied, 'William, I'm here to find you and enjoy your company. Have you caught anything?'—'I've caught nothing, my lord, because I've found nothing; as the saying goes, he who finds little won’t catch much.'—'Enough of this talk,' said Lord Raymond, 'and by the faith you owe me, tell me the truth about any questions I may have.'—'By God, my lord,' said William, 'if there's anything to say, I will certainly tell you.' Then Lord Raymond said, 'I don't want any cleverness here; you need to answer me fully on everything I ask.'—'My lord, as you wish to ask,' said William, 'I will tell you the truth.' And Lord Raymond asked: 'William, as you value God and the holy faith, do you have a mistress for whom you sing and for whom Love compels you?' William replied: 'My lord, how else would I be singing if Love were not driving me? Know the truth, my lord, that Love has complete control over me.' Raymond said, 'I can well believe that, for otherwise you couldn’t sing so beautifully; but I’d like to know, if you don’t mind, who your lady is.'—'Ah, my lord, I beg you,' said William, 'consider what you ask. You know too well that a man must not name his lady, and that Bernard of Ventadour says:—"
That no one has ever asked me about my happiness,
But I have willingly deceived him about that.
This doesn't seem like good teaching to me,
But more like foolishness or a childish act,
That anyone who is treated well in love If he wants to share his feelings about it with another man, Unless he can serve him or assist him.
"My Lord Raymond answered: 'And I give you my word that I will serve you according to my power.' So said Raymond, and William answered him: 'My lord, you must know that I love the sister of my Lady Marguerite, your wife, and that I believe I have exchange with her of love. Now that you know it, I beg you to come to my aid and at least not to prejudice me.'—'Take my word,' said Raymond, 'for I swear to you and engage [Pg 210]myself to you that I will use all my power for you.' And then he gave his word, and when he had given it to him Raymond said to him: 'I wish us to go to her castle, for it is near by.'—'And I beg we may do so, in God's name,' said William. And so they took their road towards the castle of Liet. And when they came to the castle they were well received by En[6] Robert of Tarascon, who was the husband of my Lady Agnes, the sister of my Lady Marguerite, and by my Lady Agnes herself. And my Lord Raymond took my Lady Agnes by the hand and led her into her chamber, and they sat down on the bed. And my Lord Raymond said: 'Now tell me, my sister-in-law, by the faith that you owe me, are you in love with Love?' And she said: 'Yes, my lord.'—'And whose?' said he. 'Oh, that I do not tell you,' answered she; 'what means this parleying?'
"My Lord Raymond replied, 'I promise to serve you to the best of my ability.' Raymond said this, and William responded, 'My lord, you should know that I love the sister of my Lady Marguerite, your wife, and I believe we have a mutual affection. Now that you know, I ask for your support and that you don't hinder me.'—'Take my word,' Raymond said, 'I swear to you that I will do everything I can to help you.' After making his promise, Raymond added, 'I think we should go to her castle since it's nearby.'—'I hope we can, in God's name,' William replied. So they made their way to the castle of Liet. When they arrived, they were warmly welcomed by Robert of Tarascon, who was married to my Lady Agnes, the sister of my Lady Marguerite, and by my Lady Agnes herself. Lord Raymond took Lady Agnes by the hand and led her into her chamber, where they sat on the bed. Lord Raymond asked, 'Now tell me, my sister-in-law, by the faith you owe me, are you in love?' She replied, 'Yes, my lord.'—'And with whom?' he asked. 'Oh, I won't tell you,' she answered; 'what is the point of this questioning?'"
"In the end, so insistently did he demand that she said that she loved William of Cabstaing; this she said because she saw William sad and pensive and she knew well that he loved her sister; and so she feared that Raymond might have had evil thoughts of William. Such a reply gave great joy to Raymond. Agnes related it all to her husband, and her husband answered her that she had done well and gave her his word that she was at liberty to do and say anything that could save William. Agnes was not wanting to him. She called William all alone into her chamber, and remained so long with him that Raymond thought he must have had the pleasures of love with her; and all this pleased him, and he began to think that what he had been told of William was untrue and random talk. Agnes and William came out of her chamber, supper was prepared and they supped with great gaiety. And after supper Agnes had the bed of her two neighbours prepared by the door of her chamber, [Pg 211]and so well did the Lady and William act their parts that Raymond believed he was with her.
"In the end, she insisted so much that she said she loved William of Cabstaing; she said this because she saw William looking sad and thoughtful, and she knew that he loved her sister. She feared that Raymond might have bad thoughts about William. This response brought great joy to Raymond. Agnes shared everything with her husband, who told her she had done well and assured her that she was free to do and say whatever it took to save William. Agnes was not hesitant. She called William into her room, and they spent so much time together that Raymond thought they must have been indulging in romantic pleasures; this pleased him, and he started to believe that what he had heard about William was false and just gossip. When Agnes and William finally came out of her room, supper was ready, and they ate with great cheer. After dinner, Agnes had the bed of her two neighbors set up by the door of her chamber, [Pg 211] and they played their roles so well that Raymond believed he was with her."
"And the next day they dined in the castle with great joy, and after dinner they set out with all the honours of a noble leave-taking, and came to Roussillon. And as soon as Raymond could, he separated from William and went away to his wife, and related to her all that he had seen of William and her sister, for which his wife was sorely grieved all night. And the next day she had William summoned to her and received him ill, and called him false friend and traitor. And William cried to her for pity, as a man who had done nought of that with which she charged him, and related to her all that had passed, word for word. And the lady sent for her sister and from her she learnt that William had done no wrong. And therefore she called him and bade him make a song by which he should show that he loved no woman but her, and then he made the song which says:—
"And the next day they had a joyful dinner at the castle, and after the meal, they set out with all the honors of a noble farewell and arrived in Roussillon. As soon as Raymond could, he parted ways with William and went to his wife, telling her everything he had seen about William and her sister, which left her very upset all night. The next day, she called for William and received him poorly, accusing him of being a false friend and a traitor. William pleaded for her mercy, insisting that he hadn’t done anything she accused him of, and recounted everything that had happened, word for word. The lady then called for her sister and learned from her that William had done nothing wrong. Therefore, she summoned him and asked him to create a song to express that he loved no woman but her, and he crafted the song that goes:—"
"And when Raymond of Roussillon heard the song that William had made for his wife, he made him come to speak with him some way from the castle, and cut off his head, which he put in a bag; he drew out the heart from the body and put it with the head. He went back to the castle; he had the heart roasted and brought to his wife at table and made her eat it without her knowing. When she had eaten it, Raymond rose up and told his wife that what she had just eaten was the heart of Lord William of Cabstaing, and showed her his head and asked her if the heart had been good to eat. And she heard what he said, and saw and recognised the head of Lord William. She answered him and said that the heart had been so good and savoury, that never other meat or other drink could take away from her mouth the taste that the heart of Lord William had left there. And [Pg 212]Raymond ran at her with a sword. She took to flight, threw herself down from a balcony and broke her head.
"And when Raymond of Roussillon heard the song that William had written for his wife, he had him come speak with him away from the castle and beheaded him, placing his head in a bag. He removed the heart from the body and put it alongside the head. He returned to the castle, had the heart roasted, and served it to his wife at the table, making her eat it without her knowing. After she had eaten it, Raymond stood up and told his wife that what she had just eaten was the heart of Lord William of Cabstaing, showing her his head and asking if the heart had been good to eat. She heard him, saw, and recognized the head of Lord William. She replied that the heart had been so good and flavorful that no other meat or drink could ever take away the taste it had left in her mouth. And [Pg 212] Raymond charged at her with a sword. She fled, jumped from a balcony, and broke her head."
"This became known through all Catalonia and through all the lands of the King of Aragon. King Alphonse and all the barons of these countries had great grief and sorrow for the death of Lord William and of the woman whom Raymond had so basely done to death. They made war on him with fire and sword. King Alphonse of Aragon having taken Raymond's castle, had William and his lady laid in a monument before the door of a church in a borough named Perpignac. All perfect lovers of either sex prayed God for their souls. The King of Aragon took Raymond and let him die in prison, and gave all his goods to the relatives of William and to the relatives of the woman who died for him."
"This news spread across all of Catalonia and the lands of the King of Aragon. King Alphonse and all the barons were deeply saddened by the death of Lord William and the woman whom Raymond had so cruelly killed. They waged war against him with fire and sword. King Alphonse of Aragon captured Raymond's castle and had William and his lady buried in a monument in front of a church in a town called Perpignac. All true lovers, regardless of gender, prayed to God for their souls. The King of Aragon captured Raymond and allowed him to die in prison, giving all his possessions to the relatives of William and the relatives of the woman who died for him."
[1] The manuscript is in the Laurentian Library. M. Raynouard gives it in Vol. V of his Troubadours, p. 187. There are a good many faults in his text; he has praised the Troubadours too much and understood them too little.
[1] The manuscript is in the Laurentian Library. M. Raynouard includes it in Volume V of his Troubadours, page 187. There are quite a few mistakes in his text; he has overly praised the Troubadours and understood them too little.
[2] i. e. to compose.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ i.e. to write.
[4] A far all' amore.
A long way from love.
CHAPTER LIII
ARABIA
'Tis beneath the dusky tent of the Bedouin Arab that we seek the model and the home of true love. There, as elsewhere, solitude and a fine climate have kindled the noblest passion of the human heart—that passion which must give as much happiness as it feels, in order to be happy itself.
It's under the dark tent of the Bedouin Arab that we look for the example and the home of true love. There, like anywhere else, solitude and a pleasant climate have ignited the highest passion of the human heart—this passion that must give as much happiness as it feels, to be happy itself.
In order that love may be seen in all the fullness of its power over the human heart, equality must be established as far as possible between the mistress and her lover. It does not exist, this equality, in our poor West; a woman deserted is unhappy or dishonoured. Under the Arab's tent faith once plighted cannot be broken. Contempt and death immediately follow that crime.
To truly understand the full power of love over the human heart, there has to be as much equality as possible between the woman and her lover. This equality doesn’t exist in our troubled West; a woman who is abandoned feels unhappy or shamed. In the Arab’s tent, a vow once made can’t be broken. Disrespect and death quickly follow that betrayal.
Generosity is held so sacred by this people, that you may steal, in order to give. For the rest, every day danger stares them in the face, and life flows on ever, so to speak, in a passionate solitude. Even in company the Arabs speak little.
Generosity is so important to these people that you can steal if it means giving to others. For everyone else, danger is a constant presence, and life goes on, so to speak, in a deep solitude. Even when they're together, Arabs don’t say much.
Nothing changes for the inhabitant of the desert; there everything is eternal and motionless. This singular mode of life, of which, owing to my ignorance, I can give but a poor sketch, has probably existed since the time of Homer.[1] It is described for the first time about the year 600 of our era, two centuries before Charlemagne.
Nothing changes for the person living in the desert; everything there is timeless and still. This unique way of life, which I can only vaguely outline due to my lack of knowledge, has probably been around since the time of Homer.[1] It was first described around the year 600 AD, two centuries before Charlemagne.
Clearly it is we who were the barbarians in the eyes of the East, when we went to trouble them with our crusades.[2] Also we owe all that is in our manner to these [Pg 214]crusades and to the Moors of Spain. If we compare ourselves with the Arabs, the proud, prosaic man will smile with pity. Our arts are very much superior to theirs, our systems of law to all appearance still more superior. But I doubt if we beat them in the art of domestic happiness—we have always lacked loyalty and simplicity. In family relations the deceiver is the first to suffer. For him the feeling of safety is departed; always unjust, he is always afraid.
Clearly, we were the barbarians in the eyes of the East when we troubled them with our crusades.[2] We also owe much of our behavior to these [Pg 214]crusades and to the Moors of Spain. If we compare ourselves to the Arabs, the proud, practical man will smile with pity. Our arts are far superior to theirs, and our legal systems seem even more so. However, I doubt we surpass them in the art of domestic happiness—we’ve always lacked loyalty and simplicity. In family relationships, the deceiver is the first to suffer. For him, the feeling of safety is gone; always acting unjustly, he is always afraid.
In the earliest of their oldest historical monuments we can see the Arabs divided from all antiquity into a large number of independent tribes, wandering about the desert. As soon as these tribes were able to supply, with more or less ease, the simplest human wants, their way of life was already more or less refined. Generosity was the same on every side; only according to the tribe's degree of wealth it found expression, now in the quarter of goat's flesh necessary for the support of life, now in the gift of a hundred camels, occasioned by some family connexion or reasons of hospitality.
In the earliest of their oldest historical monuments, we can see that the Arabs have always been divided into many independent tribes, roaming around the desert. Once these tribes could meet their basic needs more or less easily, their way of life became somewhat refined. Generosity was prevalent everywhere; it was just expressed differently depending on the tribe's wealth—sometimes in a small portion of goat meat needed for survival, and other times in the gift of a hundred camels due to family connections or acts of hospitality.
The heroic age of the Arabs, that in which these generous hearts burnt unsullied by any affectation of fine wit or refined sentiment, was that which preceded Mohammed; it corresponds to the fifth century of our era, to the foundations of Venice and to the reign of Clovis. I beg European pride to compare the Arab love-songs, which have come down to us, and the noble system of life revealed in the Thousand and One Nights, with the disgusting horrors that stain every page of Gregory of Tours, the historian of Clovis, and of Eginhard, the historian of Charlemagne.
The heroic age of the Arabs, when their generous hearts were untouched by any pretense of cleverness or sophisticated feelings, was the time before Mohammed; it aligns with the fifth century of our era, the founding of Venice, and the reign of Clovis. I urge European pride to compare the Arab love songs that have survived and the noble way of life depicted in the Thousand and One Nights, with the disgusting horrors that marring every page of Gregory of Tours, the historian of Clovis, and Eginhard, the historian of Charlemagne.
Mohammed was a puritan; he wished to prescribe pleasures which do no one any harm; he has killed love in those countries which have accepted Islamism.[3] It is for this reason that his religion has always been less [Pg 215]observed in Arabia, its cradle, than in all the other Mohammedan countries.
Mohammed was a puritan; he wanted to dictate pleasures that don't harm anyone; he has stifled love in those places that embraced Islam. It’s for this reason that his religion has always been less followed in Arabia, its birthplace, than in all the other Muslim countries.
The French brought away from Egypt four folio volumes, entitled The Book of Songs. These volumes contain:—
The French took four folio volumes from Egypt, titled The Book of Songs. These volumes include:—
1. Biographies of the poets who composed the songs.
1. Biographies of the poets who wrote the songs.
2. The songs themselves. In them the poet sings of everything that interests him; when he has spoken of his mistress he praises his swiftcoursers and his bow. These songs were often love-letters from their author, giving the object of his love a faithful picture of all that passed in his heart. Sometimes they tell of cold nights when he has been obliged to burn his bow and arrows. The Arabs are a nation without houses.
2. The songs themselves. In them, the poet expresses everything that captivates him; when he talks about his lover, he also praises his fast horses and his bow. These songs often acted as love letters from their creator, providing the object of his affection with an honest depiction of everything happening in his heart. Sometimes, they recount chilly nights when he had to burn his bow and arrows for warmth. The Arabs are a people without homes.
3. Biographies of the musicians who have composed the music for these songs.
3. Biographies of the musicians who composed the music for these songs.
4. Finally, the notation of the musical setting; for us these settings are hieroglyphics. The music will be for ever unknown, and anyhow, it would not please us.
4. Finally, the way the music is written; to us, these notations are like symbols we can’t interpret. The music will always remain a mystery, and besides, it wouldn’t even appeal to us.
There is another collection entitled The History of those Arabs who have died for Love.
There is another collection called The History of those Arabs who have died for Love.
In order to feel at home in the midst of remains which owe so much of their interest to their antiquity, and to appreciate the singular beauty of the manners of which they let us catch a glimpse, we must go to history for enlightenment on certain points.
To truly feel at home among these remains, which are so interesting because of their age, and to appreciate the unique beauty of the customs they let us glimpse, we need to look to history for clarity on certain aspects.
From all time, and especially before Mohammed, the Arabs betook themselves to Mecca in order to make the tour of the Caaba or house of Abraham. I have seen at London a very exact model of the Holy City. There are seven or eight hundred houses with terraces on the roofs, set in the midst of a sandy desert devoured by the sun. At one extremity of the city is found an immense building, in form almost a square; this building surrounds the Caaba. It is composed of a long course of colonnades, necessary under an Arabian sun for the performance of the sacred procession, This colonnade is very [Pg 216]important in the history of the manners and poetry of the Arabs; it was apparently for centuries the one place where men and women met together. Pell-mell, with slow steps, and reciting in chorus their sacred songs, they walked round the Caaba—it is a walk of three-quarters of an hour. The procession was repeated many times in the same day; this was the sacred rite for which men and women came forth from all parts of the desert. It is under the colonnade of the Caaba that Arab manners became polished. A contest between the father and the lover soon came to be established—in love-lyrics the lover discovered his passion to the girl, jealously guarded by brothers and father, as at her side he walked in the sacred procession. The generous and sentimental habits of this people existed already in the camp; but Arab gallantry seems to me to have been born in the shadow of the Caaba, which is also the home of their literature. At first, passion was expressed with simplicity and vehemence, just as the poet felt it; later the poet, instead of seeking to touch his mistress, aimed at fine writing; then followed that affectation which the Moors introduced into Spain and which still to-day spoils the books of that people.[4]
Throughout history, especially before Mohammed, Arabs traveled to Mecca to make the pilgrimage around the Kaaba, or the house of Abraham. I have seen a highly accurate model of the Holy City in London. It features seven or eight hundred houses with rooftop terraces, set in the middle of a sun-blasted sandy desert. At one end of the city, there’s a massive building that is almost square in shape; this building encircles the Kaaba. It consists of long colonnades, which are essential under the Arabian sun for performing the sacred procession. This colonnade is significant in the history of Arab customs and poetry; for centuries, it was the only place where men and women gathered. Chaotically, with slow steps and singing their sacred songs in unison, they walked around the Kaaba—it takes about three-quarters of an hour. The procession was repeated many times throughout the day; it was the sacred ritual that drew men and women from all corners of the desert. It was under the colonnade of the Kaaba that Arab customs became refined. A rivalry between the father and the lover began to emerge—in love songs, the lover expressed his feelings to the girl, closely watched by her brothers and father, as they walked side by side in the sacred procession. The noble and romantic traits of this people were already present in the camp, but Arab gallantry seems to have been born in the shadow of the Kaaba, which is also the foundation of their literature. Initially, passion was expressed simply and passionately, just as the poet felt it; later, instead of just trying to reach out to his beloved, the poet aimed for eloquence; then came the pretentiousness that the Moors brought to Spain, which still spoils the writings of that culture today.[4]
I find a touching proof of the Arab's respect for the weaker sex in his ceremony of divorce. The woman, during the absence of her husband from whom she wished to separate, opened the tent and drew it up, taking care to place the opening on the opposite side to that which she had formerly occupied. This simple ceremony separated husband and wife for ever.
I see a poignant example of the Arab's respect for women in their divorce ceremony. When a woman wants to separate from her husband, she opens the tent and lifts it up, making sure to position the entrance on the side opposite to where she used to sit. This simple act permanently separates the husband and wife.
FRAGMENTS
Gathered and translated from an Arabic Collection entitled:
The Divan of Love(39)
Compiled by Ebn-Abi-Hadglat. (Manuscripts
of the King's Library, Nos. 1461 and 1462.)
FRAGMENTS
Gathered and translated from an Arabic Collection titled:
The Divan of Love(39)
Compiled by Ebn-Abi-Hadglat. (Manuscripts
of the King's Library, Nos. 1461 and 1462.)
Mohammed, son of Djaafar Elahouazadi, relates that Djamil being sick of the illness of which he died, Elabas, son of Sohail, visited him and found him ready to give up the ghost. "O son of Sohail," said Djamil to him, "what do you think of a man who has never drunk wine, who has never made illicit gain, who has never unrighteously given death to any living creature that God has forbidden us to kill, and who confesses that there is no other God but Allah and that Mohammed is his prophet?" "I think," answered Ben Sohail, "that such a man will be saved and will gain Paradise; but who is he, this man of whom you talk?" "'Tis I," answered Djamil. "I did not think that you professed the faith," returned Ben Sohail, "and moreover, for twenty years now you have been making love to Bothaina, and celebrating her in your verses." "Here I am," answered Djamil, "at my first day in the other world and at my last in this, and I pray that the mercy of our Master Mohammed may not be extended to me at the day of judgment, if ever I have laid hands on Bothaina for anything reprehensible."
Mohammed, son of Djaafar Elahouazadi, shares that as Djamil was suffering from the illness that would ultimately take his life, Elabas, son of Sohail, came to visit him and found him close to death. "O son of Sohail," Djamil said to him, "what do you think of a man who has never drunk wine, who has never made dishonest profits, who has never unlawfully taken the life of any creature that God has prohibited us from killing, and who believes that there is no God but Allah and that Mohammed is His prophet?" "I think," Ben Sohail replied, "that such a man will be saved and will enter Paradise; but who is this man you’re talking about?" "'Tis I," Djamil answered. "I didn’t realize you followed the faith," Ben Sohail responded, "and on top of that, for twenty years now you’ve been in love with Bothaina, celebrating her in your poetry." "Here I am," Djamil replied, "on my first day in the afterlife and my last in this world, and I pray that the mercy of our Master Mohammed may not be extended to me on the day of judgment if I have ever touched Bothaina for anything dishonorable."
This Djamil and Bothaina, his mistress, both belonged to the Benou-Azra, who are a tribe famous in love among all the tribes of the Arabs. Also their manner of loving has passed into a proverb, and God has made no other creatures as tender in love as they.
This Djamil and Bothaina, his lover, both belonged to the Benou-Azra, a tribe renowned for their romantic ways among all the Arab tribes. Their style of loving has become legendary, and God has not created any other beings as gentle in love as they are.
Sahid, son of Agba, one day asked an Arab: "Of what people are you?" "I am of the people that die when they love," replied the Arab. "Then you are of the [Pg 218]tribe of Azra," added Sahid. "Yes, by the Master of the Caaba," replied the Arab. "Whence comes it that you love in this manner?" Sahid asked next. "Our women are beautiful and our young men are chaste," answered the Arab.
Sahid, son of Agba, once asked an Arab, "What people are you from?" The Arab replied, "I belong to the people who die when they love." Sahid then said, "So you are from the [Pg 218] tribe of Azra." "Yes, by the Master of the Caaba," the Arab responded. Sahid asked next, "Why do you love like this?" The Arab answered, "Our women are beautiful and our young men are pure."
One day someone asked Aroua-Ben-Hezam:[5] "Is it really true what people tell of you, that you of all mankind have the heart most tender in love?" "Yes, by Allah, it is true," answered Aroua, "and I have known in my tribe thirty young men whom death has carried oil and who had no other sickness but love."
One day, someone asked Aroua-Ben-Hezam:[5] "Is it really true what people say about you, that you have the most tender heart in love?" "Yes, by Allah, it's true," Aroua replied, "and I have known thirty young men in my tribe who died from nothing but love."
An Arab of the Benou-Fazarat said one day to an Arab of the Benou-Azra: "You, Benou-Azra, you think it a sweet and noble death to die of love; but therein is a manifest weakness and stupidity; and those whom you take for men of great heart are only madmen and soft creatures." "You would not talk like that," the Arab of the tribe of Azra answered him, "if you had seen the great black eyes of our women darting fire from beneath the veil of their long lashes, if you had seen them smile and their teeth gleaming between their brown lips!"
An Arab from the Benou-Fazarat said to an Arab from the Benou-Azra one day: "You, Benou-Azra, think it’s a beautiful and noble death to die for love; but that’s just weakness and foolishness. Those you consider to be strong-hearted are just crazy and soft." "You wouldn’t say that," the Arab from the Azra tribe replied, "if you had seen the great black eyes of our women shining with fire beneath the veil of their long lashes, if you had seen them smile and their teeth sparkling between their brown lips!"
Abou-el-Hassan, Ali, son of Abdalla, Elzagouni, relates the following story: A Mussulman loved to distraction the daughter of a Christian. He was obliged to make a journey to a foreign country with a friend, to whom he had confided his love. His business prolonged his stay in this country, and being attacked there by a mortal sickness, he said to his friend: "Behold, my time approaches; no more in the world shall I meet her whom I love, and I fear, if I die a Mussulman, that I shall not meet her again in the other life." He turned Christian and died. His friend betook himself to the young Christian woman, whom he found sick. She said to him: [Pg 219]"I shall not see my friend any more in this world, but I want to be with him in the other; therefore I confess that there is no other God but Allah, and that Mohammed is the prophet of God." Thereupon she died, and may God's mercy be upon her.*
Abou-el-Hassan, Ali, son of Abdalla, Elzagouni, shares the following story: A Muslim was deeply in love with a Christian girl. He had to travel to a foreign country with a friend to whom he had revealed his feelings. His work kept him there longer than expected, and when he became seriously ill, he told his friend, "Look, my time is coming to an end; I will never see the one I love again, and I fear that if I die as a Muslim, I won’t see her in the afterlife." He converted to Christianity and passed away. His friend went to see the young Christian woman, who was also unwell. She told him: [Pg 219] "I won’t see my friend again in this world, but I want to be with him in the next; so I admit that there is no other God but Allah, and that Mohammed is the prophet of God." She then died, and may God's mercy be upon her.*
Eltemimi relates that there was in the tribe of the Arabs of Tagleb a Christian girl of great riches who was in love with a young Mussulman. She offered him her fortune and all her treasures without succeeding in making him love her. When she had lost all hope she gave an artist a hundred dinars, to make her a statue of the young man she loved. The artist made the statue, and when the girl got it, she placed it in a certain spot where she went every day. There she would begin by kissing this statue, and then sat down beside it and spent the rest of the day in weeping. When the evening came she would bow to the statue and retire. This she did for a long time. The young man chanced to die; she desired to see him and to embrace him dead, after which she returned to her statue, bowed to it, kissed it as usual, and lay down beside it. When day came, they found her dead, stretching out her hand towards some lines of writing, which she had written before she died.*
Eltemimi tells the story of a wealthy Christian girl from the tribe of the Arabs of Tagleb who fell in love with a young Muslim man. She offered him her fortune and all her treasures, but she couldn't make him love her. When she lost all hope, she paid an artist a hundred dinars to make a statue of the young man she adored. The artist created the statue, and when the girl received it, she placed it in a special spot she visited every day. There, she would start by kissing the statue, then sit beside it and spend the entire day crying. When evening came, she would bow to the statue and leave. She did this for a long time. Then, the young man unexpectedly died; she wished to see him and embrace him in death. After that, she returned to her statue, bowed to it, kissed it as usual, and lay down beside it. When morning came, they found her dead, reaching out toward some lines of writing she had penned before her death.*
Oueddah, of the land of Yamen, was renowned among the Arabs for his beauty. He and Om-el-Bonain, daughter of Abd-el-Aziz, son of Merouan, while still only children, were even then so much in love that they could not bear to be parted from each other for a moment. When Om-el-Bonain became the wife of Oualid-Ben-Abd-el-Malek, Oueddah became mad for grief. After remaining a long time in a state of distraction and suffering, he betook himself to Syria and began every day to prowl around the house of Oualid, son of Malek, without at first finding the means to attain his desire. In the end, he made the acquaintance of a girl, whom he succeeded in attaching to himself by dint of his perseverance and his pains. When he thought he could rely on her, he [Pg 220]asked her if she knew Om-el-Bonain. "To be sure I do," answered the girl, "seeing she is my mistress." "Listen," continued Oueddah, "your mistress is my cousin, and if you care to tell her about me, you will certainly give her pleasure." "I'll tell her willingly," answered the girl. And thereupon she ran straight to Om-el-Bonain to tell her about Oueddah. "Take care what you say," cried Om-el-Bonain. "What? Oueddah is alive?" "Certainly he is," said the girl. "Go and tell him," Om-el-Bonain went on, "on no account to depart until a messenger comes to him from me." Then she took measures to get Oueddah brought to her, where she kept him hidden in a coffer. She let him come out to be with her when she thought it safe; but if someone arrived who might have seen him, she made him get inside the coffer again.
Oueddah, from the land of Yamen, was famous among the Arabs for his looks. He and Om-el-Bonain, daughter of Abd-el-Aziz, son of Merouan, were so deeply in love as children that they couldn’t stand being apart for even a moment. When Om-el-Bonain married Oualid-Ben-Abd-el-Malek, Oueddah was devastated. After a long time of suffering and distraction, he went to Syria and began to hang around Oualid's house daily, trying to find a way to fulfill his longing. Eventually, he met a girl and, through his perseverance, won her over. Once he felt he could trust her, he asked if she knew Om-el-Bonain. “Of course I do,” she replied, “she’s my mistress.” “Listen,” Oueddah said, “your mistress is my cousin, and if you tell her about me, it will surely make her happy.” “I’ll gladly tell her,” the girl said. She hurried to Om-el-Bonain to share the news about Oueddah. “Be careful what you say,” Om-el-Bonain exclaimed. “What? Oueddah is alive?” “Yes, he is,” the girl replied. “Go and tell him,” Om-el-Bonain instructed, “not to leave until I send a messenger to him.” She then took steps to have Oueddah brought to her, keeping him hidden in a chest. She let him out to spend time with her when she felt it was safe, but if someone came who might see him, she quickly made him hide back inside the chest.
It happened one day that a pearl was brought to Oualid and he said to one of his attendants: "Take this pearl and give it to Om-el-Bonain." The attendant took the pearl and gave it to Om-el-Bonain. As he was not announced, he entered where she dwelt at a time when she was with Oueddah, and thus he was able to throw a glance into Om-el-Bonain's apartment without her noticing him. Oualid's attendant fulfilled his mission and asked something of Om-el-Bonain for the jewel he had brought her. She refused him with severity and reprimanded him. The attendant went out incensed against her, and went to tell Oualid what he had seen, describing the coffer into which he had seen Oueddah enter. "You lie, bastard slave! You lie," said Oualid. And he ran in haste to Om-el-Bonain. There were several coffers in her apartment; he sat down on the one in which Oueddah was hid and which the slave had described, saying: "Give me one of these coffers." "They are all yours, as much as I myself," answered Om-el-Bonain. "Then," continued Oualid, "I would like to have the one on which I am seated." "There are [Pg 221]some things in it that only a woman needs," said Om-el-Bonain. "It is not them, it is the coffer I desire," added Oualid. "It is yours," she answered. Oualid had the coffer taken away at once, and summoned two slaves, whom he ordered to dig a pit in the earth down to the depth where they would find water. Then placing his mouth against the coffer: "I have heard something of you," he cried. "If I have heard the truth, may all trace of you be lost, may all memory of you be buried. If they have told me false I do no harm by entombing a coffer: it is only the funeral of a box." Then he had the coffer pushed into the pit and covered with the stones and the earth which had been dug up. From that time Om-el-Bonain never ceased to frequent this spot and to weep, until one day they found her there lifeless, her face pressed towards the earth.*[6]
One day, a pearl was brought to Oualid, and he said to one of his attendants, "Take this pearl and give it to Om-el-Bonain." The attendant took the pearl and handed it to Om-el-Bonain. Since he wasn't announced, he entered her place while she was with Oueddah, allowing him to sneak a glance into her apartment without her noticing. The attendant completed his task and asked Om-el-Bonain for something in return for the jewel he delivered. She refused him harshly and scolded him. The attendant left angry and went to tell Oualid what he had seen, describing the coffer where he saw Oueddah enter. "You're lying, you bastard slave! You're lying," said Oualid. He hurried to Om-el-Bonain. There were several coffers in her room; he sat on the one where Oueddah was hidden, as described by the slave, and said, "Give me one of these coffers." "They are all yours, just like I am," replied Om-el-Bonain. "Then," Oualid continued, "I want the one I'm sitting on." "There are things inside that only a woman needs," said Om-el-Bonain. "I want the coffer itself," added Oualid. "It’s yours," she answered. Oualid had the coffer removed immediately and called two slaves to dig a pit deep enough to reach water. Then, placing his mouth against the coffer, he exclaimed, "I've heard something about you. If what I've heard is true, may all trace of you vanish, may all memory of you be buried. If I was misinformed, then burying a coffer doesn’t do any harm; it’s just the funeral of a box." He had the coffer pushed into the pit and covered with the stones and dirt that had been removed. From that moment on, Om-el-Bonain constantly visited that spot and cried, until one day she was found there lifeless, her face pressed against the ground.*[6]
[1] Nine hundred years before Jesus Christ.
Nine hundred years BCE.
[2] 1095.
[4] There are a large number of Arabic manuscripts at Paris. Those of a later date show some affectation, but no imitation of the Greeks or Romans; it is this that makes scholars despise them.
[4] There are many Arabic manuscripts in Paris. The later ones show some pretentiousness but do not mimic the Greeks or Romans; this is why scholars look down on them.
[5] This Aroua-Ben-Hezam was of the tribe of Azra, of which mention has just been made. He is celebrated as a poet, and still more celebrated as one of the numerous martyrs to love whom the Arabs enumerate.
[5] Aroua-Ben-Hezam was from the Azra tribe, which has just been mentioned. He is known as a poet, and even more renowned as one of the many martyrs of love that the Arabs recognize.
[6] These fragments are taken from different chapters of the collection which I have mentioned. The three marked by an * are taken from the last chapter, which is a very summary biography of a considerable number of Arab martyrs to love.
[6] These excerpts come from various chapters of the collection I mentioned. The three marked with an * are from the last chapter, which provides a brief overview of a significant number of Arab martyrs in love.
CHAPTER LIV(43)
Women’s Education
In the actual education of girls, which is the fruit of chance and the most idiotic pride, we allow their most shining faculties, and those most fertile in happiness for themselves and for us, to lie fallow. But what man is there, who at least once in his life has not exclaimed:—
In educating girls, which is often driven by chance and foolish pride, we let their brightest talents, ones that could bring happiness to themselves and to us, go to waste. But what man hasn't, at least once in his life, exclaimed:—
To distinguish one from the other, coat and pants. (Les Femmes Savantes, Act II, Scene VII.)
[Translation of C. H. Page, New York, 1908.]
At Paris, this is the highest praise for a young girl of a marriageable age: "There is so much that's sweet in her character, and she's as gentle as a lamb." Nothing has more effect on the idiots looking out for wives. But see them two years later, lunching tête-à-tête with their wives some dull day, hats on and surrounded by three great lackeys!
At Paris, this is the highest compliment for a young woman of marriageable age: "She has such a sweet personality, and she's as gentle as a lamb." Nothing influences the fools searching for wives more. But look at them two years later, having lunch alone with their wives on some boring day, wearing their hats and surrounded by three big servants!
We have seen a law carried in the United States, in 1818, which condemns to thirty-four strokes of the cat anyone teaching a Virginian negro to read.[1] Nothing could be more consequent and more reasonable than a law of this kind.
We have seen a law passed in the United States in 1818 that punishes anyone teaching a black person in Virginia to read with thirty-four lashes.[1] Nothing could be more logical or reasonable than a law like this.
Were the United States of America themselves more useful to the motherland when they were her slaves or since they have become her equals? If the work of a [Pg 223]free man is worth two or three times that of a man reduced to slavery, why should not the same be true of that man's thought?
Were the United States of America more valuable to the motherland when they were her slaves or since they became her equals? If the work of a [Pg 223]free man is worth two or three times that of a man who is enslaved, why shouldn't the same apply to that man's thoughts?
If we dared, we would give girls the education of a slave; and the proof of this is that if they know anything useful, it is against our wish we teach it them.
If we had the courage, we would provide girls with a slave's education; the evidence of this is that if they learn anything useful, it's despite our desire to keep it from them.
"But they turn against us the little education which unhappily they get hold of," some husbands might say. No doubt; and Napoleon was also quite right not to give arms to the National Guard; and the reactionaries are also quite right to proscribe the monitorial system(44). Arm a man, and then continue to oppress him, and you will see that he can be so perverse as to turn his arms against you, as soon as he can.
"But they use the little education they manage to get against us," some husbands might say. No doubt; and Napoleon was also right not to arm the National Guard; and the reactionaries are also right to ban the monitorial system(44). Arm a man, and then keep oppressing him, and you'll see that he can be so twisted as to turn his weapons against you as soon as he gets the chance.
Even if it were permissible to bring girls up like idiots, on Ave Marias and lewd songs, as they did in the convents of 1770, there would still be several little objections:—
Even if it were okay to raise girls to be foolish, on Ave Marias and vulgar songs, like they did in the convents of 1770, there would still be a few small objections:—
1. In the case of the husband's death, they are called upon to manage the young family.
1. If the husband dies, they are responsible for taking care of the young family.
2. As mothers, they give their male children, the young tyrants of the future, their first education, that education which forms the character, and accustoms the soul to seek happiness by this route rather than by that—and the choice is always an accomplished fact by four or five.
2. As mothers, they provide their sons, the future tyrants, with their first education, the kind that shapes their character and teaches their souls to pursue happiness this way rather than that way—and this choice is usually set by the age of four or five.
3. In spite of all our pride, the advice of the inevitable partner of our whole life has great influence on those domestic affairs on which our happiness depends so particularly; for, in the absence of passion, happiness is based on the absence of small everyday vexations. Not that we would willingly accord this advice the least influence, but she may repeat the same thing to us for twenty years together. Whose is the spirit of such Roman fortitude as to resist the same idea repeated throughout a whole lifetime? The world is full of husbands who let themselves be led, but it is from weakness [Pg 224]and not from a feeling for justice and equality. As they yield perforce, the wife is always tempted to abuse her power, and it is sometimes necessary to abuse power in order to keep it.
3. Despite all our pride, the advice of the inevitable partner in our lives has a significant impact on those domestic matters that particularly affect our happiness; because, without passion, happiness depends on avoiding small, everyday annoyances. Not that we would willingly give this advice any importance, but she might repeat the same thing to us for twenty years straight. Who has the kind of Roman strength to resist the same idea repeated throughout a lifetime? The world is full of husbands who let themselves be led, but it's due to weakness rather than a sense of justice and equality. As they give in, the wife is always tempted to misuse her power, and sometimes it's necessary to misuse power to maintain it.
4. Finally, in love, and during a period which, in southern countries, often comprises twelve or fifteen years, and those the fairest of our life, our happiness is entirely in the hands of the woman we love. One moment of untimely pride can make us for ever miserable, and how should a slave raised up to a throne not be tempted to abuse her power? This is the origin of women's false refinement and pride. Of course, there is nothing more useless than these pleas: men are despots and we see what respect other despots show to the wisest counsels. A man who is all-powerful relishes only one sort of advice, the advice of those that tell him to increase his power. Where are poor young girls to find a Quiroga or a Riego(45) to give the despots, who oppress them, and degrade them the better to oppress them, that salutary advice, whose just recompense are favours and orders instead of Porlier's(45) gallows?
4. Finally, in love, and during a time that, in southern countries, often lasts twelve or fifteen years—those being the best years of our lives—our happiness is completely in the hands of the woman we cherish. A single moment of misguided pride can make us miserable forever, and how can someone once treated as a slave not be tempted to misuse her power? This is where women’s false sophistication and pride come from. Of course, these arguments are pointless: men are tyrants, and we see how much respect other tyrants have for wise advice. A man with all the power only appreciates one type of advice: the kind that encourages him to gain even more power. Where are poor young girls supposed to find a Quiroga or a Riego(45) to give advice to the tyrants who oppress them and make them even more powerless, advice that merits rewards and favors instead of Porlier's(45) gallows?
If a revolution of this kind needs several centuries, it is because, by a most unlucky chance, all our first experiences must necessarily contradict the truth. Illuminate a girl's mind, form her character, give her, in short, a good education in the true sense of the word—remarking sooner or later her own superiority over other women, she becomes a pedant, that is to say, the most unpleasant and the most degraded creature that there is in the world. There isn't one of us who wouldn't prefer a servant to a savante, if we had to pass our life with her.
If a revolution like this takes several centuries, it’s because, unfortunately, all our early experiences have to contradict the truth. Enlighten a girl’s mind, shape her character, and basically give her a proper education in the true sense—eventually, she’ll notice her own superiority over other women, and she becomes a know-it-all, which is to say, the most unpleasant and devalued person in the world. None of us would choose to spend our lives with a female intellectual over a servant.
Plant a young tree in the midst of a dense forest, deprived of air and sun by the closeness of the neighbouring trees: its leaves will be blighted, and it will get an overgrown and ridiculous shape—not its natural shape. We ought to plant the whole forest at once. What woman is there who is proud of knowing how to read?
Plant a young tree in the middle of a dense forest, cut off from air and sunlight by the nearby trees: its leaves will be damaged, and it will grow into an awkward and strange shape—not its true shape. We should plant the entire forest at once. Which woman is proud of knowing how to read?
[Pg 225]Pedants have repeated to us for two thousand years that women were more quick and men more judicious, women more remarkable for delicacy of expression and men for stronger powers of concentration. A Parisian simpleton, who used once upon a time to take his walk in the gardens of Versailles, similarly concluded from all he saw that trees grow ready clipped.
[Pg 225]For two thousand years, know-it-alls have told us that women are quicker and men are more thoughtful, that women are noted for their delicate way of expressing themselves while men are recognized for their greater focus. A naive Parisian, who once took walks in the gardens of Versailles, similarly believed from his observations that trees grow perfectly trimmed.
I will allow that little girls have less physical strength than little boys: this must be conclusive as regards intellect; for everyone knows that Voltaire and d'Alembert were the first boxers of their age! Everyone agrees, that a little girl of ten is twenty times as refined as a little boy of the same age. Why, at twenty, is she a great idiot, awkward, timid, and afraid of a spider, while the little boy is a man of intellect?
I admit that little girls are physically weaker than little boys: this must also apply to intelligence; after all, everyone knows that Voltaire and d'Alembert were the top boxers of their time! It's widely acknowledged that a ten-year-old girl is much more sophisticated than a boy the same age. So why, at twenty, is she considered silly, clumsy, shy, and afraid of spiders, while the boy is seen as smart?
Women only learn the things we do not wish to teach them, and only read the lessons taught them by experience of life. Hence the extreme disadvantage it is for them to be born in a very rich family; instead of coming into contact with beings who behave naturally to them, they find themselves surrounded by maidservants and governesses, who are already corrupted and blighted by wealth.[2] There is nothing so foolish as a prince.
Women only learn what we don’t want to teach them and only read the lessons life experiences teach them. That’s why it’s such a big disadvantage for them to be born into a very wealthy family; instead of being around people who treat them naturally, they are surrounded by maids and governesses, who are already tainted and affected by wealth.[2] There’s nothing as foolish as a prince.
Young girls soon see that they are slaves and begin to look about them very early; they see everything, but they are too ignorant to see properly. A woman of thirty in France has not the acquired knowledge of a small boy of fifteen, a woman of fifty has not the reason of a man of twenty-five. Look at Madame de Sévigné admiring Louis XIV's most ridiculous actions. Look at the puerility of Madame d'Épinay's reasonings.[3]
Young girls quickly realize they are trapped and start to observe their surroundings from a young age; they notice everything, but their understanding is limited. A thirty-year-old woman in France lacks the knowledge of a fifteen-year-old boy, and a fifty-year-old woman lacks the reasoning skills of a twenty-five-year-old man. Just look at Madame de Sévigné admiring the most absurd actions of Louis XIV. Observe the naivety in Madame d'Épinay's arguments.[3]
"Women ought to nurse and look after their children." I deny the first proposition, I allow the second. "They ought, moreover, to keep their kitchen accounts."—And [Pg 226]so have not time to equal a small boy of fifteen in acquired knowledge! Men must be judges, bankers, barristers, merchants, doctors, clergymen, etc., and yet they find time to read Fox's speeches and the Lusiad of Camoëns.
"Women should breastfeed and care for their children." I disagree with the first part, but I agree with the second. "They should also manage their kitchen budgets."—And [Pg 226] so they don't have as much time to match the knowledge of a 15-year-old boy! Men have to be judges, bankers, lawyers, merchants, doctors, clergy, and so on, yet they still find time to read Fox's speeches and Camoën's Lusiad.
The Pekin magistrate, who hastens at an early hour to the law courts in order to find the means of imprisoning and ruining, in perfect good faith, a poor journalist who has incurred the displeasure of an Under-Secretary of State, with whom he had the honour of dining the day before, is surely as busy as his wife, who keeps her kitchen accounts, gets stockings made for her little daughter, sees her through her dancing and piano lessons, receives a visit from the vicar of the parish who brings her the Quotidienne, and then goes to choose a hat in the Rue de Richelieu and take a turn in the Tuileries.
The Pekin magistrate, who rushes to the courts early in the morning to find a way to imprison and ruin, in all honesty, a poor journalist who has upset an Under-Secretary of State with whom he dined the day before, is surely as busy as his wife, who keeps track of her kitchen expenses, gets stockings made for her little girl, helps her with her dance and piano lessons, receives a visit from the parish vicar bringing her the Quotidienne, and then heads out to pick a hat in Rue de Richelieu and take a stroll in the Tuileries.
In the midst of his noble occupations this magistrate still finds time to think of this walk his wife is taking in the Tuileries, and, if he were in as good odour with the Power that rules the universe as with that which rules the State, he would pray Heaven to grant women, for their own good, eight or ten hours more sleep. In the present condition of society, leisure, which for man is the source of all his happiness and all his riches, is for women so far from being an advantage as to rank among those baneful liberties, from which the worthy magistrate would wish to help deliver us.
In the middle of his important duties, this magistrate still makes time to think about his wife’s walk in the Tuileries. If he were as well-regarded by the higher power that governs the universe as he is by the one that rules the State, he’d ask Heaven to grant women a few more hours of sleep—for their own good. In today's society, leisure, which brings men all their happiness and wealth, is actually a burden for women, ranking among those harmful freedoms from which this decent magistrate would want to rescue us.
CHAPTER LV(43)
OBJECTIONS TO WOMEN'S EDUCATION
"But women are charged with the petty labours of the household." The Colonel of my regiment, M. S——, has four daughters, brought up on the best principles, which means that they work all day. When I come, they sing the music of Rossini, that I brought them from Naples. For the rest, they read the Bible of Royaumont, they learn what's most foolish in history, that is to say, chronological tables and the verses of Le Ragois; they know a great deal of geography, embroider admirably—and I expect that each of these pretty little girls could earn, by her work, eight sous a day. Taking three hundred days, that means four hundred and eighty francs a year, which is less than is given to one of their masters. It is for four hundred and eighty francs a year that they lose for ever the time, during which it is granted to the human machine to acquire ideas.
"But women are burdened with the small tasks of the household." The Colonel of my regiment, M. S——, has four daughters who were raised with the best values, which means they work all day. When I arrive, they sing Rossini's music that I brought them from Naples. Other than that, they read the Bible of Royaumont, learn the silliest parts of history, like chronological tables and the verses of Le Ragois; they know a lot of geography, embroider beautifully—and I believe that each of these lovely girls could earn eight sous a day with their work. Over three hundred days, that adds up to four hundred and eighty francs a year, which is less than what one of their teachers makes. It is for four hundred and eighty francs a year that they waste the time during which a human being can develop ideas.
"If women read with pleasure the ten or twelve good volumes that appear every year in Europe, they will soon give up the care of their children."—'Tis as if we feared, by planting the shore of the ocean with trees, to stop the motion of the waves. It is not in this sense that education is all-powerful. Besides, for four hundred years the same objection has been offered to every sort of education. And yet a Parisian woman has more good qualities in 1820 than she ever had in 1720, the age of Law's system and the Regency, and at that time the daughter of the richest farmer-general had a less good education [Pg 228]than the daughter of the pettiest attorney gets to-day. Are her household duties less well performed as a result? Certainly not. And why? Because poverty, illness, shame, instinct, all force her to fulfil them. It is as if you said of an officer who is becoming too sociable, that he will forget how to handle his horse; you have to remember that he'll break his arm the first time he's slack in the saddle.
"If women enjoy reading the ten or twelve great books that come out every year in Europe, they will soon neglect their kids."—It's like being afraid that by planting trees along the coast, we’ll stop the waves from moving. Education isn’t that powerful. For four hundred years, the same argument has been made against all forms of education. Yet a Parisian woman in 1820 has more positive qualities than she did in 1720, during Law's system and the Regency. Back then, the daughter of the richest farmer-general had a poorer education than the daughter of the smallest attorney today. Are her household responsibilities any less well managed because of this? Absolutely not. Why? Because poverty, illness, shame, and instinct all compel her to fulfill those duties. It’s like saying an officer who becomes too social will forget how to ride; you have to remember he’ll break his arm the first time he slacks off in the saddle.
Knowledge, where it produces any bad effects at all, does as much mischief to one sex as to the other. We shall never lack vanity, even in the completest absence of any reason for having it—look at the middle class in a small town. Why not force it at least to repose on real merit, on merit useful or agreeable to society?
Knowledge, when it does cause any negative effects, harms both sexes equally. We'll always have vanity, even when there's no reason to have it—just consider the middle class in a small town. So why not make it based on real merit, on merit that benefits or pleases society?
Demi-fools, carried away by the revolution that is changing everything in France, began twenty years ago to allow that women are capable of something. But they must give themselves up to occupations becoming their sex: educate flowers, make friendships with birds, and pick up plants. These are called innocent amusements.
Demi-fools, swept up by the revolution that is transforming everything in France, started acknowledging twenty years ago that women can do something. But they have to stick to roles suited for their gender: teaching flowers, befriending birds, and gathering plants. These are labeled as harmless pastimes.
These innocent pleasures are better than idleness. Well! let's leave them to stupid women; just as we leave to stupid men the glory of composing verses for the birthday of the master of the house. But do men in good faith really mean to suggest to Madame Roland or to Mistress Hutchinson[1] that they should spend their time in tending a little Bengal rose-bush?
These simple pleasures are better than doing nothing. Well! let's leave those to foolish women; just like we leave to foolish men the honor of writing poems for the birthday of the head of the house. But do men really think it's a good idea to suggest to Madame Roland or Mistress Hutchinson[1] that they should waste their time taking care of a small Bengal rose-bush?
All such reasoning can be reduced to this: a man likes to be able to say of his slave: "She's too big a fool to be a knave."
All this reasoning comes down to this: a man wants to be able to say about his slave, "She's too much of a fool to be deceitful."
But owing to a certain law called sympathy—a law of nature which, in truth, vulgar eyes never perceive—the defects in the companion of your life are not destructive of your happiness by reason only of the direct ill they [Pg 229]can occasion you. I would almost prefer that my wife should, in a moment of anger, attempt to stab me once a year, than that she should welcome me every evening with bad spirits.
But because of a certain law called sympathy—a natural law that, truthfully, ordinary people never notice—the flaws in your life partner don’t ruin your happiness solely due to the direct harm they might cause you. I would almost rather my wife try to stab me once a year in a fit of anger than have her greet me with a bad mood every evening.
Finally, happiness is contagious among people who live together.
Finally, happiness spreads among people who live together.
Let your mistress have passed the morning, while you were on parade or at the House of Commons, in painting a rose after a masterpiece of Redouté, or in reading a volume of Shakespeare, her pleasure therein will have been equally innocent. Only, with the ideas that she has got from her rose she will soon bore you on your return, and, indeed, she will crave to go out in the evening among people to seek sensations a little more lively. Suppose, on the contrary, she has read Shakespeare, she is as tired as you are, she has had as much pleasure, and she will be happier to give you her arm for a solitary walk in the Bois de Vincennes than to appear at the smartest party. The pleasures of the fashionable world are not meant for happy women.
Let your girlfriend spend the morning, while you were at a parade or the House of Commons, painting a rose inspired by a masterpiece by Redouté or reading a volume of Shakespeare; her enjoyment will be just as innocent. But with the ideas she's gathered from her rose, she will soon start to bore you when you get back, and she'll definitely want to go out that evening among people to seek something a bit more exciting. On the other hand, if she's read Shakespeare, she’ll be just as tired as you are, have had just as much fun, and she’ll be glad to take your arm for a quiet walk in the Bois de Vincennes instead of going to the fanciest party. The pleasures of high society aren't meant for happy women.
Women have, of course, all ignorant men for enemies to their instruction. To-day they spend their time with them, they make love to them and are well received by them; what would become of them if women began to get tired of Boston? When we return from America or the West Indies with a tanned skin and manners that for six months remain somewhat coarse, how would these fellows answer our stories, if they had not this phrase: "As for us, the women are on our side. While you were at New York the colour of tilburies has changed; it's grey-black that's fashionable at present." And we listen attentively, for such knowledge is useful. Such and such a pretty woman will not look at us if our carriage is in bad taste.
Women definitely have all the clueless men as barriers to their learning. Right now, they spend time with them, flirt with them, and get along well; what would happen if women started to lose interest in Boston? When we come back from America or the West Indies with sun-kissed skin and a rough-around-the-edges demeanor that lingers for six months, how would these guys respond to our stories if they didn't have this line: "As for us, the women are on our side. While you were in New York, the color of carriages has changed; grey-black is in style now." And we listen closely because that kind of knowledge is important. Such-and-such a pretty woman won’t pay attention to us if we show up in an unattractive carriage.
These same fools, who think themselves obliged, in virtue of the pre-eminence of their sex, to have more knowledge than women, would be ruined past all hope, if [Pg 230]women had the audacity to learn something. A fool of thirty says to himself, as he looks at some little girls of twelve at the country house of one of his friends: "It's in their company that I shall spend my life ten years from now." We can imagine his exclamations and his terror, if he saw them studying something useful.
These same fools, who believe they have to know more than women just because they think their gender is superior, would be completely doomed if women had the guts to learn anything. A thirty-year-old fool thinks to himself, while watching some twelve-year-old girls at a friend's country house: "I'll be spending my life with them in ten years." We can picture his outbursts and his horror if he saw them learning something valuable.
Instead of the society and conversation of effeminate men, an educated woman, if she has acquired ideas without losing the graces of her sex, can always be sure of finding among the most distinguished men of her age a consideration verging on enthusiasm.
Instead of the society and conversation of delicate men, an educated woman, if she has gained insights without losing her femininity, can always count on finding among the most distinguished men of her generation a regard that approaches enthusiasm.
"Women would become the rivals instead of the companions of man." Yes, as soon as you have suppressed love by edict. While we are waiting for this fine law, love will redouble its charms and its ecstasy. These are the plain facts: the basis on which crystallisation rests will be widened; man will be able to take pleasure in all his ideas in company of the woman he loves; nature in all its entirety will in their eyes receive new charms; and as ideas always reflect some of the refinements of character, they will understand each other better and will be guilty of fewer imprudent acts—love will be less blind and will produce less unhappiness.
"Women will become rivals instead of companions to men." Yes, as soon as you suppress love by decree. While we wait for this great law, love will only grow stronger and more intense. These are the simple truths: the foundation on which connection is built will expand; men will enjoy sharing their ideas with the women they love; nature will reveal new beauty to them; and since ideas often reflect aspects of character, they will understand each other better and make fewer foolish mistakes—love will be less blind and bring less sorrow.
The desire of pleasing secures all that delicacy and reserve which are of such inestimable value to women from the influence of any scheme of education. 'Tis as though you feared teaching the nightingales not to sing in the spring-time.
The want to please protects all the sensitivity and restraint that are incredibly valuable to women from the impact of any education system. It's like being afraid to teach nightingales not to sing in the spring.
The graces of women do not depend on their ignorance; look at the worthy spouses of our village bourgeois, look at the wives of the opulent merchants in England. Affectation is a kind of pedantry; for I call pedantry the affectation of letting myself talk out of season of a dress by Leroy or a novel by Romagnesi, just as much as the affectation of quoting Fra Paolo(46) and the Council of Trent à propos of a discussion on our own mild missionaries. It is the pedantry of dress and good form, it [Pg 231]is the necessity of saying exactly the conventional phrase about Rossini, which kills the graces of Parisian women. Nevertheless, in spite of the terrible effects of this contagious malady, is it not in Paris that exist the most delightful women in France? Would not the reason be that chance filled their heads with the most just and interesting ideas? Well, it is these very ideas that I expect from books. I shall not, of course, suggest that they read Grotius of Puffendorf, now that we have Tracy's(47) commentary on Montesquieu.
The charm of women doesn't rely on their lack of knowledge; just look at the admirable wives of our local middle-class and the spouses of wealthy merchants in England. Pretentiousness is a type of snobbery; I define snobbery as pretending to casually mention a dress by Leroy or a novel by Romagnesi, just like pretending to quote Fra Paolo(46) and the Council of Trent in relation to a conversation about our own gentle missionaries. It's the snobbery of fashion and etiquette, it's the requirement to say the exact conventional remark about Rossini that stifles the charm of Parisian women. Still, despite the dreadful impact of this contagious issue, isn't it true that the most delightful women in France are in Paris? Wouldn't the reason be that chance filled their minds with the most accurate and engaging ideas? Well, these are the very ideas I expect from books. I certainly won't suggest they read Grotius or Puffendorf now that we have Tracy's(47) commentary on Montesquieu.
Woman's delicacy depends on the hazardous position in which she finds herself so early placed, on the necessity of spending her life in the midst of cruel and fascinating enemies.
A woman's sensitivity relies on the dangerous situation she is thrust into so early, on the need to spend her life among both cruel and captivating opponents.
There are, perhaps, fifty thousand females in Great Britain who are exempted by circumstances from all necessary labour: but without work there is no happiness. Passion forces itself to work, and to work of an exceedingly rough kind—work that employs the whole activity of one's being.
There are probably fifty thousand women in Great Britain who are exempt from all necessary work due to their circumstances: but without work, there’s no happiness. Passion drives one to work, and to work that’s incredibly demanding—work that engages the entire energy of one's being.
A woman with four children and ten thousand francs income works by making stockings or a frock for her daughter. But it cannot be allowed that a woman who has her own carriage is working when she does her embroidery or a piece of tapestry. Apart from some faint glow of vanity, she cannot possibly have any interest in what she is doing. She does not work.
A woman with four kids and an income of ten thousand francs makes stockings or a dress for her daughter. However, it's unacceptable to consider a woman who owns her own carriage as "working" when she does her embroidery or works on a piece of tapestry. Aside from some slight sense of vanity, she likely has no real interest in what she's doing. She doesn't actually work.
And thus her happiness runs a grave risk.
And so her happiness is at serious risk.
And what is more, so does the happiness of her lord and master, for a woman whose heart for two months has been enlivened by no other interest than that of her needlework, may be so insolent as to imagine that gallant-love, vanity-love, or, in fine, even physical love, is a very great happiness in comparison with her habitual condition.
And what's more, the happiness of her lord and master depends on this too, because a woman whose heart has been filled with nothing but her needlework for two months might be bold enough to think that romantic love, vanity-driven love, or even just physical love is a much greater happiness compared to her usual state.
"A woman ought not to make people speak about [Pg 232]her." To which I answer once more: "Is any woman specially mentioned as being able to read?"
"A woman shouldn't make people talk about [Pg 232]her." To which I respond again: "Is there any woman specifically mentioned as being able to read?"
And what is to prevent women, while awaiting a revolution in their destiny, from hiding a study which forms their habitual occupation and furnishes them every day with an honourable share of happiness. I will reveal a secret to them by the way. When you have given yourself a task—for example, to get a clear idea about the conspiracy of Fiescho(48), at Genoa in 1547—the most insipid book becomes interesting. The same is true, in love, of meeting someone quite indifferent, who has just seen the person whom you love. This interest is doubled every month, until you give up the conspiracy of Fiescho.
And what’s stopping women, while waiting for a change in their lives, from keeping a study that occupies them and brings them a daily dose of happiness? Let me share a little secret with you. Once you set yourself a task—like trying to understand the conspiracy of Fiescho(48) in Genoa back in 1547—even the dullest book can become fascinating. The same goes for love; meeting someone who doesn’t matter at all but has just seen the person you care about makes it even more interesting. This excitement grows each month until you finally lose interest in the conspiracy of Fiescho.
"The true theatre for a woman is the sick-chamber." But you must be careful to secure that the divine goodness redoubles the frequency of illnesses, in order to give occupation to our women. This is arguing from the exceptional.
"The true stage for a woman is the sickroom." But you need to make sure that divine goodness increases the number of illnesses so that our women have something to do. This is arguing from the exceptional.
Moreover, I maintain that a woman ought to spend three or four hours of leisure every day, just as men of sense spend their hours of leisure.
Moreover, I believe that a woman should spend three or four hours of free time every day, just like sensible men do with their leisure time.
A young mother, whose little son has the measles, could not, even if she would, find pleasure in reading Volney's Travels in Syria, any more than her husband, a rich banker, could get pleasure out of meditating on Malthus in the midst of bankruptcy.
A young mother, whose little son has the measles, couldn't, even if she tried, find joy in reading Volney's Travels in Syria, just as her husband, a wealthy banker, couldn't find any satisfaction in thinking about Malthus while dealing with bankruptcy.
There is one, and only one, way for rich women to distinguish themselves from the vulgar: moral superiority. For in this there is a natural distinction of feeling.[2]
There is one, and only one, way for wealthy women to stand out from the crowd: moral superiority. Because in this, there is a natural distinction of feeling.[2]
"We do not wish a lady to write books." No, but does giving your daughter a singing-master engage you to make her into an opera-singer? If you [Pg 233]like, I'll say that a woman ought only to write, like Madame de Staël (de Launay), posthumous works to be published after her death. For a woman of less than fifty to publish is to risk her happiness in the most terrible lottery: if she has the good fortune to have a lover, she will begin by losing him.
"We do not want a woman to write books." No, but does hiring a singing teacher for your daughter mean you're committed to making her an opera singer? If you like, I'll say that a woman should only write, like Madame de Staël (de Launay), works to be published after she’s gone. For a woman under fifty, publishing is like gambling with her happiness in the worst way: if she’s lucky enough to have a lover, she will likely lose him first.
I know but one exception: it is that of a woman who writes books in order to keep or bring up her family. In that case she ought always to confine herself to their money-value when talking of her own works, and say, for example, to a cavalry major: "Your rank gives you four thousand francs a year, and I, with my two translations from the English, was able last year to devote an extra three thousand five hundred francs to the education of my two boys."
I know of only one exception: it's a woman who writes books to support or raise her family. In that case, she should always focus on the financial value of her work when discussing it and say, for example, to a cavalry major: "Your rank gives you four thousand francs a year, and with my two translations from English, I was able to contribute an extra three thousand five hundred francs to the education of my two boys last year."
Otherwise, a woman should publish as Baron d'Holbach or Madame de la Fayette did; their best friends knew nothing of it. To print a book can only be without inconvenience for a courtesan; the vulgar, who can despise her at their will for her condition, will exalt her to the heavens for her talent, and even make a cult of it.
Otherwise, a woman should publish like Baron d'Holbach or Madame de la Fayette did; even their closest friends didn’t know about it. Publishing a book has no drawbacks for a courtesan; the general public, who can look down on her for her status, will praise her talent and might even turn it into a sensation.
Many men in France, among those who have an income of six thousand francs, find their habitual source of happiness in literature, without thinking of publishing anything; to read a good book is for them one of the greatest pleasures. At the end of ten years they find that their mind is enlarged twofold, and no one will deny that, in general, the larger the mind the fewer will be its passions incompatible with the happiness of others.[3] I don't suppose anyone will still deny that the sons of a woman who reads Gibbon and Schiller will have more genius than the children of one who tells her beads and reads Madame de Genlis.
Many men in France who earn six thousand francs often find their main source of happiness in literature, without any desire to publish anything; reading a good book brings them immense joy. After ten years, they realize their minds have expanded significantly, and no one can deny that, in general, broader minds tend to have fewer passions that clash with the happiness of others.[3] I don't think anyone can still argue that the children of a woman who reads Gibbon and Schiller will possess more creativity than those of a woman who merely prays and reads Madame de Genlis.
A young barrister, a merchant, an engineer can be [Pg 234]launched on life without any education; they pick it up themselves every day by practising their profession. But what resources have their wives for acquiring estimable or necessary qualities? Hidden in the solitude of their household, for them the great book of life necessarily remains shut. They spend always in the same way, after discussing the accounts with their cook, the three louis they get every Monday from their husbands.
A young lawyer, a businessperson, an engineer can start their careers without any formal education; they learn everything they need day by day as they practice their jobs. But what options do their wives have to gain valuable or necessary skills? Stuck in the isolation of their homes, the vast book of life stays closed for them. They spend their time in the same routine, often going over the expenses with their cook, managing the three louis they receive every Monday from their husbands.
I say this in the interest of the tyrant: the least of men, if he is twenty and has nice rosy cheeks, is a danger to a woman with no knowledge, because she is wholly a creature of instinct. In the eyes of a woman of intellect he will produce as much effect as a handsome lackey.
I mention this for the tyrant's sake: even the least impressive guy, if he's twenty and has nice rosy cheeks, can be a threat to a woman who doesn't know better, because she's purely driven by instinct. To an intelligent woman, he'll have the same impact as an attractive servant.
The amusing thing in present-day education is that you teach young girls nothing that they won't have to forget as soon as they are married. It needs four hours a day, for six years, to learn to play the harp well; to paint well in miniature or water-colours needs half that time. Most young girls do not attain even to a tolerable mediocrity—hence the very true saying: "Amateur means smatterer."[4]
The funny thing about modern education is that you teach young girls things they'll have to forget as soon as they get married. It takes four hours a day for six years to learn to play the harp well; painting well in miniatures or watercolors takes half that time. Most young girls don't even reach a decent level of skill—hence the saying: "Amateur means dabbler."[4]
And even supposing a young girl has some talent; three years after she is married she won't take up her harp or her brushes once a month. These objects of so much study now only bore her—unless chance has given her the soul of an artist, and this is always a rarity and scarcely helpful in the management of a household.
And even if a young girl has some talent, three years after she gets married, she won’t pick up her harp or paintbrushes more than once a month. These things she used to study so hard now just bore her—unless by chance she has the soul of an artist, which is always rare and not very useful for running a household.
And thus under the vain pretext of decency you teach young girls nothing that can give them guidance in the circumstances they will encounter in their lives. You do more—you hide and deny these circumstances in order to add to their strength, through the effect (i) of surprise, and (ii) of mistrust; for education, once [Pg 235]found deceitful, must bring mistrust on education as a whole.[5] I maintain that one ought to talk of love to girls who have been well brought up. Who will dare suggest in good faith that, in the actual state of our manners, girls of sixteen do not know of the existence of love? From whom do they get this idea so important and so difficult to give properly? Think of Julie d'Étanges deploring the knowledge that she owes to la Chaillot, one of the maidservants. One must thank Rousseau for having dared be a true painter in an age of false decency.
And so, under the false guise of decency, you teach young girls nothing that can actually guide them in the situations they will face in life. You do even more—you hide and deny these situations to make them even more impactful, through the effects (i) of surprise and (ii) of distrust; for education, once found to be deceitful, breeds distrust towards education as a whole. [Pg 235] I argue that we should discuss love with girls who have been raised well. Who would honestly claim that, given today’s reality, sixteen-year-old girls are unaware of love's existence? Where do they get this significant yet difficult-to-explain idea? Think of Julie d'Étanges lamenting the knowledge she gained from la Chaillot, one of the maids. We should be thankful to Rousseau for having the courage to be a true artist in an era of false modesty.
The present-day education of women being perhaps the most delightful absurdity in modern Europe, strictly speaking the less education they have, the better they are.[6] It is for this reason perhaps that in Italy and Spain they are so superior to the men, and I will even say so superior to the women of other countries.
The education of women today is arguably one of the most amusing contradictions in modern Europe; technically speaking, the less education they have, the better they are.[6] This might explain why in Italy and Spain they are so much better than the men, and I would go so far as to say they are far superior to the women in other countries.
[1] See the Memoirs of these admirable women. I could find other names to quote, but they are unknown to the public, and moreover one cannot even point to living merit.
[1] Check out the Memoirs of these amazing women. I could mention other names, but they are not well-known to the public, and besides, it's hard to highlight current achievements.
[2] See Mistress Hutchinson refusing to be of use to her family and her husband, whom she adored, by betraying certain of the regicides to the ministers of the perjured Charles II. (Vol. II, p. 284.)
[2] Look at Mistress Hutchinson, refusing to help her family and her husband, whom she loved, by turning in some of the regicides to the ministers of the dishonest Charles II. (Vol. II, p. 284.)
[3] It is this that gives me great hopes for the rising generation among the privileged classes. I also hope that any husbands who read this chapter will be milder despots for three days.
[3] This gives me a lot of optimism for the younger generation in the privileged classes. I also hope that any husbands who read this chapter will be gentler rulers for three days.
CHAPTER LVI(43)
OBJECTIONS TO THE EDUCATION OF WOMEN
(continued)
In France all our ideas about women are got from a twopence-halfpenny catechism. The delightful part of it is that many people, who would not allow the authority of this book to regulate a matter of fifty francs, foolishly follow it word for word in that which bears most nearly on their happiness. Such is the vanity of nineteenth-century ways!
In France, all our ideas about women come from a cheap little catechism. The funny part is that many people who wouldn’t let this book dictate anything that costs fifty francs blindly follow it word for word on issues that affect their happiness the most. Such is the ridiculousness of nineteenth-century attitudes!
There must be no divorce because marriage is a mystery—and what mystery? The emblem of the union of Jesus Christ with the Church. And what had become of this mystery, if the Church had been given a name of the masculine gender?[1] But let us pass over prejudices already giving way,[2] and let us merely observe this singular [Pg 237]spectacle: the root of the tree sapped by the axe of ridicule, but the branches continuing to flower.
There should be no divorce because marriage is a mystery—and what kind of mystery? It symbolizes the union of Jesus Christ with the Church. And what would happen to this mystery if the Church was given a masculine name?[1] But let's set aside outdated views[2] and just take a moment to notice this unique[Pg 237] spectacle: the root of the tree weakened by the axe of ridicule, yet the branches continue to bloom.
Now to return to the observation of facts and their consequences.
Now let's go back to observing facts and their consequences.
In both sexes it is on the manner in which youth has been employed that depends the fate of extreme old age—this is true for women earlier than for men. How is a woman of forty-five received in society? Severely, or more often in a way that is below her dignity. Women are flattered at twenty and abandoned at forty.
In both genders, the way youth has been spent determines the outcome of extreme old age—this applies to women sooner than to men. How is a forty-five-year-old woman treated in society? Harshly, or more often in a way that feels undignified. Women are praised at twenty and discarded by forty.
A woman of forty-five is of importance only by reason of her children or her lover.
A 45-year-old woman is only considered important because of her children or her partner.
A mother who excels in the fine arts can communicate her talent to her son only in the extremely rare case, where he has received from nature precisely the soul for this talent. But a mother of intellect and culture will give her young son a grasp not only of all merely agreeable talents, but also of all talents that are useful to man in society; and he will be able to make his own choice. The barbarism of the Turks depends in great part on the state of moral degradation among the beautiful Georgians. Two young men born at Paris owe to their mothers the incontestable superiority that they show at sixteen over the young provincials of their age. It is from sixteen to twenty-five that the luck turns.
A mother who is skilled in the fine arts can only pass on her talent to her son in the very rare situation where he is naturally equipped with the soul for that talent. However, a mother with intellect and culture will provide her young son with an understanding of not just pleasant talents, but also those that are beneficial to society; he will be able to make his own choices. The lack of progress in the Turks is largely due to the moral decline among the beautiful Georgians. Two young men born in Paris owe their undeniable advantage at sixteen over their provincial peers to their mothers. It's between the ages of sixteen and twenty-five that fortunes shift.
The men who invented gunpowder, printing, the art of weaving, contribute every day to our happiness, and the same is true of the Montesquieus, the Racines and the La Fontaines. Now the number of geniuses produced by a nation is in proportion to the number of men receiving sufficient culture,[3] and there is nothing to prove to me that my bootmaker has not the soul to write like [Pg 238]Corneille. He wants the education necessary to develop his feelings and teach him to communicate them to the public.[4]
The people who invented gunpowder, printing, and weaving contribute to our happiness every day, and the same goes for figures like Montesquieu, Racine, and La Fontaine. The number of geniuses a nation produces is related to how many people receive a good education,[3] and there’s nothing that proves to me that my shoemaker doesn’t have the talent to write like [Pg 238]Corneille. He just needs the education to express his feelings and learn how to share them with the public.[4]
Owing to the present system of girls' education, all geniuses who are born women are lost to the public good. So soon as chance gives them the means of displaying themselves, you see them attain to talents the most difficult to acquire. In our own days you see a Catherine II, who had no other education but danger and ...; a Madame Roland; an Alessandra Mari, who raised a regiment in Arezzo and sent it against the French; a Caroline, Queen of Naples, who knew how to put a stop to the contagion of liberalism better than all our Castlereaghs and our Pitts. As for what stands in the way of women's superiority in works of art, see the chapter on Modesty, article 9. What might Miss Edgeworth not have done, if the circumspection necessary to a young English girl had not forced her at the outset of her career to carry the pulpit into her novel?
Owing to the current system of girls' education, all female geniuses are lost to the public good. As soon as they get the chance to showcase their talents, you see them develop skills that are incredibly hard to master. Nowadays, you have a Catherine II, who had no other education but danger and ...; a Madame Roland; an Alessandra Mari, who raised a regiment in Arezzo and sent it to fight the French; a Caroline, Queen of Naples, who knew how to stop the spread of liberalism better than all our Castlereaghs and Pitts. As for what hinders women's superiority in art, see the chapter on Modesty, article 9. What might Miss Edgeworth have achieved if the caution expected of a young English girl hadn’t forced her to bring the pulpit into her novel at the start of her career?
What man is there, in love or in marriage, who has the good fortune to be able to communicate his thoughts, just as they occur to him, to the woman with whom he passes his life? He may find a good heart that will share his sorrows, but he is always obliged to turn his thoughts into small change if he wishes to be understood, and it would be ridiculous to expect reasonable counsel from an intellect that has need of such a method in order to seize the facts. The most perfect woman, according to the ideas of present-day education, leaves her partner isolated amid the dangers of life and soon runs the risk of wearying him.
What guy, in love or in a relationship, is lucky enough to share his thoughts just as they come to him with the woman he spends his life with? He might find a kind heart that will empathize with his struggles, but he always has to simplify his feelings if he wants to be understood, and it would be silly to expect wise advice from someone who needs to break things down to grasp the facts. The ideal woman, based on today's standards, often leaves her partner feeling alone in the challenges of life and quickly risks becoming a source of dissatisfaction for him.
[Pg 239]What an excellent counsellor would a man not find in a wife, if only she could think—a counsellor, after all, whose interests, apart from one single object, and one which does not last beyond the morning of life, are exactly identical with his own!
[Pg 239]What a great advisor a man could have in a wife, if only she could think—an advisor whose interests, except for one single thing, which doesn’t last beyond the morning of life, align perfectly with his own!
One of the finest prerogatives of the mind is that it provides old age with consideration. See how the arrival of Voltaire in Paris makes the Royal majesty pale. But poor women! so soon as they have no longer the brilliance of youth, their one sad happiness is to be able to delude themselves on the part they take in society.
One of the best privileges of the mind is that it offers old age some respect. Just look at how Voltaire's arrival in Paris makes royalty feel inferior. But poor women! As soon as they lose the luster of their youth, their only bittersweet joy is to convince themselves of their role in society.
The ruins of youthful talents become merely ridiculous, and it were a happiness for our women, such as they actually are, to die at fifty. As for a higher morality—the clearer the mind, the surer the conviction that justice is the only road to happiness. Genius is a power; but still more is it a torch, to light the way to the great art of being happy.
The ruins of young talents become just laughable, and it would be a blessing for our women, as they truly are, to pass away at fifty. As for a higher sense of morality—the clearer the mind, the stronger the belief that justice is the only path to happiness. Genius is a force; but even more, it’s a light, guiding us to the great skill of being happy.
Most men have a moment in their life when they are capable of great things—that moment when nothing seems impossible to them. The ignorance of women causes this magnificent chance to be lost to the human race. Love, nowadays, at the very most will make a man a good horseman or teach him to choose his tailor.
Most men have a moment in their lives when they are capable of amazing things—that moment when nothing feels impossible to them. The lack of understanding from women leads to this incredible opportunity being wasted by humanity. Love, in today’s world, at best will make a man a good horseman or help him pick a good tailor.
I have no time to defend myself against the advances of criticism. If my word could set up systems, I should give girls, as far as possible, exactly the same education as boys. As I have no intention of writing a book about everything and nothing, I shall be excused from explaining in what regards the present education of men is absurd. But taking it such as it is (they are not taught the two premier sciences, logic and ethics), it is better, I say, to give this education to girls than merely to teach them to play the piano, to paint in water-colours and to do needlework.
I don't have time to defend myself against criticism. If I could create systems with my words, I would give girls the same education as boys, as much as possible. Since I don't plan to write a book about everything and nothing, I won't explain why the current education for men is ridiculous. But given that it is what it is (they aren't taught the two main subjects, logic and ethics), I believe it's better to provide this education to girls than just teaching them to play the piano, paint in watercolors, and do needlework.
Teach girls, therefore, reading, writing and arithmetic by the monitorial(44) system in the central convent [Pg 240]schools, in which the presence of any man, except the masters, should be severely punished. The great advantage of bringing children together is that, however narrow the masters may be, in spite of them the children learn from their little comrades the art of living in the world and of managing conflicting interests. A sensible master would explain their little quarrels and friendships to the children, and begin his course of ethics in this way rather than with the story of the Golden Calf.[5]
Teach girls reading, writing, and math using the monitorial(44) system in the central convent[Pg 240] schools, where the presence of any man, except for the teachers, should be strictly punished. The main benefit of bringing children together is that, no matter how limited the teachers might be, the kids learn from each other about navigating life and managing different interests. A wise teacher would help the children understand their small conflicts and friendships, starting his ethics lessons this way instead of with the story of the Golden Calf.[5]
No doubt some years hence the monitorial system will be applied to everything that is learnt; but, taking things as they actually are, I would have girls learn Latin like boys. Latin is a good subject because it accustoms one to be bored; with Latin should go history, mathematics, a knowledge of the plants useful as nourishment or medicine; then logic and the moral sciences, etc. Dancing, music and drawing ought to begin at five.
I'm sure that in a few years, the monitorial system will be applied to everything we learn; however, considering the current situation, I would want girls to learn Latin like boys do. Latin is a valuable subject because it helps develop the ability to deal with boredom. Along with Latin, history, mathematics, and knowledge of useful plants for food or medicine should be included; then logic and moral sciences, etc. Dancing, music, and drawing should start at age five.
At sixteen a girl ought to think about finding a husband, and get from her mother right ideas on love, marriage, and the want of honesty that exists among men.[6]
At sixteen, a girl should start thinking about finding a husband and getting the right ideas about love, marriage, and the lack of honesty that can be found among men.[6]
(See M. de Potter, History of the Church.)
[2] Religion is a matter between each man and the Divinity. By what right do you come and place yourself between my God and me? I accept a proctor appointed by the social contract only in those matters which I cannot do myself.
[2] Religion involves the individual and their relationship with God. Who gives you the right to come between my God and me? I agree to have a representative chosen by society only in situations where I cannot handle things on my own.
Why should not a Frenchman pay his priest like his baker? If we have good bread in Paris, the reason is that the State has not yet ventured to declare the provision of bread gratuitous and put all the bakers at the charge of the Treasury.
Why shouldn't a Frenchman pay his priest like his baker? If we have good bread in Paris, it's because the State hasn't tried to make bread free and put all the bakers on the government payroll.
In the United States every man pays his own priest. These gentry are compelled to have some merit, and my neighbour does not see good to make his happiness depend on submitting me to his priest. (Letters of Birkbeck.)
In the United States, every person pays their own priest. These individuals are expected to have some value, and my neighbor doesn't believe in making his well-being dependent on submitting me to his priest. (Letters of Birkbeck.)
What will happen if I have the conviction, as our fathers did, that my priest is the intimate ally of my bishop? Without a Luther, there will be no more Catholicism in France in 1850. That religion could only be saved in 1820 by M. Grégoire(49): see how he is treated.
What will happen if I believe, like our fathers did, that my priest is a close partner of my bishop? Without Luther, Catholicism will cease to exist in France in 1850. That faith could only be saved in 1820 by M. Grégoire(49): just look at how he is treated.
[4] As regards the arts, here we have the great defect of a reasonable government as well as the sole reasonable eulogy of monarchy à la Louis XIV. Look at the literary sterility of America. Not a single romance like those of Robert Burns or the Spaniards of the thirteenth century. See the admirable romances of the modern Greeks, those of the Spaniards and Danes of the thirteenth century, and still better, the Arabic poetry of the seventh century.
[4] When it comes to the arts, we see both a major flaw in a rational government and the only rational praise for monarchy like that of Louis XIV. Just look at the lack of literary creativity in America. There isn’t a single novel like those of Robert Burns or the Spanish writers of the thirteenth century. Consider the remarkable stories of the modern Greeks, as well as those of the Spaniards and Danes from the thirteenth century, and even better, the Arabic poetry from the seventh century.
[5] My dear pupil, your father loves you; this makes him give me forty francs a month to teach you mathematics, drawing—in a word, how to earn your living. If you were cold, because your overcoat was too small, your father would be unhappy. He would be unhappy because he would sympathise, etc., etc. But when you are eighteen, you yourself will have to earn the money needed to buy your overcoat. Your father, I have heard, has an income of twenty-five thousand francs, but there are four of you children; therefore you will have to accustom yourself to do without the carriage you enjoy while you live with your father, etc., etc.
[5] My dear student, your dad loves you, which is why he pays me forty francs a month to teach you math, drawing—in short, how to make a living. If you were cold because your coat was too small, your dad would be upset. He’d be upset because he would feel for you, and so on. But when you turn eighteen, you’ll need to earn the money to buy your own coat. I’ve heard your dad has an income of twenty-five thousand francs, but there are four of you kids; so you’ll need to get used to doing without the carriage you enjoy while living with him, and so on.
[6] Yesterday evening I listened to two charming little girls of four years old singing very gay love-songs in a swing which I was pushing. The maidservants teach them these songs and their mother tells them that "love" and "lover" are words without any meaning.
[6] Yesterday evening, I heard two adorable four-year-old girls singing cheerful love songs while I pushed them on a swing. The maids teach them these songs, and their mother tells them that "love" and "lover" are words that don't mean anything.
CHAPTER LVI
(Part II)
ABOUT MARRIAGE
The fidelity of married women, where love is absent, is probably something contrary to nature.[1]
The loyalty of married women, when love is missing, is likely something unnatural.[1]
Men have attempted to obtain this unnatural result by the fear of hell and sentiments of religion; the example of Spain and Italy shows how far they have succeeded.
Men have tried to achieve this unnatural outcome through the fear of hell and religious feelings; the examples of Spain and Italy demonstrate how successful they have been.
In France they have attempted to obtain it by public opinion—the one dyke capable of resistance, yet it has been badly built. It is absurd to tell a young girl: "You must be faithful to the husband of your choice," and then to marry her by force to a boring old dotard.[2]
In France, they've tried to achieve this through public opinion—the only barrier that can hold up against it, but it's poorly constructed. It's ridiculous to tell a young woman, "You must be faithful to the husband you choose," and then to force her to marry a dull old man.[2]
[Pg 242]"But girls are pleased to get married." Because, under the narrow system of present-day education, the slavery that they undergo in their mother's house is intolerably tedious; further, they lack enlightenment; and, lastly, there are the demands of nature. There is but one way to obtain more fidelity among married women: it is to give freedom to girls and divorce to married people.
[Pg 242]"But girls are eager to get married." This is because, under the limited education system today, the confinement they experience in their mother's home is unbearably dull; additionally, they lack awareness; and lastly, there are natural urges. The only way to ensure more loyalty among married women is to grant freedom to girls and allow divorce for married individuals.
A woman always loses the fairest days of her youth in her first marriage, and by divorce she gives fools the chance of talking against her.
A woman always spends the best days of her youth in her first marriage, and by getting divorced, she gives people a reason to talk negatively about her.
Young women who have plenty of lovers have nothing to get from divorce, and women of a certain age, who have already had them, hope to repair their reputation—in France they always succeed in doing so—by showing themselves extremely severe against the errors which have left them behind. It is generally some wretched young woman, virtuous and desperately in love, who seeks a divorce, and gets her good name blackened at the hands of women who have had fifty different men.
Young women with many lovers see no benefit in divorce, while older women, who have had their share of experiences, try to restore their reputation—something they always manage to do in France—by being very harsh about the mistakes they've moved on from. Usually, it’s a poor young woman, innocent and hopelessly in love, who asks for a divorce and ends up having her good name tarnished by women who've been with dozens of men.
[1] Not probably—but certainly. With love there, one has no taste for any water but that of the beloved fount. So far fidelity is natural.
[1] Not probably—but definitely. When love is present, one craves only the water from the well of the beloved. This level of loyalty feels instinctive.
In the case of marriage without love, in less than two years the water of this fountain becomes bitter. Now the desire for water always exists in nature. Habits may conquer nature, but only when it can be conquered in an instant: the Indian wife who burns herself (October 21st, 1821), after the death of the old husband whom she hated; the European girl who barbarously murders the innocent child to whom she has just given life. But for a very high wall the monks would soon leave the monastery.
In marriages without love, less than two years in, the joy in it becomes bitterness. The thirst for love is a natural desire. While habits can suppress that desire, it can only be overruled momentarily: like the Indian wife who commits suicide after the death of her husband whom she detested; or the European girl who coldheartedly kills the innocent child she just gave birth to. However, if the wall were much higher, the monks would quickly abandon the monastery.
[2] Even down to details, with us everything that regards the education of women is comic. For example, in 1820, under the rule of these very nobles who have proscribed divorce, the Home Office sends to the town of Lâon a bust and a statue of Gabrielle d'Estrées. The statue is to be set up in the public square, apparently to spread love of the Bourbons among the young girls and to exhort them, in case of need, not to be cruel to amorous kings and to give scions to this illustrious family.
[2] Right down to the details, everything about the education of women with us is pretty comical. For instance, in 1820, under the rule of these very nobles who have banned divorce, the Home Office sends a bust and a statue of Gabrielle d'Estrées to the town of Lâon. The statue is meant to be placed in the public square, seemingly to inspire love for the Bourbons among young girls and to encourage them, if necessary, not to be harsh to lovesick kings and to bear heirs for this prestigious family.
But, in return, the same office refuses the town of Lâon a bust of Marshal Serrurier, a brave man who was no gallant, and moreover had been so vulgar as to begin his career by the trade of private soldier. (Speech of General Foy, Courrier of 17th June, 1820. Dulaure, in his curious History of Paris, Amours of Henry IV.)
But, in return, the same office denies the town of Lâon a bust of Marshal Serrurier, a brave man who was not particularly chivalrous and had actually started his career as a regular soldier. (Speech of General Foy, Courrier of 17th June, 1820. Dulaure, in his interesting History of Paris, Amours of Henry IV.)
CHAPTER LVII
OF VIRTUE, SO NAMED
Myself, I honour with the name of virtue the habit of doing painful actions which are of use to others.
I personally consider the habit of doing difficult things that help others to be a form of virtue.
St. Simon Stylites, who sits twenty-two years on the top of a column beating himself with a strap, is in my eyes, I confess, not at all virtuous; and it is this that gives this essay a tone only too unprincipled.
St. Simon Stylites, who spent twenty-two years sitting on top of a column while beating himself with a strap, doesn't seem virtuous to me, I admit, and that’s what gives this essay a rather unprincipled tone.
I esteem not a bit more the Chartreux monk who eats nothing but fish and allows himself to talk only on Thursday. I own I prefer General Carnot, who, at an advanced age, puts up with the rigours of exile in a little northern town rather than do a base action.
I don’t think any more of the Chartreux monk who only eats fish and only speaks on Thursdays. I actually prefer General Carnot, who, at his old age, endures the hardships of exile in a small northern town rather than commit a shameful act.
I have some hope that this extremely vulgar declaration will lead the reader to skip the rest of this chapter.
I hope this really crude statement makes the reader decide to skip the rest of this chapter.
This morning, a holiday, at Pesaro (May 7th, 1819), being obliged to go to Mass, I got hold of a Missal and fell upon these words:—
This morning, a holiday, in Pesaro (May 7th, 1819), I had to go to Mass, so I grabbed a Missal and came across these words:—
Joanna, Alphonsi quinti Lusitaniae regis filia, tanta divini amoris flamma praeventa fuit, ut ab ipsa pueritia rerum caducarum pertaesa, solo coelestis patriae desiderio flagraret.
Joanna, the daughter of Alphonso the fifth, King of Portugal, was so filled with divine love that, from her childhood, she grew weary of the fleeting things of this world and was solely consumed by her desire for her heavenly home.
The virtue so touchingly preached by the very beautiful words of the Génie du Christianisme(50) is thus reduced to not eating truffles for fear of a stomach-ache. It is quite a reasonable calculation, if you believe in hell; but it is a self-interested calculation, the most personal and prosaic possible. That philosophic virtue, which so well explains the return of Regulus to Carthage, and which was responsible for some similar incidents in our [Pg 244]own Revolution,[1] proves, on the contrary, generosity of soul.
The virtue beautifully emphasized by the eloquent words of the Génie du Christianisme(50) is reduced to simply avoiding truffles to prevent a stomach ache. It makes sense, especially if you believe in hell; however, it's a self-serving calculation, the most personal and mundane there is. That philosophical virtue, which perfectly illustrates Regulus's return to Carthage and played a role in similar events during our own [Pg 244]Revolution,[1] instead demonstrates a generosity of spirit.
It is merely in order not to be burned in the next world, in a great caldron of boiling oil, that Madame de Tourvel resists Valmont. I cannot imagine how the idea, with all its ignominy, of being the rival of a caldron of boiling oil does not drive Valmont away.
It’s only to avoid getting burned in the next world, in a huge pot of boiling oil, that Madame de Tourvel holds back from Valmont. I can’t believe how the thought, with all its shame, of being compared to a pot of boiling oil doesn’t make Valmont back off.
How much more touching is Julie d'Étanges, respecting her vows and the happiness of M. de Wolmar.
How much more moving is Julie d'Étanges, honoring her vows and the happiness of M. de Wolmar.
What I say of Madame de Tourvel, I find applicable to the lofty virtue of Mistress Hutchinson. What a soul did Puritanism steal away from love!
What I say about Madame de Tourvel applies to the high virtue of Mistress Hutchinson. What a soul did Puritanism rob of love!
One of the oddest peculiarities of this world is that men always think they know whatever it is clearly necessary for them to know. Hear them talk about politics, that very complicated science; hear them talk of marriage and morals.
One of the strangest things about this world is that men always believe they know everything they need to know. Listen to them discuss politics, that incredibly complicated field; listen to them talk about marriage and ethics.
[1] Memoirs of Madame Roland. M. Grangeneuve, who goes out for a walk at eight o'clock in a certain street, in order to be killed by the Capuchin Chabot. A death was thought expedient in the cause of liberty.
[1] Memoirs of Madame Roland. M. Grangeneuve, who goes for a walk at eight o'clock on a specific street, to be killed by the Capuchin Chabot. It was deemed necessary for the sake of liberty.
CHAPTER LVIII
STATE OF EUROPE ON MARRIAGE
So far we have only treated the question of marriage according to theory;[1] we are now to treat it according to the facts.
So far, we've only discussed marriage from a theoretical standpoint;[1] now we're going to examine it based on real-life situations.
Which of all countries is that in which there are the most happy marriages? Without dispute, Protestant Germany(52).
Which country has the happiest marriages? Without a doubt, it's Protestant Germany(52).
I extract the following fragment from the diary of Captain Salviati, without changing a single word in it:—
I’m sharing this excerpt from Captain Salviati’s diary, without altering a single word:—
"Halberstadt, June 23rd, 1807.... Nevertheless, M. de Bülow is absolutely and openly in love with Mademoiselle de Feltheim; he follows her about everywhere, always, talks to her unceasingly, and very often keeps her yards away from us. Such open marks of affection shock society, break it up—and on the banks of the Seine would pass for the height of indecency. The Germans think much less than we do about what breaks up society; indecency is little more than a conventional evil. For five years M. de Bülow has been paying court in this way to Mina, whom he has been unable to marry owing to the war. All the young ladies in society have their lover, and he is known to everyone. Among all the German acquaintances of my friend M. de Mermann(53) there is not a single one who has not married for love.
Halberstadt, June 23rd, 1807.... Still, M. de Bülow is completely and openly in love with Mademoiselle de Feltheim; he follows her everywhere, constantly talks to her, and often keeps her yards away from us. Such blatant displays of affection shock society, disrupt it—and along the banks of the Seine, they would be seen as highly inappropriate. The Germans think much less about what disrupts society; indecency is almost just a conventional issue. For five years, M. de Bülow has been courting Mina, whom he hasn't been able to marry because of the war. All the young women in society have their lovers, and everyone knows about them. Among all the German acquaintances of my friend M. de Mermann(53), there's not a single one who has married for anything other than love.
"Mermann, his brother George, M. de Voigt, M. de [Pg 246]Lazing, etc. He has just given me the names of a dozen of them.
"Mermann, his brother George, M. de Voigt, M. de [Pg 246]Lazing, etc. He has just shared the names of a dozen of them."
"The open and passionate way in which these lovers pay their court to their mistresses would be the height of indecency, absurdity and shame in France.
"The open and passionate way these lovers pursue their partners would be seen as extremely indecent, ridiculous, and shameful in France."
"Mermann told me this evening, as we were returning from the Chasseur Vert, that, among all the women of his very numerous family, he did not suppose there was a single one who had deceived her husband. Allowing that he is wrong about half of them, it is still a singular country.
"Mermann told me this evening, as we were returning from the Chasseur Vert, that out of all the women in his large family, he didn't think there was a single one who had cheated on her husband. Even if he's mistaken about half of them, it's still a unique place."
"His shady proposal to his sister-in-law, Madame de Munichow, whose family is about to die out for want of male heirs and its very considerable possessions revert to the crown, coldly received, but merely with: 'Let's hear no more of that.'
"His shady proposal to his sister-in-law, Madame de Munichow, whose family is about to die out for lack of male heirs, causing their substantial possessions to revert to the crown, was met with a cold response of, 'Let's not talk about that anymore.'"
"He tells the divine Philippine (who has just obtained a divorce from her husband, who only wanted to sell her to his Sovereign) something about it in very covert terms. Unfeigned indignation, toned down in its expression instead of being exaggerated: 'Have you, then, no longer any respect for our sex? I prefer to think, for the sake of your honour, that you're joking.'
"He tells the divine Philippine (who has just gotten a divorce from her husband, who only wanted to sell her to his Sovereign) something about it in very subtle terms. Genuine anger, softened in its expression instead of being exaggerated: 'So, you really have no respect for our gender anymore? I’d rather believe, for the sake of your honor, that you’re just joking.'"
"During a journey to the Brocken with this really beautiful woman, she reclined on his shoulder while asleep or pretending to sleep; a jolt threw her somewhat on to the top of him, and he put his arm round her waist; she threw herself into the other corner of the carriage. He doesn't think that she is incorruptible, but he believes that she would kill herself the day after her mistake. What is certain is that he loved her passionately and that he was similarly loved by her, that they saw each other continually and that she is without reproach. But the sun is very pale at Halberstadt, the Government very meddling, and these two persons very cold. In their most passionate interviews Kant and Klopstock were always of the party.
"During a trip to the Brocken with this really beautiful woman, she rested her head on his shoulder, either asleep or pretending to be; a jolt caused her to lean into him, and he put his arm around her waist. She quickly moved to the opposite side of the carriage. He doesn’t believe she’s beyond temptation, but he thinks she would be devastated after making a mistake. What’s clear is that he loved her deeply and she loved him in return; they spent time together often, and she has no faults. But the sun is pretty weak in Halberstadt, the government is very intrusive, and these two are quite distant. In their most passionate moments, Kant and Klopstock were always a part of it."
[Pg 247]"Mermann told me that a married man, convicted of adultery, could be condemned by the courts of Brunswick to ten years' imprisonment; the law has fallen into disuse, but at least ensures that people do not joke about this sort of affair. The distinction of being a man with a past is very far from being such an advantage here as it is in France, where you can scarcely refuse it a married man in his presence without insulting him.
[Pg 247]"Mermann informed me that a married man found guilty of adultery could be sentenced to ten years in prison by the courts of Brunswick; although the law isn't often enforced anymore, it at least discourages people from making light of this kind of situation. The idea of being a man with a past doesn’t carry the same prestige here as it does in France, where you can hardly deny it to a married man in front of him without offending him.
"Anyone who told my Colonel or Ch... that they no longer have women since their marriage would get a very poor reception.
"Anyone who told my Colonel or Ch... that they no longer have women since their marriage would get a really bad reaction."
"Some years ago a woman of this country, in a fit of religious fervour, told her husband, a gentleman of the Court of Brunswick, that she had deceived him for six years together. The husband, as big a fool as his wife, went to tell the news to the Duke; the gallant was obliged to resign all his employments and to leave the country in twenty-four hours, under a threat from the Duke to put the laws in motion. "
"Some years ago, a woman from this country, caught up in a wave of religious passion, confessed to her husband, a gentleman at the Court of Brunswick, that she had been unfaithful to him for six years. The husband, just as foolish as his wife, rushed to inform the Duke; as a result, the man had to give up all his positions and leave the country within twenty-four hours, facing a threat from the Duke to take legal action."
"Halberstadt, July 7th, 1807.
Halberstadt, July 7, 1807.
"Husbands are not deceived here, 'tis true—but ye gods, what women! Statues, masses scarcely organic! Before marriage they are exceedingly attractive, graceful as gazelles, with quick tender eyes that always understand the least hint of love. The reason is that they are on the look out for a husband. So soon as the husband is found, they become absolutely nothing but getters of children, in a state of perpetual adoration before the begetter. In a family of four or five children there must always be one of them ill, since half the children die before seven, and in this country, immediately one of the babies is ill, the mother goes out no more. I can see that they find an indescribable pleasure in being caressed by their children. Little by little they lose all their ideas. It is the same at Philadelphia. There girls of the wildest and most innocent gaiety become, in less [Pg 248]than a year, the most boring of women. To have done with the marriages of Protestant Germany—a wife's dowry is almost nil because of the fiefs. Mademoiselle de Diesdorff, daughter of a man with an income of forty thousand francs, will have a dowry of perhaps two thousand crowns (seven thousand five hundred francs).
"Husbands aren't fooled here, that's true—but oh my gods, what women! They seem like statues, almost lifeless! Before marriage, they are incredibly attractive, graceful like gazelles, with quick, tender eyes that easily catch every hint of love. The reason is that they’re actively searching for a husband. Once they find one, they turn into nothing more than mothers, always in a state of adoration for the father. In a family with four or five kids, one of them is always sick, since half the kids don’t make it to seven, and in this country, as soon as one of the babies gets ill, the mother stops going out. I can tell they find immense joy in being hugged by their children. Slowly, they lose all their previous ideas. It’s the same in Philadelphia. There, girls who are the liveliest and most innocent become, in less than a year, the most tedious of women. Regarding the marriages in Protestant Germany—a wife's dowry is practically nothing because of the fiefs. Mademoiselle de Diesdorff, daughter of a man with an income of forty thousand francs, will have a dowry of about two thousand crowns (seven thousand five hundred francs).
"M. de Mermann got four thousand crowns with his wife.
"M. de Mermann received four thousand crowns when he married his wife."
"The rest of the dowry is payable in vanity at the Court. 'One could find among the middle class,' Mermann told me, 'matches with a hundred or a hundred and fifty thousand crowns (six hundred thousand francs instead of fifteen). But one could no longer be presented at Court; one would be barred all society in which a prince or princess appeared: it's terrible.' These were his words, and they came from the heart.
"The rest of the dowry is paid in vanity at the Court. 'You could find among the middle class,' Mermann told me, 'matches worth a hundred or a hundred and fifty thousand crowns (six hundred thousand francs instead of fifteen). But you could no longer be presented at Court; you would be shut out of all society where a prince or princess might appear: it's terrible.' Those were his words, and they came from the heart."
"A German woman with the soul of Phi..., her intellect, her noble and sensitive face, the fire she must have had at eighteen (she is now twenty-seven), a woman such as this country produces, with her virtue, naturalness and no more than a useful little dose of religion—such a woman would no doubt make her husband very happy. But how flatter oneself that one would remain true to such insipid matrons?
"A German woman with the spirit of Phi..., her intelligence, her kind and expressive face, the passion she must have had at eighteen (she is now twenty-seven), a woman like those produced in this country, with her virtue, authenticity, and just a bit of practicality in her faith—such a woman would surely make her husband very happy. But how can one kid themselves into thinking they would stay faithful to such bland wives?"
"'But he was married,' she answered me this morning when I blamed the four years'silence of Corinne's lover, Lord Oswald. She sat up till three o'clock to read Corinne. The novel gave her profound emotion, and now she answers me with touching candour: 'But he was married.'
"'But he was married,' she told me this morning when I criticized the four years of silence from Corinne's lover, Lord Oswald. She stayed up until three o'clock to read Corinne. The novel moved her deeply, and now she responds to me with heartfelt honesty: 'But he was married.'"
"Phi... is so natural, with so naive a sensibility, that even in this land of the natural, she seems a prude to the petty heads that govern petty hearts; their witticisms make her sick, and she in no way hides it.
"Phi... is so genuine, with such a naive perspective, that even in this place filled with nature, she comes off as a prude to the small-minded people in charge of small feelings; their jokes make her feel sick, and she doesn’t hide it at all."
"When she is in good company, she laughs like mad at the most lively jokes. It was she who told me the story of the young princess of sixteen, later on so well known. [Pg 249]who often managed to make the officer on guard at her door come up into her rooms. "
"When she's with good friends, she laughs hysterically at the funniest jokes. She was the one who told me the story about the young princess who was sixteen, later known so well. [Pg 249] who often found a way to get the guard officer at her door to come up into her rooms."
Switzerland
Switzerland
I know few families happier than those of the Oberland, the part of Switzerland that lies round Berne; and it is a fact of public notoriety (1816) that the girls there spend Saturday to Sunday nights with their lovers.
I know few families happier than those in the Oberland, the region of Switzerland around Berne; and it’s a well-known fact (1816) that the girls there spend Saturday to Sunday nights with their boyfriends.
The fools who know the world, after a voyage from Paris to Saint Cloud, will cry out; happily I find in a Swiss writer confirmation of what I myself[2] saw during four months.
The fools who understand the world, after a trip from Paris to Saint Cloud, will shout; fortunately, I discover in a Swiss writer proof of what I myself[2] witnessed over the course of four months.
"An honest peasant complained of certain losses he had sustained in his orchard; I asked him why he didn't keep a dog: 'My daughters would never get married.' I did not understand his answer; he told me he had had such a bad-tempered dog that none of the young men dared climb up to the windows any longer.
"An honest farmer complained about some losses he had experienced in his orchard; I asked him why he didn't get a dog: 'My daughters would never get married.' I didn't understand his answer; he explained that he had such a mean dog that none of the young men dared to come to the windows anymore."
"Another peasant, mayor of his village, told me in praise of his wife, that when she was a girl no one had had more Kilter or Wächterer—that is, had had more young men come to spend the night with her.
"Another peasant, the mayor of his village, told me how great his wife was, saying that when she was a girl, no one had more Kilter or Wächterer—that is, she had more young men coming to spend the night with her."
"A Colonel, widely esteemed, was forced, while crossing the mountains, to spend the night at the bottom of one of the most lonely and picturesque valleys in the country. He lodged with the first magistrate in the valley, a man rich and of good repute. On entering, the stranger noticed a young girl of sixteen, a model of gracefulness, freshness and simplicity: she was the daughter of the master of the house. That night there was a village ball; the stranger paid court to the girl, who was really strikingly beautiful. At last, screwing up courage, he ventured to ask her whether he couldn't 'keep watch' with her. 'No,' answered the girl, 'I share a room with my cousin, but I'll come myself to yours.' You can judge [Pg 250]of the confusion this answer gave him. They had supper, the stranger got up, the girl took a torch and followed him into his room; he imagined the moment was at hand. 'Oh no,' she said simply, 'I must first ask Mamma's permission.' He would have been less staggered by a thunderbolt! She went out; his courage revived; he slipped into these good folks' parlour, and listened to the girl begging her mother in a caressing tone to grant her the desired permission; in the end she got it. 'Eh, old man,' said the mother to her husband who was already in bed, 'd'you allow Trineli to spend the night with the Colonel?' 'With all my heart,' answers the father, 'I think I'd lend even my wife to such a man.' 'Right then, go,' says the mother to Trineli; 'but be a good girl, and don't take off your petticoat...' At day-break, Trineli, respected by the stranger, rose still virgin. She arranged the bedclothes, prepared coffee and cream for her partner and, after she had breakfasted with him, seated on his bed, cut off a little piece of her broustpletz (a piece of velvet going over the breast). 'Here,' she said, 'keep this souvenir of a happy night; I shall never forget it.—Why are you a Colonel?' And giving him a last kiss, she ran away; he didn't manage to see her again.[3] Here you have the absolute opposite of French morals, and I am far from approving them."
"A Colonel, highly regarded, had to spend the night in one of the most secluded and beautiful valleys while crossing the mountains. He stayed with the local magistrate, a wealthy and respected man. When he entered, he noticed a graceful, fresh-faced girl of sixteen, the magistrate's daughter. That night, there was a village dance, and the Colonel flirted with the girl, who was truly stunning. Finally, gathering his courage, he asked her if he could ‘keep watch’ with her. 'No,' she replied, 'I share a room with my cousin, but I'll come to yours.' You can imagine how confused he felt by this response. They had dinner, and as he got up, the girl took a torch and followed him into his room; he thought the moment had arrived. 'Oh no,' she said simply, 'I need to ask my mom for permission first.' He would have been less shocked by a lightning strike! She stepped out; his confidence returned, and he quietly entered the living room to hear her sweetly asking her mother for permission. In the end, she got it. 'Hey, old man,' the mother said to her husband, who was already in bed, 'are you okay with Trineli spending the night with the Colonel?' 'Absolutely,' the father replied, 'I'd even lend my wife to such a man.' 'Alright then, go,' the mother told Trineli; 'but be a good girl and don’t take off your petticoat...' At daybreak, Trineli, respected by the Colonel, got up still untouched. She straightened the bedding, made coffee and cream for her guest, and after having breakfast with him while sitting on his bed, she cut a small piece of her broustpletz (a piece of velvet that covers the chest). 'Here,' she said, 'keep this as a memento of a wonderful night; I'll never forget it.—Why are you a Colonel?' After giving him a final kiss, she ran away; he never saw her again.[3] Here, you have the complete opposite of French morals, and I do not support them."
Were I a legislator, I would have people adopt in France, as in Germany, the custom of evening dances. Three times a week girls would go with their mothers to a ball, beginning at seven and ending at midnight, and demanding no other outlay but a violin and a few glasses of water. In a neighbouring room the mothers, maybe a little jealous of their daughters' happy education, [Pg 251]would play boston; in a third, the fathers would find papers and could talk politics. Between midnight and one o'clock all the families would collect together and return to the paternal roof. Girls would get to know young men; they would soon come to loathe fatuity and the indiscretions it is responsible for—in fact they would choose themselves husbands. Some girls would have unhappy love-affairs, but the number of deceived husbands and unhappy matches would diminish to an immense degree. It would then be less absurd to attempt to punish infidelity with dishonour. The law could say to young women: "You have chosen your husband—be faithful to him." In those circumstances I would allow the indictment and punishment by the courts of what the English call criminal conversation. The courts could impose, to the profit of prisons and hospitals, a fine equal to two-thirds of the seducer's fortune and imprisonment for several years.
If I were a lawmaker, I would have people in France adopt the custom of evening dances like they have in Germany. Three times a week, girls would go to a ball with their mothers, starting at seven and ending at midnight, requiring nothing more than a violin and a few glasses of water. In a nearby room, the mothers, perhaps a little envious of their daughters' joyful experiences, would play boston; in another room, the fathers would find newspapers and discuss politics. Between midnight and one o'clock, all the families would gather together and head back home. Girls would get to know young men; they would soon learn to dislike silliness and the awkwardness it can cause—in fact, they would choose their own husbands. Some girls would have unfortunate romantic experiences, but the number of deceived husbands and unhappy marriages would significantly decrease. It would then make more sense to try to punish infidelity with dishonor. The law could say to young women: "You chose your husband—be loyal to him." In that situation, I would allow legal action and punishment for what the English refer to as criminal conversation. The courts could impose a fine equal to two-thirds of the seducer's wealth and several years of imprisonment, with the proceeds benefiting prisons and hospitals.
A woman could be indicted for adultery before a jury. The jury should first declare that the husband's conduct had been irreproachable.
A woman could be charged with adultery before a jury. The jury would first need to determine that the husband's behavior had been flawless.
A woman, if convicted, could be condemned to imprisonment for life. If the husband had been absent more than two years, the woman could not be condemned to more than some years' imprisonment. Public morals would soon model themselves on these laws and would perfect them.[4]
A woman, if found guilty, could be sentenced to life in prison. If the husband had been gone for more than two years, the woman couldn't be sentenced to more than a few years in prison. Public morals would quickly adapt to these laws and help improve them.[4]
There would be in a village within sight of Paris an asylum for unfortunate women, a house of refuge into which, under pain of the galleys, no man besides the doctor and the almoner should enter. A woman who wished to get a divorce would be bound, first of all, to go and place herself as prisoner in this asylum; there she would spend two years without going out once. She could write, but never receive an answer.
There would be a shelter for unfortunate women in a village near Paris, a safe haven where, under penalty of harsh punishment, no man except the doctor and the chaplain would be allowed inside. A woman seeking a divorce would first have to commit herself to this shelter; she would spend two years there without stepping outside even once. She could write letters, but she would never receive a response.
A council composed of peers of France and certain magistrates of repute would direct, in the woman's name, the proceedings for a divorce and would regulate the pension to be paid to the institution by the husband. A woman who failed in her plea before the courts would be allowed to spend the rest of her life in the asylum. The Government would compensate the administration of the asylum with a sum of two thousand francs for each woman who sought its refuge. To be received in the asylum, a woman must have had a dowry of over twenty thousand francs. The moral régime would be one of extreme severity.
A council made up of French peers and respected magistrates would oversee the divorce proceedings in the woman’s name and determine the pension to be paid to the institution by the husband. If a woman lost her case in court, she would have to spend the rest of her life in the asylum. The government would pay the administration of the asylum two thousand francs for each woman who sought refuge there. To be admitted to the asylum, a woman needed to have a dowry of over twenty thousand francs. The moral regime would be very strict.
After two years of complete seclusion from the world, a divorced woman could marry again.
After two years of complete isolation from the world, a divorced woman could get married again.
Once arrived at this point, Parliament could consider [Pg 253]whether, in order to infuse in girls a spirit of emulation, it would not be advisable to allow the sons a share of the paternal heritage double that of their sisters. The daughters who did not find husbands would have a share equal to that of the male children. It may be remarked, by the way, that this system would, little by little, destroy the only too inconvenient custom of marriages of convenience. The possibility of divorce would render useless such outrageous meanness.
Once they reached this point, Parliament could think about whether, to encourage competition among girls, it might be a good idea to let sons inherit twice as much as their sisters. Daughters who didn't marry would receive the same share as the male children. It’s worth noting that this system would gradually eliminate the troubling practice of marriage for convenience. The option of divorce would make such unacceptable behavior pointless.
At various points in France, and in certain poor villages, thirty abbeys for old maids should be established. The Government should endeavour to surround these establishments with consideration, in order to console a little the sorrows of the poor women who were to end their lives there. They should be given all the toys of dignity.
At different places in France, especially in some struggling villages, thirty abbeys for single women should be created. The government should strive to treat these establishments with respect, to bring some comfort to the lives of the women who would spend their final years there. They should be provided with all the trappings of dignity.
But enough of such chimeras!
But enough of those illusions!
[3] I am fortunate to be able to describe in the words of another some extraordinary facts that I have had occasion to observe. Certainly, but for M. de Weiss, I shouldn't have related this glimpse of foreign customs. I have omitted others equally characteristic of Valencia and Vienna.
[3] I feel lucky to share some amazing things I've seen through someone else's words. Honestly, if it weren't for M. de Weiss, I wouldn't have shared this look into different customs. I've left out other details that are just as representative of Valencia and Vienna.
[4] The Examiner, an English paper, when giving a report of the Queen's case (No. 662, September 3rd, 1820), adds:—
[4] The Examiner, an English newspaper, when reporting on the Queen's case (No. 662, September 3rd, 1820), adds:—
"We have a system of sexual morality, under which thousands of women become mercenary prostitutes whom virtuous women are taught to scorn, while virtuous men retain the privilege of frequenting these very women, without its being regarded as anything more than a venial offence."
"We have a system of sexual morality that causes thousands of women to become paid sex workers, who are looked down upon by virtuous women, while virtuous men are allowed to visit these same women without it being considered more than a minor wrongdoing."
In the land of Cant there is something noble in the courage that dares speak the truth on this subject, however trivial and obvious it be; it is all the more meritorious in a poor paper, which can only hope for success if bought by the rich—and they look on the bishops and the Bible as the one safeguard of their fine feathers.
In the land of Cant, there's something admirable about the courage to speak the truth on this topic, no matter how trivial or obvious it may seem; it's even more commendable coming from a struggling publication, which can only achieve success if purchased by the wealthy—and they regard the bishops and the Bible as the sole protection for their status.
[5] Madame de Sévigné wrote to her daughter, December 23rd, 1671: "I don't know if you have heard that Villarceaux, when talking to the king of a post for his son, adroitly took the occasion to tell him, that there were people busy telling his niece (Mademoiselle de Rouxel) that his Majesty had designs on her; that if it were so, he begged his Majesty to make use of him; said that the affair would be better in his hands than in others, and that he would discharge it with success. The King began to laugh and said: 'Villarceaux, we are too old, you and I, to attack young ladies of fifteen.' And like a gallant man, he laughed at him and told the ladies what he had said." See Memoirs of Lauzun, Bezenval, Madame d'Épinay, etc., etc, I beg my readers not to condemn me altogether without re-reading these Memoirs.
[5] Madame de Sévigné wrote to her daughter, December 23rd, 1671: "I don’t know if you’ve heard that Villarceaux, while discussing a position for his son with the king, cleverly took the opportunity to mention that some people were telling his niece (Mademoiselle de Rouxel) that the king had an interest in her; that if it were true, he asked the king to let him handle it, claiming that he would do a better job than anyone else and that he would succeed. The King started laughing and said: 'Villarceaux, we are too old, you and I, to pursue young ladies of fifteen.' And being a gallant man, he laughed at him and shared what he had said with the ladies." See Memoirs of Lauzun, Bezenval, Madame d'Épinay, etc., etc, I beg my readers not to judge me too harshly without reading these Memoirs again.
CHAPTER LIX
Werther and Don Juan
Among young people, when they have done with mocking at some poor lover, and he has left the room, the conversation generally ends by discussing the question, whether it is better to deal with women like Mozart's Don Juan or like Werther. The contrast would be more exact, if I had said Saint-Preux, but he is so dull a personage, that in making him their representative, I should be wronging feeling hearts.
Among young people, after they’ve had their laughs at some poor lover, and he’s left the room, the conversation usually wraps up by debating whether it’s better to treat women like Mozart's Don Juan or like Werther. The comparison would be more precise if I mentioned Saint-Preux, but he’s such a boring character that if I made him their representative, I’d be doing a disservice to those with real emotions.
Don Juan's character requires the greater number of useful and generally esteemed virtues—admirable daring, resourcefulness, vivacity, a cool head, a witty mind, etc.
Don Juan's character needs a mix of useful and widely valued traits—like admirable bravery, cleverness, energy, composure, and a sharp wit, etc.
The Don Juans have great moments of bitterness and a very miserable old age—but then most men do not reach old age.
The Don Juans experience significant moments of bitterness and a pretty unhappy old age—but then again, most men don't actually make it to old age.
The lover plays a poor rôle in the drawing-room in the evening, because to be a success and a power among women a man must show just as much keenness on winning them as on a game of billiards. As everybody knows that the lover has a great interest in life, he exposes himself, for all his cleverness, to mockery. Only, next morning he wakes, not to be in a bad temper until something piquant or something nasty turns up to revive him, but to dream of her he loves and build castles in the air for love to dwell in.
The lover doesn’t do well in the drawing room in the evening because, to be successful and influential with women, a man needs to show as much enthusiasm for winning them over as he would for a game of billiards. Since everyone knows the lover has a strong interest in life, he makes himself vulnerable to ridicule, despite his cleverness. However, the next morning he wakes up, not in a bad mood until something spicy or unpleasant arises to stimulate him, but to dream about the woman he loves and to build daydreams for love to thrive in.
Love à la Werther opens the soul to all the arts, to all sweet and romantic impressions, to the moonlight, to the beauty of the forest, to the beauty of pictures—in a word, to the feeling and enjoyment of the beautiful, [Pg 255]under whatever form it be found, even under the coarsest cloak. It causes man to find happiness even without riches.[1] Such souls, instead of growing weary like Mielhan, Bezenval, etc., go mad, like Rousseau, from an excess of sensibility. Women endowed with a certain elevation of soul, who, after their first youth, know how to recognise love, both where it is and what it is, generally escape the Don Juan—he is remarkable in their eyes rather by the number than the quality of his conquests. Observe, to the prejudice of tender hearts, that publicity is as necessary to Don Juan's triumph as secrecy is to Werther's. Most of the men who make women the business of their life are born in the lap of luxury; that is to say, they are, as a result of their education and the example set by everything that surrounded them in youth, hardened egoists.[2]
Love à la Werther opens the soul to all the arts, to all the sweet and romantic impressions, to the moonlight, to the beauty of the forest, to the beauty of paintings—in short, to the feeling and enjoyment of beauty, [Pg 255] in whatever form it appears, even when it's wrapped in something rough. It lets a person find happiness even without wealth.[1] Instead of growing weary like Mielhan, Bezenval, and others, such souls go mad, like Rousseau, from too much sensitivity. Women who possess a certain depth of soul and, after their youth, know how to recognize love—both where it exists and what it is—usually avoid Don Juan; they admire him more for the number of his conquests than for their quality. It's worth noting, to the detriment of sensitive hearts, that public recognition is as essential to Don Juan's success as secrecy is to Werther's. Most men who make women the focus of their lives are born into luxury; that is, they become hardened egoists due to their upbringing and the examples set by everything around them in their youth.[2]
The real Don Juan even ends by looking on women as the enemy, and rejoicing in their misfortunes of every sort.
The real Don Juan ultimately sees women as the enemy and takes pleasure in their misfortunes of all kinds.
On the other hand, the charming Duke delle Pignatelle showed us the proper way to find happiness in pleasures, [Pg 256]even without passion. "I know that I like a woman," he told me one evening, "when I find myself completely confused in her company, and don't know what to say to her." So far from letting his self-esteem be put to shame or take its revenge for these embarrassing moments, he cultivated them lovingly as the source of his happiness. With this charming young man gallant-love was quite free from the corroding influence of vanity; his was a shade of true love, pale, but innocent and unmixed; and he respected all women, as charming beings, towards whom we are far from just. (February 20, 1820.)
On the other hand, the charming Duke delle Pignatelle showed us the right way to find happiness in pleasures, [Pg 256]even without passion. "I know I like a woman," he told me one evening, "when I feel completely confused in her presence and don't know what to say." Instead of letting his self-esteem suffer or seeking revenge for these awkward moments, he cherished them as the source of his happiness. With this charming young man, romantic love was free from the corrosive influence of vanity; his love was a shade of true love, pale but innocent and pure; and he respected all women as lovely beings, who we often fail to appreciate. (February 20, 1820.)
As a man does not choose himself a temperament, that is to say, a soul, he cannot play a part above him. J. J. Rousseau and the Duc de Richelieu might have tried in vain; for all their cleverness, they could never have exchanged their fortunes with respect to women. I could well believe that the Duke never had moments such as those that Rousseau experienced in the park de la Chevrette with Madame d'Houdetot; at Venice, when listening to the music of the Scuole; and at Turin at the feet of Madame Bazile. But then he never had to blush at the ridicule that overwhelmed Rousseau in his affair with Madame de Larnage, remorse for which pursued him during the rest of his life.
As a man doesn’t choose his temperament, meaning his soul, he can’t play a role that’s beyond him. J. J. Rousseau and the Duc de Richelieu might have tried in vain; despite their intelligence, they could never have swapped their fortunes when it came to women. I can believe the Duke never experienced moments like those Rousseau had in the park de la Chevrette with Madame d'Houdetot; in Venice, while listening to the music of the Scuole; and in Turin at the feet of Madame Bazile. However, he also never had to feel the shame that overwhelmed Rousseau in his affair with Madame de Larnage, a guilt that haunted him for the rest of his life.
A Saint-Preux's part is sweeter and fills up every moment of existence, but it must be owned that that of a Don Juan is far more brilliant. Saint-Preux's tastes may change at middle age: solitary and retired, and of pensive habits, he takes a back place on the stage of life, while Don Juan realises the magnificence of his reputation among men, and could yet perhaps please a woman of feeling by making sincerely the sacrifice of his libertine's tastes.
A Saint-Preux's role is more fulfilling and fills every moment of existence, but it must be acknowledged that Don Juan's role is much more impressive. Saint-Preux's preferences might shift as he reaches middle age: withdrawn and contemplative, he takes a backseat in the drama of life, while Don Juan enjoys the splendor of his reputation among men and could still potentially win over a woman of emotion by genuinely sacrificing his hedonistic desires.
After all the reasons offered so far, on both sides of the question, the balance still seems to be even. What makes me think that the Werthers are the happier, is [Pg 257]that Don Juan reduces love to the level of an ordinary affair. Instead of being able, like Werther, to shape realities to his desires, he finds, in love, desires which are imperfectly satisfied by cold reality, just as in ambition, avarice or other passions. Instead of losing himself in the enchanting reveries of crystallisation, he thinks, like a general, of the success of his manoeuvres[3] and, in a word, he kills love, instead of enjoying it more keenly than other men, as ordinary people imagine.
After considering all the reasons presented on both sides of the issue, the argument still feels balanced. What leads me to believe that the Werthers are happier is that Don Juan reduces love to just a casual affair. Instead of being able, like Werther, to shape his reality to fit his desires, he encounters love with desires that are only partially fulfilled by the harshness of reality, much like in ambition, greed, or other passions. Rather than losing himself in the captivating dreams of idealism, he thinks, like a general, about the success of his strategies and, in short, he stifles love instead of experiencing it more intensely than others, as ordinary people tend to think.
This seems to me unanswerable. And there is another reason, which is no less so in my eyes, though, thanks to the malignity of Providence, we must pardon men for not recognising it. The habit of justice is, to my thinking, apart from accidents, the most assured way of arriving at happiness—and a Werther is no villain.[4]
This seems to me undeniable. There's also another reason that I believe is just as important, although, due to the cruelty of fate, we have to forgive people for not seeing it. In my opinion, the practice of justice, regardless of circumstances, is the most reliable path to happiness—and a Werther is not a bad person.[4]
To be happy in crime, it is absolutely necessary to have no remorse. I do not know whether such a creature can exist;[5] I have never seen him. I would bet that the affair of Madame Michelin disturbed the Duc de Richelieu's nights.
To be happy committing crimes, you absolutely have to feel no remorse. I don't know if such a person can actually exist; I’ve never seen one. I would bet that Madame Michelin's situation kept the Duc de Richelieu up at night.
One ought either to have absolutely no sympathy or be able to put the human race to death—which is impossible.[6]
One should either have no sympathy at all or be able to wipe out the human race—which is impossible.[6]
People who only know love from novels will experience [Pg 258]a natural repugnance in reading these words in favour of virtue in love. The reason is that, by the laws of the novel, the portraiture of a virtuous love is essentially tiresome and uninteresting. Thus the sentiment of virtue seems from a distance to neutralise that of love, and the words "a virtuous love" seem synonymous with a feeble love. But all this comes from weakness in the art of painting, and has nothing to do with passion such as it exists in nature.[7]
People who know love only from novels will feel a natural aversion to reading these words that promote virtue in love. The reason is that, according to the rules of storytelling in novels, the depiction of virtuous love is often boring and unappealing. So, the idea of virtue seems to dilute the feeling of love, making the term "a virtuous love" sound like it refers to a weak love. But this perception comes from shortcomings in the art of storytelling and has nothing to do with the real passion that exists in nature.[7]
I beg to be allowed to draw a picture of my most intimate friend.
I ask for permission to draw a picture of my closest friend.
Don Juan renounces all the duties which bind him to the rest of men. In the great market of life he is a dishonest merchant, who is always buying and never paying. The idea of equality inspires the same rage in him as water in a man with hydrophobia; it is for this reason that pride of birth goes so well with the character of Don Juan. With the idea of the equality of rights disappears that of justice, or, rather, if Don Juan is sprung from an illustrious family, such common ideas have never come to him. I could easily believe that a man with an historic name is sooner disposed than another to set fire to the town in order to get his egg cooked.[8] We must excuse him; he is so possessed with [Pg 259]self-love that he comes to the point of losing all idea of the evil he causes, and of seeing no longer anything in the universe capable of joy or sorrow except himself. In the fire of youth, when passion fills our own hearts with the pulse of life and keeps us from mistrust of others, Don Juan, all senses and apparent happiness, applauds himself for thinking only of himself, while he sees other men pay their sacrifices to duty. He imagines that he has found out the great art of living. But, in the midst of his triumph, while still scarcely thirty years of age, he perceives to his astonishment that life is wanting, and feels a growing disgust for what were all his pleasures. Don Juan told me at Thorn, in an access of melancholy: "There are not twenty different sorts of women, and once you have had two or three of each sort, satiety sets in." I answered: "It is only imagination that can for ever escape satiety. Each woman inspires a different interest, and, what is more, if chance throws the same woman in your way two or three years earlier or later in the course of life, and if chance means you to love, you can love the same woman in different manners. But a woman of gentle heart, even when she loved you, would produce in you, because of her pretensions to equality, only irritation to your pride. Your way of having women kills all the other pleasures of life; Werther's increases them a hundredfold."
Don Juan turns his back on all the obligations that connect him to others. In the marketplace of life, he's like a dishonest merchant, always buying but never paying. The idea of equality makes him as furious as a person with hydrophobia facing water; this is why his noble lineage complements his character so well. With the belief in equal rights, the notion of justice disappears, or rather, if Don Juan comes from a distinguished family, such common ideas have never crossed his mind. I could easily believe that a man with a historic name might be more inclined to set fire to a town just to have his egg cooked.[8] We have to excuse him; he's so consumed by self-love that he loses sight of the harm he causes and sees nothing in the universe capable of joy or sorrow except himself. In the fiery days of youth, when passion fills our hearts and blinds us to mistrust of others, Don Juan, all senses and feigned happiness, congratulates himself for thinking only of himself, while he watches others make sacrifices for duty. He believes he has discovered the secret to living well. But, even while basking in his success, and still not even thirty, he realizes, to his surprise, that life is lacking, and he grows increasingly disgusted with what were once his pleasures. Don Juan told me at Thorn, in a moment of sadness: "There aren't twenty different types of women, and once you've had two or three of each type, you get bored." I replied: "It's only imagination that can truly escape boredom. Each woman brings a different interest, and furthermore, if fate puts the same woman in your path two or three years earlier or later, and if fate intends for you to love, you can love the same woman in different ways. But a woman with a gentle heart, even when she loves you, will only irritate your pride with her claims to equality. Your way of being with women kills all the other joys of life; Werther's way multiplies them a hundredfold."
This sad tragedy reaches the last act. You see Don Juan in old age, turning on this and that, never on himself, as the cause of his own satiety. You see him, tormented by a consuming poison, flying from this to that in a continual change of purpose. But, however brilliant the appearances may be, in the end he only changes one misery for another. He tries the boredom of inaction, he tries the boredom of excitement—there is nothing else for him to choose.
This tragic story comes to its final act. You see Don Juan in his old age, shifting focus from one thing to another, never reflecting on himself as the source of his own dissatisfaction. You see him, plagued by a relentless inner turmoil, constantly jumping from one thing to the next without any consistent direction. But, no matter how dazzling things may seem, in the end, he merely swaps one suffering for another. He faces the dullness of doing nothing, he faces the emptiness of constant excitement—there's nothing else left for him to choose.
At last he discovers the fatal truth and confesses it to himself; henceforward he is reduced for all his enjoyment [Pg 260]to making display of his power, and openly doing evil for evil's sake. In short, 'tis the last degree of settled gloom; no poet has dared give us a faithful picture of it—the picture, if true, would strike horror. But one may hope that a man, above the ordinary, will retrace his steps along this fatal path; for at the bottom of Don Juan's character there is a contradiction. I have supposed him a man of great intellect, and great intellect leads us to the discovery of virtue by the road that runs to the temple of glory.[9]
At last, he realizes the heartbreaking truth and admits it to himself; from now on, he is left only with showcasing his power and openly doing wrong for the sake of doing wrong. In short, it's a deep and settled darkness; no poet has dared to give us an honest portrayal of it—the true image would be horrifying. But one can hope that a person, someone extraordinary, will turn back from this destructive path; because at the core of Don Juan's character, there’s a contradiction. I’ve imagined him as someone with great intelligence, and great intelligence leads us to find virtue on the path that leads to the temple of glory.[9]
La Rochefoucauld, who, however, was a master of self-love, and who in real life was nothing but a silly man of letters,[10] says(267): "The pleasure of love consists in loving, and a man gets more happiness from the passion he feels than from the passion he inspires."
La Rochefoucauld, who was a master of self-love and, in reality, just a foolish writer,[10] says(267): "The joy of love comes from loving, and a person gains more happiness from the emotion they feel than from the emotion they create in others."
Don Juan's happiness consists in vanity, based, it is true, on circumstances brought about by great intelligence and activity; but he must feel that the most inconsiderable general who wins a battle, the most inconsiderable prefect who keeps his department in order, realises a more signal enjoyment than his own. The Duc de Nemours' happiness when Madame de Clèves tells him that she loves him, is, I imagine, above Napoleon's happiness at Marengo.
Don Juan's happiness is rooted in vanity, which is, admittedly, based on circumstances created by his great intelligence and energy; however, he must recognize that even the least significant general who wins a battle or the most ordinary prefect who maintains order in his district experiences a greater sense of satisfaction than he does. The Duc de Nemours' happiness when Madame de Clèves confesses her love for him is, I believe, greater than Napoleon's happiness at Marengo.
Love à la Don Juan is a sentiment of the same kind as a taste for hunting. It is a desire for activity which must be kept alive by divers objects and by putting a man's talents continually to the test.
Love à la Don Juan is a feeling similar to enjoying hunting. It's a craving for excitement that needs to be fueled by various experiences and by constantly challenging a person's abilities.
Love à la Werther is like the feeling of a schoolboy writing a tragedy—and a thousand times better; it is a new goal, to which everything in life is referred and which changes the face of everything. Passion-love casts all nature in its sublimer aspects before the eyes of a [Pg 261]man, as a novelty invented but yesterday. He is amazed that he has never seen the singular spectacle that is now discovered to his soul. Everything is new, everything is alive, everything breathes the most passionate interest.[11] A lover sees the woman he loves on the horizon of every landscape he comes across, and, while he travels a hundred miles to go and catch a glimpse of her for an instant, each tree, each rock speaks to him of her in a different manner and tells him something new about her. Instead of the tumult of this magic spectacle, Don Juan finds that external objects have for him no value apart from their degree of utility, and must be made amusing by some new intrigue.
Love à la Werther feels like a schoolboy crafting a tragic story—only a thousand times greater; it's a new aim that reshapes everything in life and alters how we see the world. Passionate love reveals nature's grander beauty to a person as if it's an exciting new discovery. He's astonished that he never noticed this extraordinary view before. Everything feels fresh, vibrant, and filled with intense interest. A lover sees the woman he adores in every landscape he encounters, and even though he travels a hundred miles just to catch a glimpse of her, every tree and rock tells him something new about her in its own way. In contrast to the chaos of this enchanting experience, Don Juan sees external things as having no value except for their usefulness and requires some new intrigue to make them entertaining.
Love à la Werther has strange pleasures; after a year or two, the lover has now, so to speak, but one heart with her he loves; and this, strange to say, even independent of his success in love—even under a cruel mistress. Whatever he does, whatever he sees, he asks himself: "What would she say if she were with me? What would I say to her about this view of Casa-Lecchio?" He speaks to her, he hears her answer, he smiles at her fun. A hundred miles from her, and under the weight of her anger, he surprises himself, reflecting: "Léonore was very gay that night." Then he wakes up: "Good God!" he says to himself with a sigh, "there are madmen in Bedlam less mad than I."
Love like Werther has strange pleasures; after a year or two, the lover, so to speak, shares one heart with the one he loves; and oddly enough, this is true even if he isn’t successful in love—even with a cruel mistress. Whatever he does, whatever he sees, he thinks to himself: "What would she say if she were with me? What would I tell her about this view of Casa-Lecchio?" He talks to her, hears her response, and smiles at her humor. A hundred miles away from her, and feeling her anger, he catches himself thinking: "Léonore was very cheerful that night." Then he snaps back to reality: "Good God!" he says to himself with a sigh, "there are people in Bedlam less crazy than I am."
"You make me quite impatient," said a friend of mine, to whom I read out this remark: "you are continually opposing the passionate man to the Don Juan, and that is not the point in dispute. You would be right, if a man could provide himself with passion at will. But what about indifference—what is to be done then?"—Gallant-love without horrors. Its horrors always come from a little soul, that needs to be reassured as to its own merit.
"You really make me impatient," said a friend of mine when I read this comment to him: "You're constantly comparing the passionate man to Don Juan, and that’s not the real issue. You'd have a point if a person could just whip up passion whenever they wanted. But what about indifference—what's the solution for that?" — Loving without any troubles. Those troubles always stem from a small heart that needs validation regarding its own worth.
To continue.—The Don Juans must find great difficulty [Pg 262]in agreeing with what I was saying just now of this state of the soul. Besides the fact that they can neither see nor feel this state, it gives too great a blow to their vanity. The error of their life is expecting to win in a fortnight what a timid lover can scarcely obtain in six months. They base their reckoning on experience got at the expense of those poor devils, who have neither the soul to please a woman of feeling by revealing its ingenuous workings, nor the necessary wit for the part of a Don Juan. They refuse to see that the same prize, though granted by the same woman, is not the same thing.
To continue.—The Don Juans must have a hard time agreeing with what I just said about this state of the soul. Besides the fact that they can neither see nor feel this state, it really hurts their ego. Their mistake is thinking they can achieve in two weeks what a shy lover can hardly get in six months. They base their expectations on experiences gained at the expense of those poor guys, who lack both the soul to impress a sensitive woman by sharing their true feelings and the necessary cleverness to play the part of a Don Juan. They refuse to understand that even though the same woman grants the same prize, it’s not the same at all.
But from the treasure they finally give The price is known only to the heart that tastes it; The more we buy it, the more divine it becomes:
The cost of love isn't worth what you pay for it.[12]
Passion-love in the eyes of a Don Juan may be compared to a strange road, steep and toilsome, that begins, 'tis true, amidst delicious copses, but is soon lost among sheer rocks, whose aspect is anything but inviting to the eyes of the vulgar. Little by little the road penetrates into the mountain-heights, in the midst of a dark forest, where the huge trees, intercepting the daylight with their shaggy tops that seem to touch the sky, throw a kind of horror into souls untempered by dangers.
Passion-love in the eyes of a Don Juan can be likened to a strange path, steep and challenging, that starts, indeed, among beautiful thickets, but quickly disappears among sheer cliffs, which look anything but appealing to ordinary people. Gradually, the path leads up into the mountains, deep into a dark forest, where the massive trees block out the sunlight with their rough tops that seem to reach the sky, instilling a sense of dread in souls unaccustomed to danger.
[Pg 263]After wandering with difficulty, as in an endless maze, whose multiple turnings try the patience of our self-love, on a sudden we turn a corner and find ourselves in a new world, in the delicious valley of Cashmire of Lalla Rookh. How can the Don Juans, who never venture along this road, or at most take but a few steps along it, judge of the views that it offers at the end of the journey?...
[Pg 263]After struggling through what felt like an endless maze, where the many twists test our patience and ego, we suddenly turn a corner and find ourselves in a new world, in the beautiful valley of Cashmire of Lalla Rookh. How can the Don Juans, who never truly explore this path or at most take only a few steps down it, understand the views that await at the end of the journey?...
So you see inconstancy is good:
So you see, being inconsistent is good:
"Il me faut du nouveau, n'en fût-il plus au monde."[13]
I need something new, even if there's nothing left in the world.
Very well, I reply, you make light of oaths and justice, and what can you look for in inconstancy? Pleasure apparently.
Very well, I respond, you disregard oaths and justice, and what can you expect from inconsistency? Pleasure, it seems.
But the pleasure to be got from a pretty woman, desired a fortnight and loved three months, is different from the pleasure to be found in a mistress, desired three years and loved ten.
But the pleasure you get from a beautiful woman, desired for two weeks and loved for three months, is different from the pleasure you find in a mistress, desired for three years and loved for ten.
If I do not insert the word "always" the reason is that I have been told old age, by altering our organs, renders us incapable of loving; myself, I don't believe it. When your mistress has become your intimate friend, she can give you new pleasures, the pleasures of old age. 'Tis a flower that, after it has been a rose in the morning—the season of flowers—becomes a delicious fruit in the evening, when the roses are no longer in season.[14]
If I don’t use the word "always," it’s because I’ve heard that old age, by changing our bodies, makes us unable to love; personally, I don’t believe that. When your mistress becomes your close friend, she can bring you new joys, the joys of growing older. It’s like a flower that, after blooming as a rose in the morning—the time of flowers—becomes a sweet fruit in the evening, when the roses are done blooming.[14]
A mistress desired three years is really a mistress in every sense of the word; you cannot approach her without trembling; and let me tell the Don Juans that a man who trembles is not bored. The pleasures of love are always in proportion to our fear.
A mistress who has been desired for three years is truly a mistress in every sense; you can't approach her without trembling, and let me tell the Don Juans that a man who trembles is not bored. The pleasures of love always match our fears.
The evil of inconstancy is weariness; the evil of passion is despair and death. The cases of despair are noted and become legend. No one pays attention to the [Pg 264]weary old libertines dying of boredom, with whom the streets of Paris are lined.
The problem with inconsistency is that it leads to exhaustion; the problem with passion is that it leads to hopelessness and death. The stories of despair are recognized and become legendary. No one notices the [Pg 264] tired old hedonists who are dying of boredom, filling the streets of Paris.
"Love blows out more brains than boredom." I have no doubt of it: boredom robs a man of everything, even the courage to kill himself.
"Love kills more brain cells than boredom." I have no doubt about it: boredom takes everything away from a person, even the will to end their own life.
There is a certain type of character which can find pleasure only in variety. A man who cries up Champagne at the expense of Bordeaux is only saying, with more or less eloquence: "I prefer Champagne."
There are certain people who can only enjoy variety. A guy who praises Champagne over Bordeaux is really just saying, more or less eloquently: "I prefer Champagne."
Each of these wines has its partisans, and they are all right, so long as they quite understand themselves, and run after the kind of happiness best suited to their organs[15] and their habits. What ruins the case for inconstancy is that all fools range themselves on that side from lack of courage.
Each of these wines has its fans, and they are all correct, as long as they truly understand themselves and pursue the kind of happiness that fits their nature and habits. What undermines the argument for inconsistency is that all fools align themselves with that view out of a lack of courage.[15]
But after all, everyone, if he will take the trouble to look into himself, has his ideal, and there always seems to me something a little ridiculous in wanting to convert your neighbour.
But in the end, everyone, if they take the time to look within themselves, has their ideal, and it always seems a little ridiculous to me to want to change your neighbor.
[1] See the first volume of the Nouvelle Héloïse. I should say every volume, if Saint-Preux had happened to have the ghost of a character, but he was a real poet, a babbler without resolution, who had no courage until he had made a peroration—yes, a very dull man. Such men have an immense advantage, in not upsetting feminine pride, and in never giving their mistress a fright. Weigh the word well; it contains perhaps the whole secret of the success of dull men with distinguished women. Nevertheless love is only a passion in so far as it makes one forget one's self-love. Thus they do not completely know love, these women, who, like L., ask of it the pleasures of pride. Unconsciously, they are on the same level as the prosaic man, the object of their contempt, who in love seeks love plus vanity. And they too, they want love and pride; but love goes out with flaming cheeks; he is the proudest of despots; he will be all, or nothing.
[1] Check out the first volume of the Nouvelle Héloïse. I would say every volume if Saint-Preux had even a bit of character, but he was just a real poet, a talker with no resolve, who lacked courage until he made a speech—yes, a very dull man. Such men have a huge advantage because they don’t challenge a woman’s pride and never scare their mistress. Think about that; it might hold the key to why dull men succeed with remarkable women. Still, love is only a real passion when it helps someone forget their self-love. Therefore, these women, like L., don’t fully understand love because they want the pleasures of pride from it. Unknowingly, they are at the same level as the mundane man, the one they look down upon, who seeks love plus vanity. They too want love and pride; but love emerges with flushed cheeks; it is the proudest of tyrants; it wants everything, or nothing.
[2] See a certain page of André Chénier (Works, p. 370); or rather look at life, though that's much harder. "In general, those whom we call patricians are much further than other men from loving anything," says the Emperor Marcus Aurelius. (Meditations.)
[2] Check out a specific page of André Chénier (Works, p. 370); or better yet, observe life, even though that's a lot tougher. "Overall, those we refer to as patricians are generally much farther from loving anything than other people," says Emperor Marcus Aurelius. (Meditations.)
[3] Compare Lovelace and Tom Jones.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Compare Lovelace and Tom Jones.
[4] See the Vie privée du duc de Richelieu, nine volumes in 8vo. Why, at the moment that an assassin kills a man, does he not fall dead at his victim's feet? Why is there illness? And, if there is illness, why does not a Troistaillons die of the colic? Why does Henry IV reign twenty-one years and Lewis XV fifty-nine? Why is not the length of life in exact proportion to the degree of virtue in each man? These and other "infamous questions," English philosophers will say there is certainly no merit in posing; but there would be some merit in answering them otherwise than with insults and "cant."
[4] See the Vie privée du duc de Richelieu, nine volumes in 8vo. Why is it that when an assassin kills someone, he doesn’t fall dead at his victim’s feet? Why does illness exist? And if illness does exist, why doesn’t a Troistaillon die from colic? Why does Henry IV reign for twenty-one years and Louis XV for fifty-nine? Why isn’t the length of life directly related to the level of virtue in each person? These and other "shocking questions," English philosophers might argue, are not worth asking; but there would be some value in answering them in a way that doesn’t just involve insults and empty rhetoric.
[6] Cruelty is only a morbid kind of sympathy. Power is, after love, the first source of happiness, only because one believes oneself to be in a position to command sympathy.
[6] Cruelty is just a twisted form of sympathy. Power, after love, is the main source of happiness, mainly because we believe we can control sympathy.
[7] If you offer the spectator a picture of the sentiment of virtue side by side with the sentiment of love, you will find that you have represented a heart divided between two sentiments. In novels the only good of virtue is to be sacrificed; vide Julie d'Étanges.
[7] If you present the viewer with the feeling of virtue alongside the feeling of love, you'll see that you've depicted a heart torn between two emotions. In novels, the only purpose of virtue is to be sacrificed; see Julie d'Étanges.
[8] Vide Saint-Simon, fausse couche of the Duchesse de Bourgoyne; and Madame de Motteville, passim: That princess, who was surprised to find that other women had five fingers on their hands like herself; that Gaston, Duke of Orleans, brother of Lewis XIII, who found it quite easy to understand why his favourites went to the scaffold just to please him. Note, in 1820, these fine gentlemen putting forward an electoral law that may bring back your Robespierres into France, etc., etc. And observe Naples in 1799. (I leave this note written in 1820. A list of the great nobles in 1778, with notes on their morals, compiled by General Laclos, seen at Naples in the library of the Marchese Berio—a very scandalous manuscript of more than three hundred pages.)
[8] See Saint-Simon, miscarriage of the Duchesse de Bourgogne; and Madame de Motteville, throughout: That princess, who was surprised to discover that other women had five fingers on their hands just like she did; that Gaston, Duke of Orleans, brother of Louis XIII, who found it quite easy to understand why his favorites went to the guillotine just to please him. Note, in 1820, these fine gentlemen proposing an electoral law that could bring back your Robespierres into France, etc., etc. And take a look at Naples in 1799. (I leave this note written in 1820. A list of the prominent nobles in 1778, with notes on their morals, compiled by General Laclos, found in Naples in the library of the Marchese Berio—a very scandalous manuscript of over three hundred pages.)
[12] [A prudent man continually mistrusts himself. 'Tis the reason why the number of false lovers is great. The women whom men worship, make their servants, who have never been false in their life, sigh a long time. But the value of the prize that they give them in the end, can only be known to the heart that tastes it; the greater the cost, the more divine it is. The praises of love are not worth its pains.—Tr.]
[12] [A careful person always doubts themselves. That's why there are so many deceitful lovers. The women that men admire make their loyal servants, who have never betrayed anyone, suffer for a long time. But the worth of the reward they eventually give can only be understood by the heart that experiences it; the higher the price, the more precious it becomes. The praises of love aren't worth the suffering it brings.—Tr.]
[14] See the Memoirs of Collé—his wife.
Check out Collé's Memoirs—his wife.
BOOK III
SCATTERED FRAGMENTS
Under this title, which I would willingly have made still more modest, I have brought together, without excessive severity, a selection made from three or four hundred playing cards, on which I found a few lines scrawled in pencil. That which, I suppose, must be called the original manuscript, for want of a simpler name, was in many places made up of pieces of paper of all sizes, written on in pencil, and joined together by Lisio with sealing-wax, to save him the trouble of copying them afresh. He told me once that nothing he ever noted down seemed to him worth the trouble of recopying an hour later. I have entered so fully into all this in the hope that it may serve as an excuse for repetitions.
Under this title, which I would have preferred to keep even more modest, I’ve gathered a selection from three or four hundred playing cards, where I found some lines scribbled in pencil. What I guess should be called the original manuscript, for lack of a better name, was mostly made up of pieces of paper of various sizes, written in pencil, and put together by Lisio with sealing wax, so he wouldn’t have to copy them all over again. He once told me that nothing he ever jotted down seemed worth the effort of rewriting an hour later. I’ve detailed all this in the hope that it will excuse any repetitions.
I
Everything can be acquired in solitude, except character.
Everything can be obtained in solitude, except for character.
II
1821. Hatred, love and avarice, the three ruling passions at Rome, and with gambling added, almost the only ones.
1821. Hatred, love, and greed, the three main passions in Rome, and with gambling included, almost the only ones.
At first sight the Romans seem ill-natured, but they are only very much on their guard and blessed with an imagination which flares up at the least suggestion.
At first glance, the Romans might seem unfriendly, but they're just very cautious and have an imagination that ignites at the slightest hint.
If they give a gratuitous proof of ill-nature, it is the case of a man, gnawed by fear, and testing his gun to reassure himself.
If they show unwanted proof of bad temper, it's like a man who's consumed by fear, checking his gun to calm his nerves.
III
If I were to say, as I believe, that good-nature is the keynote of the Parisian's character, I should be very frightened of having offended him.—"I won't be good!"
If I were to say, as I believe, that having a good nature is the key trait of a Parisian's character, I would be quite worried about offending him.—"I won't be good!"
IV
A proof of love comes to light, when all the pleasures and all the pains, which all the other passions and wants of man can produce, in a moment cease working.
A proof of love becomes clear when all the pleasures and pains that other passions and desires can create suddenly stop.
V
Prudery is a kind of avarice—the worst of all.
Prudery is a form of greed—the worst kind of all.
VI
To have a solid character is to have a long and tried experience of life's disillusions and misfortunes. Then it is a question of desiring constantly or not at all.
To have a strong character means having a long and tested experience with life's disappointments and hardships. After that, it's about wanting things consistently or not at all.
VII
Love, such as it exists in smart society, is the love of battle, the love of gambling.
Love, as it exists in modern society, is the love of competition, the love of risk.
VIII
Nothing kills gallant love like gusts of passion-love from the other side. (Contessina L. Forlì—1819).
Nothing destroys noble love like overwhelming passion from the other side. (Contessina L. Forlì—1819).
IX
A great fault in women, and the most offensive of all to a man a little worthy of that name: The public, in matters of feeling, never soars above mean ideas, and women make the public the supreme judge of their lives—even the most distinguished women, I maintain, often unconsciously, and even while believing and saying the contrary. (Brescia, 1819).
A major flaw in women, which is the most irritating to any man who deserves that title: The public, when it comes to emotions, never rises above petty notions, and women allow the public to be the ultimate judge of their lives—even the most notable women, I argue, often do this unknowingly, even while claiming and believing the opposite. (Brescia, 1819).
X
Prosaic is a new word, which once I thought absurd, for nothing could be colder than our poetry. If there has been any warmth in France for the last fifty years, it is assuredly to be found in its prose.
Prosaic is a new word, which I once thought was ridiculous, for nothing could be colder than our poetry. If there’s been any warmth in France for the last fifty years, it definitely lies in its prose.
But anyhow, the little Countess L—— used the word and I like writing it.
But anyway, the little Countess L—— used the word, and I enjoy writing it.
The definition of prosaic is to be got from Don Quixote, and "the complete contrast of Knight and Squire." The Knight tall and pale; the Squire fat and fresh. The former all heroism and courtesy; the latter all selfishness and servility. The former always full of romantic and touching fancies; the latter a model of worldly wisdom, a compendium of wise saws. The one always feeding his soul on dreams of heroism and daring; the other ruminating some really sensible scheme in which, never fear, he will take into strict account all the shameful, selfish little movements the human heart is prone to.
The definition of prosaic can be found in Don Quixote, highlighting "the complete contrast of Knight and Squire." The Knight is tall and pale; the Squire is plump and healthy. The Knight embodies heroism and courtesy, while the Squire represents selfishness and servility. The Knight is constantly filled with romantic and heartfelt ideas; the Squire is a prime example of worldly wisdom, full of clever sayings. The Knight is always nurturing his soul with dreams of bravery and adventure, while the Squire is busy formulating practical plans, fully aware of all the selfish, shameful tendencies that human nature tends to have.
At the very moment when the former should be brought to his senses by the non-success of yesterday's dreams, he is already busy on his castles in Spain for to-day.
At the very moment when he should be brought to his senses by the failure of yesterday's dreams, he's already busy building his castles in Spain for today.
You ought to have a prosaic husband and to choose a romantic lover.
You should have a practical husband and pick a passionate lover.
Marlborough had a prosaic soul: Henry IV, in love at fifty-five with a young princess, who could not forget his age, a romantic heart.[1]
Marlborough had a down-to-earth soul: Henry IV, in love at fifty-five with a young princess who couldn't overlook his age, had a romantic heart.[1]
There are fewer prosaic beings among the nobility than in the middle-class.
There are fewer ordinary people among the nobility than in the middle class.
This is the fault of trade, it makes people prosaic.
This is the problem with trade; it makes people mundane.
[1] Dulaure, History of Paris.
Silent episode in the queen's apartment the evening of the flight of the Princesse de Condé: the ministers transfixed to the wall and mute, the King striding up and down.
Silent episode in the queen's apartment the evening of the flight of the Princesse de Condé: the ministers frozen against the wall and silent, the King pacing back and forth.
XI
Nothing so interesting as passion: for there everything is unforeseen, and the principal is the victim. Nothing so flat as gallantry, where everything is a matter of calculation, as in all the prosaic affairs of life.
Nothing is as captivating as passion: because everything is unpredictable, and the main person suffers. Nothing is as dull as gallantry, where everything is just a matter of calculations, just like in all the mundane issues of life.
XII
At the end of a visit you always finish by treating a lover better than you meant to. (L., November 2nd, 1818).
At the end of a visit, you always end up treating a lover better than you intended. (L., November 2nd, 1818).
XIII
In spite of genius in an upstart, the influence of rank always makes itself felt. Think of Rousseau losing his heart to all the "ladies" he met, and weeping tears of rapture because the Duke of L——, one of the dullest courtiers of the period, deigns to take the right side rather than the left in a walk with a certain M. Coindet, friend of Rousseau! (L., May 3rd, 1820.)
Despite the brilliance of a newcomer, the impact of social status is always apparent. Consider Rousseau falling for every "lady" he encountered and shedding tears of joy because the Duke of L——, one of the most boring courtiers of the time, chooses to walk on the right side instead of the left with a certain M. Coindet, a friend of Rousseau! (L., May 3rd, 1820.)
XIV
Women's only educator is the world. A mother in love does not hesitate to appear in the seventh heaven of delight, or in the depth of despair, before her daughters aged fourteen or fifteen. Remember that, under these happy skies, plenty of women are quite nice-looking till forty-five, and the majority are married at eighteen.
Women's only educator is the world. A mother in love doesn’t hold back from showing her daughters, aged fourteen or fifteen, her highest joys or deepest sorrows. Keep in mind that, under these happy skies, many women look great well into their forties, and most are married by eighteen.
Think of La Valchiusa saying yesterday of Lampugnani: "Ah, that man was made for me, he could love, ... etc., etc," and so on in this strain to a friend—all before her daughter, a little thing of fourteen or fifteen, very much on the alert, and whom she also took with her on the more than friendly walks with the lover in question.
Think of La Valchiusa talking to a friend yesterday about Lampugnani: "Ah, that guy was made for me; he could love, ... etc., etc.," and so forth in that way—all in front of her daughter, a young girl around fourteen or fifteen, who was paying close attention, and whom she also brought along on the more than friendly walks with the man in question.
Sometimes girls get hold of sound rules of conduct, For examples take Madame Guarnacci, addressing her two daughters and two men, who have never called on [Pg 271]her before. For an hour and a half she treats them to profound maxims, based on examples within their own knowledge (that of La Cercara in Hungary), on the precise point at which it is right to punish with infidelity a lover who misbehaves himself. (Ravenna, January 23rd, 1820.)
Sometimes girls grasp the right way to behave. For example, take Madame Guarnacci, who talks to her two daughters and two men that have never visited her before. For an hour and a half, she shares deep insights, based on examples they can relate to (like La Cercara in Hungary), about when it’s acceptable to respond to a misbehaving lover with infidelity. (Ravenna, January 23rd, 1820.)
XV
The sanguine man, the true Frenchman (Colonel M——) instead of being tormented by excess of feeling, like Rousseau, if he has a rendezvous for the next evening at seven, sees everything, right up to the blessed moment, through rosy spectacles. People of this kind are not in the least susceptible to passion-love; it would upset their sweet tranquillity. I will go so far as to say that perhaps they would find its transports a nuisance, or at all events be humiliated by the timidity it produces.
The cheerful guy, the real Frenchman (Colonel M——), instead of being overwhelmed by feelings like Rousseau, if he has a date for the next evening at seven, sees everything, right up to the moment, through rose-colored glasses. People like him aren’t at all vulnerable to passionate love; it would disturb their calm happiness. I’d even say that they might find the intensity of those feelings annoying, or at the very least, feel embarrassed by the shyness it brings.
XVI
Most men of the world, through vanity, caution or disaster, let themselves love a woman freely only after intimate intercourse.
Most men in the world, out of vanity, caution, or past failures, allow themselves to love a woman openly only after being intimately involved.
XVII
With very gentle souls a woman needs to be easy-going in order to encourage crystallisation.
With very gentle souls, a woman needs to be laid-back to encourage growth.
XVIII
A woman imagines that the voice of the public is speaking through the mouth of the first fool or the first treacherous friend who claims to be its faithful interpreter to her.
A woman envisions that the voice of the public is speaking through the mouth of the first idiot or the first untrustworthy friend who says they are its true spokesperson to her.
XIX
There is a delicious pleasure in clasping in your arms a woman who has wronged you grievously, who has been [Pg 272]your bitter enemy for many a day, and is ready to be so again. Good fortune of the French officers in Spain, 1812.
There’s a satisfying thrill in holding in your arms a woman who has deeply wronged you, who has been your bitter enemy for a long time, and is prepared to be so once more. Good fortune of the French officers in Spain, 1812.
XX
Solitude is what one wants, to relish one's own heart and to love; but to succeed one must go amongst men, here, there and everywhere.
Solitude is what one desires, to enjoy one's own heart and to love; but to achieve that, one must be around people, here, there, and everywhere.
XXI
"All the observations of the French on love are well written, carefully and without exaggeration, but they bear only on light affections," said that delightful person, Cardinal Lante.
"All the observations of the French on love are well written, careful, and without exaggeration, but they only focus on light affections," said that charming person, Cardinal Lante.
XXII
In Goldoni's comedy, the Innamorati, all the workings of passion are excellent; it is the very repulsive meanness of style and thought which revolts one. The contrary is true of a French comedy.
In Goldoni's comedy, the Innamorati, all the dynamics of passion are great; it's the really disgusting lack of style and depth that is off-putting. The opposite is true of a French comedy.
XXIII
The youth of 1822: To say "serious turn of mind, active disposition" means "sacrifice of the present to the future." Nothing develops the soul like the power and the habit of making such sacrifices. I foresee the probability of more great passions in 1832 than in 1772.
The youth of 1822: Saying "serious mindset, active nature" means "giving up the present for the future." Nothing nurtures the soul like the ability and practice of making those sacrifices. I expect that there will be more intense passions in 1832 than in 1772.
XXIV
The choleric temperament, when it does not display itself in too repulsive a form, is one perhaps most apt of all to strike and keep alive the imagination of women. If the choleric temperament does not fall among propitious surroundings, as Lauzun in Saint-Simon (Memoirs), the difficulty is to grow used to it. But [Pg 273]once grasped by a woman, this character must fascinate her: yes, even the savage and fanatic Balfour (Old Mortality). For women it is the antithesis of the prosaic.
The choleric temperament, when it doesn't come off too harsh, is probably the one that's most likely to captivate and maintain the interest of women. If the choleric temperament doesn't thrive in supportive surroundings, like Lauzun in Saint-Simon (Memoirs), it can be challenging to get accustomed to it. But [Pg 273] once a woman understands this character, it must fascinate her: yes, even the wild and extreme Balfour (Old Mortality). For women, it's the complete opposite of being ordinary.
XXV
In love one often doubts what one believes most strongly (La R., 355). In every other passion, what once we have proved, we no longer doubt.
In love, people often question what they believe most firmly (La R., 355). In every other passion, once we have experienced it, we no longer have doubts.
XXVI
Verse was invented to assist the memory. Later it was kept to increase the pleasure of reading by the sight of the difficulty overcome. Its survival nowadays in dramatic art is a relic of barbarity. Example: the Cavalry Regulations put into verse by M. de Bonnay.
Verse was created to help with memory. Later on, it was maintained to enhance the enjoyment of reading by showcasing the challenge that was conquered. Its continued existence today in dramatic art is a remnant of a more primitive time. For example, the Cavalry Regulations set to verse by M. de Bonnay.
XXVII
While this jealous slave feeds his soul on boredom, avarice, hatred and other such poisonous, cold passions, I spend a night of happiness dreaming of her—of her who, through mistrust, treats me badly.
While this jealous slave fills his mind with boredom, greed, hatred, and other toxic, cold emotions, I spend a night of happiness dreaming of her—of her who, out of mistrust, treats me poorly.
XXVIII
It needs a great soul to dare have a simple style. That is why Rousseau put so much rhetoric into the Nouvelle Héloïse—which makes it unreadable for anyone over thirty.
It takes a great soul to have the courage to adopt a simple style. That’s why Rousseau filled the Nouvelle Héloïse with so much rhetoric—it makes it unreadable for anyone over thirty.
XXIX
"The greatest reproach we could possibly make against ourselves is, certainly, to have let fade, like the shadowy phantoms produced by sleep, the ideas of honour and justice, which from time to time well up in our hearts." (Letter from Jena, March, 1819.)
"The worst thing we could do to ourselves is, without a doubt, to let the ideas of honor and justice fade away, like the fleeting shadows created by sleep, which occasionally rise up in our hearts." (Letter from Jena, March, 1819.)
XXX
A respectable woman is in the country and passes an hour in the hot-house with her gardener. Certain people, whose views she has upset, accuse her of having found a lover in this gardener. What answer is there?
A respectable woman is in the countryside and spends an hour in the greenhouse with her gardener. Some people, whose expectations she has challenged, claim she has found a lover in this gardener. What can she say in reply?
Speaking absolutely, the thing is possible. She could say: "My character speaks for me, look at my behaviour throughout life"—only all this is equally invisible to the eyes of the ill-natured who won't see, and the fools who can't. (Salviati, Rome, July 23rd, 1819.)
Speaking absolutely, it's possible. She could say: "My character speaks for me, just look at my behavior throughout my life"—but all of this is just as invisible to the ill-natured who refuse to see and the fools who are unable to. (Salviati, Rome, July 23rd, 1819.)
XXXI
I have known a man find out that his rival's love was returned, and yet the rival himself remain blinded to the fact by his passion.
I have seen a man discover that his rival's love was mutual, yet the rival himself remained oblivious to it because of his passion.
XXXII
The more desperately he is in love, the more violent the pressure a man is forced to put upon himself, in order to risk annoying the woman he loves by taking her hand.
The more hopelessly he is in love, the more intense the pressure a man feels to hold back, just to avoid upsetting the woman he loves when he tries to take her hand.
XXXIII
Ludicrous rhetoric but, unlike that of Rousseau, inspired by true passion. (Memoirs of M. de Mau..., Letter of S——.)
Ludicrous rhetoric, but unlike Rousseau's, it’s fueled by real passion. (Memoirs of M. de Mau..., Letter of S——.)
XXXIV
Naturalness
Naturalness
I saw, or I thought I saw, this evening the triumph of naturalness in a young woman, who certainly seems to me to possess a great character. She adores, obviously, I think, one of her cousins and must have confessed to herself the state of her heart. The cousin is in love with her, but as she is very serious with him, thinks she does not like him, and lets himself be fascinated by the marks [Pg 275]of preference shown him by Clara, a young widow and friend of Mélanie. I think he will marry her. Mélanie sees it and suffers all that a proud heart, struggling involuntarily with a violent passion, is capable of suffering. She has only to alter her ways a little; but she would look upon it as a piece of meanness, the consequences of which would affect her whole life, to depart one instant from her natural self.
I saw, or I thought I saw, this evening the triumph of naturalness in a young woman, who really seems to have a strong character. She clearly adores one of her cousins and must have admitted to herself how she feels. The cousin is in love with her, but since she’s very serious with him, she thinks she doesn’t like him and allows herself to be captivated by the signs of affection shown to him by Clara, a young widow and friend of Mélanie. I believe he will marry her. Mélanie sees this and endures all the pain that a proud heart, struggling involuntarily with strong emotions, can bear. She just needs to change her behavior a little; but she would consider it beneath her, the consequences of which would impact her entire life, to stray even slightly from her true self.
XXXV
Sappho saw in love only sensual intoxication or physical pleasure made sublime by crystallisation. Anacreon looked for sensual and intellectual amusement. There was too little security in Antiquity for people to find leisure for passion-love.
Sappho viewed love as nothing more than a sensual high or physical pleasure elevated by its refinement. Anacreon sought both sensual and intellectual enjoyment. There was too little stability in ancient times for people to indulge in passionate love.
XXXVI
The foregoing fact fully justifies me in rather laughing at people who think Homer superior to Tasso. Passion-love did exist in the time of Homer, and at no great distance from Greece.
The fact stated above gives me every reason to laugh at those who believe Homer is better than Tasso. Passionate love did exist during Homer's time, and not far from Greece.
XXXVII
Woman with a heart, if you wish to know whether the man you adore loves you with passion-love, study your lover's early youth. Every man of distinction in the early days of his life is either a ridiculous enthusiast or an unfortunate. A man easy to please, of gay and cheerful humour, can never love with the passion your heart requires.
Woman with a heart, if you want to know whether the man you adore loves you with deep passion, look back at your lover's youth. Every distinguished man in his early years is either a ridiculous dreamer or a sufferer. A man who is easy to please and has a cheerful, lighthearted demeanor can never love with the intensity your heart craves.
Passion I call only that which has gone through long misfortunes, misfortunes which novels take good care not to depict—what's more they can't!
I only refer to passion as something that has endured long hardships, hardships that novels conveniently avoid portraying—what’s more, they can’t!
XXXVIII
A bold resolution can change in an instant the most extreme misfortune into quite a tolerable state of things. The evening of a defeat, a man is retreating in hot haste, his charger already spent. He can hear distinctly the troop of cavalry galloping in pursuit. Suddenly he stops, dismounts, recharges his carbine and pistols, and makes up his mind to defend himself. Straightway, instead of having death, he has a cross of the Legion of Honour before his eyes.
A strong decision can turn the worst misfortune into a bearable situation in an instant. On the evening of a defeat, a man is fleeing in a rush, his horse already exhausted. He can clearly hear the cavalry charging after him. Suddenly, he stops, gets off his horse, reloads his rifle and pistols, and decides to defend himself. Right away, instead of facing death, he envisions a Legion of Honour medal before him.
XXXIX
Basis of English habits. About 1730, while we already had Voltaire and Fontenelle, a machine was invented in England to separate the grain, after threshing, from the chaff. It worked by means of a wheel, which gave the air enough movement to blow away the bits of chaff. But in that biblical country the peasants pretended that it was wicked to go against the will of Divine Providence, and to produce an artificial wind like this, instead of begging Heaven with an ardent prayer for enough wind to thresh the corn and waiting for the moment appointed by the God of Israel. Compare this with French peasants.[1]
Basis of English habits. Around 1730, when we already had Voltaire and Fontenelle, a machine was invented in England to separate the grain from the chaff after threshing. It operated using a wheel that created enough airflow to blow away the chaff. However, in that biblical land, the peasants believed it was wrong to go against Divine Providence by creating an artificial wind like this, instead of earnestly praying to Heaven for a natural wind to help with the threshing and waiting for the time set by the God of Israel. Compare this with French peasants.[1]
[1] For the actual state of English habits, see the Life of Mr. Beattie, written by an intimate friend. The reader will be edified by the profound humility of Mr. Beattie, when he receives ten guineas from an old Marchioness in order to slander Hume. The trembling aristocracy relies on the bishops with incomes of £200,000, and pays in money and honour so-called liberal writers to throw mud at Chénier. (Edinburgh Review, 1821.)
[1] For an accurate picture of English habits, check out the Life of Mr. Beattie, written by a close friend. Readers will be enlightened by Mr. Beattie's remarkable humility when he accepts ten guineas from an elderly Marchioness to speak ill of Hume. The anxious aristocracy depends on bishops with incomes of £200,000 and compensates so-called liberal writers, both financially and reputationally, to disparage Chénier. (Edinburgh Review, 1821.)
The most disgusting cant leaks through on all sides. Everything except the portrayal of primitive and energetic feelings is stifled by it: impossible to write a joyous page in English.
The most annoying jargon seeps through from every direction. Everything except for the expression of raw and passionate feelings is suffocated by it: it's impossible to write a happy page in English.
XL
No doubt about it—'tis a form of madness to expose oneself to passion-love. In some cases, however, the cure [Pg 277]works too energetically. American girls in the United States are so saturated and fortified with reasonable ideas, that in that country love, the flower of life, has deserted youth. At Boston a girl can be left perfectly safely alone with a handsome stranger—in all probability she's thinking of nothing but her marriage settlement.
No doubt about it—it's a kind of madness to open yourself up to passionate love. In some cases, though, the cure works a bit too aggressively. American girls in the United States are so filled and reinforced with sensible ideas that, in that country, love, the essence of life, has abandoned youth. In Boston, a girl can safely be left alone with a good-looking stranger—in all likelihood, she’s thinking only about her marriage contract.
XLI
In France men who have lost their wives are melancholy; widows, on the contrary, merry and light-hearted. There is a proverb current among women on the felicity of this state. So there must be some inequality in the articles of union.
In France, men who have lost their wives are sad; widows, on the other hand, are cheerful and carefree. There’s a saying among women about the happiness of being a widow. So, there must be some imbalance in the terms of the union.
XLII
People who are happy in their love have an air of profound preoccupation, which, for a Frenchman, is the same as saying an air of profound gloom. (Dresden, 1818.)
People who are happy in their love have a vibe of deep thoughtfulness, which, for a Frenchman, is basically the same as saying they have a vibe of deep sadness. (Dresden, 1818.)
XLIII
The more generally a man pleases, the less deeply can he please.
The more a person tries to please everyone, the less likely they are to truly please anyone deeply.
XLIV
As a result of imitation in the early years of life, we contract the passions of our parents, even when these very passions poison our life. (L.'s pride.)
As a result of mimicking our parents in early childhood, we adopt their passions, even if those passions ultimately harm us. (L.'s pride.)
XLV
The most honourable source of feminine pride is a woman's fear of degrading herself in her lover's eyes by some hasty step or some action that he may think unwomanly.
The most honorable source of a woman's pride is her fear of disappointing her lover by behaving in a way that might seem hasty or unladylike to him.
XLVI
Real love renders the thought of death frequent, agreeable, unterrifying, a mere subject of comparison, the price we are willing to pay for many a thing.
Real love makes us think about death often, acceptably, without fear, just another point of reference, the cost we're ready to pay for many things.
XLVII
How often have I exclaimed for all my bravery: "If anyone would blow out my brains, I'd thank him before I expired, if there were time." A man can only be brave, with the woman he loves, by loving her a little less. (S., February, 1820.)
How many times have I boldly said, "If someone were to shoot me, I'd be grateful before I died, if I had the chance." A man can only be brave with the woman he loves by loving her just a bit less. (S., February, 1820.)
XLVIII
"I could never love!" a young woman said to me. "Mirabeau and his letters to Sophie have given me a disgust for great souls. Those fatal letters impressed me like a personal experience."
"I could never love!" a young woman said to me. "Mirabeau and his letters to Sophie have turned me off from great souls. Those tragic letters hit me like a personal experience."
Try a plan which you never read of in novels; let two years' constancy assure you, before intimate intercourse, of your lover's heart.
Try a plan you’ve never read about in novels; let two years of commitment reassure you, before becoming intimate, about your lover’s feelings.
XLIX
Ridicule scares love. Ridicule is impossible in Italy: what's good form in Venice is odd at Naples—consequently nothing's odd in Italy. Besides, nothing that gives pleasure is found fault with. 'Tis this that does away with the fool's honour and half the farce.
Ridicule scares love. Ridicule is not a thing in Italy: what's acceptable in Venice is strange in Naples—so nothing seems strange in Italy. Besides, anything that brings pleasure is never criticized. This is what diminishes the fool's honor and half the absurdity.
L
Children command by tears, and if people do not attend to their wishes, they hurt themselves on purpose. Young women are piqued from a sense of honour.
Children get what they want through tears, and if people don’t pay attention to their wishes, they intentionally hurt themselves. Young women are motivated by a sense of honor.
LI
'Tis a common reflection, but one for that reason easily forgotten, that every day sensitive souls become rarer, cultured minds commoner.
It's a common thought, but easily overlooked, that every day, sensitive souls are becoming rarer, while cultured minds are becoming more common.
LII
Feminine Pride
Feminine Pride
I have just witnessed a striking example—but on mature consideration I should need fifteen pages to give a proper idea of it. If I dared, I would much rather note the consequences; my eyes have convinced me beyond the possibility of doubt. But, no, it is a conviction I must give up all idea of communicating, there are too many little details. Such pride is the opposite of French vanity. So far as I can remember, the only work, in which I have seen a sketch of it, is that part of Madame Roland's Memoirs, where she recounts the petty reasonings she made as a girl. (Bologna, April 18th, 2 a.m.)
I just saw a striking example—but thinking it over, I would need fifteen pages to fully explain it. If I could, I would rather focus on the consequences; my eyes have convinced me without a doubt. But no, it's a realization I have to abandon trying to communicate, there are just too many little details. Such pride is the opposite of French vanity. As far as I can remember, the only place I’ve seen it sketched out is in that part of Madame Roland's Memoirs where she talks about the petty reasons she considered as a girl. (Bologna, April 18th, 2 a.m.)
LIII
In France, most women make no account of a young man until they have turned him into a coxcomb. It is only then that he can flatter their vanity. (Duclos.)
In France, most women don’t pay attention to a young man until they’ve turned him into a fool. Only then can he flatter their vanity. (Duclos.)
LIV
Zilietti said to me at midnight (at the charming Marchesina R...'s): "I'm not going to dine at San Michele (an inn). Yesterday I said some smart things—I was joking with Cl...; it might make me conspicuous."
Zilietti told me at midnight (at the lovely Marchesina R...'s): "I'm not going to eat at San Michele (an inn). Yesterday, I said some clever things—I was joking with Cl...; it might draw attention to me."
Don't go and think that Zilietti is either a fool or a coward. He is a prudent and very rich man in this happy land. (Modena, 1820.)
Don't think that Zilietti is either foolish or a coward. He is a wise and very wealthy man in this fortunate land. (Modena, 1820.)
LV
What is admirable in America is the government, not society. Elsewhere government does the harm. At Boston they have changed parts, and government plays the hypocrite, in order not to shock society.
What’s admirable in America is the government, not society. In other places, it's the government that causes harm. In Boston, they've switched things up, and the government acts hypocritically to avoid disturbing society.
LVI
Italian girls, if they love, are entirely given over to natural inspiration. At the very most all that can aid them is a handful of excellent maxims, which they have picked up by listening at the keyhole. As if fate had decreed that everything here should combine to preserve naturalness, they read no novels—and for this reason, that there are none. At Geneva or in France, on the contrary, a girls falls in love at sixteen in order to be a heroine, and at each step, almost at each tear, she asks herself: "Am I not just like Julie d'Étanges? "
Italian girls, when they fall in love, are completely inspired by their feelings. All they really have to rely on are a few wise sayings they've overheard. It seems like fate has arranged everything here to maintain their naturalness, as they don’t read novels—and that's because there aren't any. In Geneva or France, on the other hand, a girl falls in love at sixteen to play the role of a heroine, and with every little moment, even with every tear, she wonders, "Am I not just like Julie d'Étanges?"
LVII
The husband of a young woman adored by a lover, whom she treats unkindly and scarcely allows to kiss her hand, has, at the very most, only the grossest physical pleasure, where the lover would find the charms and transports of the keenest happiness that exists on earth.
The husband of a young woman who is loved by a lover, whom she treats poorly and barely lets kiss her hand, experiences only the most basic physical pleasure, while the lover would discover the joys and ecstasies of the greatest happiness found on earth.
LVIII
The laws of the imagination are still so little understood, that I include the following estimate, though perhaps it is all quite wrong.
The rules of the imagination are still not very well understood, so I'm sharing the following assessment, even though it might be completely off.
I seem to distinguish two sorts of imagination:—
I can see two types of imagination:—
1. Imagination like Fabio's, ardent, impetuous, inconsiderate, leading straight to action, consuming itself, and already languishing at a delay of twenty-four hours. Impatience is its prime characteristic; it becomes enraged against that which it cannot obtain. It sees all [Pg 281]exterior objects, but they only serve to inflame it. It assimilates them to its own substance, and converts them straight away to the profit of passion.
1. Imagination like Fabio's, passionate, impulsive, and reckless, drives immediately to action, burning itself out, and already suffering from a wait of twenty-four hours. Impatience is its main trait; it gets furious at what it can’t have. It perceives all [Pg 281]external things, but they only serve to ignite it. It blends them into its own essence and quickly transforms them into fuel for desire.
2. Imagination which takes fire slowly and little by little, but which loses in time the perception of exterior objects, and comes to find occupation and nourishment in nothing but its own passion. This last sort of imagination goes quite easily with slowness, or even scarcity, of ideas. It is favourable to constancy. It is the imagination of the greater part of those poor German girls, who are dying of love and consumption. That sad spectacle, so frequent beyond the Rhine, is never met with in Italy.
2. Imagination that slowly ignites and builds up over time, but eventually loses sight of external objects and finds its purpose and sustenance solely in its own passion. This type of imagination often accompanies a slow or even limited flow of ideas. It supports perseverance. It characterizes many of those unfortunate German girls who are suffering due to love and tuberculosis. That heartbreaking sight, so common beyond the Rhine, is rarely seen in Italy.
LIX
Imaginative habits. A Frenchman is really shocked by eight changes of scenery in one act of a tragedy. Such a man is incapable of pleasure in seeing Macbeth. He consoles himself by damning Shakespeare.
Imaginative habits. A Frenchman is really shocked by eight different settings in one act of a tragedy. Such a person can't enjoy watching Macbeth. He comforts himself by cursing Shakespeare.
LX
In France the provinces are forty years behind Paris in all that regards women. A. C., a married woman, tells me that she only liked to read certain parts of Lanzi's Memoirs. Such stupidity is too much for me; I can no longer find a word to say to her. As if that were a book one could put down!
In France, the provinces lag forty years behind Paris when it comes to women. A. C., a married woman, tells me that she only enjoyed reading certain parts of Lanzi's Memoirs. Such ignorance is overwhelming; I can no longer think of anything to say to her. As if that were a book you could just put down!
Want of naturalness—the great failing in provincial women.
Lack of authenticity—the major flaw in country women.
Their effusive and gracious gestures; those who play the first fiddle in the town are worse than the others.
Their enthusiastic and kind gestures; those who take the lead in town are worse than the others.
LXI
Goethe, or any other German genius, esteems money at what it's worth. Until he has got an income of six thousand francs, he must think of nothing but his [Pg 282]banking-account. After that he must never think of it again. The fool, on his side, does not understand the advantage there is of feeling and thinking like Goethe. All his life he feels in terms of money and thinks of sums of money. It is owing to this support from both sides, that the prosaic in this world seem to come off so much better than the high-minded.
Goethe, like any other German genius, values money for what it is. Until he earns six thousand francs, he has to focus solely on his [Pg 282]bank account. After reaching that point, he shouldn't think about it again. The fool, on the other hand, doesn't realize the benefits of thinking and feeling like Goethe. Throughout his life, he thinks in terms of money and fixates on amounts. It's this support from both perspectives that makes the ordinary folks in this world seem to do so much better than those with lofty ideals.
LXII
In Europe, desire is inflamed by constraint; in America it is dulled by liberty.
In Europe, desire is heightened by restrictions; in America, it's muted by freedom.
LXIII
A mania for discussion has got hold of the younger generation and stolen it from love. While they are considering whether Napoleon was of service to France, they let the age of love speed past. Even with those who mean to be young, it is all affectation—a tie, a spur, their martial swagger, their all-absorbing self—and they forget to cast a glance at the girl who passes by so modestly and cannot go out more than once a week through want of means.
A craze for debate has taken over the younger generation and driven them away from love. While they're busy arguing about whether Napoleon benefited France, they let the chance for love slip away. Even among those who want to be young, it's all just show—a tie, a spur, their military swagger, their all-consuming ego—and they forget to notice the girl who walks by so modestly and can only go out once a week because she doesn't have the money.
LXIV
I have suppressed a chapter on Prudery, and others as well.
I have left out a chapter on Prudery, along with others.
I am happy to find the following passage in Horace Walpole's Memoirs:
I’m glad to come across this passage in Horace Walpole's Memoirs:
The Two Elizabeths. Let us compare the daughters of two ferocious men, and see which was sovereign of a civilised nation, which of a barbarous one. Both were Elizabeths. The daughter of Peter (of Russia) was absolute, yet spared a competitor and a rival; and thought the person of an empress had sufficient allurements for as many of her subjects as she chose to honour with the [Pg 283]communication. Elizabeth of England could neither forgive the claim of Mary Stuart nor her charms, but ungenerously imprisoned her (as George IV did Napoleon[1]) when imploring protection, and, without the sanction of either despotism or law, sacrificed many to her great and little jealousy. Yet this Elizabeth piqued herself on chastity; and while she practised every ridiculous art of coquetry to be admired at an unseemly age, kept off lovers whom she encouraged, and neither gratified her own desires nor their ambition. Who can help preferring the honest, open-hearted barbarian empress? (Lord Orford's Memoirs.)
The Two Elizabeths. Let's compare the daughters of two fierce kings and see which ruled a civilized nation and which ruled a barbaric one. Both were named Elizabeth. The daughter of Peter (of Russia) had absolute power, yet she spared a competitor and a rival; she believed the title of empress was appealing enough for as many of her subjects as she chose to engage with. Elizabeth of England could neither forgive Mary Stuart's claim nor her beauty, and selfishly imprisoned her (like George IV did with Napoleon) when she sought protection. Without the approval of either tyranny or law, she sacrificed many to her various jealousies. Yet this Elizabeth prided herself on her chastity; while she used every ridiculous trick of flirtation to be admired at an inappropriate age, she warded off suitors whom she had encouraged, never satisfying her own desires or their ambitions. Who wouldn’t prefer the honest, open-hearted barbarian empress? (Lord Orford's Memoirs.)
LXV
Extreme familiarity may destroy crystallisation. A charming girl of sixteen fell in love with a handsome youth of the same age, who never failed one evening to pass under her window at nightfall. Her mother invites him to spend a week with them in the country—a desperate remedy, I agree. But the girl was romantic, and the youth rather dull: after three days she despised him.
Extreme familiarity can ruin attraction. A charming sixteen-year-old girl fell for a handsome guy of the same age, who always walked by her window at dusk. Her mother invited him to spend a week with them in the countryside—a desperate move, I admit. But the girl was a romantic, and the guy was pretty boring: after three days, she couldn't stand him.
LXVI
Ave Maria—twilight in Italy, the hour of tenderness, of the soul's pleasures and of melancholy—sensation intensified by the sound of those lovely bells.
Ave Maria—twilight in Italy, the time of tenderness, of the soul's joys and of sadness—feelings heightened by the sound of those beautiful bells.
Hours of pleasure, which only in memory touch the senses.... (Bologna, April 17th, 1817.)
Hours of enjoyment, which in memory alone appeal to the senses.... (Bologna, April 17th, 1817.)
LXVII
A young man's first love-affair on entering society is ordinarily one of ambition. He rarely declares his love for a sweet, amiable and innocent young girl. How tremble before her, adore her, feel oneself in the presence of a divinity? Youth must love a being whose qualities lift him up in his own eyes. It is in the decline of life [Pg 284]that we sadly come back to love the simple and the innocent, despairing of the sublime. Between the two comes true love, which thinks of nothing but itself.
A young man's first experience with love when he joins society is usually one driven by ambition. He rarely admits his feelings for a sweet, kind, and innocent girl. How can he not tremble before her, adore her, and feel as if he’s in the presence of a goddess? Youth needs to love someone whose qualities elevate him in his own eyes. It’s in the later stages of life that we sadly return to loving the simple and innocent, having given up on the sublime. True love, which only focuses on itself, exists somewhere in between. [Pg 284]
LXVIII
The existence of great souls is not suspected. They hide away; all that is seen is a little originality. There are more great souls than one would think.
The existence of great souls isn't doubted. They remain hidden; all that's visible is a bit of originality. There are more great souls than you might expect.
LXIX
The first clasp of the beloved's hand—what a moment that is! The only joy to be compared to it is the ravishing joy of power—which statesmen and kings make pretence of despising. This joy also has its crystallisation, though it demands a colder and more reasonable imagination. Think of a man whom, a quarter of an hour ago, Napoleon has called to be a minister.
The first time you hold your loved one's hand—what a moment that is! The only joy that compares to it is the thrilling joy of power—which politicians and rulers pretend to disdain. This joy also has its own clarity, but it requires a cooler and more rational kind of imagination. Imagine a man who, just a quarter of an hour ago, was summoned by Napoleon to become a minister.
LXX
The celebrated Johannes von Müller(54) said to me at Cassel in 1808—Nature has given strength to the North and wit to the South.
The famous Johannes von Müller(54) told me in Cassel in 1808—Nature has given strength to the North and intelligence to the South.
LXXI
Nothing more untrue than the maxim: No man is a hero before his valet. Or, rather, nothing truer in the monarchic sense of the word hero—the affected hero, like Hippolytus in Phèdre. Desaix, for example, would have been a hero even before his valet (it's true I don't know if he had one), and a still greater hero for his valet than for anyone else. Turenne and Fénelon might each have been a Desaix, but for "good form" and the necessary amount of force.
Nothing is more untrue than the saying: No man is a hero in front of his servant. Or rather, nothing is more true in the royal sense of the word hero—the pretentious hero, like Hippolytus in Phèdre. Desaix, for instance, would have been a hero even in front of his servant (though I'm not sure if he had one), and an even greater hero to his servant than to anyone else. Turenne and Fénelon could each have been a Desaix, but for the sake of "good form" and the necessary amount of force.
LXXII
Here is blasphemy. I, a Dutchman, dare say this: the French possess neither the true pleasures of conversation nor the true pleasures of the theatre; instead of relaxation and complete unrestraint, they mean hard labour. Among the sources of fatigue which hastened on the death of Mme. de Staël I have heard counted the strain of conversation during her last winter.[1]
Here is blasphemy. I, a Dutchman, will say this: the French don't have the real joys of conversation or the genuine pleasures of the theater; instead of relaxation and total freedom, they associate it with hard work. Among the many sources of fatigue that contributed to the death of Mme. de Staël, I've heard that the stress of conversation during her last winter was one of them.[1]
[1] Memoirs of Marmontel, Montesquieu's conversation.
Memoirs of Marmontel, Montesquieu's insights.
LXXIII
The degree of tension of the nerves in the ear, necessary to hear each note, explains well enough the physical part of one's pleasure in music.
The level of tension in the ear nerves required to hear each note explains the physical aspect of the enjoyment one gets from music.
LXXIV
What degrades rakish women is the opinion, which they share with the public, that they are guilty of a great sin.
What discredits bold women is the shared belief, along with society, that they are guilty of a major wrongdoing.
LXXV
In an army in retreat, warn an Italian soldier of a danger which it is no use running—he'll almost thank you and he'll carefully avoid it. If, from kindness, you point out the same danger to a French soldier, he'll think you're defying him—his sense of honour is piqued, and he runs his head straight against it. If he dared, he'd like to jeer at you. (Gyat, 1812.)
In a retreating army, if you warn an Italian soldier about a danger he can't escape, he'll likely thank you and steer clear of it. But if you point out the same danger to a French soldier out of kindness, he’ll see it as a challenge—his sense of honor is annoyed, and he’ll charge right into it. If he could, he’d want to mock you. (Gyat, 1812.)
LXXVI
In France, any idea that can be explained only in the very simplest terms is sure to be despised, even the most useful. The Monitorial system(43), invented by a Frenchman, could never catch on. It is exactly the opposite in Italy.
In France, any idea that can only be explained in the simplest terms is guaranteed to be looked down upon, even the most practical ones. The Monitorial system(43), created by a Frenchman, could never gain traction. It's completely different in Italy.
LXXVII
Suppose you are passionately in love with a woman and that your imagination has not run dry. One evening she is tactless enough to say, looking at you tenderly and abashed: "Er—yes—come to-morrow at midday; I shall be in to no one but you." You cannot sleep; you cannot think of anything; the morning is torture. At last twelve o'clock strikes, and every stroke of the clock seems to clash and clang on your heart.
Suppose you're deeply in love with a woman and your imagination is still alive. One evening, she's bold enough to say, looking at you lovingly and shyly: "Um—yes—come tomorrow at noon; I won’t see anyone but you." You can't sleep; you can't think of anything; the morning feels like torture. Finally, twelve o'clock strikes, and every chime of the clock feels like it's echoing in your heart.
LXXVIII
In love, to share money is to increase love, to give it is to kill love.
In love, sharing money strengthens the bond, while giving it away destroys it.
You are putting off the present difficulty, and the odious fear of want in the future; or rather you are sowing the seeds of policy, of the feeling of being two.—You destroy sympathy.
You are delaying dealing with the current problem and the annoying fear of future scarcity; instead, you are planting the seeds of strategy, of feeling divided. You are ruining empathy.
LXXIX
Court ceremonies involuntarily call to mind scenes from Aretine—the way the women display their bare shoulders, like officers their uniform, and, for all their charms, make no more sensation!
Court ceremonies inevitably remind one of scenes from Aretine—the way the women show off their bare shoulders, like officers flaunting their uniforms, and despite all their allure, they create no more impact!
There you see what in a mercenary way all will do to win a man's approval; there you see a whole world acting without morality and, what's more, without passion. All this added to the presence of the women with their very low dresses and their expression of malice, greeting with a sardonic smile everything but selfish advantage payable in the hard cash of solid pleasures—why! it gives the idea of scenes from the Bagno. It drives far away all doubts suggested by virtue or the conscious satisfaction of a heart at peace with itself. Yet I have seen the feeling of isolation amidst all this dispose gentle hearts to love. (Mars at the Tuileries, 1811.)
There you see how far some people will go to win a man's approval; there you see a whole world acting without morals and, even more, without any real passion. All of this, combined with the presence of women in their low-cut dresses and their sly expressions, greeting everything with a sneer except for selfish gain that brings immediate pleasure—it's like a scene from a brothel. It pushes away any doubts raised by righteousness or the contentment of a heart at peace with itself. Yet, I've noticed that amid all this, the feeling of isolation can lead kind hearts to love. (Mars at the Tuileries, 1811.)
LXXX
A soul taken up with bashfulness and the effort to suppress it, is incapable of pleasure. Pleasure is a luxury—to enjoy it, security is essential and must run no risks.
A soul consumed by shyness and the struggle to hide it cannot find joy. Pleasure is a luxury; to truly enjoy it, feeling secure is essential, and there can be no risks involved.
LXXXI
A test of love in which mercenary women cannot disguise their feelings.—"Do you feel real delight in reconciliation or is it only the thought of what you'll gain by it?"
A test of love where selfish women can't hide their true feelings.—"Are you genuinely happy about making up, or is it just because of what you'll benefit from it?"
LXXXII
The poor things who fill La Trappe(55) are wretches who have not had quite enough courage to kill themselves. I except, of course, the heads, who find pleasure in being heads.
The unfortunate souls who populate La Trappe(55) are people who haven't quite mustered the courage to take their own lives. I exclude, of course, the leaders, who enjoy their status as heads.
LXXXIII
It is a misfortune to have known Italian beauty: you lose your sensibility. Out of Italy, you prefer the conversation of men.
It’s unfortunate to have experienced Italian beauty: it dulls your sensitivity. Outside of Italy, you find yourself preferring the company of men.
LXXXIV
Italian prudence looks to the preservation of life, and this allows free play to the imagination. (Cf. a version of the death of Pertica the famous comic actor, December 24th, 1821.) On the other hand, English prudence, wholly relative to the gain and safe-keeping of just enough money to cover expenses, demands detailed and everyday exactitude, and this habit paralyses the imagination. Notice also how enormously it strengthens the conception of duty.
Italian caution focuses on preserving life, which lets imagination flourish. (See a version of the death of Pertica, the famous comic actor, December 24th, 1821.) In contrast, English caution, which is entirely about earning and securely managing just enough money to cover expenses, requires strict and everyday accuracy, and this habit stifles creativity. Also, note how significantly it reinforces the idea of duty.
LXXXV
The immense respect for money, which is the first and foremost vice of Englishmen and Italians, is less felt [Pg 288]in France and reduced to perfectly rational limits in Germany.
The huge respect for money, which is the biggest flaw of English and Italian people, is less prominent in France and kept within reasonable limits in Germany. [Pg 288]
LXXXVI
French women, having never known the happiness of true passion, are anything but exacting over internal domestic happiness and the everyday side of life. (Compiègne.)
French women, who have never experienced the joy of true passion, are not at all demanding when it comes to inner domestic happiness and the everyday aspects of life. (Compiègne.)
LXXXVII
"You talk to me of ambition for driving away boredom," said Kamensky: "but all the time I used to gallop a couple of leagues every evening, for the pleasure of seeing the Princess at Kolich, I was on terms of intimacy with a despot whom I respected, who had my whole good fortune in his power and the satisfaction of all my possible desires."
"You’re talking to me about ambition to escape boredom," said Kamensky. "But all the time I used to ride a few miles every evening, just to enjoy seeing the Princess at Kolich, I was close with a ruler whom I respected, who held my entire fortune in his hands and could fulfill all my desires."
LXXXVIII
Pretty contrast! On the one hand—perfection in the little niceties of worldly wisdom and of dress, great kindliness, want of genius, daily cult of a thousand and one petty observances, and incapacity for three days' attention to the same event: on the other—puritan severity, biblical cruelty, strict probity, timid, morbid self-love and universal cant! And yet these are the two foremost nations of the world.
Nice contrast! On one hand—perfection in the little details of worldly wisdom and fashion, great kindness, a lack of genius, daily practice of countless small rituals, and an inability to focus on the same event for three days; on the other—puritanical strictness, biblical harshness, strict honesty, timid, unhealthy self-importance, and widespread hypocrisy! And yet these are the two leading nations in the world.
LXXXIX
XC
Alviza calls this an unpardonable want of refinement—to dare to make love by letter to a woman you adore and who looks at you tenderly, but declares that she can never love you.
Alviza calls this a huge lack of refinement—to dare to profess your love in writing to a woman you adore, who looks at you affectionately but says she can never love you back.
XCI
It was a mistake of the greatest philosopher that France has had, not to have stayed in some Alpine solitude, in some remote abode, thence to launch his book on Paris without ever coming there himself(58). Seeing Helvétius so simple and straightforward, unnatural, hot-house people like Suard, Marmontel or Diderot could never imagine they had a great philosopher before them. They were perfectly honest in their contempt for his profound reason. First of all, it was simple—a fault unpardonable in France; secondly, the author, not, of course, his book, was lowered in value by this weakness—the extreme importance he attached to getting what in France is called glory, to being, like Balzac, Voiture or Fontenelle, the fashion among his contemporaries.
It was a huge mistake for the greatest philosopher France has ever had not to have stayed in some secluded Alpine retreat, from which he could launch his book on Paris without ever setting foot in the city himself(58). Looking at Helvétius as so simple and straightforward, pretentious, sheltered people like Suard, Marmontel, or Diderot could never see that they were facing a great philosopher. They were completely honest in their disdain for his deep reasoning. First of all, it was simple—a fault that was unforgivable in France; secondly, the author, rather than just his book, was diminished in value by this flaw—the extreme importance he placed on achieving what in France is called glory, on being, like Balzac, Voiture, or Fontenelle, the trend among his peers.
Rousseau had too much feeling and too little logic, Buffon, in his Botanical Garden, was too hypocritical, and Voltaire too paltry to be able to judge the principle of Helvétius.
Rousseau had way too much emotion and not enough reason, Buffon, in his Botanical Garden, was way too insincere, and Voltaire was too trivial to properly evaluate Helvétius's ideas.
Helvétius was guilty of a little slip in calling this principle interest, instead of giving it a pretty name like pleasure;[1] but what are we to think of a nation's literature, which shows its sense by letting itself be led astray by a fault so slight?
Helvétius made a small mistake by calling this principle interest instead of something more appealing like pleasure; [1] but what should we think of a nation's literature that allows itself to be misled by such a minor error?
The ordinary clever man, Prince Eugene of Savoy for example, finding himself in the position of Regulus, would have stayed quietly at Rome, and even laughed at the stupidity of the Carthaginian Senate. Regulus goes back to Carthage. Prince Eugene would have been prosecuting his own interest, and in exactly the same way Regulus was prosecuting his.
The average smart guy, like Prince Eugene of Savoy, if he were in Regulus's shoes, would have stayed in Rome and even laughed at how foolish the Carthaginian Senate was. Regulus goes back to Carthage. Prince Eugene would have been looking out for his own interests, just like Regulus was doing for his.
All through life a noble spirit is seeing possibilities [Pg 290]of action, of which a common spirit can form no idea. The very second the possibility of that action becomes visible to the noble spirit, it is its interest thus to act.
Throughout life, a noble spirit sees possibilities for action that a common spirit can't even imagine. The moment that possibility becomes clear to the noble spirit, it is in its nature to pursue that action.
If this noble spirit did not perform the action, which it has just perceived, it would despise itself—it would be unhappy. Man's duties are in the ratio of his moral range. The principle of Helvétius holds good, even in the wildest exaltations of love, even in suicide. It is contrary to his nature, it is an impossibility for a man not to do, always and at any moment you choose to take, that which is possible and which gives him most pleasure at that moment to do.
If this noble spirit didn’t take action after realizing something, it would look down on itself—it would be unhappy. A person's responsibilities correspond to their moral capacity. Helvétius's principle applies, even in the highest moments of love, or even in suicide. It goes against his nature; it’s impossible for a person not to do what’s possible and what brings them the most pleasure at any given moment.
XCII
To have firmness of character means to have experienced the influence of others on oneself. Therefore others are necessary.
To have strong character means to have felt the impact of others on yourself. So, others are essential.
XCIII
Ancient Love
Ancient Love
No posthumous love-letters of Roman ladies have been printed. Petronius has written a charming book, but it is only debauch that he has painted.
No posthumous love letters from Roman women have been published. Petronius has written a delightful book, but it only depicts debauchery.
For love at Rome, apart from Virgil's story of Dido[1] and his second Eclogue, we have no evidence more precise than the writings of the three great poets, Ovid, Tibullus and Propertius.
For love in Rome, aside from Virgil's tale of Dido[1], we don't have any more specific evidence than the works of the three major poets, Ovid, Tibullus, and Propertius.
Now, Parny's Elegies or Colardeau's Letter of Héloïse to Abelard are pictures of a very imperfect and vague kind, if you compare them to some of the letters in the Nouvelle Héloïse, to those of the Portuguese Nun, of Mademoiselle de Lespinasse, of Mirabeau's Sophie, of Werther, etc., etc.
Now, Parny's Elegies or Colardeau's Letter of Héloïse to Abelard seem quite imperfect and unclear when you compare them to some of the letters in the Nouvelle Héloïse, those from the Portuguese Nun, Mademoiselle de Lespinasse, Mirabeau's Sophie, Werther, and so on.
[Pg 291]Poetry, with its obligatory comparisons, its mythology in which the poet doesn't believe, its dignity of style à la Louis XIV, and all its superfluous stock of ornaments called poetical, is very inferior to prose when it comes to a question of giving a clear and precise idea of the working of the heart. And, in this class of writing, clearness alone is effective.
[Pg 291]Poetry, with its forced comparisons, its mythology that the poet doesn't actually believe in, its formal style like that of Louis XIV, and all its unnecessary embellishments deemed poetic, is far less effective than prose when it comes to clearly and accurately conveying the workings of the heart. In this type of writing, clarity is what matters.
Tibullus, Ovid and Propertius had better taste than our poets; they have painted love such as it was to be found among the proud citizens of Rome: moreover, they lived under Augustus, who, having shut the temple of Janus, sought to debase these citizens to the condition of the loyal subjects of a monarchy.
Tibullus, Ovid, and Propertius had better taste than our poets; they depicted love as it existed among the proud citizens of Rome. Furthermore, they lived during the time of Augustus, who, by closing the temple of Janus, aimed to reduce these citizens to the status of loyal subjects in a monarchy.
The mistresses of these three great poets were coquettes, faithless and venal women; in their company the poets only sought physical pleasure, and never, I should think, caught a glimpse of the sublime sentiments[2] which, thirteen centuries later, stirred the heart of the gentle Héloïse.
The lovers of these three great poets were flirtatious, unfaithful, and materialistic women; in their company, the poets only looked for physical pleasure and probably never experienced the deep feelings[2] that, thirteen centuries later, captivated the heart of the kind Héloïse.
I borrow the following passage from a distinguished man of letters,[3] and one who knows the Latin poets much better than I do:—
I’m sharing the following excerpt from a respected writer,[3] who has a much deeper understanding of Latin poets than I do:—
The brilliant genius of Ovid, the rich imagination of Propertius, the impressionable heart of Tibullus, doubtless inspired them with verses of a different flavour, but all, in the same manner, they loved women of much the same kind. They desire, they triumph, they have fortunate rivals, they are jealous, they quarrel and make it up; they are faithless in their turn, they are forgiven; and they recover their happiness only to be ruffled by the return of the same mischances.
The brilliance of Ovid, the vivid imagination of Propertius, and the sensitive nature of Tibullus surely inspired them to write verse with a different vibe, yet each, in their own way, loved similar kinds of women. They desire, they celebrate, they have rivals, they feel jealous, they argue and then make up; they are sometimes unfaithful, get forgiven, and find happiness again, only to be disturbed by the same old troubles.
Corinna is married. The first lessons that Ovid gives her are to teach her the address with which to deceive her husband: the signs they are to make each other before him and in society, [Pg 292]so that they can understand each other and be understood only by themselves. Enjoyment quickly follows; afterwards quarrels, and, what you wouldn't expect from so gallant a man as Ovid, insults and blows; then excuses, tears and forgiveness. Sometimes he addresses himself to subordinates—to the servants, to his mistress' porter, who is to open to him at night, to a cursed old beldam who corrupts her and teaches her to sell herself for gold, to an old eunuch who keeps watch over her, to a slave-girl who is to convey the tablets in which he begs for a rendezvous. The rendezvous is refused: he curses his tablets, that have had such sorry fortune. Fortune shines brighter: he adjures the dawn not to come to interrupt his happiness.
Corinna is married. The first lessons Ovid gives her are about how to deceive her husband: the signals they should use with each other when he's around and in public, [Pg 292] so they can communicate and be understood only by one another. Pleasure quickly follows; then comes the fighting, and surprisingly for such a charming man as Ovid, the insults and hits; after that, there are apologies, tears, and forgiveness. Sometimes he talks to others—like the servants, the doorman of his mistress who’s supposed to let him in at night, a wicked old woman who corrupts her and teaches her to sell herself, an old eunuch who watches over her, and a slave-girl who is supposed to deliver messages where he asks for a meeting. The meeting is denied; he curses his messages, which have brought him such bad luck. Luck improves: he begs the dawn not to come and spoil his happiness.
Soon he accuses himself of numberless infidelities, of his indiscriminate taste for women. A moment after, Corinna is herself faithless; he cannot bear the idea that he has given her lessons from which she reaps the profit with someone else. Corinna in her turn is jealous; she abuses him like a fury rather than a gentle woman; she accuses him of loving a slave-girl. He swears that there is nothing in it and writes to the slave—yet everything that made Corinna angry was true. But how did she get to know of it? What clue had led to their betrayal? He asks the slave-girl for another rendezvous. If she refuse him, he threatens to confess everything to Corinna. He jokes with a friend about his two loves and the trouble and pleasure they give him. Soon after, it is Corinna alone that fills his thoughts. She is everything to him. He sings his triumph, as if it were his first victory. After certain incidents, which for more than one reason we must leave in Ovid, and others, which it would be too long to recount, he discovers that Corinna's husband has become too lax. He is no longer jealous; our lover does not like this, and threatens to leave the wife, if the husband does not resume his jealousy. The husband obeys him but too well; he has Corinna watched so closely, that Ovid can no longer come to her. He complains of this close watch, which he had himself provoked—but he will find a way to get round it. Unfortunately, he is not the only one to succeed therein. Corinna's infidelities begin again and multiply; her intrigues become so public, that the only boon that Ovid can crave of her, is that she will take some trouble to deceive him, and show a little less obviously what she really is. Such were the morals of Ovid and his mistress, such is the character of their love.
Soon, he begins to blame himself for countless betrayals and his indiscriminate attraction to women. Moments later, Corinna is unfaithful too; he can’t stand the thought that he’s taught her things she’s using to please someone else. Corinna, in turn, gets jealous; she angrily berates him instead of being graceful; she accuses him of having feelings for a slave-girl. He swears there’s nothing going on and writes to the slave, but the things that upset Corinna are all true. But how did she find out? What led to their betrayal? He asks the slave-girl for another meeting. If she refuses, he threatens to confess everything to Corinna. He jokes with a friend about his two loves and the trouble and excitement they bring him. Soon, it’s only Corinna who occupies his thoughts. She means everything to him. He celebrates his victory as if it were his first triumph. After certain events, which for multiple reasons we won’t detail here, he realizes that Corinna’s husband has become too lenient. He’s no longer jealous; this doesn’t please our lover, who threatens to leave Corinna if her husband doesn’t get jealous again. The husband complies too well; he watches Corinna so closely that Ovid can’t visit her anymore. He complains about this tight surveillance, which he himself provoked—but he will find a way around it. Unfortunately, he’s not the only one who can do that. Corinna’s infidelities start again and multiply; her affairs become so public that the only thing Ovid can ask of her is to put in some effort to deceive him and be a bit less obvious about who she really is. Such were the morals of Ovid and his mistress; such is the nature of their love.
Cynthia is the first love of Propertius, and she will be his last. [Pg 293]No sooner is he happy, but he is jealous. Cynthia is too fond of dress; he begs her to shun luxury and to love simplicity. He himself is given up to more than one kind of debauch. Cynthia expects him; he only comes to her at dawn, leaving a banquet in his cups. He finds her asleep; it is a long time before she wakes, in spite of the noise he makes and even of his kisses; at last she opens her eyes and reproaches him as he deserves. A friend tries to detach him from Cynthia; he gives his friend a eulogy of her beauty and talents. He is threatened with losing her; she goes off with a soldier; she means to follow the army; she will expose herself to every danger in order to follow her soldier. Propertius does not storm; he weeps and prays heaven for her happiness. He will never leave the house she has deserted; he will look out for strangers who have seen her, and will never leave off asking them for news of Cynthia. She is touched by love so great. She deserts the soldier and stays with the poet. He gives thanks to Apollo and the Muses; he is drunk with his happiness. This happiness is soon troubled by a new access of jealousy, interrupted by separation and by absence. Far from Cynthia, he can only think of her. Her past infidelities make him fear for news. Death does not frighten him, he only fears to lose Cynthia; let him be but certain that she will be faithful and he will go down without regret to the grave.
Cynthia is Propertius's first love, and she will be his last. [Pg 293] No sooner does he find happiness than he becomes jealous. Cynthia loves fashion too much; he pleads with her to avoid luxury and embrace simplicity. He indulges in various excesses. Cynthia waits for him, but he only arrives at dawn, having left a party drunk. He finds her asleep; it takes a long time for her to wake up, despite the noise he makes and even his kisses. Finally, she opens her eyes and scolds him as he deserves. A friend tries to pull him away from Cynthia; he praises her beauty and talents to his friend. He fears losing her; she leaves with a soldier, intent on following the army, risking everything to be with him. Propertius doesn’t rage; he weeps and prays for her happiness. He won’t abandon the home she left; he’ll be on the lookout for strangers who might have seen her and will never stop asking them for news about Cynthia. She is moved by such deep love. She leaves the soldier and comes back to the poet. He thanks Apollo and the Muses; he’s overwhelmed with joy. But this happiness soon turns into troubled jealousy, disrupted by separation and absence. Away from Cynthia, he can only think of her. Her past betrayals make him anxious for news. Death doesn’t scare him; he only fears losing Cynthia. As long as he knows she will be faithful, he will face the grave without regret.
After more treachery, he fancies he is delivered from his love; but soon he is again in its bonds. He paints the most ravishing portrait of his mistress, her beauty, the elegance of her dress, her talents in singing, poetry and dancing; everything redoubles and justifies his love. But Cynthia, as perverse as she is captivating, dishonours herself before the whole town by such scandalous adventures that Propertius can no longer love her without shame. He blushes, but he cannot shake her off. He will be her lover, her husband; he will never love any but Cynthia. They part and come together again. Cynthia is jealous, he reassures her. He will never love any other woman. But in fact it is never one woman he loves—it is all women. He never has enough of them, he is insatiable of pleasure. To recall him to himself, Cynthia has to desert him yet again. Then his complaints are as vigorous as if he had never been faithless himself. He tries to escape. He seeks distraction in debauch.—Is he drunk as usual? He pretends that a troupe of loves meets him and brings him back to Cynthia's feet. Reconciliation is followed by more storms. Cynthia, at one [Pg 294]of their supper parties, gets heated with wine like himself, upsets the table and hits him over the head. Propertius thinks this charming. More perfidy forces him at last to break his chains; he tries to go away; he means to travel in Greece; he completes all his plans for the journey, but he renounces the project—and all in order to see himself once more the butt of new outrages. Cynthia does not confine herself to betraying him; she makes him the laughing-stock of his rivals. But illness seizes her and she dies. She reproaches him with his faithlessness, his caprices and his desertion of her in her last moments, and swears that she herself, in spite of appearances, was always faithful.
After more betrayal, he thinks he's free from his love; but soon he finds himself trapped again. He creates a stunning portrait of his mistress, describing her beauty, the elegance of her clothes, her skills in singing, poetry, and dancing; everything heightens and justifies his love. But Cynthia, as wicked as she is enchanting, embarrasses herself in front of the whole town with scandalous antics, leaving Propertius unable to love her without shame. He blushes, but he can't let her go. He will be her lover, her husband; he will never love anyone but Cynthia. They break up and then come back together. Cynthia feels jealous, and he reassures her. He will never love any other woman. But in reality, he never loves just one woman—it’s all women. He can’t get enough of them; he craves pleasure. To bring him back to reality, Cynthia has to leave him again. His complaints are just as intense as if he had never been unfaithful himself. He tries to escape. He seeks distraction in indulgence. Is he drunk as usual? He pretends that a group of lovers visits him and brings him back to Cynthia. Their reconciliations lead to more turmoil. During one of their dinner parties, Cynthia gets as drunk as he is, flips the table, and hits him over the head. Propertius finds this charming. More betrayal finally forces him to break free; he attempts to leave; he plans to travel to Greece; he makes all the arrangements for the trip but abandons the idea—to once again expose himself to new humiliations. Cynthia doesn’t just betray him; she makes him the joke among his rivals. But then she falls ill and dies. She blames him for his unfaithfulness, his whims, and leaving her in her final moments, and swears that, despite appearances, she was always faithful.
Such are the morals and adventures of Propertius and his mistress; such in abstract is the history of their love. Such was the woman that a soul like Propertius was reduced to loving.
Such are the morals and adventures of Propertius and his mistress; such in essence is the story of their love. Such was the woman who captivated someone like Propertius.
Ovid and Propertius were often faithless, but never inconstant. Confirmed libertines, they distribute their homage far and wide, but always return to take up the same chains again. Corinna and Cynthia have womankind for rivals, but no woman in particular. The Muse of these two poets is faithful, if their love is not, and no other names besides those of Corinna and of Cynthia figure in their verses. Tibullus, a tender lover and tender poet, less lively and less headlong in his tastes, has not their constancy. Three beauties are one after the other the objects of his love and of his verses. Delia is the first, the most celebrated and also the best beloved. Tibullus has lost his fortune, but he still has the country and Delia. To enjoy her amid the peaceful fields; to be able, at his ease, to press Delia's hand in his; to have her for his only mourner at his funeral—he makes no other prayers. Delia is kept shut up by a jealous husband; he will penetrate into her prison, in spite of any Argus and triple bolts. He will forget all his troubles in her arms. He falls ill and Delia alone fills his thoughts. He exhorts her to be always chaste, to despise gold, and to grant none but him the love she has granted him. But Delia does not follow his advice. He thought he could put up with her infidelity; but it is too much for him and he begs Delia and Venus for pity. He seeks in wine a remedy and does not find it; he can neither soften his regret nor cure himself of his love. He turns to Delia's husband, deceived like himself, and reveals to him all the tricks she uses to attract and see her lovers. If the husband does not know how to keep watch over her, let her be trusted to himself; he will manage right enough to ward [Pg 295]the lovers off and to keep from their toils the author of their common wrongs. He is appeased and returns to her; he remembers Delia's mother who favoured their love; the memory of this good woman opens his heart once more to tender thoughts, and all Delia's wrongs are forgotten. But she is soon guilty of others more serious. She lets herself be corrupted by gold and presents; she gives herself to another, to others. At length Tibullus breaks his shameful chains and says good-bye to her for ever.
Ovid and Propertius were often unfaithful, but they were never inconsistent. Confirmed playboys, they spread their admiration everywhere but always return to the same relationships. Corinna and Cynthia have female rivals, but no particular woman stands out. The Muse of these two poets is loyal, even if their love isn't, and no other names besides Corinna and Cynthia appear in their poems. Tibullus, a gentle lover and sensitive poet, is less passionate and headstrong in his desires; he lacks their steadfastness. Three beauties are the focus of his love and his poetry one after another. Delia is the first, the most renowned and also the most beloved. Tibullus may have lost his wealth, but he still has the countryside and Delia. He wants to enjoy her in the peaceful fields, to hold her hand comfortably, and to have her as his only mourner at his funeral—he has no other wishes. Delia is kept locked away by a jealous husband; he plans to break into her prison, despite any watchful guard and triple locks. He forgets all his worries in her embrace. He falls ill, and only Delia occupies his thoughts. He encourages her to remain faithful, disregard wealth, and love no one but him. But Delia doesn’t take his advice. He thought he could tolerate her unfaithfulness; however, it overwhelms him, and he pleads with Delia and Venus for mercy. He seeks comfort in wine but finds none; he can neither soothe his sorrow nor heal from his love. He approaches Delia's husband, who is equally deceived, and exposes all the tricks she uses to attract and meet her lovers. If the husband can't keep her in check, he offers to handle it himself; he will find a way to fend off the suitors and protect the source of their mutual betrayal. He calms down and returns to her; he remembers Delia's mother, who supported their love; the memory of this kind woman reignites his tender feelings, and he forgets all of Delia's wrongs. But soon, she commits even greater offenses. She allows herself to be swayed by money and gifts; she gives herself to another, to others. Finally, Tibullus breaks his shameful ties and says goodbye to her forever.
He passes under the sway of Nemesis and is no happier; she loves only gold and cares little for poetry and the gifts of genius. Nemesis is a greedy woman who sells herself to the highest bidder; he curses her avarice, but he loves her and cannot live unless she loves him. He tries to move her with touching images. She has lost her young sister; he will go and weep on her tomb and confide his grief to her dumb ashes. The shade of her sister will take offence at the tears that Nemesis causes to flow. She must not despise her anger. The sad image of her sister might come at night to trouble her sleep.... But these sad memories force tears from Nemesis—and at that price he could not buy even happiness. Neaera is his third mistress. He has long enjoyed her love; he only prays the gods that he may live and die with her; but she leaves him, she is gone; he can only think of her, she is his only prayer; he has seen in a dream Apollo, who announces to him that Neaera is unfaithful. He refuses to believe this dream; he could not survive his misfortune, and none the less the misfortune is there. Neaera is faithless; once more Tibullus is deserted. Such was his character and fortune, such is the triple and all unhappy story of his loves.
He falls under the influence of Nemesis and is no happier; she only cares about gold and doesn’t value poetry or the gifts of creativity. Nemesis is a greedy woman who sells herself to the highest bidder; he curses her greed, yet he loves her and can’t live without her love. He tries to evoke her feelings with heartfelt memories. She has lost her younger sister; he will go and weep at her grave and share his sorrow with her silent remains. The spirit of her sister might be offended by the tears that Nemesis causes him to shed. She must not take her anger lightly. The sorrowful image of her sister could haunt her dreams at night.... But these sad memories force tears from Nemesis—and for that, he can't even buy happiness. Neaera is his third lover. He has long enjoyed her love; he only prays to the gods that he may live and die with her; but she leaves him, she’s gone; all he can do is think of her, she is his only prayer; he has seen in a dream Apollo, who tells him that Neaera is unfaithful. He refuses to believe this dream; he could not survive such a misfortune, and yet the misfortune is real. Neaera is disloyal; once again, Tibullus is abandoned. Such was his character and fate, such is the tangled and unhappy tale of his loves.
In him particularly there is a sweet, all-pervading melancholy, that gives even to his pleasures the tone of dreaminess and sadness which constitutes his charm. If any poet of antiquity introduced moral sensibility into love, it was Tibullus; but these fine shades of feeling which he expresses so well, are in himself; he expects no more than the other two to find them or engender them in his mistresses. Their grace, their beauty is all that inflames him; their favours all he desires or regrets; their perfidy, their venality, their loss, all that torments him. Of all these women, celebrated in the verses of three great poets, Cynthia seems the most lovable. The attraction of talent is joined to all the others; she cultivates singing and poetry; and yet all these talents, which were found [Pg 296]not infrequently in courtesans of a certain standing, were of no avail—it was none the less pleasure, gold and wine which ruled her. And Propertius, who boasts only once or twice of her artistic tastes, in his passion for her is none the less seduced by a very different power!
In him, there’s a sweet, all-encompassing sadness that gives even his joys a dreamy and melancholic vibe, which is part of his charm. If any poet from ancient times brought moral sensitivity into love, it was Tibullus. However, those subtle feelings he captures so well are within himself; he doesn't expect the other two to find or create them in his lovers. Their grace and beauty are all that excite him; their favors are all he wants or misses; their betrayal, their greed, and their loss are what torment him. Among all these women celebrated in the poems of three great poets, Cynthia seems the most lovable. Her talent adds to her appeal; she enjoys singing and poetry. Yet, all these talents, which were often found in high-class courtesans, didn't really matter—it was pleasure, wealth, and wine that truly ruled her. And Propertius, who only occasionally boasts of her artistic inclinations, is nonetheless captivated by a very different kind of power in his love for her.
These great poets are apparently to be numbered among the most tender and refined souls of their century—well! this is how they loved and whom. We must here put literary considerations on one side. I only ask of them evidence concerning their century; and in two thousand years a novel by Ducray-Duminil(59) will be evidence concerning the annals of ours.
These great poets are clearly among the most sensitive and cultured people of their time—well! this is how they loved and who they loved. We need to set aside literary considerations for a moment. I only want proof about their era; and in two thousand years, a novel by Ducray-Duminil(59) will serve as evidence about the history of ours.
[2] Everything that is beautiful in the world having become a part of the beauty of the woman you love, you find yourself inclined to do everything in the world that is beautiful.
[2] Everything beautiful in the world has merged with the beauty of the woman you love, and you feel drawn to do everything beautiful in the world.
XCIII(b)
One of my great regrets is not to have been able to see Venice in 1760.[1] A run of happy chances had apparently united, in so small a space, both the political institutions and the public opinion that are most favourable to the happiness of mankind. A soft spirit of luxury gave everyone an easy access to happiness. There were no domestic struggles and no crimes. Serenity was seen on every face; no one thought about seeming richer than he was; hypocrisy had no point. I imagine it must have been the direct contrary to London in 1822.
One of my biggest regrets is not being able to see Venice in 1760.[1] A series of fortunate events had apparently come together in such a small place, creating both the political institutions and public opinion that were most conducive to people's happiness. A gentle sense of luxury made happiness accessible to everyone. There were no family conflicts or crimes. Peace was visible on every face; no one was preoccupied with appearing richer than they actually were; deceit had no purpose. I imagine it must have been the complete opposite of London in 1822.
XCIV
If in the place of the want of personal security you put the natural fear of economic want, you will see that the United States of America bears a considerable resemblance to the ancient world as regards that passion, on which we are attempting to write a monograph.
If you replace the lack of personal safety with the natural fear of financial struggle, you'll see that the United States is quite similar to the ancient world when it comes to that emotion we are trying to analyze in this paper.
In speaking of the more or less imperfect sketches of passion-love which the ancients have left us, I see that I have forgotten the Loves of Medea in the Argonautica(60). [Pg 297]Virgil copied them in his picture of Dido. Compare that with love as seen in a modern novel—Le Doyen de Killerine, for example.
When talking about the often flawed depictions of passionate love that the ancients left us, I realize I've overlooked the Loves of Medea in the Argonautica(60). [Pg 297]Virgil referenced them in his portrayal of Dido. Now, compare that to love in a modern novel—like Le Doyen de Killerine, for instance.
XCV
The Roman feels the beauties of Nature and Art with amazing strength, depth and justice; but if he sets out to try and reason on what he feels so forcibly, it is pitiful.
The Roman experiences the beauty of Nature and Art with incredible strength, depth, and fairness; however, when he attempts to analyze what he feels so intensely, it's a shame.
The reason may be that his feelings come to him from Nature, but his logic from government.
The reason might be that his emotions come from Nature, while his reasoning comes from government.
You can see at once why the fine arts, outside Italy, are only a farce; men reason better, but the public has no feeling.
You can see right away why the fine arts, outside of Italy, are just a joke; people think more logically, but the audience lacks any real emotion.
XCVI
London, November 20th, 1821.
London, November 20, 1821.
A very sensible man, who arrived yesterday from Madras, told me in a two hours' conversation what I reduce to the following few lines:—
A very sensible man who came yesterday from Madras shared his thoughts with me over a two-hour conversation, which I’ve summarized in the following lines:—
This gloom, which from an unknown cause depresses the English character, penetrates so deeply into their hearts, that at the end of the world, at Madras, no sooner does an Englishman get a few days' holiday, than he quickly leaves rich and flourishing Madras and comes to revive his spirits in the little French town of Pondicherry, which, without wealth and almost without commerce, flourishes under the paternal administration of M. Dupuy. At Madras you drink Burgundy that costs thirty-six francs a bottle; the poverty of the French in Pondicherry is such that, in the most distinguished circles, the refreshments consist of large glasses of water. But in Pondicherry they laugh.
This sadness, which comes from an unknown place and weighs heavily on the English spirit, cuts so deep into their hearts that at the end of the world, in Madras, whenever an Englishman gets a few days off, he quickly leaves the wealthy and bustling Madras to recharge his spirits in the small French town of Pondicherry. This town, which has little wealth and barely any commerce, flourishes under the kind guidance of M. Dupuy. In Madras, you drink Burgundy that costs thirty-six francs a bottle; the poverty of the French in Pondicherry is so extreme that, even among the most privileged, the refreshments are just large glasses of water. But in Pondicherry, they laugh.
At present there is more liberty in England than in Prussia. The climate is the same as that of Koenigsberg, Berlin or Warsaw, cities which are far from being famous for their gloom. The working classes in these towns have less security and drink quite as little wine as in England; and they are much worse clothed.
Right now, there's more freedom in England than in Prussia. The climate is similar to that of Koenigsberg, Berlin, or Warsaw, cities that aren’t known for being gloomy. The working-class people in those towns have less stability and drink just as little wine as in England; plus, they are dressed much worse.
[Pg 298]The aristocracies of Venice and Vienna are not gloomy.
[Pg 298]The aristocracies of Venice and Vienna are not depressing.
I can see only one point of difference: in gay countries the Bible is little read, and there is gallantry. I am sorry to have to come back so often to a demonstration with which I am unsatisfied. I suppress a score of facts pointing in the same direction.
I can see only one difference: in progressive countries, the Bible is rarely read, and there's a sense of chivalry. I regret having to keep returning to a point I'm not satisfied with. I hold back a number of facts that support the same idea.
XCVII
I have just seen, in a fine country-house near Paris, a very good-looking, very clever, and very rich young man of less than twenty; he has been left there by chance almost alone, for a long time too, with a most beautiful girl of eighteen, full of talent, of a most distinguished mind, and also very rich. Who wouldn't have expected a passionate love-affair? Not a bit of it—such was the affectation of these two charming creatures that both were occupied solely with themselves and the effect they were to produce.
I just saw, in a beautiful country house near Paris, a really good-looking, smart, and wealthy young man under twenty. He has been left there almost alone, and for quite a while, with a stunning eighteen-year-old girl, full of talent, with a remarkable mind, and also very rich. Who wouldn't expect a passionate romance? Not at all—these two charming people were so caught up in their own pretensions that they were only focused on themselves and the impression they wanted to make.
XCVIII
I am ready to agree that on the morrow of a great action a savage pride has made this people fall into all the faults and follies that lay open to it. But you will see what prevents me from effacing my previous praises of this representative of the Middle Ages.
I’m willing to admit that the day after a major event, a brutal pride has caused this people to fall into all the mistakes and foolishness available to them. But you’ll understand what stops me from taking back my earlier praises of this representative of the Middle Ages.
The prettiest woman in Narbonne is a young Spaniard, scarcely twenty years old, who lives there very retired with her husband, a Spaniard also, and an officer on half-pay. Some time ago there was a fool whom this officer was obliged to insult. The next day, on the field of combat, the fool sees the young Spanish woman arrive. He begins a renewed flow of affected nothings:—
The most beautiful woman in Narbonne is a young Spanish woman, barely twenty, who lives there quite privately with her husband, who is also Spanish and an officer on half-pay. A while back, there was a fool whom this officer had to insult. The next day, on the battlefield, the fool sees the young Spanish woman arrive. He starts up again with his pretentious nonsense:—
"No, indeed, it's shocking! How could you tell your wife about it? You see, she has come to prevent us fighting!" "I have come to bury you," she answered.
"No way, it's unbelievable! How could you tell your wife about this? You see, she’s here to stop us from fighting!" "I’ve come to bury you," she replied.
[Pg 299]Happy the husband who can tell his wife everything! The result did not belie this woman's haughty words. Her action would have been considered hardly the thing in England. Thus does false decency diminish the little happiness that exists here below.
[Pg 299]Happy is the husband who can share everything with his wife! The outcome proved this woman's proud statements right. Her actions would have been seen as totally inappropriate in England. This is how false propriety takes away the little happiness that exists in this world.
XCIX
The delightful Donézan said yesterday: "In my youth, and well on in my career—for I was fifty in '89—women wore powder in their hair.
The charming Donézan said yesterday: "When I was younger, and further along in my career—since I was fifty in '89—women used to wear powder in their hair.
"I own that a woman without powder gives me a feeling of repugnance; the first impression is always that of a chamber-maid who hasn't had time to get dressed."
"I admit that a woman without makeup gives me an uncomfortable feeling; my first impression is always that of a maid who hasn't had time to get ready."
Here we have the one argument against Shakespeare and in favour of the dramatic unities.
Here we have the one argument against Shakespeare and in favor of the dramatic unities.
While young men read nothing but La Harpe(61), the taste for great powdered toupées, such as the late Queen Marie Antoinette used to wear, can still last some years. I know people too, who despise Correggio and Michael Angelo, and, to be sure, M. Donézan was extremely clever.
While young men only read La Harpe(61), the preference for grand powdered toupées, like those worn by the late Queen Marie Antoinette, can still persist for several years. I also know people who look down on Correggio and Michelangelo, and, undoubtedly, M. Donézan was very smart.
C
Cold, brave, calculating, suspicious, contentious, for ever afraid of being attracted by anyone who might possibly be laughing at them in secret, absolutely devoid of enthusiasm, and a little jealous of people who saw great events with Napoleon, such was the youth of that age, estimable rather than lovable. They forced on the country that Right-Centre form of government-to-the-lowest-bidder. This temper in the younger generation was to be found even among the conscripts, each of whom only longed to finish his time.
Cold, brave, calculating, suspicious, argumentative, always afraid of being drawn to anyone who might secretly be mocking them, completely lacking in enthusiasm, and a bit jealous of those who witnessed major events with Napoleon—this was the character of the youth in that era, more admirable than lovable. They imposed on the country a Right-Centre form of government that catered to the lowest bidder. This attitude in the younger generation was also evident among the recruits, each of whom just wanted to get through their service.
It is at forty that the young men of this period will be at their best; they will have lost their suspiciousness and pretensions, and have gained ease and gaiety.
It is at forty that the young men of this time will be at their best; they will have shed their suspicion and pretentiousness, gaining confidence and a lightheartedness.
CI
Discussion between an Honest Man and an Academic
Chat between a Real Person and a Scholar
"In this discussion, the academic always saved himself by fixing on little dates and other similar errors of small importance; but the consequences and natural qualifications of things, these he always denied, or seemed not to understand: for example, that Nero was a cruel Emperor or Charles II a perjurer. Now, how are you to prove things of this kind, or, even if you do, manage not to put a stop to the general discussion or lose the thread of it?
"In this conversation, the academic always protected himself by focusing on minor dates and other small errors; however, he consistently denied or appeared to misunderstand the actual consequences and natural qualities of things, such as the fact that Nero was a cruel Emperor or that Charles II was a liar. Now, how can you prove points like these, or even if you do, avoid disrupting the overall discussion or losing track of it?"
"This, I have always remarked, is the method of discussion between such folk, one of whom seeks only the truth and advancement thereto, the other the favour of his master or his party and the glory of talking well. And I always consider it great folly and waste of time for an honest man to stop and talk with the said academics." (Œuvres badines of Guy Allard de Voiron.)
"This is the way these people discuss things: one seeks only the truth and how to get there, while the other looks for the approval of their boss or their group and the glory of sounding smart. I think it's a complete waste of time for an honest person to pause and chat with those academics." (Œuvres badines of Guy Allard de Voiron.)
CII
Only a small part of the art of being happy is an exact science, a sort of ladder up which one can be sure of climbing a rung per century—and that is the part which depends on government. (Still, this is only theory. I [Pg 301]find the Venetians of 1770 happier than the people of Philadelphia to-day.)
Only a small part of the art of being happy is a precise science, like a ladder you can confidently climb, but only one rung at a time every hundred years—and that part depends on government. (Still, that's just a theory. I [Pg 301] think the Venetians of 1770 were happier than the people of Philadelphia today.)
For the rest, the art of being happy is like poetry; in spite of the perfecting of all things, Homer, two thousand seven hundred years ago, had more talent than Lord Byron.
For the rest, the art of being happy is like poetry; despite the improvement of everything, Homer, two thousand seven hundred years ago, was more talented than Lord Byron.
Reading Plutarch with attention, I think I can see that men were happier in Sicily in the time of Dion than we manage to be to-day, although they had no printing and no iced punch!
Reading Plutarch carefully, I think I can see that people were happier in Sicily during Dion's time than we are today, even though they didn’t have printing or iced punch!
I would rather be an Arab of the fifth century than a Frenchman of the nineteenth.
I would prefer to be an Arab from the fifth century than a Frenchman from the nineteenth.
CIII
People go to the theatre, never for that kind of illusion which is lost one minute and found again the next, but for an opportunity of convincing their neighbour, or at least themselves, that they have read their La Harpe and are people who know what's good. It is an old pedant's pleasure that the younger generation indulges in.
People go to the theater, not for that kind of illusion that disappears in a minute and then reappears, but for a chance to convince their neighbor, or at least themselves, that they have read La Harpe and are people who appreciate what's good. It's an old pedant's pleasure that the younger generation indulges in.
CIV
A woman belongs by right to the man who loves her and is dearer to her than life.
A woman rightfully belongs to the man who loves her and is more valuable to her than life itself.
CV
Crystallisation cannot be excited by an understudy, and your most dangerous rivals are those most unlike you.
Crystallization can’t be triggered by a backup, and your most dangerous competitors are those who are most different from you.
CVI
In a very advanced state of society passion-love is as natural as physical love among savages. (M.)
In a highly developed society, passionate love is as instinctive as physical love is among primitive people. (M.)
CVII
But for an infinite number of shades of feeling, to have a woman you adore would be no happiness and scarcely a possibility. (L., October 7th.)
But for countless shades of emotion, having a woman you love would bring no happiness and hardly be a possibility. (L., October 7th.)
CVIII
Whence comes the intolerance of Stoic philosophers? From the same source as that of religious fanatics. They are put out because they are struggling against nature, because they deny themselves, and because it hurts them. If they would question themselves honestly on the hatred they bear towards those who profess a code of morals less severe, they would have to own that it springs from a secret jealousy of a bliss which they envy and have renounced, without believing in the rewards which would make up for this sacrifice. (Diderot.)
Where does the intolerance of Stoic philosophers come from? It comes from the same place as that of religious fanatics. They are upset because they are fighting against nature, because they deny themselves, and because it causes them pain. If they were to honestly examine the hatred they feel towards those who follow a less strict moral code, they would have to admit that it comes from a hidden jealousy of a happiness they envy and have given up, without believing in the rewards that would compensate for this sacrifice. (Diderot.)
CIX
Women who are always taking offence might well ask themselves whether they are following a line of conduct, which they think really and truly is the road to happiness. Is there not a little lack of courage, mixed with a little mean revenge, at the bottom of a prude's heart? Consider the ill-humour of Madame de Deshoulières in her last days. (Note by M. Lemontey.)(62).
Women who constantly take offense might want to ask themselves if their behavior is genuinely leading them to happiness. Is there a bit of cowardice, combined with a touch of petty revenge, lurking in a prude's heart? Think about the bad mood of Madame de Deshoulières in her later years. (Note by M. Lemontey.)(62).
CX
Nothing more indulgent than virtue without hypocrisy—because nothing happier; yet even Mistress Hutchinson might well be more indulgent.
Nothing is more indulgent than real virtue—because nothing is happier; yet even Mistress Hutchinson could probably be more forgiving.
CXI
Immediately below this kind of happiness comes that of a young, pretty and easy-going woman, with a conscience [Pg 303]that does not reproach her. At Messina people used to talk scandal about the Contessina Vicenzella. "Well, well!" she would say, "I'm young, free, rich and perhaps not ugly. I wish the same to all the ladies of Messina!" It was this charming woman, who would never be more than a friend to me, who introduced me to the Abbé Melli's sweet poems in Sicilian dialect. His poetry is delicious, though still disfigured by mythology.
Right below this kind of happiness is that of a young, attractive, and easy-going woman, who doesn’t feel guilty about anything. In Messina, people used to gossip about Contessina Vicenzella. "Well, well!" she would say, "I’m young, free, wealthy, and maybe not unattractive. I wish the same for all the ladies of Messina!" It was this charming woman, who would always just be a friend to me, who introduced me to Abbé Melli's lovely poems in the Sicilian dialect. His poetry is delightful, although still marred by mythology.
(Delfante.)
(Delfante.)
CXII
The public of Paris has a fixed capacity for attention—three days: after which, bring to its notice the death of Napoleon or M. Béranger(63) sent to prison for two months—the news is just as sensational, and to bring it up on the fourth day just as tactless. Must every great capital be like this, or has it to do with the good nature and light heart of the Parisian? Thanks to aristocratic pride and morbid reserve, London is nothing but a numerous collection of hermits; it is not a capital. Vienna is nothing but an oligarchy of two hundred families surrounded by a hundred and fifty thousand workpeople and servants who wait on them. No more is that a capital.—Naples and Paris, the only two capitals. (Extract from Birkbeck's Travels, p. 371.)
The public in Paris has a short attention span—just three days. After that, whether it’s news of Napoleon’s death or M. Béranger being sent to prison for two months, it’s all equally sensational, and bringing it up on the fourth day is just as awkward. Is every major city like this, or is it specific to the good-natured and carefree spirit of Parisians? In contrast, London, with its aristocratic pride and emotional detachment, feels like a gathering of solitary individuals; it doesn’t feel like a true capital. Vienna is merely an oligarchy made up of two hundred families, surrounded by a hundred and fifty thousand workers and servants catering to them. That doesn’t make it a capital either. Naples and Paris are the only two true capitals. (Extract from Birkbeck's Travels, p. 371.)
CXIII
According to common ideas, or reasonable-ideas, as they are called by ordinary people, if any period of imprisonment could possibly be tolerable, it would be after several years' confinement, when at last the poor prisoner is only separated by a month or two from the moment of his release. But the ways of crystallisation are otherwise. The last month is more painful than the last three years. In the gaol at Melun, M. d'Hotelans has seen several prisoners die of impatience within a few months of the day of release.
According to common beliefs, or what regular people call reasonable ideas, if there’s any time spent in prison that could be considered bearable, it would be after several years of confinement, when the unfortunate prisoner is only a month or two away from their release. But the reality is different. The last month can feel more torturous than the previous three years. In the jail at Melun, M. d'Hotelans has witnessed several prisoners die of impatience just a few months before their release day.
CXIV
I cannot resist the pleasure of copying out a letter written in bad English by a young German woman. It proves that, after all, constant love exists, and that not every man of genius is a Mirabeau. Klopstock, the great poet, passes at Hamburg for having been an attractive person. Read what his young wife wrote to an intimate friend:
I can't help but enjoy copying out a letter written in poor English by a young German woman. It shows that, after all, true love exists, and that not every genius is a Mirabeau. Klopstock, the great poet, is considered quite charming in Hamburg. Check out what his young wife wrote to a close friend:
"After having seen him two hours, I was obliged to pass the evening in a company, which never had been so wearisome to me. I could not speak, I could not play; I thought I saw nothing but Klopstock; I saw him the next day and the following and we were very seriously friends. But the fourth day he departed. It was a strong hour the hour of his departure! He wrote soon after; from that time our correspondence began to be a very diligent one. I sincerely believed my love to be friendship. I spoke with my friends of nothing but Klopstock, and showed his letters. They raillied at me and said I was in love. I raillied then again, and said that they must have a very friendshipless heart, if they had no idea of friendship to a man as well as to a woman. Thus it continued eight months, in which time my friends found as much love in Klopstock's letters as in me. I perceived it likewise, but I would not believe it. At the last Klopstock said plainly that he loved; and I startled as for a wrong thing; I answered that it was no love, but friendship, as it was what I felt for him; we had not seen one another enough to love (as if love must have more time than friendship). This was sincerely my meaning, and I had this meaning till Klopstock came again to Hamburg. This he did a year after we had seen one another the first time. We saw, we were friends, we loved; and a short time after, I could even tell Klopstock that I loved. But we were obliged to part again, and wait two years for our wedding. My mother would not let me marry a stranger. I could marry then without [Pg 305]her consent, as by the death of my father my fortune depended not on her; but this was a horrible idea for me; and thank heaven that I have prevailed by prayers! At this time knowing Klopstock, she loves him as her lifely son, and thanks God that she has not persisted. We married and I am the happiest wife in the world. In some few months it will be four years that I am so happy...." (Correspondence of Richardson, Vol. III, p. 147.)
"After spending two hours with him, I had to spend the evening with a group that felt incredibly tedious to me. I couldn’t talk, I couldn’t play; all I could think about was Klopstock. I saw him the next day and the day after that, and we became good friends. But on the fourth day, he left. It was a big moment when he left! He wrote to me not long after, and from then on, we started corresponding regularly. I honestly thought my feelings were just friendship. I talked to my friends only about Klopstock and shared his letters with them. They joked that I was in love. I responded, insisting that they must not have a heart for friendship if they couldn’t see that friendship could exist between a man and a woman. This lasted for eight months, during which my friends saw just as much love in Klopstock's letters as they did in me. I noticed it too, but I refused to accept it. Eventually, Klopstock directly said that he loved me; I reacted as if something was wrong. I answered that it wasn’t love, but friendship, because that’s how I felt; we hadn’t spent enough time together to be in love (as if love required more time than friendship). I genuinely believed this and held onto that belief until Klopstock came back to Hamburg. He returned a year after our first meeting. We saw each other, we were friends, we fell in love; and soon after, I was able to tell Klopstock that I loved him. But we had to part ways again and wait two years for our wedding. My mother wouldn’t let me marry a stranger. I could have married without her consent since my fortune no longer depended on her after my father's death; but that thought was awful for me, and thankfully, I managed to convince her through prayer! During that time, knowing Klopstock, she loved him like a son and thanked God she hadn’t insisted on her decision. We married, and I am the happiest wife in the world. In just a few months, it will be four years since I became this happy..." (Correspondence of Richardson, Vol. III, p. 147.)
CXV
The only unions legitimate for all time are those that answer to a real passion.
The only unions that are valid forever are those that stem from a genuine passion.
CXVI
To be happy with laxity of morals, one wants the simplicity of character that is found in Germany and Italy, but never in France. (The Duchess de C——)
To be content with loose morals, one requires the straightforwardness of character found in Germany and Italy, but never in France. (The Duchess de C——)
CXVII
It is their pride that makes the Turks deprive their women of everything that can nourish crystallisation. I have been living for the last three months in a country where the titled folk will soon be carried just as far by theirs.
It’s their pride that leads the Turks to deny their women everything that can help them flourish. I’ve been living for the past three months in a country where the nobility will soon be just as limited by their own.
Modesty is the name given here by men to the exactions of aristocratic pride run mad. Who would risk a lapse of modesty? Here also, as at Athens, the intellectuals show a marked tendency to take refuge with courtesans—that is to say, with the women whom a scandal shelters from the need to affect modesty. (Life of Fox.)
Modesty is what men call the demands of out-of-control aristocratic pride. Who would dare to be immodest? Just like in Athens, the intellectuals here also tend to seek companionship with courtesans—meaning the women who are protected by scandal from having to pretend to be modest. (Life of Fox.)
CXVIII
In the case of love blighted by too prompt a victory, I have seen in very tender characters crystallisation trying [Pg 306]to form later. "I don't love you a bit," she says, but laughing.
In the case of love ruined by a quick win, I've seen very sensitive people try to make sense of it later. "I don't love you at all," she says, but she's laughing.
CXIX
The present-day education of women—that odd mixture of works of charity and risky songs ("Di piacer mi balza il cor," in La Gazza Ladra)(64)—is the one thing in the world best calculated to keep off happiness. This form of education produces minds completely inconsequent. Madame de R——, who was afraid of dying, has just met her death through thinking it funny to throw her medicines out of the window. Poor little women like her take inconsequence for gaiety, because, in appearance, gaiety is often inconsequent. 'Tis like the German, who threw himself out of the window in order to be sprightly.
The current education of women—that strange blend of charitable work and risky songs ("Di piacer mi balza il cor," in La Gazza Ladra)(64)—is arguably the most effective way to prevent happiness. This kind of education creates completely illogical minds. Madame de R——, who was terrified of dying, has just passed away because she thought it would be funny to toss her medications out of the window. Poor women like her mistake inconsequence for cheerfulness, because, on the surface, cheerfulness often appears to be inconsequential. It's like the German who threw himself out of the window to seem lively.
CXX
Vulgarity, by stifling imagination, instantly produces in me a deadly boredom. Charming Countess K——, showing me this evening her lovers' letters, which to my mind were in bad taste. (Forlì, March 17th, Henri.)
Vulgarity, by stifling imagination, instantly brings on a deep boredom in me. The charming Countess K——, showing me her lovers' letters this evening, struck me as lacking in taste. (Forlì, March 17th, Henri.)
Imagination was not stifled: it was only deranged, and very soon from mere repugnance ceased to picture the unpleasantness of these dull lovers.
Imagination wasn't suppressed; it was just distorted, and pretty quickly, out of sheer dislike, it stopped visualizing the unpleasantness of these boring lovers.
CXXI
Metaphysical Reverie
Metaphysical Daydream
Belgirate, 26th October, 1816.
Belgirate, October 26, 1816.
Real passion has only to be crossed for it to produce apparently more unhappiness than happiness. This thought may not be true in the case of gentle souls, but it is absolutely proved in the case of the majority of men, and particularly of cold philosophers, who, as regards passion, live, one might say, only on curiosity and self-love.
Real passion only needs to be challenged for it to seem like it brings more unhappiness than happiness. This idea might not apply to gentle people, but it's definitely true for most men, especially for cold philosophers, who, when it comes to passion, seem to live only on curiosity and self-love.
I said all this to the Contessina Fulvia yesterday [Pg 307]evening, as we were walking together near the great pine on the eastern terrace of Isola Bella. She answered: "Unhappiness makes a much stronger impression on a man's life than pleasure.
I told Contessina Fulvia all of this yesterday evening while we walked near the large pine tree on the eastern terrace of Isola Bella. She replied, "Unhappiness leaves a much bigger mark on a man's life than happiness."
"The prime virtue in anything which claims to give us pleasure, is that it strikes hard.
"The main virtue of anything that claims to bring us pleasure is that it hits hard."
"Might we not say that life itself being made up only of sensation, there is a universal taste in all living beings for the consciousness that the sensations of their life are the keenest that can be? In the North people are hardly alive—look at the slowness of their movements. The Italian's dolce far niente is the pleasure of relishing one's soul and one's emotions, softly reclining on a divan. Such pleasure is impossible, if you are racing all day on horseback or in a drosky, like the Englishman or the Russian. Such people would die of boredom on a divan. There is no reason to look into their souls.
"Can we say that life is made up entirely of sensation, and that all living beings share a desire for the most intense experiences possible? In the North, people seem barely alive—just look at how slowly they move. The Italian's dolce far niente is the joy of savoring one's spirit and emotions while lounging on a couch. That kind of enjoyment is impossible for someone who spends all day racing around on horseback or in a carriage, like an Englishman or a Russian. Those people would be bored to death on a couch. There's no point in trying to understand their inner lives."
"Love gives the keenest possible of all sensations—and the proof is that in these moments of 'inflammation,' as physiologists would say, the heart is open to those 'complex sensations' which Helvétius, Buffon and other philosophers think so absurd. The other day, as you know, Luizina fell into the lake; you see, her eye was following a laurel leaf that had fallen from a tree on Isola-Madre (one of the Borromean Islands). The poor woman owned to me that one day her lover, while talking to her, threw into the lake the leaves of a laurel branch he was stripping, and said: 'Your cruelty and the calumnies of your friend are preventing me from turning my life to account and winning a little glory.'
"Love gives the most intense sensations—and the proof is that in these moments of 'intense emotion,' as physiologists might put it, the heart is open to those 'complex feelings' that thinkers like Helvétius, Buffon, and others find so ridiculous. The other day, as you know, Luizina fell into the lake; you see, her gaze was following a laurel leaf that had fallen from a tree on Isola-Madre (one of the Borromean Islands). The poor woman admitted to me that one day her lover, while speaking to her, tossed into the lake the leaves of a laurel branch he was stripping and said: 'Your cruelty and the gossip from your friend are keeping me from making something of my life and achieving a little glory.'”
"It is a peculiar and incomprehensible fact that, when some great passion has brought upon the soul moments of torture and extreme unhappiness, the soul comes to despise the happiness of a peaceful life, where everything seems framed to our desires. A fine country-house in a picturesque position, substantial means, a good wife, three pretty children, and friends charming [Pg 308]and numerous—this is but a mere outline of all our host. General C——, possesses. And yet he said, as you know, he felt tempted to go to Naples and take the command of a guerilla band. A soul made for passion soon finds this happy life monotonous, and feels, perhaps, that it only offers him commonplace ideas. 'I wish,' C. said to you, 'that I had never known the fever of high passion. I wish I could rest content with the apparent happiness on which people pay me every day such stupid compliments, which, to put the finishing touch to, I have to answer politely.'"
"It’s a strange and hard-to-understand truth that when a deep passion brings moments of suffering and extreme sadness, the soul starts to look down on the happiness of a peaceful life, where everything seems tailored to our wishes. A nice country house in a beautiful location, solid financial stability, a good wife, three lovely kids, and charming friends—this is just a glimpse of what General C—— has. And yet, as you know, he mentioned he felt tempted to go to Naples and lead a guerilla band. A soul created for passion quickly finds this happy life boring and might realize it only offers ordinary ideas. 'I wish,' C. told you, 'that I had never experienced the intensity of high passion. I wish I could be satisfied with the apparent happiness that people shower me with dumb compliments about every day, and to top it off, I have to respond politely.'"
I, a philosopher, rejoin: "Do you want the thousandth proof that we are not created by a good Being? It is the fact that pleasure does not make perhaps half as much impression on human life as pain...."[1] The Contessina interrupted me. "In life there are few mental pains that are not rendered sweet by the emotion they themselves excite, and, if there is a spark of magnanimity in the soul, this pleasure is increased a hundredfold. The man condemned to death in 1815 and saved by chance (M. de Lavalette(65), for example), if he was going courageously to his doom, must recall that moment ten times a month. But the coward, who was going to die crying and yelling (the exciseman, Morris, thrown into the lake, Rob Roy)—suppose him also saved by chance—can at most recall that instant with pleasure because he was saved, not for the treasures of magnanimity that he discovered with him, and that take away for the future all his fears."
I, a philosopher, reply: "Do you need the thousandth proof that we aren’t created by a good Being? It’s the fact that pleasure doesn’t impact human life nearly as much as pain does...."[1] The Contessina interrupted me. "In life, there are few mental pains that aren’t sweetened by the emotions they stir up, and if there’s any spark of greatness in the soul, this pleasure is amplified a hundredfold. The man sentenced to death in 1815 and saved by chance (M. de Lavalette(65), for example), if he faced his fate with courage, must relive that moment ten times a month. But the coward who was about to die crying and screaming (the exciseman, Morris, thrown into the lake, Rob Roy)—let’s say he was saved by chance too—can only remember that moment with pleasure because he was saved, not for the treasures of greatness he discovered within himself, which would take away all his fears in the future."
I: "Love, even unhappy love, gives a gentle soul, for whom a thing imagined is a thing existent, treasures of this kind of enjoyment. He weaves sublime visions of happiness and beauty about himself and his beloved. How often has Salviati heard Léonore, with her enchanting [Pg 309]smile, say, like Mademoiselle Mars in Les Fausses Confidences: 'Well, yes, I do love you!' No, these are never the illusions of a prudent mind."
I: "Love, even when it's unhappy, creates a gentle soul, for whom an imagined thing feels real, offering treasures of this kind of enjoyment. He crafts beautiful visions of happiness and beauty around himself and his loved one. How often has Salviati heard Léonore, with her captivating [Pg 309]smile, say, like Mademoiselle Mars in Les Fausses Confidences: 'Well, yes, I do love you!' No, these are never the fantasies of a cautious mind."
Fulvia (raising her eyes to heaven): "Yes, for you and me, love, even unhappy love, if only our admiration for the beloved knows no limit, is the supreme happiness."
Fulvia (looking up to heaven): "Yes, for you and me, love, even if it's a troubled love, as long as our admiration for the one we love is endless, it is the greatest happiness."
(Fulvia is twenty-three,—the most celebrated beauty of ... Her eyes were heavenly as she talked like this at midnight and raised them towards the glorious sky above the Borromean Islands. The stars seemed to answer her. I looked down and could find no more philosophical arguments to meet her. She continued:)
(Fulvia is twenty-three—the most celebrated beauty of ... Her eyes were captivating as she spoke like this at midnight, looking up at the stunning sky above the Borromean Islands. The stars seemed to respond to her. I looked down and couldn't come up with any more philosophical arguments to challenge her. She kept going:)
"And all that the world calls happiness is not worth the trouble. Only contempt, I think, can cure this passion; not contempt too violent, for that is torture. For you men it is enough to see the object of your adoration love some gross, prosaic creature, or sacrifice you in order to enjoy pleasures of luxurious comfort with a woman friend."
"And everything the world calls happiness isn't worth the hassle. I believe only a bit of contempt can heal this obsession; not too much contempt, as that would be torture. For you guys, just witnessing the person you admire choose some ordinary, mundane individual, or abandon you to indulge in a life of luxury with a female friend, is enough."
[1] See the analysis of the ascetic principle in Bentham, Principles of Morals and Legislation.
[1] Check out the analysis of the ascetic principle in Bentham, Principles of Morals and Legislation.
By giving oneself pain one pleases a good Being.
By causing oneself pain, one makes a good Being happy.
CXXII
To will means to have the courage to expose oneself to troubles; to expose oneself is to take risks—to gamble. You find military men who cannot exist without such gambling—that's what makes them intolerable in home-life.
To will means having the courage to put yourself in difficult situations; putting yourself out there is about taking risks—it's a gamble. You see military guys who can't live without that kind of gamble—that's what makes them hard to deal with at home.
CXXIII
General Teulié told me this evening that he had found out why, as soon as there were affected women in a drawing-room, he became so horribly dry and floored for ideas. It was because he was sure to be bitterly ashamed of having exposed his feelings with warmth before such creatures. General Teulié had to speak from his heart, though the talk were only of Punch and Judy; otherwise he had nothing to say. Moreover, I could see he never knew the conventional phrase about [Pg 310]anything nor what was the right thing to say. That is really where he made himself so monstrously ridiculous in the eyes of affected women. Heaven had not made him for elegant society.
General Teulié told me tonight that he figured out why, whenever there were pretentious women in a drawing-room, he became completely dry and out of ideas. It was because he felt deeply ashamed of showing his true feelings around them. General Teulié had to speak honestly, even if it was just about Punch and Judy; otherwise, he had nothing to contribute. Besides, I could see he never understood the usual phrases about [Pg 310] or what the appropriate thing to say was. That’s really what made him look so absurd in the eyes of pretentious women. Heaven didn't equip him for high society.
CXXIV
Irreligion is bad form at Court, because it is calculated to be contrary to the interests of princes: irreligion is also bad form in the presence of girls, for it would prevent their finding husbands. It must be owned that, if God exists, it must be nice for Him to be honoured from motives like these.
Irreligion is frowned upon at Court, as it goes against the interests of rulers. It's also inappropriate around girls, since it could make it harder for them to find spouses. It has to be said that if God exists, it must be nice for Him to be respected for reasons like these.
CXXV
For the soul of a great painter or a great poet, love is divine in that it increases a hundredfold the empire and the delight of his art, and the beauties of art are his soul's daily bread. How many great artists are unconscious both of their soul and of their genius! Often they reckon as mediocre their talent for the thing they adore, because they cannot agree with the eunuchs of the harem, La Harpe and such-like. For them even unhappy love is happiness.
For a great painter or poet, love is divine because it amplifies the scope and joy of their art, and the beauty of art is what nourishes their soul every day. How many talented artists are unaware of both their spirit and their creativity! They often underestimate their talent for what they love, simply because they can’t relate to critics like La Harpe and others. For them, even a painful love can feel like happiness.
CXXVI
The picture of first love is taken generally as the most touching. Why? Because it is the same in all countries and in all characters. But for this reason first love is not the most passionate.
The image of first love is usually seen as the most moving. Why? Because it’s the same across all countries and in all kinds of people. But because of that, first love isn’t necessarily the most intense.
CXXVII
Reason! Reason! Reason! That is what the world is always shouting at poor lovers. In 1760, at the most thrilling moment in the Seven Years' War, Grimm wrote: "... It is indubitable that the King of Russia, by yielding Silesia, could have prevented the war from [Pg 311]ever breaking out. In so doing he would have done a very wise thing. How many evils would he have prevented! And what can there be in common between the possession of a province and the happiness of a king? Was not the great Elector a very happy and highly respected prince without possessing Silesia? It is also quite clear that a king might have taken this course in obedience to the precepts of the soundest reason, and yet—I know not how—that king would inevitably have been the object of universal contempt, while Frederick, sacrificing everything to the necessity of keeping Silesia, has invested himself with immortal glory.
Reason! Reason! Reason! That’s what the world is always yelling at poor lovers. In 1760, at the most exciting point in the Seven Years' War, Grimm wrote: "... It is clear that the King of Russia, by giving up Silesia, could have stopped the war from ever starting. In doing so, he would have made a very smart choice. How many problems would he have avoided! And what connection is there between owning a province and the happiness of a king? Wasn’t the great Elector a very happy and respected prince without possessing Silesia? It’s also obvious that a king could have chosen this path based on sound reasoning, and yet—I don’t know why—that king would have faced widespread scorn, while Frederick, who sacrificed everything to the necessity of keeping Silesia, has earned himself eternal glory.
"Without any doubt the action of Cromwell's son was the wisest a man could take: he preferred obscurity and repose to the bother and danger of ruling over a people sombre, fiery and proud. This wise man won the contempt of his own time and of posterity; while his father, to this day, has been held a great man by the wisdom of nations.
"Without a doubt, Cromwell's son made the smartest choice a person could make: he chose obscurity and peace over the hassle and risks of ruling a serious, fiery, and proud people. This wise man earned the scorn of his own era and of future generations; while his father is still regarded as a great man by the wisdom of nations."
"The Fair Penitent is a sublime subject on the Spanish[1] stage, but spoilt by Otway and Colardeau in England and France. Calista has been dishonoured by a man she adores; he is odious from the violence of his inborn pride, but talent, wit and a handsome face—everything, in fact—combine to make him seductive. Indeed, Lothario would have been too charming could he have moderated these criminal outbursts. Moreover, an hereditary and bitter feud separates his family from that of the woman he loves. These families are at the head of two factions dividing a Spanish town during the horrors of the Middle Age. Sciolto, Calista's father, is the chief of the faction, which at the moment has the upper hand; he knows that Lothario has had the insolence to try to seduce his daughter. The weak Calista is weighed down by the torment of shame and passion. Her father has [Pg 312]succeeded in getting his enemy appointed to the command of a naval armament that is setting out on a distant and perilous expedition, where Lothario will probably meet his death. In Colardeau's tragedy, he has just told his daughter this news. At his words Calista can no longer hide her passion:
The Fair Penitent is a powerful story on the Spanish stage, but it was ruined by Otway and Colardeau in England and France. Calista has been dishonored by a man she loves; he is detestable because of his excessive pride, but his talent, charm, and good looks—everything, really—make him irresistible. In fact, Lothario would have been too appealing if he could have controlled his destructive outbursts. Additionally, a longstanding and bitter rivalry keeps his family apart from hers. These families lead two factions that divide a Spanish town during the dark times of the Middle Ages. Sciolto, Calista's father, leads the faction that currently has the upper hand; he is aware that Lothario has had the audacity to attempt to seduce his daughter. The vulnerable Calista is overwhelmed by the pain of shame and desire. Her father has managed to have his enemy given command of a naval expedition that is setting out on a distant and dangerous mission, where Lothario will likely meet his end. In Colardeau's tragedy, he has just informed his daughter of this news. At his words, Calista can no longer conceal her feelings:
He's leaving!... You ordered it!... Has he been able to accept it?[2]
"Think of the danger she is placed in. Another word, and Sciolto will learn the secret of his daughter's passion for Lothario. The father is confounded and cries:—
"Think about the danger she’s in. One more word, and Sciolto will find out about his daughter's love for Lothario. The father is stunned and shouts:"
"At this Calista recovers herself and answers:—
"At this, Calista collects herself and replies:—
"By these words Calista stifles her father's rising suspicions; yet there is no deceit, for the sentiment she utters is true. The existence of a man, who has succeeded after winning her love in dishonouring her, must poison her life, were he even at the ends of the earth. His death alone could restore her peace of mind, if for unfortunate lovers peace of mind existed.... Soon after Lothario is killed and, happily for her, Calista dies.
"With these words, Calista eases her father's growing doubts; yet she isn't being dishonest, because what she says is genuine. The fact that a man, who has won her love only to betray her, exists must taint her life, even if he’s far away. Only his death could bring her peace of mind, if such a thing existed for unfortunate lovers.... Soon after, Lothario is killed, and thankfully for her, Calista dies."
"'There's a lot of crying and moaning over nothing!' say the chilly folk who plume themselves on being philosophers. 'Somebody with an enterprising and violent nature abuses a woman's weakness for him—that is nothing to tear our hair over, or at least there is nothing in Calista's troubles to concern us. She must console herself with having satisfied her lover, and she will not be the first woman of merit who has made the best of her misfortune in that way.'"[5]
"'There's a lot of crying and complaining over nothing!' say the cold people who pride themselves on being philosophers. 'Someone with a bold and aggressive personality takes advantage of a woman's vulnerability for him—that's not worth freaking out about, or at least there's nothing in Calista's problems that should concern us. She should find comfort in having pleased her lover, and she won't be the first strong woman to make the best of her misfortune in that way.'"[5]
[Pg 313]Richard Cromwell, the King of Prussia and Calista, with the souls given them by Heaven, could only find peace and happiness by acting as they did. The conduct of the two last is eminently unreasonable and yet it is those two that we admire. (Sagan, 1813.)
[Pg 313]Richard Cromwell, the King of Prussia, and Calista, with their souls blessed by Heaven, could only find peace and happiness through their actions. The behavior of the last two is extremely unreasonable, yet they are the ones we admire. (Sagan, 1813.)
[5] Grimm, Vol. III, p. 107.
CXXVIII
The likelihood of constancy when desire is satisfied can only be foretold from the constancy displayed, in spite of cruel doubts and jealousy and ridicule, in the days before intimate intercourse.
The chance of staying consistent when desire is fulfilled can only be predicted based on the consistency shown, despite harsh doubts, jealousy, and mockery, in the days before physical intimacy.
CXXIX
A woman is in despair at the death of her lover, who has been killed in the wars—of course she means to follow him. Now first make quite sure that it is not the best thing for her to do; then, if you decide it is not, attack her on the side of a very primitive habit of the human kind—the desire to survive. If the woman has an enemy, one may persuade her that her enemy has obtained a warrant for her imprisonment. Unless that threat only increases her desire of death, she may think about hiding herself in order to escape imprisonment. For three weeks she will lie low, escaping from refuge to refuge. She must be caught, but must get away after three days.
A woman is heartbroken over the death of her lover, who has been killed in the wars—and she certainly intends to join him. First, make sure that this isn’t actually the best choice for her; then, if you conclude it isn’t, challenge her with a very basic human instinct—the will to live. If the woman has an enemy, you might convince her that her enemy has gotten a warrant for her arrest. Unless that threat only fuels her wish for death, she might consider hiding to avoid capture. For three weeks, she will lay low, moving from one safe place to another. She needs to be caught but must manage to escape after three days.
Then people must arrange for her to withdraw under a false name to some very remote town, as unlike as possible the one in which she was so desperately unhappy. But who is going to devote himself to the consolation of a being so unfortunate and so lost to friendship? (Warsaw, 1808).
Then people have to plan for her to move away under a fake name to some really secluded town, one that’s as different as possible from the place where she was so desperately unhappy. But who’s going to dedicate themselves to comforting someone so unfortunate and so disconnected from friendship? (Warsaw, 1808).
CXXX
Academical wise-heads can see a people's habits in its language. In Italy, of all the countries in the world, the [Pg 314]word love is least often spoken—always "amicizia" and "avvicinar" (amicizia or friendship, for love; avvicinar, to approach, for courtship that succeeds).
Academics can see a culture's habits reflected in its language. In Italy, of all the countries in the world, the word love is the least frequently used—people tend to say "amicizia" and "avvicinar" (amicizia means friendship for love; avvicinar means to approach for successful courtship).
CXXXI
A dictionary of music has never been achieved, nor even begun. It is only by chance that you find the phrase for: "I am angry" or "I love you," and the subtler feelings involved therein. The composer finds them only when passion, present in his heart or memory, dictates them to him. Well! that is why people, who spend the fire of youth studying instead of feeling, cannot be artists—the way that works is perfectly simple.
A dictionary of music has never been made, nor has anyone even tried. You only come across phrases like "I am angry" or "I love you," along with the more nuanced feelings connected to them, by chance. A composer only discovers these when the passion in their heart or memory inspires them. That’s why people who use their youth to study instead of to feel can’t truly be artists—the process is really quite straightforward.
CXXXII
In France far too much power is given to Women, far too little to Woman.
In France, way too much power is given to Women, and way too little to Woman.
CXXXIII
The most flattering thing that the most exalted imagination could find to say to the generation now arising among us to take possession of life, of public opinion and of power, happens to be a piece of truth plainer than the light of day. This generation has nothing to continue, it has everything to create. Napoleon's great merit is to have left the road clear.
The most flattering thing that the highest imagination could express to the generation now coming up among us to take charge of life, public opinion, and power is a piece of truth clearer than daylight. This generation has nothing to continue; it has everything to create. Napoleon's great achievement is that he left the path open.
CXXXIV
I should like to be able to say something on consolation. Enough is not done to console.
I would like to say something about comfort. We don’t do enough to provide solace.
The main principle is that you try to form a kind of crystallisation as remote as possible from the source of present suffering.
The main principle is that you aim to create a kind of crystallization that is as far away as possible from the source of current suffering.
In order to discover an unknown principle, we must bravely face a little anatomy.
To discover an unknown principle, we need to bravely confront a bit of anatomy.
[Pg 315]If the reader will consult Chapter II of M. Villermé's work on prisons (Paris, 1820), he will see that the prisoners "si maritano fra di loro" (it is the expression in the prisoners' language). The women also "si maritano fra di loro," and in these unions, generally speaking, much fidelity is shown. That is an outcome of the principle of modesty, and is not observed among the men.
[Pg 315]If the reader checks Chapter II of M. Villermé's work on prisons (Paris, 1820), they'll see that the prisoners "marry among themselves" (that's the term used by the prisoners). The women also "marry among themselves," and generally, there is a lot of loyalty in these unions. This stems from a principle of modesty, which is not seen among the men.
"At Saint-Lazare," says M. Villermé, page 96, "a woman, seeing a new-comer preferred to her, gave herself several wounds with a knife. (October, 1818.)
"At Saint-Lazare," says M. Villermé, page 96, "a woman, seeing a newcomer who was favored over her, inflicted several wounds on herself with a knife. (October, 1818.)
"Usually it is the younger woman who is more fond than the other."
"Usually, it's the younger woman who has more affection than the other."
CXXXV
Vivacità, leggerezza, soggettissima a prendere puntiglio, occupazione di ogni momento delle apparenze della propria esistenza agli occhi altrui: Ecco i tre gran caratteri di questa pianta che risveglia Europa nell 1808.[1]
Vivacity, lightness, excessively concerned with taking offense, constantly occupied with the appearances of one's own existence in the eyes of others: These are the three main traits of this plant that awakens Europe in 1808.[1]
Of Italians, those are preferable who still preserve a little savagery and taste for blood—the people of the Romagna, Calabria, and, among the more civilised, the Brescians, Piedmontese and Corsicans.
Of Italians, those who still have a bit of wildness and a taste for blood are the most appealing—the people from Romagna, Calabria, and among the more refined, the Brescians, Piedmontese, and Corsicans.
The Florentine bourgeois has more sheepish docility than the Parisian. Leopold's spies have degraded him. See M. Courier's(12) letter on the Librarian Furia and the Chamberlain Puccini.
The Florentine middle class is more timidly submissive than the Parisian. Leopold's spies have brought him down. Check out M. Courier's(12) letter about the Librarian Furia and the Chamberlain Puccini.
[1] ["Vivacity, levity, very subject to pique, and unflagging preoccupation with other people's view's of its own existence—these are the three distinguishing points in the stock which is stirring the life of Europe in 1808."—Tr.]
[1] ["Energy, lightheartedness, easily offended, and a constant concern with how others see its own existence—these are the three key traits driving the spirit of Europe in 1808."—Tr.]
CXXXVI
I smile when I see earnest people never able to agree, saying quite unconcernedly the most abusive things of each other—and thinking still worse. To live is to feel life—to have strong feelings. But strength must be rated for each individual, and what is painful—that is, too strong—for [Pg 316]one man is exactly enough to stir another's interest. Take, for example, the feeling of just being spared by the cannon shot in the line of fire, the feeling of penetrating into Russia in pursuit of Parthian hordes.... And it is the same with the tragedies of Shakespeare and those of Racine, etc., etc.... (Orcha, August 13, 1812.)
I smile when I see sincere people who can never agree, casually saying the meanest things about each other—and thinking even worse. To live is to experience life—to have strong emotions. But the strength of those feelings varies for each person, and what is painful—that is, too intense—for [Pg 316] one person is just enough to grab another's attention. Take, for instance, the feeling of being narrowly missed by a cannon shot in battle, the feeling of marching into Russia after the Parthian hordes.... The same goes for the tragedies of Shakespeare and those of Racine, etc., etc.... (Orcha, August 13, 1812.)
CXXXVII
Pleasure does not produce half so strong an impression as pain—that is the first point. Then, besides this disadvantage in the quantity of emotion, it is certainly not half as easy to excite sympathy by the picture of happiness as by that of misfortune. Hence poets cannot depict unhappiness too forcibly. They have only one shoal to fear, namely, things that disgust. Here again, the force of feeling must be rated differently for monarchies and republics. A Lewis XIV increases a hundredfold the number of disgusting things. (Crabbe's Poems.)
Pleasure doesn’t leave as strong an impression as pain—that’s the first point. Also, it’s definitely not as easy to evoke sympathy with scenes of happiness as it is with scenes of misfortune. Because of this, poets can’t portray unhappiness too intensely. They only have to worry about one pitfall: things that disgust. Again, the intensity of feelings must be assessed differently in monarchies compared to republics. A Louis XIV amplifies the prevalence of disgusting things a hundredfold. (Crabbe's Poems.)
By the mere fact of its existence a monarchy à la Lewis XIV, with its circle of nobles, makes everything simple in Art become coarse. The noble personage for whom the thing is exposed feels insulted; the feeling is sincere—and in so far worthy.
By its very existence, a monarchy like Louis XIV’s, with its group of nobles, turns everything simple in art into something crude. The noble figure for whom the work is displayed feels insulted; this feeling is genuine—and, to some extent, justified.
See what the gentle Racine has been able to make of the heroic friendship, so sacred to antiquity, of Orestes and Pylades. Orestes addresses Pylades with the familiar "thou."[1] Pylades answers him "My Lord."[1] And then people pretend Racine is our most touching writer! If they won't give in after this example, we must change the subject.
See what the gentle Racine has been able to make of the heroic friendship, so sacred to antiquity, of Orestes and Pylades. Orestes addresses Pylades with the familiar "you." Pylades answers him "My Lord." And then people pretend Racine is our most touching writer! If they won't give in after this example, we must change the subject.
[1] ["Tu" and "Seigneur."]
CXXXVIII
Directly the hope of revenge is possible, the feeling of hatred returns. Until the last weeks of my imprisonment it never entered my head to run away and break the solemn oath I had sworn to my friend. Two [Pg 317]confidences these—made this morning in my presence by a gentleman cut-throat who favoured us with the history of his life. (Faenza, 1817.)
Directly when the hope for revenge seems possible, the feeling of hatred comes back. Until the last weeks of my imprisonment, it never occurred to me to escape and break the serious oath I had taken to my friend. Two [Pg 317] confidences shared with me this morning by a dangerous man who entertained us with his life story. (Faenza, 1817.)
CXXXIX
All Europe, put together, could never make one French book of the really good type—the Lettres Persanes, for example.
All of Europe combined could never produce a single French book of the truly high-quality type—like the Lettres Persanes, for instance.
CXL
I call pleasure every impression which the soul would rather receive than not receive.[1]
I call pleasure any feeling that the soul would prefer to experience rather than not experience.[1]
I call pain every impression which the soul would rather not receive than receive.
I refer to pain as any feeling that the soul would prefer to avoid rather than experience.
If I want to go to sleep rather than be conscious of my feelings, they are undoubtedly pain. Hence the desire of love is not pain, for the lover will leave the most agreeable society in order to day-dream in peace.
If I’d rather fall asleep than deal with my feelings, they’re definitely pain. So, the longing for love isn’t pain, because the lover will leave the most enjoyable company just to daydream in peace.
Time weakens pleasures of the body and aggravates its pains.
Time diminishes the pleasures of the body and increases its pains.
As for spiritual pleasures—they grow weaker or stronger according to the passion. For example, after six months passed in the study of astronomy you like astronomy all the more, and after a year of avarice money is still sweeter.
When it comes to spiritual pleasures, they get weaker or stronger based on your emotions. For instance, after spending six months studying astronomy, you appreciate it even more, and after a year of greed, money is even more satisfying.
Spiritual pains are softened by time—how many widows, really inconsolable, console themselves with time!—Vide Lady Waldegrave—Horace Walpole.
Spiritual pain eases with time—how many widows, truly heartbroken, find comfort over time!—See Lady Waldegrave—Horace Walpole.
Given a man in a state of indifference—now let him have a pleasure;
Given a man in a state of indifference—now let him have a pleasure;
Given another man in a state of poignant suffering—suddenly let the suffering cease;
Given another man in a state of deep suffering—suddenly let the suffering stop;
Now is the pleasure this man feels of the same nature as that of the other? M. Verri(66) says Yes, but, to my mind—No.
Now is the pleasure this man feels the same as the other’s? M. Verri(66) says yes, but in my opinion—no.
Not all pleasures come from cessation of pain.
Not all pleasures come from the end of pain.
[Pg 318]A man had lived for a long time on an income of six thousand francs—he wins five hundred thousand in the lottery. He had got out of the way of having desires which wealth alone can satisfy.—And that, by the bye, is one of my objections to Paris—it is so easy to lose this habit there.
[Pg 318]A man had lived for a long time on an income of six thousand francs—he wins five hundred thousand in the lottery. He had gotten used to not having desires that only wealth can fulfill.—And that, by the way, is one of my issues with Paris—it’s so easy to get out of this habit there.
The latest invention is a machine for cutting quills. I bought one this morning and it's a great joy to me, as I cannot stand cutting them myself. But yesterday I was certainly not unhappy for not knowing of this machine. Or was Petrarch unhappy for not taking coffee?
The newest invention is a machine for cutting quills. I got one this morning, and it brings me great joy because I can't stand cutting them myself. But yesterday, I was definitely not upset for not knowing about this machine. Was Petrarch upset for not having coffee?
What is the use of defining happiness? Everyone knows it—the first partridge you kill on the wing at twelve, the first battle you come through safely at seventeen....
What’s the point of trying to define happiness? Everyone gets it—the first partridge you shoot on the wing at twelve, the first battle you survive at seventeen...
Pleasure which is only the cessation of pain passes very quickly, and its memory, after some years, is even distasteful. One of my friends was wounded in the side by a bursting shell at the battle of Moscow, and a few days later mortification threatened. After a delay of some hours they managed to get together M. Béclar, M. Larrey and some surgeons of repute, and the result of their consultation was that my friend was informed that mortification had not set up. At the moment I could see his happiness—it was a great happiness, but not unalloyed. In the secret depth of his heart he could not believe that it was really all over, he kept reconsidering the surgeons' words and debating whether he could rely on them entirely. He never lost sight completely of the possibility of mortification. Nowadays, after eight years, if you speak to him of that consultation, it gives him pain—it brings to mind unexpectedly a passed unhappiness.
Pleasure that comes from just the end of pain fades quickly, and after a few years, its memory can even be unpleasant. One of my friends was injured in the side by a bursting shell during the battle of Moscow, and a few days later, he was at risk of gangrene. After a few hours, they managed to gather M. Béclar, M. Larrey, and some well-known surgeons, and the outcome of their meeting was that my friend was told that gangrene had not set in. In that moment, I could see his happiness—it was a great happiness, but it wasn’t entirely pure. Deep down, he couldn’t quite believe that it was really over; he kept going over the surgeons' words in his mind, wondering if he could trust them completely. He never completely let go of the possibility of gangrene. Now, after eight years, if you bring up that consultation, it causes him pain—it unexpectedly reminds him of a past unhappiness.
Pleasure caused by the cessation of pain consists in:—
Pleasure from the end of pain comes from:—
1. Defeating the continual succession of one's own misgivings:
1. Overcoming the constant stream of your own doubts:
2. Reviewing all the advantages one was on the point of losing.
2. Reviewing all the benefits one was about to lose.
Pleasure caused by winning five hundred thousand [Pg 319]francs consists in foreseeing all the new and unusual pleasures one is going to indulge in.
Pleasure from winning five hundred thousand [Pg 319]francs comes from imagining all the new and exciting experiences one will enjoy.
There is this peculiar reservation to be made. You have to take into account whether a man is too used, or not used enough, to wishing for wealth. If he is not used enough, if his mind is closely circumscribed, for two or three days together he will feel embarrassed; while if he is inclined very often to wish for great riches, he will find he has used up their enjoyments in advance by too frequently foretasting them.
There’s a specific point to consider. You need to think about whether a person is too accustomed to wanting wealth or not accustomed enough. If he isn’t used to it, if his mindset is too limited, he might feel uncomfortable for a couple of days. On the other hand, if he often wishes for great riches, he may realize he has prematurely exhausted the pleasure of those riches by imagining them too often.
This misfortune is unknown to passion-love.
This misfortune is unfamiliar to passionate love.
A soul on fire pictures to itself not the last favour, but the nearest—perhaps just her hand to press, if, for example, your mistress is unkind to you. Imagination does not pass beyond that of its own accord; you may force it, but a moment later it is gone—for fear of profaning its idol.
A passionate soul doesn't envision the final reward, but the closest one—maybe just her hand to hold, especially if your sweetheart is being cruel to you. Imagination doesn’t go beyond that on its own; you can push it, but it fades away a moment later—afraid to disrespect its idol.
When pleasure has run through the length of its career, we fall again, of course, into indifference, but this is not the same indifference as we felt before. The second state differs from the first in that we are no longer in a position to relish with such delight the pleasure that we have just tasted. The organs we use for plucking pleasures are worn out. The imagination is no longer so inclined to offer fancies for the enjoyment of desire—desire is satisfied.
When pleasure has exhausted its course, we inevitably fall back into indifference, but this is not the same kind of indifference we experienced before. This second state is different from the first because we can no longer savor the pleasure we've just experienced with the same joy. The faculties we use to seek out pleasures have become worn out. Our imagination isn’t as eager to provide fantasies for fulfilling our desires—our desire has been satisfied.
In the midst of enjoyment to be torn from pleasure produces pain.
In the middle of having a good time, being pulled away from pleasure causes pain.
[1] Maupertius.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Maupertius.
CXLI
With regard to physical love and, in fact, physical pleasure, the disposition of the two sexes is not the same. Unlike men, practically all women are at least susceptible in secret to one kind of love. Ever after opening her first novel at fifteen, a woman is silently waiting for the coming of passion-love, and towards twenty, when she is just over the irresponsibility of life's first flush, the suspense [Pg 320]redoubles. As for men, they think love impossible or ridiculous, almost before they are thirty.
When it comes to physical love and, really, physical pleasure, men and women have different attitudes. Unlike men, almost all women secretly feel some level of attraction to one type of love. Ever since starting her first novel at fifteen, a woman quietly waits for the arrival of passionate love, and by the age of twenty, just as she's moving past the carefree days of her youth, the anticipation becomes even stronger. On the other hand, men often believe love is either impossible or silly, usually before they turn thirty.
CXLII
From the age of six we grow used to run after pleasure in our parents' footsteps.
From the age of six, we get used to chasing after pleasure, following in our parents' footsteps.
The pride of Contessina Nella's mother was the starting-point of that charming woman's troubles, and by the same insane pride she now makes them hopeless. (Venice, 1819.)
The pride of Contessina Nella's mother was the beginning of that charming woman's troubles, and with the same irrational pride, she now makes them impossible to resolve. (Venice, 1819.)
CXLIII
Romanticism
Romanticism
I hear from Paris that there are heaps and heaps of pictures to be seen there (Exhibition of 1822), representing subjects taken from the Bible, painted by artists who hardly believe in it, admired and criticised by people who don't believe, and finally paid for by people who don't believe.
I hear from Paris that there are tons of pictures to see there (Exhibition of 1822), showing scenes from the Bible, painted by artists who barely believe in it, praised and critiqued by people who don't believe, and finally funded by people who don't believe.
After that—you ask why art is decadent.
After that—you wonder why art has gone downhill.
The artist who does not believe what he is saying is always afraid of appearing exaggerated or ridiculous. How is he to touch the sublime? Nothing uplifts him. (Lettera di Roma, Giugno, 1822.)
The artist who doesn't believe what they're expressing is always worried about coming off as exaggerated or ridiculous. How can they reach the sublime? Nothing inspires them. (Lettera di Roma, Giugno, 1822.)
CXLIV
One of the greatest poets the world has seen in modern times is, to my mind, Robert Burns, a Scotch peasant, who died of want. He had a salary of seventy pounds as exciseman—for himself, his wife and four children. One cannot help saying, by the way, that Napoleon was more liberal towards his enemy Chénier. Burns had none of the English prudery about him. His was a Roman genius, without chivalry and without honour. I have no space here to tell of his love-affairs with Mary Campbell and their [Pg 321]mournful ending. I shall merely point out that Edinburgh is on the same latitude as Moscow—a fact which perhaps upsets my system of climates a little.
One of the greatest poets the world has seen in modern times is, in my opinion, Robert Burns, a Scottish peasant who died in poverty. He earned a salary of seventy pounds as a tax collector—for himself, his wife, and four children. It’s worth noting that Napoleon was more generous toward his enemy Chénier. Burns didn’t have any of the English modesty associated with him. He had a Roman spirit, devoid of chivalry and honor. I don’t have the space here to discuss his romantic relationships with Mary Campbell and their tragic ending. I’ll just mention that Edinburgh is at the same latitude as Moscow—a fact that might complicate my understanding of climates a bit.
"One of Burns' remarks, when he first came to Edinburgh, was that between the men of rustic life and those of the polite world he observed little difference; that in the former, though unpolished by fashion and unenlightened by science, he had found much observation and much intelligence; but that a refined and accomplished woman was a being almost new to him, and of which he had formed but a very inadequate idea." (London, November 1st, 1821, Vol. V, p. 69.)
"One of Burns' comments when he first arrived in Edinburgh was that he noticed little difference between people from rural life and those from high society. He found that even though the former group lacked polish and formal education, they possessed a lot of insight and intelligence. However, a refined and cultured woman was almost a completely new concept to him, and he had a very limited understanding of what that was like." (London, November 1st, 1821, Vol. V, p. 69.)
CXLV
Love is the only passion that mints the coin to pay its own expenses.
Love is the only passion that creates its own currency to cover its expenses.
CXLVI
The compliments paid to little girls of three furnish exactly the right sort of education to imbue them with the most pernicious vanity. To look pretty is the highest virtue, the greatest advantage on earth. To have a pretty dress is to look pretty.
The compliments given to three-year-old girls provide exactly the wrong kind of education, filling them with harmful vanity. Looking pretty is seen as the ultimate virtue, the greatest benefit in the world. Having a pretty dress equals looking pretty.
These idiotic compliments are not current except in the middle class. Happily they are bad form outside the suburbs—being too easy to pay.
These ridiculous compliments aren't popular anymore except among the middle class. Fortunately, they are seen as tacky outside the suburbs—too easy to give.
CXLVII
Loretto, September 11th, 1811.
Loretto, September 11, 1811.
I have just seen a very fine battalion composed of natives of this country—the remains, in fact, of four thousand who left for Vienna in 1809. I passed along the ranks with the Colonel, and asked several of the soldiers to tell me their story. Theirs is the virtue of the republics of the Middle Age, though more or less debased by the [Pg 322]Spaniards,[1] the Roman Church,[2] and two centuries of the cruel, treacherous governments, which, one after another, have spoiled the country.
I just saw a really impressive battalion made up of locals from this country—the remnants, actually, of the four thousand who went to Vienna in 1809. I walked along the ranks with the Colonel and asked some of the soldiers to share their stories. They embody the values of the republics from the Middle Ages, though these have been somewhat tarnished by the[Pg 322]Spaniards,[1] the Roman Church,[2] and two centuries of cruel, deceitful governments that have continuously exploited the country.
Flashing, chivalrous honour, sublime but senseless, is an exotic plant introduced here only a very few years back.
Flashing, noble honor, grand but pointless, is an exotic concept that was only introduced here a few years ago.
In 1740 there was no trace of it. Vide de Brosses. The officers of Montenotte(67) and of Rivoli(67) had too many chances of showing their comrades true virtue to go and imitate a kind of honour unknown to the cottage homes from which the soldiery of 1796 was drawn—indeed, it would have seemed to them highly fantastic.
In 1740, there was no sign of it. See de Brosses. The officers from Montenotte(67) and Rivoli(67) had too many chances to demonstrate true virtue to go and copy a type of honor that was unfamiliar to the humble homes where the soldiers of 1796 came from—in fact, it would have seemed quite absurd to them.
In 1796 there was no Legion of Honour, no enthusiasm for one man, but plenty of simple truth and virtue à la Desaix. We may conclude that honour was imported into Italy by people too reasonable and too virtuous to cut much of a figure. One is sensible of a large gap between the soldiers of '96, often shoeless and coatless, the victors of twenty battles in one year, and the brilliant regiments of Fontenoy, taking off their hats and saying to the English politely: Messieurs, tirez les premiers—gentlemen, pray begin.
In 1796, there was no Legion of Honour, no excitement for any one person, but plenty of straightforward truth and virtue like Desaix. We can conclude that honor was brought to Italy by people who were too sensible and too virtuous to stand out much. You can really feel the stark difference between the soldiers of '96, often without shoes or proper coats, who won twenty battles in just one year, and the impressive regiments of Fontenoy, who would take off their hats and politely say to the English: “Gentlemen, please go ahead.”
[1] The Spaniards abroad, about 1580, were nothing but energetic agents of despotism or serenaders beneath the windows of Italian beauties. In those days Spaniards dropped into Italy just in the way people come nowadays to Paris. For the rest, they prided themselves on nothing but upholding the honour of the king, their master. They ruined Italy—ruined and degraded it.
[1] The Spaniards in foreign lands around 1580 were mainly energetic enforcers of oppression or singers beneath the windows of Italian beauties. Back then, Spaniards visited Italy like people travel to Paris today. Other than that, they took pride in nothing except defending the honor of the king, their master. They destroyed Italy—corrupted and degraded it.
In 1626 the great poet Calderon was an officer at Milan.
In 1626, the great poet Calderón was an officer in Milan.
[2] See Life of S. Carlo Borromeo, who transformed Milan and debased it, emptied its drill halls and filled its chapels, Merveilles kills Castiglione, 1533.
[2] See Life of S. Carlo Borromeo, who changed Milan and diminished it, cleared out its drill halls and packed its chapels, Merveilles kills Castiglione, 1533.
CXLVIII
I am ready to agree that one must judge the soundness of a system of life by the perfect representative of its supporters. For example, Richard Cœur-de-Lion is the perfect pattern on the throne of heroism and chivalrous valour, and as a king was a ludicrous failure.
I agree that we should evaluate the validity of a way of life based on the best example set by its proponents. For instance, Richard the Lionheart embodies the ideal of heroism and chivalrous bravery, yet as a king, he was a complete failure.
CXLIX
Public opinion in 1822: A man of thirty seduces a girl of fifteen—the girl loses her reputation.
Public opinion in 1822: A thirty-year-old man seduces a fifteen-year-old girl—the girl loses her reputation.
CL
Ten years later I met Countess Ottavia again; on seeing me once more she wept bitterly. I reminded her of Oginski. "I can no longer love," she told me. I answered in the poet's words: "How changed, how saddened, yet how elevated was her character!"
Ten years later, I met Countess Ottavia again; when she saw me, she cried intensely. I reminded her of Oginski. "I can’t love anymore," she told me. I replied with the poet's words: "How changed, how saddened, yet how elevated was her character!"
CLI
French morals will be formed between 1815 and 1880, just as English morals were formed between 1668 and 1730. There will be nothing finer, juster or happier than moral France about the year 1900. At the present day it does not exist. What is considered infamous in Rue de Belle-Chasse is an act of heroism in Rue du Mont-Blanc, and, allowing for all exaggeration, people really worthy of contempt escape by a change of residence. One remedy we did have—the freedom of the Press. In the long run the Press gives each man his due, and when this due happens to fall in with public opinion, so it remains. This remedy is now torn from us—and it will somewhat retard the regeneration of morals.
French morals will develop between 1815 and 1880, just like English morals were shaped between 1668 and 1730. By around 1900, there will be nothing finer, fairer, or happier than moral France. Right now, that doesn’t exist. What’s seen as disgraceful on Rue de Belle-Chasse is an act of bravery on Rue du Mont-Blanc, and, with all the exaggeration aside, people who truly deserve scorn can avoid it just by moving. One solution we had was the freedom of the Press. Over time, the Press holds everyone accountable, and when that accountability aligns with public opinion, it stays that way. This solution has now been taken from us—and it will slow down the moral regeneration.
CLII
The Abbé Rousseau was a poor young man (1784), reduced to running all over the town, from morn till night, giving lessons in history and geography. He fell in love with one of his pupils, like Abelard with Héloïse or Saint-Preux with Julie. Less happy than they, no doubt—yet, probably, pretty nearly so—as full of passion as Saint-Preux, but with a heart more virtuous, more refined and also more courageous, he seems to have sacrificed himself to the object of his passion. After dining in a [Pg 324]restaurant at the Palais-Royal with no outward sign of distress or frenzy, this is what he wrote before blowing out his brains. The text of his note is taken from the enquiry held on the spot by the commissary and the police, and is remarkable enough to be preserved.
The Abbé Rousseau was a poor young man (1784), constantly running around town from morning until night, giving lessons in history and geography. He fell in love with one of his students, much like Abelard did with Héloïse or Saint-Preux with Julie. Less fortunate than they were, no doubt—yet, probably, nearly as much—filled with passion like Saint-Preux, but with a heart that was more virtuous, more refined, and also more courageous, he seems to have sacrificed himself for the one he loved. After having dinner in a [Pg 324] restaurant at the Palais-Royal without any visible signs of distress or madness, this is what he wrote before taking his own life. The text of his note is taken from the investigation conducted on the scene by the officer and the police and is noteworthy enough to preserve.
"The immeasurable contrast that exists between the nobility of my feelings and the meanness of my birth, my love, as violent as it is invincible, for this adorable girl[1] and my fear of causing her dishonour, the necessity of choosing between crime and death—everything has made me decide to say good-bye to life. Born for virtue, I was about to become a criminal; I preferred death." (Grimm, Part III, Vol. II, p. 395.)
"The overwhelming difference between the nobility of my feelings and the lowliness of my birth, my love—so intense yet unbreakable—for this wonderful girl[1] and my dread of bringing her dishonor, the need to choose between crime and death—everything has led me to decide to say goodbye to life. Born for virtue, I was on the verge of becoming a criminal; I chose death." (Grimm, Part III, Vol. II, p. 395.)
This is an admirable case of suicide, but would be merely silly according to the morals of 1880.
This is an admirable case of suicide, but would be merely silly according to the morals of 1880.
CLIII
Try as they may, the French, in Art, will never get beyond the pretty.
Try as they might, the French will never move beyond pretty in Art.
The comic presupposes "go" in the public, and brio in the actor. The delicious foolery of Palomba, played at Naples by Casaccia, is an impossibility at Paris. There we have the pretty—always and only the pretty—cried up sometimes, it is true, as the sublime.
The comic assumes "go" from the audience and brio from the performer. The charming antics of Palomba, portrayed in Naples by Casaccia, can't be replicated in Paris. There, we only have the pretty—always and only the pretty—which is occasionally, although misleadingly, celebrated as the sublime.
I don't waste much thought, you see, on general considerations of national honour.
I don't spend much time thinking about broad ideas of national pride, you know.
CLIV
We are very fond of a beautiful picture, say the French—and quite truly—but we exact, as the essential condition of beauty, that it be produced by a painter standing on one leg the whole time he is working.—Verse in dramatic art.
We really love a beautiful image, as the French say—and they’re absolutely right—but we require, as a key condition of beauty, that it be created by an artist standing on one leg the entire time they’re working.—Verse in dramatic art.
CLV
Much less envy in America than in France, and much less intellect.
Much less envy in America than in France, and a lot less intellect.
CLVI
Since 1530 tyranny à la Philip II has so degraded men's intellect, has so overshadowed the garden of the world, that the poor Italian writers have not yet plucked up enough courage to invent a national novel. Yet, thanks to the naturalness which reigns there, nothing could be simpler. They need only copy faithfully what stares the world in the face. Think of Cardinal Gonzalvi, for three hours gravely looking for flaws in the libretto of an opera-bouffe, and saying uneasily to the composer: "But you're continually repeating this word Cozzar, cozzar."
Since 1530, the tyranny of Philip II has so diminished people's intellect and overshadowed the beauty of the world that the unfortunate Italian writers still haven't mustered the courage to create a national novel. Yet, because of the authenticity that exists there, it couldn't be easier. They just need to accurately reflect what the world is presenting to them. Imagine Cardinal Gonzalvi, seriously searching for flaws in the script of a light opera for three hours, anxiously saying to the composer: "But you keep repeating this word Cozzar, cozzar."
CLVII
Héloïse speaks of love, a coxcomb of his love—don't you see that these things have really nothing but their name in common? Just so, there is the love of concerts and the love of music: the love of successes that tickle your vanity—successes your harp may bring you in the midst of a brilliant society—or the love of a tender day-dream, solitary and timid.
Héloïse talks about love, a foolish brag about his love—don't you realize that these things only share a name? Just like there’s the love of concerts and the love of music: the kind of love that comes from victories that boost your ego—victories your harp can earn you in a flashy crowd—or the love of a sweet daydream, quiet and shy.
CLVIII
When you have just seen the woman you love, the sight of any other woman spoils your vision, gives your eyes physical pain. I know why.
When you've just seen the woman you love, seeing any other woman ruins your view and feels like a physical ache in your eyes. I understand why.
CLIX
Reply to an objection:—
Respond to a concern:—
Perfect naturalness in intimate intercourse can find no place but in passion-love, for in all the other kinds of love a man feels the possibility of a favoured rival.
Perfect naturalness in intimate relationships can only exist in passionate love, because in all other types of love, a person senses the potential for a favored rival.
CLX
In a man who, to be released from life, has taken poison, the moral part of his being is dead. Dazed by what he has done and by what he is about to experience, he no longer attends to anything. There are some rare exceptions.
In a man who has taken poison to escape life, the moral side of him is dead. Dazed by what he has done and what he’s about to face, he no longer pays attention to anything. There are a few rare exceptions.
CLXI
An old sea captain, to whom I respectfully offered my manuscript, thought it the silliest thing in the world to honour with six hundred pages so trivial a thing as love. But, however trivial, love is still the only weapon which can strike strong souls, and strike home.
An old sea captain, to whom I respectfully offered my manuscript, thought it was the silliest thing in the world to dedicate six hundred pages to something as trivial as love. But, no matter how trivial, love is still the only weapon that can hit strong souls and hit them hard.
What was it prevented M. de M——, in 1814, from despatching Napoleon in the forest of Fontainebleau? The contemptuous glance of a pretty woman coming into the Bains-Chinois.[1] What a difference in the destiny of the world if Napoleon and his son had been killed in 1814!
What stopped M. de M——, in 1814, from taking out Napoleon in the Fontainebleau forest? The disdainful look from a pretty woman entering the Bains-Chinois.[1] Imagine how different the world's destiny would have been if Napoleon and his son had been killed in 1814!
[1] Memoirs, p. 88. (London edition.)
CLXII
I quote the following lines from a French letter received from Znaim, remarking at the same time that there is not a man in the provinces capable of understanding my brilliant lady correspondent:—
I quote the following lines from a French letter I received from Znaim, noting at the same time that there isn't a man in the provinces who can understand my brilliant lady correspondent:—
"... Chance means a lot in love. When for a whole year I have read no English, I find the first novel I pick up delicious. One who is used to the love of a prosaic being—slow, shy of all that is refined, and passionately responsive to none but material interests, the love of shekels, the glory of a fine stable and bodily desires, etc.—can easily feel disgust at the behaviour of impetuous genius, ardent and uncurbed in fancy, mindful of love, forgetful of all the rest, always active and always headlong, just where the other let himself be led and never acted for himself. The shock, which genius causes, may offend what, last [Pg 327]year at Zithau, we used to call feminine pride, l'orgueil féminin—(is that French?) With the man of genius comes the startling feeling which with his predecessor was unknown—and, remember, this predecessor came to an untimely end in the wars and remains a synonym for perfection. This feeling may easily be mistaken for repulsion by a soul, lofty but without that assurance which is the fruit of a goodly number of intrigues."
"... Chance plays a big role in love. After a whole year without reading anything in English, the first novel I pick up feels amazing. Someone who is used to the love of a mundane person—slow, hesitant about anything refined, and only passionate about material interests, like wealth, the prestige of a beautiful stable, and physical desires—can easily feel disgusted by the behavior of an impulsive genius, who is enthusiastic and unrestrained in imagination, focused on love, but forgetful of everything else, always active and reckless, while the other just goes along and never acts on his own. The shock that genius brings might offend what, last [Pg 327] year at Zithau, we referred to as feminine pride, l'orgueil féminin—(is that French?) With the man of genius comes a surprising feeling that his predecessor lacked—and remember, this predecessor met an early end in the wars and is synonymous with perfection. This feeling can easily be mistaken for repulsion by a lofty soul that lacks the confidence that comes from a fair share of romantic encounters."
CLXIII
"Geoffry Rudel, of Blaye, was a very great lord, prince of Blaye, and he fell in love, without knowing her, with the Princess of Tripoli, for the great goodness and great graciousness, which he heard tell of her from the pilgrims, who came from Antioch. And he made for her many fair songs, with good melodies and suppliant words, and, for the desire he had to see her, he took the cross and set out upon the sea to go to her. And it happened that in the ship a grievous malady took him, in such wise that those that were with him believed him to be dead, but they contrived to bring him to Tripoli into a hostelry, like one dead. They sent word to the countess and she came to his bed and took him in her arms. Then he knew that she was the countess and he recovered his sight and his hearing and he praised God, giving Him thanks that He had sustained his life until he had seen her. And thus he died in the arms of the countess, and she gave him noble burial in the house of the Temple at Tripoli. And then the same day she took the veil for the sorrow she had for him and for his death."[1]
Geoffry Rudel, from Blaye, was a very powerful lord, the prince of Blaye, and he fell in love, without ever meeting her, with the Princess of Tripoli, because of the incredible goodness and kindness he heard about her from the pilgrims who came from Antioch. He composed many beautiful songs, with lovely melodies and pleading words, and out of his desire to see her, he took the cross and set sail across the sea to reach her. Unfortunately, a serious illness struck him on the ship, so much so that those with him believed he was dead. They managed to take him to Tripoli and placed him in a hotel, as if he were dead. They informed the countess, and she came to his bedside and held him in her arms. At that moment, he recognized her as the countess, and he regained his sight and hearing. He praised God, thanking Him for allowing him to live long enough to see her. In this way, he died in the countess's arms, and she gave him a noble burial in the Temple in Tripoli. That same day, overwhelmed by grief for him and his death, she took the veil. [1]
CLXIV
Here is a singular proof of the madness called crystallisation, to be found in Mistress Hutchinson's Memoirs:
Here is a unique example of the madness known as crystallization, found in Mistress Hutchinson's Memoirs:
"He told to M. Hutchinson a very true story of a gentleman who not long before had come for some time [Pg 328]to lodge in Richmond, and found all the people he came in company with bewailing the death of a gentlewoman that had lived there. Hearing her so much deplored, he made enquiry after her, and grew so in love with the description, that no other discourse could at first please him nor could he at last endure any other; he grew desperately melancholy and would go to a mount where the print of her foot was cut and lie there pining and kissing it all the day long, till at length death in some months' space concluded his languishment. This story was very true." (Vol. I, p. 83.)
"He told M. Hutchinson a true story about a gentleman who had recently come to stay in Richmond. He found that everyone he met was mourning the death of a woman who had lived there. Hearing so much about her, he inquired further and became so captivated by her description that no other conversation interested him at first, nor could he eventually tolerate any other topic. He became deeply melancholic and would go to a place where her footprint was marked, spending all day lying there, yearning for her and kissing it, until eventually, after several months, death ended his sorrow. This story is completely true." (Vol. I, p. 83.)
CLXV
Lisio Visconti was anything but a great reader. Not to mention what he may have seen while knocking about the world, his essay is based on the Memoirs of some fifteen or twenty persons of note. In case it happens that the reader thinks such trifling points worthy of a moment's attention, I give the books from which Lisio drew his reflexions and conclusions:—
Lisio Visconti was definitely not a great reader. Aside from whatever he might have seen while traveling the world, his essay is based on the Memoirs of about fifteen or twenty notable individuals. If the reader thinks these minor details are worth some attention, I will list the books from which Lisio derived his reflections and conclusions:—
- The Autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini.
- The novels of Cervantes and Scarron.
- Manon Lescaut and Le Doyen de Killerine, by the Abbé Prévôt.
- The Latin Letters of Héloïse to Abelard.
- Tom Jones.
- Letters of a Portuguese Nun.
- Two or three stories by Auguste La Fontaine.
- Pignotti's History of Tuscany.
- Werther.
- Brantôme.
- Memoirs of Carlo Gozzi (Venice, 1760)—only the eighty pages on the history of his love affairs.
- The Memoirs of Lauzun, Saint-Simon, d'Épinay, de Staël, Marmontel, Bezenval, Roland, Duclos, Horace Walpole, Evelyn, Hutchinson.
- Letters of Mademoiselle Lespinasse.
CLXVI
One of the most important persons of our age, one of the most prominent men in the Church and in the State, related to us this evening (January, 1822), at Madame de M——'s, the very real dangers he had gone through under the Terror.
One of the most important people of our time, one of the most notable figures in both the Church and the State, shared with us this evening (January 1822), at Madame de M——'s, the very real dangers he faced during the Terror.
"I had the misfortune to be one of the most prominent members of the Constituent Assembly. I stayed in Paris, trying to hide myself as best I could, so long as there was any hope of success there for the good cause. At last, as the danger grew greater and greater, while the foreigner made no energetic move in our favour, I decided to leave—only I had to leave without a passport. Everyone was going off to Coblentz, so I determined to make for Calais. But my portrait had been so widely circulated eighteen months before, that I was recognised at the last post. However, I was allowed to pass and arrived at an inn at Calais, where, you can imagine, I did not sleep a wink—and very lucky it was, since at four o'clock in the morning I heard someone pronounce my name quite distinctly. While I got up and was dressing in all haste I could clearly distinguish, in spite of the darkness, the National Guards with their rifles; the people had opened the main door for them and they were entering the courtyard of the inn. Fortunately it was raining in torrents—a winter morning, very dark and with a high wind. The darkness and the noise of the wind enabled me to escape by the back courtyard and stables. There I stood in the street at seven o'clock in the morning, utterly resourceless! i I imagined they were following me from my inn. Hardly knowing what I was doing, I went down to the port, on to the jetty. I own I had rather lost my head—everywhere the vision of the guillotine floated before my eyes.
I was unfortunate enough to be one of the most prominent members of the Constituent Assembly. I stayed in Paris, trying to hide as best I could for as long as there was any hope for the good cause. Eventually, as the danger increased and the outsiders didn’t take decisive action in our favor, I decided to leave—though I had to do so without a passport. Everyone was heading to Coblentz, so I decided to make my way to Calais. However, my portrait had been so widely circulated eighteen months earlier that I was recognized at the last post. Still, I was allowed to pass and arrived at an inn in Calais, where, as you can imagine, I didn’t sleep a wink—and it was fortunate that I didn’t, because at four o'clock in the morning, I distinctly heard someone say my name. As I quickly got up and dressed, I could clearly make out, despite the darkness, the National Guards with their rifles; the people had opened the main door for them, and they were coming into the inn's courtyard. Luckily, it was pouring rain—a dark winter morning with a strong wind. The darkness and the sound of the wind allowed me to escape through the back courtyard and stables. There I was, standing in the street at seven o'clock in the morning, completely at a loss! I imagined they were following me from the inn. Barely knowing what I was doing, I headed down to the port, onto the jetty. I admit I had quite lost my grip on things—everywhere, the guillotine seemed to loom before my eyes.
A packet-boat was leaving the port in a very rough sea—it was already a hundred yards from the jetty. Suddenly [Pg 330]I heard a shout from out at sea, as if I were being called. I saw a small boat approaching. "Hi! sir, come on! We're waiting for you!" Mechanically I got into the boat. A man was in it. "I saw you walking on the jetty with a scared look," he whispered, "I thought you might be some poor fugitive. I've told them you are a friend I was expecting; pretend to be sea-sick and go and hide below in a dark corner of the cabin."
A packet boat was leaving the port in really rough seas—it was already a hundred yards from the dock. Suddenly, [Pg 330] I heard someone shouting from out at sea, as if they were calling me. I saw a small boat coming closer. "Hey! Sir, come on! We’re waiting for you!" Automatically, I climbed into the boat. There was a man in it. "I saw you walking on the dock looking scared," he whispered, "I thought you might be some poor fugitive. I told them you’re a friend I was expecting; act like you’re seasick and go hide in a dark corner of the cabin."
"Oh, what a fine touch!" cried our hostess. She was almost speechless and had been moved to tears by the Abbé's long and excellently told story of his perils. "How you must have thanked your unknown benefactor! What was his name?"
"Oh, what a lovely touch!" exclaimed our hostess. She was nearly speechless and had been brought to tears by the Abbé's long and beautifully told story of his adventures. "You must have been so grateful to your unknown benefactor! What was his name?"
"I do not know his name," the Abbé answered, a little confused.
"I don't know his name," the Abbé replied, a bit confused.
And there was a moment of profound silence in the room.
And there was a moment of deep silence in the room.
CLXVII
The Father and the Son
The Father and the Son
(A dialogue of 1787)
(A dialogue from 1787)
The Father (Minister of ——): "I congratulate you, my son; it's a splendid thing for you to be invited to the Duke of ——; it's a distinction for a man of your age. Don't fail to be at the Palace punctually at six o'clock."
The Father (Minister of ——): "Congratulations, my son; it's fantastic that you've been invited to the Duke of ——. It's a great honor for someone your age. Make sure to be at the Palace on time at six o'clock."
The Son: "I believe, sir, you are dining there also."
The Son: "I think, sir, you're eating there too."
The Father: "The Duke of —— is always more than kind to our family, and, as he's asking you for the first time, he has been pleased to invite me as well."
The Father: "The Duke of —— is always more than generous to our family, and since he's asking you for the first time, he was kind enough to invite me too."
The son, a young man of high birth and most distinguished intellect, does not fail to be at the Palace punctually at six o'clock. Dinner was at seven. The son found himself placed opposite his father. Each guest had a naked woman next to him. The dinner was served by a score of lackeys in full livery.[1]
The son, a young man of noble birth and exceptional intelligence, made sure to arrive at the Palace right on time at six o'clock. Dinner was scheduled for seven. He was seated directly across from his father. Each guest had a naked woman sitting beside them. The dinner was served by a dozen servants in formal attire.[1]
CLXVIII
London, August, 1817.
London, August 1817.
Never in my life have I been so struck or intimidated by the presence of beauty as to-night, at a concert given by Madame Pasta.
Never in my life have I been so moved or intimidated by the presence of beauty as I was tonight at a concert by Madame Pasta.
She was surrounded, as she sang, by three rows of young women, so beautiful—of a beauty so pure and heavenly—that I felt myself lower my eyes, out of respect, instead of raising them to admire and enjoy. This has never happened to me in any other land, not even in my beloved Italy.
She was surrounded, as she sang, by three rows of young women, so beautiful—of a beauty so pure and heavenly—that I felt myself lowering my eyes, out of respect, instead of raising them to admire and enjoy. This has never happened to me in any other country, not even in my beloved Italy.
CLXIX
In France one-thing is absolutely impossible in the arts, and that is "go." A man really carried away would be too much laughed at—he would look too happy. See a Venetian recite Buratti's satires.
In France, there's one thing that's completely impossible in the arts, and that's "go." A guy who gets really into it would just be laughed at—he'd look way too happy. Watch a Venetian perform Buratti's satires.
APPENDIX
ON THE COURTS OF LOVE(68)
There were Courts of Love in France from the year 1150 to the year 1200. So much has been proved. The existence of these Courts probably goes back to a more remote period.
There were Courts of Love in France from 1150 to 1200. That's been proven. The existence of these Courts likely dates back to an even earlier time.
The ladies, sitting together in the Courts of Love, gave out their decrees either on questions of law—for example: Can love exist between married people?—
The women, sitting together in the Courts of Love, issued their rulings on legal questions—like: Can love exist between married people?—
Or on the particular cases which lovers submitted to them.[1]
Or on the specific situations that lovers brought to them.[1]
So far as I can picture to myself the moral side of this jurisprudence, it must have resembled the Courts of the Marshals of France established for questions of honour by Louis XIV—that is, as they would have been, if only public opinion had upheld that institution.
As far as I can imagine the ethical aspect of this legal system, it must have been like the Courts of the Marshals in France set up for matters of honor by Louis XIV—that is, if only public opinion had supported that system.
André, chaplain to the King of France, who wrote about the year 1170, mentions the Courts of Love
André, the chaplain to the King of France, who wrote around the year 1170, talks about the Courts of Love.
- of the ladies of Gascony,
- of Ermengarde, Viscountess of Narbonne (1144–1194),
- of Queen Eléonore,
- of the Countess of Flanders,
- of the Countess of Champagne (1174).
André mentions nine judgments pronounced by the Countess of Champagne.
André talks about nine decisions made by the Countess of Champagne.
He quotes two judgments pronounced by the Countess of Flanders.
He quotes two rulings made by the Countess of Flanders.
Jean de Nostradamus, Life of the Provençal Poets, says (p. 15):—
Jean de Nostradamus, Life of the Provençal Poets, says (p. 15):—
"The 'tensons' were disputes of Love, which took place between poets, both knights and ladies, arguing together on some fair and sublime question of love. Where they could not agree, [Pg 333]they sent them, that they might get a decision thereon, to the illustrious ladies president who held full and open Court of Love at Signe and Pierrefeu, or at Romanin, or elsewhere, and they gave out decrees thereon which were called 'Lous Arrests d'Amours.'"
The 'tensons' were love debates that took place among poets, including knights and ladies, who discussed various beautiful and deep questions about love. If they couldn’t come to an agreement, [Pg 333] they would send their disputes to the respected ladies in charge who held full and open Courts of Love at Signe and Pierrefeu, or at Romanin, or other locations. They would make rulings on these matters, which were referred to as 'Lous Arrests d'Amours'.
These are the names of some of the ladies who presided over the Courts of Love of Pierrefeu and Signe:—
These are the names of some of the women who led the Courts of Love of Pierrefeu and Signe:—
- "Stephanette, Lady of Brulx, daughter of the Count of Provence.
- Adalarie, Viscountess of Avignon;
- Alalète, Lady of Ongle;
- Hermissende, Lady of Posquières;
- Bertrane, Lady of Urgon;
- Mabille, Lady of Yères
- The Countess of Dye;
- Rostangue, Lady of Pierrefeu;
- Bertrane, Lady of Signe;
- Jausserande of Claustral."—(Nostradamus, p. 27.)
It is probable that the same Court of Love met sometimes at the Castle of Pierrefeu, sometimes at that of Signe. These two villages are just next to each other, and situated at an almost equal distance from Toulon and Brignoles.
It’s likely that the same Court of Love occasionally gathered at the Castle of Pierrefeu and sometimes at the Castle of Signe. These two villages are right next to each other and located almost the same distance from Toulon and Brignoles.
In his Life of Bertrand d'Alamanon, Nostradamus says:
In his Life of Bertrand d'Alamanon, Nostradamus writes:
"This troubadour was in love with Phanette or Estephanette of Romanin, Lady of the said place, of the house of Gantelmes, who held in her time full and open Court of Love in her castle of Romanin, near the town of Saint-Remy, in Provence, aunt of Laurette of Avignon, of the house of Sado, so often celebrated by the poet Petrarch."
"This troubadour was in love with Phanette or Estephanette of Romanin, the lady of that region, from the house of Gantelmes. She held an open Court of Love in her castle in Romanin, near the town of Saint-Remy in Provence, and she was the aunt of Laurette of Avignon, from the house of Sado, often praised by the poet Petrarch."
Under the heading Laurette, we read that Laurette de Sade, celebrated by Petrarch, lived at Avignon about the year 1341; that she was instructed by Phanette of Gantelmes, her aunt, Lady of Romanin; that "both of them improvised in either kind of Provençal rhythm, and according to the account of the monk of the Isles d'Or(69), their works give ample witness to their learning.... It is true (says the monk) that Phanette or Estephanette, as being most excellent in poetry, had a divine fury or inspiration, which fury was esteemed a true gift from God. They were accompanied by many illustrious and high-born[2] [Pg 334]ladies of Provence, who flourished at that time at Avignon, when the Roman court resided there, and who gave themselves up to the study of letters, holding open Court of Love, and therein deciding the questions of love which had been proposed and sent to them....
Under the section Laurette, it mentions that Laurette de Sade, praised by Petrarch, lived in Avignon around 1341. She was taught by her aunt, Phanette of Gantelmes, Lady of Romanin. According to the monk from the Isles d'Or, "both of them could improvise in different kinds of Provençal rhythm, and their works clearly showcase their knowledge. ... It's true (the monk writes) that Phanette, or Estephanette, being outstanding in poetry, had a divine inspiration, which was regarded as a genuine gift from God." They were joined by many notable and noble ladies of Provence, who were active in Avignon at that time when the Roman court was there, dedicating themselves to the study of literature, holding a Court of Love where they addressed the questions of love presented to them.
"Guillen and Pierre Balbz and Loys des Lascaris, Counts of Ventimiglia, of Tende and of Brigue, persons of great renown, being come at this time to visit Pope Innocent VI of that name, went to hear the definitions and sentences of love pronounced by these ladies; and astonished and ravished with their beauty and learning, they were taken with love of them."
"Guillen, Pierre Balbz, and Loys des Lascaris, Counts of Ventimiglia, Tende, and Brigue, notable figures of their time, came to visit Pope Innocent VI. They went to listen to the declarations and judgments of love made by these ladies; amazed and captivated by their beauty and intelligence, they found themselves falling in love with them."
At the end of their "tensons" the troubadours often named the ladies who were to pronounce on the questions in dispute between them.
At the end of their "tensons," the troubadours often named the ladies who would decide on the issues in dispute between them.
A decree of the Ladies of Gascony runs:—
A decree from the Ladies of Gascony states:—
"The Court of ladies, assembled in Gascony, have laid down, with the consent of the whole Court, this perpetual constitution, etc., etc."
"The Court of ladies in Gascony has established, with the consent of the entire Court, this ongoing constitution, etc., etc."
The Countess of Champagne in a decree of 1174, says:—
The Countess of Champagne in a decree from 1174 says:—
"This judgment, that we have carried with extreme caution, is supported by the advice of a very great number of ladies..."
"We've made this decision with careful consideration, supported by the views of many women..."
In another judgment is found:—
In another judgment, it's found:—
"The knight, for the fraud that has been done him, denounced this whole affair to the Countess of Champagne, and humbly begged that this crime might be submitted to the judgment of the Countess of Champagne and the other ladies."
"The knight, due to the deception he encountered, reported the whole situation to the Countess of Champagne and politely asked that she and the other ladies judge this crime."
"The Countess, having summoned around her sixty ladies, gave this judgment, etc."
"The Countess, gathering sixty ladies around her, made this decision, etc."
[Pg 335]André le Chapelain, from whom we derive this information, relates that the Code of Love had been published by a Court composed of a large number of ladies and knights.
[Pg 335]André le Chapelain, from whom we get this information, states that the Code of Love was published by a court made up of many ladies and knights.
André has preserved for us the petition, which was addressed to the Countess of Champagne, when she decided the following question in the negative: "Can real love exist between husband and wife?"
André has kept for us the petition that was sent to the Countess of Champagne when she answered the following question with a no: "Can real love exist between husband and wife?"
But what was the penalty that was incurred by disobedience to the decrees of the Courts of Love?
But what was the punishment for disobeying the rules of the Courts of Love?
We find the Court of Gascony ordering that such or such of its judgments should be observed as a perpetual institution, and that those ladies who did not obey should incur the enmity of every honourable lady.
We see the Court of Gascony directing that certain judgments must be followed as a lasting rule, and that those women who do not comply will face the disapproval of every respected woman.
Up to what point did public opinion sanction the decrees of the Courts of Love?
Up to what point did public opinion support the decisions of the Courts of Love?
Was there as much disgrace in drawing back from them, as there would be to-day in an affair dictated by honour?
Was there as much shame in pulling away from them as there would be today in a situation driven by honor?
I can find nothing in André or Nostradamus that puts me in a position to solve this question.
I can't find anything in André or Nostradamus that puts me in a place to answer this question.
Two troubadours, Simon Boria and Lanfranc Cigalla, disputed the question: "Who is worthier of being loved, he who gives liberally, or he who gives in spite of himself in order to pass for liberal?"
Two troubadours, Simon Boria and Lanfranc Cigalla, debated the question: "Who deserves love more, the one who gives generously, or the one who gives reluctantly just to seem generous?"
This question was submitted to the ladies of the Court of Pierrefeu and Signe; but the two troubadours, being discontented with the verdict, had recourse to the supreme Court of Love of the ladies of Romanin.[3]
This question was brought before the women of the Court of Pierrefeu and Signe; however, the two troubadours, unhappy with the decision, turned to the highest Court of Love made up of the ladies of Romanin.[3]
The form of the verdicts is conformable to that of the judicial tribunals of this period.
The format of the verdicts matches that of the courts during this time.
Whatever may be the reader's opinion as to the degree of importance which the Courts of Love occupied in the attention of their contemporaries, I beg him to consider what to-day, in 1822, are the subjects of conversation among the most considerable and richest ladies of Toulon and Marseilles.
Whatever the reader thinks about how important the Courts of Love were to people back then, I ask them to think about what, in 1822, the most notable and wealthy women of Toulon and Marseilles are talking about.
Were they not more gay, more witty, more happy in 1174 than in 1882?
Were they not more cheerful, more clever, more content in 1174 than in 1882?
Nearly all the decrees of the Courts of Love are based on the provisions of the Code of Love.
Almost all the rulings of the Courts of Love are founded on the guidelines of the Code of Love.
This Code of Love is found complete in the work of André le Chapelain.
This Code of Love is fully detailed in the work of André le Chapelain.
[2]
Jehanne, Lady of Baulx,
Hugnette of Forcarquier, Lady of Trects,
Briande d'Agoult, Countess de la Lune,
Mabille de Villeneufve, Lady of Vence,
Beatrix d'Agoult, Lady of Sault,
Ysoarde de Roquefueilh, Lady of Ansoys,
Anne, Viscountess of Tallard,
Blanche of Flassans, surnamed Blankaflour,
Doulce of Monestiers, Lady of Clumane,
Antonette of Cadenet, Lady of Lambesc,
Magdalene of Sallon, Lady of the said place,
Rixende of Puyvard, Lady of Trans."
(Nostradamus, p. 217.)
[2]
Jehanne, Lady of Baulx,
Hugnette of Forcarquier, Lady of Trects,
Briande d'Agoult, Countess of the Moon,
Mabille de Villeneufve, Lady of Vence,
Beatrix d'Agoult, Lady of Sault,
Ysoarde de Roquefueilh, Lady of Ansoys,
Anne, Viscountess of Tallard,
Blanche of Flassans, called Blankaflour,
Doulce of Monestiers, Lady of Clumane,
Antonette of Cadenet, Lady of Lambesc,
Magdalene of Sallon, Lady of that place,
Rixende of Puyvard, Lady of Trans."
(Nostradamus, p. 217.)
[3] Nostradamus, p. 131.
[Pg 336]There are thirty-one articles and here they are:—
[Pg 336]There are thirty-one articles, and here they are:—
CODE OF LOVE OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY
- The allegation of marriage is not a valid plea against love.
- Who can dissemble cannot love.
- No one can bind himself to two loves at once.
- Love grows continually or wanes.
- That which a lover takes from another by force has no savour.
- Generally the male does not love except in full puberty.
- A widowhood of two years is prescribed to one lover for the death of the other.
- Without over-abundant reason no one ought to be deprived of his rights in love.
- No one can love, unless urged thereto by the persuasion of love (by the hope of being loved).
- Love will be driven out by avarice.
- It is not right to love her whom you would be ashamed to ask in marriage.
- True love has no desire for caresses except from the beloved.
- Love once divulged is rarely lasting.
- Success too easy takes away the charm of love; obstacles give it worth.
- Everyone who loves turns pale at the sight of the beloved.
- At the unexpected sight of the beloved the lover trembles.
- New love banishes old.
- Merit alone makes man worthy of love.
- Love that wanes is quickly out and rarely rekindled.
- The lover is always timid.
- Real jealousy always increases love's warmth.
- Suspicion, and the jealousy it kindles, increases love's warmth.
- He sleeps less and he eats less who is beset with thoughts of love.
- Every act of the lover ends in thought of the beloved.
- [Pg 337]The true lover thinks nothing good but what he knows will please the beloved.
- Love can deny love nothing.
- The lover cannot have satiety of delight in the beloved.
- The slightest presumption causes the lover to suspect the beloved of sinister things.
- The habit of too excessive pleasure hinders the birth of love.
- The true lover is occupied with the image of the beloved assiduously and without interruption.
- Nothing prevents a woman from being loved by two men, nor a man by two women.[1]
[Pg 338]Here is the preamble of a judgment given by a Court of Love.
[Pg 338]Here is the introduction to a ruling made by a Court of Love.
Question: Can true love exist between married people?
Question: Can real love exist between married people?
Judgment of the Countess of Champagne: We pronounce and determine by the tenour of these presents, that love cannot extend its powers over two married persons; for lovers must grant everything, mutually and gratuitously, the one to the other without being constrained thereto by any motive of necessity, while husband and wife are bound by duty to agree the one with the other and deny each other in nothing.... Let this judgment, which we have passed with extreme caution and with the advice of a great number of other ladies, be held by you as the truth, unquestionable and unalterable.
Judgment of the Countess of Champagne: We declare and determine through this document that love cannot exert its influence over two married individuals; for lovers must give everything freely and willingly to one another without being forced by any sense of obligation, while a husband and wife are obligated to come to agreements and not deny each other anything.... Let this judgment, which we have made with great care and the counsel of many other ladies, be accepted by you as the undeniable and unchangeable truth.
In the year 1174, the third day from the Calends of May, the VIIth: indiction.[2]
In the year 1174, on the third day from the beginning of May, the seventh indiction.[2]
- Causa conjugii ab amore non est excusatio recta.
- Qui non celat amare non potest.
- Nemo duplici potest amore ligari.
- Semper amorem minui vel crescere constat.
- Non est sapidum quod amans ab invito sumit amante.
- Masculus non solet nisi in plena pubertate amare.
- Biennalis viduitas pro amante defuncto superstiti praescribitur amanti.
- Nemo, sine rationis excessu, suo debet amore privari.
- Amare nemo potest, nisi qui amoris suasione compellitur.
- Amor semper ab avaritia consuevit domiciliis exulare.
- Non decet amare quarum pudor est nuptias affectare.
- Verus amans alterius nisi suae coamantis ex affectu non cupit amplexus.
- Amor raro consuevit durare vulgatus.
- Facilis perceptio contemptibilem reddit amorem, difficilis eum parum facit haberi.
- Omnis consuevit amans in coamantis aspectu pallescere.
- In repertina coamantis visione, cor tremescit amantis.
- Novus amor veterem compellit abire.
- Probitas sola quemcumque dignum facit amore.
- Si amor minuatur, cito deficit et raro convalescit.
- Amorosus semper est timorosus.
- Ex vera zelotypia affectus semper crescit amandi.
- De coamante suspicione percepta zelus interea et affectus crescit amandi.
- Minus dormit et edit quem amoris cogitatio vexat.
- Quilibet amantis actus in coamantis cogitatione finitur.
- Verus amans nihil beatum credit, nisi quod cogitat amanti placere.
- Amor nihil posset amori denegare.
- Amans coamantis solatiis satiari non potest.
- Modica praesumptio cogit amantem de coamante suspicari sinistra.
- Non solet amare quem nimia voluptatis abundantia vexat.
- Verus amans assidua, sine intermissione, coamantis imagine detinetur.
- Unam feminam nihil prohibet a duobus amari, et a duabus mulieribus unum. (Fol. 103.)
Dicimus enim et stabilito tenore firmamus amorem non posse inter duos jugales suas extendere vires, nam amantes sibi invicem gratis omnia largiuntur, nullius necessitatis ratione cogente; jugales vero mutuis tenentur ex debito voluntatibus obedire et in nullo seipsos sibi ad invicem denegare....
Dicimus enim et stabilito tenore firmamus amorem non posse inter duos jugales suas extendere vires, nam amantes sibi invicem gratis omnia largiuntur, nullius necessitatis ratione cogente; jugales vero mutuis tenentur ex debito voluntatibus obedire et in nullo seipsos sibi ad invicem denegare....
Hoc igitur nostrum judicium, cum nimia moderatione prolatum, et aliarum quamplurium dominarum consilio roboratum, pro indubitabili vobis sit ac veritate constanti.
Hoc igitur nostrum judicium, cum nimia moderatione prolatum, et aliarum quamplurium dominarum consilio roboratum, pro indubitabili vobis sit ac veritate constanti.
Ab anno M.C.LXXIV, tertio calend. maii, indictione VII. (Fol. 56.)
Ab anno M.C.LXXIV, tertio calend. maii, indictione VII. (Fol. 56.)
This judgment conforms to the first provision of the Code of Love; "Causa conjugii non est ab amore excusatio recta."
This judgment aligns with the first rule of the Code of Love: "The cause of marriage is not a proper excuse for love."
NOTE ON ANDRÉ LE CHAPELAIN(70)
André Le Chapelain appears to have written about the year 1176.
André Le Chapelain seems to have written around the year 1176.
In the Bibliothèque du Roi may be found a manuscript (No. 8758) of the work of André, which was formerly in the possession of Baluze. Its first title is as follows: "Hic incipiunt capitula libri de Arte amatoria et reprobatione amoris."
In the King's Library, there's a manuscript (No. 8758) of André's work, which used to belong to Baluze. Its first title reads: "Here begin the chapters of the book on the Art of Love and the condemnation of love."
This title is followed by the table of chapters.
This title is followed by the chapter list.
Then we have the second title:—
Then we have the second title:—
"Incipit liber de Arte amandi et de reprobatione amoris editus et compillatus a magistro Andrea, Francorum aulae regiæ capellano, ad Galterium amicum suum, cupientem in amoris exercitu militari: in quo quidem libro, cujusque gradus et ordinis mulier ab homine cujusque conditionis et status ad amorem sapientissime invitatur; et ultimo in fine ipsius libri de amoris reprobatione subjungitur."
"In the beginning, this book on the Art of Loving and the Rejection of Love is published and compiled by Master Andrew, chaplain to the King of France, for his friend Walter, who wishes to engage in the military exercise of love. In this book, women of all kinds and statuses are wisely invited by men to love; and at the very end of the book, the topic of the rejection of love is discussed."
Crescimbeni, Lives of the Provençal Poets, sub voce Percivalle Boria, cites a manuscript in the library of Nicolo Bargiacchi, at Florence, and quotes various passages from it. This manuscript is a translation of the treatise of André le Chapelain. The Accademia della Crusca admitted it among the works which furnished examples for its dictionary.
Crescimbeni, Lives of the Provençal Poets, under the entry for Percivalle Boria, mentions a manuscript in the library of Nicolo Bargiacchi in Florence and quotes several passages from it. This manuscript is a translation of André le Chapelain's treatise. The Accademia della Crusca included it among the works that provided examples for its dictionary.
There have been various editions of the original Latin. Frid. Otto Menckenius, in his Miscellanea Lipsiensia nova, Leipsic 1751, Vol. VIII, part I, pp. 545 and ff., mentions a very old edition without date or place of printing, which he considers must belong to the first age of printing: "Tractatus amoris et de amoris remedio Andreae cappellani Innocentii papae quarti."
There have been several editions of the original Latin text. Frid. Otto Menckenius, in his Miscellanea Lipsiensia nova, Leipsic 1751, Vol. VIII, part I, pp. 545 and following, mentions a very old edition with no date or place of printing, which he believes must date back to the early days of printing: "Tractatus amoris et de amoris remedio Andreae cappellani Innocentii papae quarti."
A second edition of 1610 bears the following title:—
A second edition from 1610 has the following title:—
"Erotica seu amatoria Andreae capellani regii, vetustissimi scriptoris ad venerandum suum amicum Guualterium scripta, nunquam ante hac edita, sed saepius a multis desiderata; nunc tandem fide diversorum MSS. codicum in publicum emissa a Dethmaro Mulhero, Dorpmundae, typis Westhovianis, anno Una Caste et Vere amanda."
"Erotica seu amatoria by Andreas, the royal chaplain, an ancient writer, written for his esteemed friend Guualterius, never before published but long sought after by many; now finally released to the public based on various manuscript sources by Dethmar Mulher, in Dortmund, printed by Westhoven in the year One Caste and Truly Lovable."
A third edition reads: "Tremoniae, typis Westhovianis, anno 1614.".
A third edition states: "Tremoniae, printed by Westhovius, in the year 1614.".
[Pg 340]André divides thus methodically the subjects which he proposes to discuss:—
[Pg 340]André systematically breaks down the topics he plans to discuss:—
- Quid sit amor et unde dicatur.[1]
- Quis sit effectus amoris.
- Inter quos possit esse amor.
- Qualiter amor acquiratur, retineatur, augmentetur, minuatur, finiatur.
- De notitia mutui amoris, et quid unus amantium agere debeat, altero fidem fallente.
Each of these questions is discussed in several paragraphs.
Each of these questions is covered in several paragraphs.
Andreas makes the lover and his lady speak alternately. The lady raises objections, the lover tries to convince her with reasons more or less subtle. Here is a passage which the author puts into the mouth of the lover:—
Andreas has the lover and his lady take turns speaking. The lady presents her objections, while the lover attempts to persuade her with arguments that are somewhat subtle. Here’s a section that the author gives to the lover:—
"... Sed si forte horum sermonum te perturbet obscuritas," eorum tibi sententiam indicabo[2]
"... But if you find these discussions confusing, I will explain their meaning to you."
Ab antiquo igitur quatuor sunt in amore gradus distincti:
There are, therefore, four distinct stages of love:
Primus, in spei datione consistit.
First, it consists of the hope of desire.
Secundus, in osculi exhibitione.
Second, it involves the sharing of a kiss.
Tertius, in amplexus fruitione.
Third, it lies in the joy of embracing.
Quartus, in totius concessione personae finitur."
Fourth, it culminates in the total surrender of the person."
- What love is and whence it is so-called.
- What are the effects of love?
- Between whom love can exist.
- In what way love is won, kept, made to increase, to wane or to end.
- The way to know if love is returned, and what one of the lovers should do when the other proves faithless.
[2] But lest perchance you are troubled by the obscurity of this discourse, I shall give you the argument:—
[2] But just in case you find this discussion unclear, let me summarize the main point:—
From all antiquity there are four different degrees of love:
From ancient times, there have been four different levels of love:
The first consists in giving hope.
The first is about providing hope.
The second in the offer of a kiss.
The second in the offer of a kiss.
The third in the enjoyment of the most intimate caresses.
The third in the pleasure of the most intimate touches.
The fourth in the surrender of body and soul.
The fourth in the giving up of body and soul.
TRANSLATORS' NOTES
1. The Portuguese Nun, Marianna Alcaforado, was born of a distinguished Portuguese family in the second half of the seventeenth century. About 1662, while still a nun, she fell in love with a French officer, the Chevalier de Chamilly, to whom she addressed her famous letters. The worthiness of the object of her passion may be judged by the fact that, on his return to Paris, the Chevalier handed over these letters to Sublingy, a lawyer, to be translated and published. They appeared in 1669, published by Barbin, under the title Lettres Portuguaises, and have since been often reprinted. Marianna Alcaforado died at the end of the seventeenth or the beginning of the eighteenth century.
1. Marianna Alcaforado, the Portuguese nun, came from a prominent Portuguese family in the late seventeenth century. Around 1662, while she was still a nun, she fell in love with a French officer, the Chevalier de Chamilly, to whom she wrote her famous letters. You can gauge the caliber of her love interest by the fact that, upon returning to Paris, the Chevalier gave these letters to Sublingy, a lawyer, for translation and publication. They were published in 1669 by Barbin under the title Lettres Portuguaises and have been reprinted many times since. Marianna Alcaforado passed away at the end of the seventeenth century or the beginning of the eighteenth century.
There are only five original letters, though many editions contain the seven spurious letters, attributed to a "femme du monde"—they are already in Barbin's second edition.
There are only five original letters, although many editions include the seven forged letters, credited to a "woman of the world"—they are already in Barbin's second edition.
There is an admirable seventeenth-century English translation of her letters by Sir Roger L'Estrange.
There is a remarkable seventeenth-century English translation of her letters by Sir Roger L'Estrange.
The passion of Héloïse for Abelard hardly calls for commentary. There is no clue to the identity of Captain de Vésel and Sergeant de Cento. A note in Calmann-Lévy's edition tells us that, in reply to enquiries about these two mysterious people, Stendhal said that he had forgotten their stories.
The passion of Héloïse for Abelard hardly needs any explanation. There's no indication of who Captain de Vésel and Sergeant de Cento are. A note in Calmann-Lévy's edition mentions that when asked about these two mysterious characters, Stendhal claimed he had forgotten their stories.
2. Justine ou les Malheurs de la Vertu, by the famous Marquis de Sade, was published in Holland, 1791.
2. Justine or the Misfortunes of Virtue, by the renowned Marquis de Sade, was released in Holland in 1791.
3. Cf. Coleridge, Love's Apparition and Evanishment:—
3. See Coleridge, Love's Apparition and Evanishment:—
Sister of love.
"Love is a natural distemper, a kind of Small Pox: Every one either hath had it or is to expect it, and the sooner the better."
"Love is a natural condition, like a kind of smallpox: Everyone either has experienced it or will, and the sooner, the better."
6. Léonore: under this name Stendhal refers to Métilde Dembowski (née Viscontini). His passion for the wife of General Dembowski, with whom he became intimate during his stay in Milan (1814–1821), forms one of the most important chapters in Stendhal's life, but it is a little disappointing to enquire too deeply into the object of this passion. At any rate, as far as one can see, the great qualities which Stendhal discovered in Métilde Dembowski had their existence rather in his expert crystallisation than in reality. It was an unhappy affair. Métilde's cousin used her influence to injure Stendhal, and in 1819 she cut off all communication with him. Stendhal was still bemoaning his fate on his arrival in England, 1821. There is, none the less, something unconvincing in certain points in the history of this attachment; in spite of his sorrow, Stendhal seems to have consoled himself in the Westminster Road with "little Miss Appleby." It is worth noticing that Métilde Dembowski had been the confidante of Signora Pietra Grua, his former mistress, and it was from the date of Stendhal's discovery of the latter's shameless infidelity to himself and other lovers, that his admiration for Métilde seems to have started.
6. Léonore: under this name, Stendhal refers to Métilde Dembowski (née Viscontini). His infatuation with the wife of General Dembowski, with whom he grew close during his time in Milan (1814–1821), is one of the most significant parts of Stendhal's life, but digging too deep into this passion can be a bit disappointing. From what we can tell, the amazing traits that Stendhal saw in Métilde Dembowski were more a product of his skillful imagination than reality. It was a sad situation. Métilde's cousin used her influence to harm Stendhal, and in 1819 she severed all ties with him. Stendhal was still lamenting his fate when he arrived in England in 1821. Despite his heartbreak, there’s something not quite believable about certain aspects of this relationship; even in his sadness, Stendhal seems to have found comfort with "little Miss Appleby" on Westminster Road. It's worth noting that Métilde Dembowski had been the confidante of Signora Pietra Grua, his former lover, and it seems that Stendhal's admiration for Métilde began after he discovered her betrayal by Pietra and other lovers.
7. It is here worth turning to a passage from Baudelaire—which is given in the Translators' note (11) below. Liberty in love, he says, consists in avoiding the kind of woman dangerous to oneself. He points out that a natural instinct prompts one to this spontaneous self-preservation. Stendhal here gives a more exact explanation of the operation of this instinctive selection in love. Schopenhauer's conception of the utilitarian nature of bodily beauty is a more general application of the same idea. The breasts of a woman à la Titian are a pledge of fitness for maternity—therefore they are beautiful. Stendhal would have said a pledge of fitness for giving pleasure.
7. It’s worth looking at a passage from Baudelaire, which you can find in the Translators' note (11) below. He states that true freedom in love means steering clear of the type of woman who can be harmful to you. He emphasizes that there’s a natural instinct that drives this instinctive self-preservation. Stendhal provides a clearer explanation of how this instinctive selection works in love. Schopenhauer's idea about the practical value of physical beauty applies this concept in a broader way. A woman's breasts, like those painted by Titian, signal her ability for motherhood—so that’s why they’re considered beautiful. Stendhal would have said it represents her ability to provide pleasure.
8. The well-known Dr. Edwards, in whose house Stendhal was introduced to one side of English life—and a very bourgeois side. He was introduced by a brother of Dr. Edwards, a [Pg 343]man given to the peculiarly gloomy kind of debauch of which Stendhal gives such an exaggerated picture in his account of England. See note 31 below.
8. The well-known Dr. Edwards, in whose home Stendhal was introduced to one aspect of English life—and a very middle-class aspect. He was introduced by Dr. Edwards' brother, a [Pg 343]man who indulged in the particularly gloomy type of partying that Stendhal describes in an exaggerated way in his account of England. See note 31 below.
9. This brings to mind Blake's view of imagination and "the rotten rags" of memory.
9. This makes me think of Blake's perspective on imagination and "the tattered remnants" of memory.
10. Bianca e Faliero ossia il consiglio di tre—opera by Rossini (1819).
10. Bianca and Faliero or the Council of Three—a work by Rossini (1819).
11. Cf. Baudelaire, Choix de maximes consolantes sur l'amour in Le Corsaire Satan (March 3, 1846) and reprinted in Œuvres Posthumes, Paris, 1908.
11. See Baudelaire, Selected Comforting Maxims on Love in The Corsair Satan (March 3, 1846) and republished in Posthumous Works, Paris, 1908.
"Sans nier les coups de foudre, ce qui est impossible—voyez Stendhal...—il faut que la fatalité jouit d'une certaine élasticité qui s'appelle liberté humaine.... En amour la liberté consiste à éviter les catégories de femmes dangereuses, c'est-à-dire dangereuses pour vous."
"Without denying love at first sight, which is impossible—just look at Stendhal...—fate must have a certain flexibility called human freedom.... In love, freedom means staying away from the types of women who are dangerous, that is, dangerous for you."
["Without denying the possibility of 'thunderbolts,' for that is impossible (see Stendhal)—one may yet believe that fatality enjoys a certain elasticity, called human liberty.... In love human liberty consists in avoiding the categories of dangerous women—that is, women dangerous for you."]
["Without dismissing the idea of 'thunderbolts,' because that can't be done (see Stendhal)—one might still think that fate has some flexibility, known as human freedom.... In love, human freedom means avoiding the types of dangerous women—that is, women who are dangerous for you."]
12. Paul Louis Courier (1772–1825) served with distinction as an officer in Napoleon's army. He resigned his commission in 1809, in order to devote himself to literature, and especially to the study of Greek. His translation of Daphnis and Chloe, from the Greek of Longus, is well known, and was the cause of his long controversy with Del Furia, the under-librarian of the Laurentian Library at Florence, to which Stendhal here refers. Courier had discovered a complete manuscript of this romance in the famous Florentine Library. By mistake, he soiled with a blot of ink the page of the manuscript containing the all-important passage, which was wanting in all previously known manuscripts. Del Furia, jealous of Courier's discovery, accused him of having blotted the passage on purpose, in order to monopolise the discovery. A lively controversy followed, in which the authorities entered. Courier was guilty of nothing worse than carelessness, and, needless to say, got the better of his adversaries, when it came to a trial with the pen.
12. Paul Louis Courier (1772–1825) had a notable career as an officer in Napoleon's army. He quit his position in 1809 to focus on writing and, in particular, the study of Greek. His translation of Daphnis and Chloe from Longus’s Greek is well-known and led to a lengthy dispute with Del Furia, the under-librarian of the Laurentian Library in Florence, which Stendhal references here. Courier found a complete manuscript of this romance in the famous Florentine Library. By accident, he stained the page with a blot of ink that contained the crucial passage that was missing in all previously known manuscripts. Del Furia, envious of Courier's find, accused him of intentionally blotting the passage to claim the discovery for himself. This sparked a heated debate, which drew in the authorities. Courier was guilty of nothing more than a mistake and, unsurprisingly, triumphed over his opponents in their written exchanges.
14. Modern criticism has made it uncertain who Dante's la Pia really was. The traditional identification is now given up, but there seems no reason to doubt the historical fact of the story.
14. Modern criticism has cast doubt on who Dante's la Pia really was. The traditional identification has been abandoned, but there seems to be no reason to doubt the historical reality of the story.
15. Napoleon crowned himself with the Iron Crown of the old Lombard kings at Milan in 1805.
15. Napoleon crowned himself with the Iron Crown of the old Lombard kings in Milan in 1805.
16. The reader is aware by now that Salviati is none other than Stendhal. The passage refers to the campaign of 1812, in which Stendhal played a prominent part, being present at the burning of Moscow.
16. By now, the reader knows that Salviati is actually Stendhal. This section talks about the 1812 campaign, where Stendhal was significantly involved and witnessed the burning of Moscow.
17. Don Carlos, Tragedy of Schiller (1787); Saint-Preux—from Rousseau's Nouvelle Héloïse.
17. Don Carlos, a tragedy by Schiller (1787); Saint-Preux—from Rousseau's New Héloïse.
18. Stendhal's first book. For the history of this work, which is an admirable example of Stendhal's bold method of plagiarism, see the introduction to the work in the complete edition of Stendhal now in course of publication by Messrs. Champion (Paris, 1914) or Lumbroso, Vingt jugements inédits sur Henry Beyle (1902), pp. 10 and ff.
18. Stendhal's first book. For details about this work, which is a great example of Stendhal's audacious approach to borrowing ideas, check out the introduction in the complete edition of Stendhal that's being published by Messrs. Champion (Paris, 1914) or Lumbroso, Vingt jugements inédits sur Henry Beyle (1902), pp. 10 and following.
20. The note, as it stands, in the French text, against the word "pique," runs as follows:—
20. The note, as it is in the French text, next to the word "pique," is as follows:—
"I think the word is none too French in this sense, but I can find no better substitute. In Italian it is 'puntiglio,' and in English 'pique.'"
"I don't think the word is very French in this context, but I can't find a better alternative. In Italian, it's 'puntiglio,' and in English, it's 'pique.'"
21. The Lettres à Sophie were written by Mirabeau (1749–1791) during his imprisonment at Vincennes (1777–1780). They were addressed to Sophie de Monnier; it was his relations with her which had brought him into prison. They were published in 1792, after Mirabeau's death, under the title: Lettres originales de Mirabeau écrites du donjon de Vincennes.
21. The Lettres à Sophie were written by Mirabeau (1749–1791) during his time in prison at Vincennes (1777–1780). They were addressed to Sophie de Monnier; it was his relationship with her that got him imprisoned. They were published in 1792, after Mirabeau's death, under the title: Lettres originales de Mirabeau écrites du donjon de Vincennes.
[Pg 345]22. Catherine Marie, Duchesse de Montpensier, was the daughter of the Duc de Guise, assassinated in 1563. In 1570 she married the Duc de Montpensier. She was lame, but she had other reasons besides his scoffing at her infirmity for her undying hatred of Henry III; for she could lay at his door the death of her brother Henry, the third Duke. She died in 1596.
[Pg 345]22. Catherine Marie, Duchess of Montpensier, was the daughter of the Duke of Guise, who was assassinated in 1563. In 1570, she married the Duke of Montpensier. Although she was lame, her intense hatred for Henry III stemmed from more than just his mocking of her disability; she also blamed him for the death of her brother Henry, the third Duke. She passed away in 1596.
23. Julie d'Étanges—the heroine of Rousseau's Nouvelle Héloïse.
23. Julie d'Étanges—the main character of Rousseau's Nouvelle Héloïse.
24. Stendhal, we must remember, is writing as a staunch liberal in the period of reaction which followed the fall of Napoleon and the end of the revolutionary period. Stendhal had been one of Napoleon's officers, and the Bourbon restoration put an end to his career. His liberalism and his pride at having been one of those who followed Napoleon's glorious campaigns, colour everything he writes about the state of Europe in his time. In reading Stendhal's criticisms of France, England and Italy, we must put ourselves back in 1822—remember that in France we have the Royalist restoration, in England the cry for reform always growing greater and beginning to penetrate even into the reactionary government of Lord Liverpool (Peel, Canning, Huskisson), in Italy the rule of the "Pacha" (see below, note 29) and the beginning of Carbonarism (of which Stendhal was himself suspected, see below, note 27), and the long struggle for unity and independence.
24. Stendhal, we need to keep in mind, is writing as a strong liberal during the reactionary period that followed Napoleon's downfall and the end of the revolutionary era. Stendhal had served as one of Napoleon's officers, and the Bourbon restoration ended his career. His liberal views and pride in having been part of Napoleon's glorious campaigns influence everything he writes about the state of Europe in his time. When we read Stendhal's critiques of France, England, and Italy, we have to transport ourselves back to 1822—remember that in France, we have the Royalist restoration; in England, the demand for reform is growing stronger and even starting to reach the reactionary government of Lord Liverpool (Peel, Canning, Huskisson); in Italy, there is the rule of the "Pacha" (see below, note 29) and the start of Carbonarism (of which Stendhal was himself suspected, see below, note 27), plus the ongoing struggle for unity and independence.
25. Charles Ferdinand, Duke de Berri (1778–1820), married a Bourbon Princess and was assassinated by a fanatic enemy of the Bourbons.
25. Charles Ferdinand, Duke of Berry (1778–1820), married a Bourbon princess and was killed by a fanatical opponent of the Bourbons.
26. Bayard. Pierre Bayard (1476–1524), the famous French knight "without fear or reproach."
26. Bayard. Pierre Bayard (1476–1524), the renowned French knight known as "the man who has no fear and no blame."
27. Of all foreign countries then to which Stendhal went Italy was not only his favourite, but also the one he knew and understood best. He was pleased in later years to discover Italian blood in his own family on the maternal side. The Gagnon family, from which his mother came, had, according to him, crossed into France about 1650.
27. Of all the foreign countries Stendhal visited, Italy wasn’t just his favorite; it was also the one he knew and understood the most. Later in life, he was happy to find out that he had Italian ancestry on his mother's side. According to him, the Gagnon family, from which his mother descended, had settled in France around 1650.
He was in Italy with little interruption from 1814–1821, and again from 1830–1841 as consul at Civita Vecchia, during which time he became intimately acquainted with the best, indeed every [Pg 346]kind of Italian society. He tells us that fear of being implicated in the Carbonari troubles drove him from Italy in 1821.
He was in Italy mostly without interruption from 1814 to 1821, and again from 1830 to 1841 while he was the consul at Civita Vecchia. During this time, he got to know the best, really every kind of Italian society. He tells us that his fear of getting caught up in the Carbonari issues made him leave Italy in 1821.
One can well believe that a plain speaker and daring thinker like Stendhal would have been looked upon by the Austrian police with considerable suspicion.
One can easily believe that a straightforward speaker and bold thinker like Stendhal would have been viewed with significant suspicion by the Austrian police.
28. Racine and Shakespeare. Very early in life Stendhal refused to accept the conventional literary valuations. Racine he put below Corneille—Racine, like Voltaire, he says, fills his works with "bavardage éternel." Shakespeare became for Stendhal the master dramatist, and he is never tired of the comparison between him and Racine. Cf. Rome, Naples et Florence (1817), and Histoire de la Peinture en Italie (1817). Finally he published his work on the subject: Racine et Shakespeare par M. de Stendhal (1823).
28. Racine and Shakespeare. Early on, Stendhal rejected traditional literary value judgments. He ranked Racine below Corneille—Stendhal claimed that Racine, like Voltaire, fills his works with "eternal chatter." For Stendhal, Shakespeare became the master playwright, and he constantly compares him to Racine. See Rome, Naples et Florence (1817) and Histoire de la Peinture en Italie (1817). Eventually, he published his work on the topic: Racine et Shakespeare par M. de Stendhal (1823).
29. Stendhal knew Italy and was writing in Italy in the dark period that followed the fall of Napoleon. The "Pacha" is, of course, the repressive and reactionary government, whether that of the Austrians in Lombardy, of the Pope in Rome, or of the petty princes in the minor Italian states. See above, note 27.
29. Stendhal was familiar with Italy and was writing there during the bleak time after Napoleon's defeat. The "Pacha" refers to the oppressive and conservative government, whether it was the Austrians in Lombardy, the Pope in Rome, or the small princes in the lesser Italian states. See above, note 27.
30. Count Almaviva—character from Beaumarchais' Marriage de Figaro, first acted April, 1784. The play was censored by Louis XVI and produced none the less six months later. Its production is an event in the history of the French Revolution. Almaviva stands for the aristocracy and cuts a sad figure beside Figaro, a poor barber.
30. Count Almaviva—character from Beaumarchais' The Marriage of Figaro, first performed in April 1784. The play was censored by Louis XVI but was produced anyway six months later. Its production is a significant event in the history of the French Revolution. Almaviva represents the aristocracy and appears pitiful next to Figaro, a poor barber.
Stendhal's Acquaintance with England
Stendhal's Experience in England
31. Baretti, Dr. Johnson's friend, has the reputation of having learnt English better than any other foreigner. Stendhal might well claim a similar distinction for having acquired in a short stay a grasp so singularly comprehensive of England—of English people and their ways. He was four times in England—in 1817, 1821, 1826, and 1838—never for a whole year in succession, and on the first occasion merely on a flying trip. But Stendhal had not only a great power of observing and assimilating ideas; he was also capable of accommodating himself to association with the most varied types. Stendhal was as appreciative of Miss Appleby—his [Pg 347]little mistress in the Westminster Road—as of Lord Byron and Shelley: he was at home in the family circle of the Edwards and the Clarkes. From the first he was sensible of the immense value of his friendship with the lawyer, Sutton Sharpe (1797–1843). Sharpe was one of those Englishmen who seem made for the admiration of foreigners—possessing all the Englishman's sense and unaffected dignity and none of his morbid reserve or insularity. Porson, Opie, Flaxman, Stothard were familiar figures in the house of Sharpe's father, and Sharpe and his charming sister continued to be the centre of a large and intelligent circle. In 1826 Sharpe took Stendhal with him on circuit. Stendhal was often present in court and learnt from his friend, who in 1841 became Q. C., to admire the real character, so rarely appreciated abroad, of English justice. He took this opportunity of visiting also Manchester, York, and the Lake district. Likewise to Sharpe he owed the privilege of meeting Hook, the famous wit and famous bibber, at the Athenaeum. He was present even at one of Almack's balls—the most select entertainment of that time.
31. Baretti, Dr. Johnson's friend, is known for having learned English better than any other foreigner. Stendhal could also claim a similar recognition for quickly grasping England—its people and their customs. He visited England four times—in 1817, 1821, 1826, and 1838—never for an entire year at a time, and on his first visit, it was just a brief trip. But Stendhal had not only a great talent for observing and understanding ideas; he was also able to adapt to interacting with a diverse range of personalities. Stendhal appreciated Miss Appleby—his young mistress on Westminster Road—just as much as he did Lord Byron and Shelley: he felt at home in the family gatherings of the Edwards and the Clarkes. From the beginning, he recognized the immense value of his friendship with lawyer Sutton Sharpe (1797–1843). Sharpe was one of those Englishmen who seem designed for foreign admiration—possessing all the Englishman's common sense and natural dignity without any of his awkward reserve or isolation. Porson, Opie, Flaxman, and Stothard were familiar faces in Sharpe's father's home, and Sharpe and his lovely sister remained at the center of a large and intelligent social circle. In 1826, Sharpe took Stendhal along on his circuit. Stendhal often attended court and learned from his friend, who became Q. C. in 1841, to appreciate the genuine nature of English justice, which is so often overlooked abroad. He took this chance to also explore Manchester, York, and the Lake district. He also owed his opportunity to meet Hook, the famous wit and drinker, at the Athenaeum to Sharpe. He even attended one of Almack's balls—the most exclusive event of that time.
With an acquaintance with England at once so varied, so full and yet so short, as regards direct intercourse with the country and people, it is rather natural that Stendhal was wary of subscribing to any one very settled conception of the English. He felt the incongruity of their character. At one time he called them "la nation la plus civilisée et la plus puissante du monde entier"—the most civilised and powerful people on the face of the earth; at another they were only "les premiers hommes pour le steam-engine"; and then, he merely felt a sorrowful affection for them—as for a people who just missed getting the profit of their good qualities by shutting their eyes to their bad.
With an acquaintance with England that was both diverse and rich yet short, in terms of direct contact with the country and its people, it's only natural that Stendhal was cautious about adopting a fixed view of the English. He recognized the contradictions in their character. At one point, he referred to them as "la nation la plus civilisée et la plus puissante du monde entier"—the most civilized and powerful people on the face of the earth; at another moment, he described them simply as "les premiers hommes pour le steam-engine"; and then, he felt a bittersweet affection for them—as if they were a people who just missed out on benefiting from their good qualities by ignoring their flaws.
As for Stendhal's knowledge of English literature—of that the foundations were laid early in life. His enthusiasm for Shakespeare was a very early passion (cf. Translators' note 28). As years went on, his acquaintance with English thought and English literature became steadily wider. Significant is his familiarity with Bentham, whose views were congenial to Stendhal: Stendhal quotes him more than once. Hobbes he was ready to class with Condillac, Helvétius, Cabanis and Destutt de Tracy, as one of the philosophers most congenial and useful to his mind. For the rest, the notes and quotations in this book leave no doubt of the extent of his English reading—they [Pg 348]give one a poorer opinion of his purely linguistic capacities; Stendhal's own English is often most comical. For a very complete consideration of his connexion with England see Stendhal et l'Angleterre, by Doris Gunnell (Paris, 1909). Cf. also Chuquet's Stendhal-Beyle (Paris, 1902), Chap. IX, pp. 178 and ff.
As for Stendhal's knowledge of English literature, its foundations were established early in his life. His enthusiasm for Shakespeare was a passion he developed at a young age (cf. Translators' note 28). Over the years, his familiarity with English ideas and literature grew significantly. Notably, he was well-acquainted with Bentham, whose views resonated with him—Stendhal quotes him multiple times. He regarded Hobbes alongside Condillac, Helvétius, Cabanis, and Destutt de Tracy as one of the philosophers most compatible and beneficial to his thinking. Furthermore, the notes and quotes in this book leave no doubt about the breadth of his English reading—they actually suggest a lesser opinion of his linguistic skills; Stendhal's own English is often quite amusing. For a thorough examination of his connection to England, see Stendhal et l'Angleterre, by Doris Gunnell (Paris, 1909). Also refer to Chuquet's Stendhal-Beyle (Paris, 1902), Chap. IX, pp. 178 and ff.
32. Of the three Englishmen referred to here, James Beattie (1735—1803), the author of The Minstrel (published 1771–1774), and Richard Watson (1737–1816), Bishop of Llandaff (1782), a distinguished chemist and a man of liberal political views, will both be familiar to readers of Boswell. The third, John Chetwode Eustace (1762?-1815) was a friend of Burke and a Roman Catholic, who seems to have given some trouble to the Catholic authorities in England and Ireland. His Tour through Italy, to which Stendhal refers, was published in 1813.
32. Among the three Englishmen mentioned here, James Beattie (1735—1803), the author of The Minstrel (published 1771–1774), and Richard Watson (1737–1816), Bishop of Llandaff (1782), who was a prominent chemist and held progressive political views, will both be recognizable to readers of Boswell. The third, John Chetwode Eustace (1762?-1815), was a friend of Burke and a Roman Catholic, who seems to have caused some issues for the Catholic authorities in England and Ireland. His Tour through Italy, noted by Stendhal, was published in 1813.
33. The Divorce Bill, introduced in 1820 into the House of Lords by George IV's ministers, to annul his marriage with Queen Caroline, but abandoned on account of its unpopularity both in Parliament and in the country generally.
33. The Divorce Bill, introduced in 1820 in the House of Lords by George IV's ministers, aimed to annul his marriage to Queen Caroline but was abandoned because it was unpopular both in Parliament and across the country.
34. The Whiteboys were a secret society, which originated in Ireland about 1760 and continued spasmodically till the end of the century. In 1821 it reappeared and gave great trouble to the authorities; in 1823 the society adopted another name. The yeomanry was embodied in Ulster in September 1796, and was mainly composed of Orangemen and Protestants. The body was instrumental in disarming Ulster and in suppressing the rebellion of 1798—not, it has been maintained, without unnecessary cruelty.
34. The Whiteboys were a secret society that started in Ireland around 1760 and continued sporadically until the end of the century. They reemerged in 1821, causing significant problems for the authorities, and adopted a different name in 1823. The yeomanry was formed in Ulster in September 1796, primarily made up of Orangemen and Protestants. This group played a key role in disarming Ulster and in quelling the rebellion of 1798—though it has been argued that they did so with unnecessary brutality.
35. Sir Benjamin Bloomfield (1786–1846), a distinguished soldier, ultimately did get his peerage in 1825. In 1822 he had resigned his office of receiver of the duchy of Cornwall, having lost the King's confidence after many years of favour.
35. Sir Benjamin Bloomfield (1786–1846), a notable soldier, finally received his peerage in 1825. In 1822, he stepped down from his position as receiver of the duchy of Cornwall after losing the King's trust despite many years of favor.
Stendhal's Acquaintance with Spain
Stendhal's Experience in Spain
36. Stendhal's personal knowledge of Spain was less extensive than that of Italy, England and Germany. He was early interested in the country and its literature. In 1808 at Richemont he was reading a Histoire de la guerre de la succession d'Espagne, and the same year speaks of his plan of going to Spain to study the [Pg 349]language of Cervantes and Calderon. In 1810 he actually took Spanish lessons and the next year applied from Germany for an official appointment in Spain. In 1837 he made his way as far as Barcelona.
36. Stendhal's personal experience with Spain wasn't as deep as his knowledge of Italy, England, and Germany. He became interested in the country and its literature early on. In 1808, while in Richemont, he was reading a Histoire de la guerre de la succession d'Espagne, and that same year he mentioned his plan to go to Spain to study the [Pg 349]language of Cervantes and Calderón. In 1810, he actually took Spanish lessons, and the following year he applied from Germany for an official position in Spain. In 1837, he made it as far as Barcelona.
Stendhal's Acquaintance with Germany
Stendhal's Familiarity with Germany
37. In 1806 Stendhal returned to Paris from Marseilles whither he had followed the actress Melanie Guilbert and taken up a commercial employment in order to support himself at her side. He now again put himself under the protection of Daru, and followed him into Germany, though at first without any fixed title. He was not at Jena, as he pretends (being still in Paris the 7th October), but on the 27th of the month he witnessed Napoleon's triumphal entry into Berlin. Two days later he was nominated by Daru to the post of assistant commissaire des guerres.
37. In 1806, Stendhal returned to Paris from Marseilles, where he had followed actress Melanie Guilbert and took a job to support himself while being with her. He once again sought Daru's support and went to Germany with him, though initially without a specific title. He wasn’t in Jena, as he claims (he was still in Paris on October 7th), but on the 27th of the month, he witnessed Napoleon's triumphant entry into Berlin. Two days later, Daru appointed him as an assistant commissaire des guerres.
Stendhal arrived in Brunswick in 1806 to take up his official duties. Although his time was occupied with a considerable amount of business, he found leisure also for visiting the country at ease. In 1807 he went as far as Hamburg. His observations on the country and people are occurring continually in his works, particularly in his letters and in his Voyage à Brunswick (in Napoléon, ed. de Mitty, Paris, 1897), pp. 92–125. In 1808 he left Brunswick, but soon returned with Daru to Germany. This time he was employed at Strasbourg—whence he passed to Ingolstadt, Landshut, etc., etc. Facts prove that he was not at the battle of Wagram, as he says in his Life of Napoleon. He was at the time at Vienna, where he managed to remain for the Te Deum sung in honour of the Emperor Francis II after the evacuation by the French. He returned in 1810, after the peace of Schonnbrunn, to Paris. It was during his stay in Brunswick that Stendhal made the acquaintance of Baron von Strombeck, for whom he always preserved a warm affection. He was a frequent guest at the house of von Strombeck and a great admirer of his sister-in-law, Phillippine von Bülow—who died Abbess of Steterburg—la celeste Phillippine. Baron von Strombeck is referred to in this work as M. de Mermann. See generally Chuquet, Stendhal-Beyle, Chap. V.
Stendhal arrived in Brunswick in 1806 to start his official duties. Even though he had a lot of work to do, he also found time to explore the countryside. In 1807, he traveled all the way to Hamburg. His observations about the country and its people frequently appear in his writings, especially in his letters and in his Voyage à Brunswick (in Napoléon, ed. de Mitty, Paris, 1897), pp. 92–125. He left Brunswick in 1808 but soon returned to Germany with Daru. This time, he worked in Strasbourg, from where he went on to Ingolstadt, Landshut, and more. Evidence shows that he wasn’t at the battle of Wagram, as he claimed in his Life of Napoleon. He was actually in Vienna at that time, where he managed to be present for the Te Deum sung in honor of Emperor Francis II after the French evacuation. He returned to Paris in 1810 after the Treaty of Schönbrunn. During his time in Brunswick, Stendhal met Baron von Strombeck, for whom he always had a special fondness. He frequently visited the von Strombeck household and was a great admirer of his sister-in-law, Philippine von Bülow—who eventually became the Abbess of Steterburg—la celeste Phillippine. Baron von Strombeck is referred to in this work as M. de Mermann. See generally Chuquet, Stendhal-Beyle, Chap. V.
38. Triumph of the Cross. In Arthur Schuig's sprightly, but inaccurate, German edition of De l'Amour—Über die Liebe (Jena, 1911)—occurs this note:—
38. Triumph of the Cross. In Arthur Schuig's lively, but incorrect, German edition of De l'Amour—Über die Liebe (Jena, 1911)—there's this note:—
"Stendhal names the piece Le Triomphe de la Croix, but must [Pg 350]mean either Das Kruez an der Ostsee (1806), or Martin Luther oder die Weihe der Kraft (1807)—both tragedies by Zacharias Werner."
"Stendhal calls the piece Le Triomphe de la Croix, but must [Pg 350]mean either Das Kruez an der Ostsee (1806), or Martin Luther oder die Weihe der Kraft (1807)—both tragedies by Zacharias Werner."
39. The Provencal story in this chapter, and the Arabic anecdotes in the next, were translated for Stendhal by his friend Claude Fauriel (1772–1806)—"the only savant in Paris who is not a pedant," he calls him in a letter written in 1829 (Correspondance de Stendhal, Paris, Charles Brosse, 1908, Vol. II, p. 516). A letter of 1822 (Vol. II, p. 247) thanks M. Fauriel for his translations. "If I were not so old," he writes, "I should learn Arabic, so charmed am I to find something at last that is not a mere academic copy of the antique.... My little ideological treatise on Love will now have some variety. The reader will be carried beyond the circle of European ideas." Saint-Beuve relates that he was present when Fauriel showed Stendhal, then engaged on his De l'Amour, an Arab story which he had translated. Stendhal seized on it, and Fauriel was only able to recover his story by promising two more like it in exchange. M. Fauriel is referred to p. 188, note 3, above.
39. The Provencal story in this chapter, and the Arabic anecdotes in the next, were translated for Stendhal by his friend Claude Fauriel (1772–1806)—"the only scholar in Paris who isn’t a know-it-all," he calls him in a letter written in 1829 (Correspondance de Stendhal, Paris, Charles Brosse, 1908, Vol. II, p. 516). In a letter from 1822 (Vol. II, p. 247), he thanks M. Fauriel for his translations. "If I weren’t so old," he writes, "I would learn Arabic, since I’m so delighted to finally find something that isn’t just an academic retake on the classics.... My little essay on Love will now have some diversity. The reader will be taken beyond the realm of European ideas." Saint-Beuve mentions that he was present when Fauriel showed Stendhal, who was then working on his De l'Amour, an Arab story he had translated. Stendhal grabbed it, and Fauriel could only get his story back by promising two more like it in exchange. M. Fauriel is referred to p. 188, note 3, above.
40. The reference is to a piece by Scribe (1791–1861).
40. The reference is to a work by Scribe (1791–1861).
41. Stendhal had no first-hand knowledge of America.
41. Stendhal had no direct experience of America.
42. Stendhal was writing before Whitman and Whistler; yet he had read Poe.
42. Stendhal wrote before Whitman and Whistler; however, he had read Poe.
43. The entire material for these three chapters, and to a very great extent their language too, is taken straight from an article in the Edinburgh Review—January 1810—by Thomas Broadbent. See for a full comparison of the English and French, Doris Gunnell—Stendhal et l'Angleterre, Appendix B.
43. The content for these three chapters, and much of their wording as well, is directly sourced from an article in the Edinburgh Review—January 1810—by Thomas Broadbent. For a complete comparison of the English and French versions, refer to Doris Gunnell—Stendhal et l'Angleterre, Appendix B.
Stendhal has not only adapted the ideas—he has to a great extent translated the words of Thomas Broadbent. He has changed the order of ideas here and there—not the ideas themselves—and in some cases he has enlarged their application. Where he has translated the English word for word, it has often been possible in this translation to restore the original English, which Stendhal borrowed and turned into French. Where we have done this, we have printed the words, which belong to Thomas Broadbent, in italics.
Stendhal has not only adapted the ideas—he has largely translated the words of Thomas Broadbent. He has rearranged the order of ideas here and there—not the ideas themselves—and in some instances, he has broadened their application. Where he has translated the English word for word, it has often been possible in this translation to revert to the original English, which Stendhal borrowed and converted into French. Where we have done this, we have italicized the words that belong to Thomas Broadbent.
[Pg 351]However, as Stendhal often introduced slight, but important, changes of language, we also give below, as an example of his methods, longer passages chosen from the article in the Edinburgh Review, to compare with the corresponding passages literally translated by us from Stendhal.
[Pg 351]However, just as Stendhal often made subtle yet significant changes to language, we also include longer excerpts from the article in the Edinburgh Review as examples of his techniques, so we can compare them with the corresponding passages that we've translated literally from Stendhal.
These are the passages:—
Please provide the passages for modernization.
P. 225, l. 2:
P. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, l. 2:
"As if women were more quick and men more judicious, as if women were more remarkable for delicacy of expression and men for stronger powers of attention."
"As if women were more clever and men more contemplative, as if women were recognized for their gentle manner of speaking and men for their increased ability to concentrate."
P. 228, l. 9:
P. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, l. 9:
"Knowledge, where it produces any bad effects at all, does as much mischief to one sex as to the other.... Vanity and conceit we shall of course witness in men and women, as long as the world endures.... The best way to make it more tolerable is to give it as high and dignified an object as possible."
"Knowledge can harm both men and women equally when it leads to negative consequences. As long as the world exists, we'll continue to see vanity and arrogance in both genders. The best way to make life more enjoyable is to strive for the highest and most honorable goals possible."
P. 229, l. 21:
P. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, l. 21:
"Women have, of course, all ignorant men for enemies to their instruction, who being bound (as they think) in point of sex to know more, are not well pleased in point of fact to know less."
"Women, of course, face ignorant men as obstacles to their education, who, thinking they should be more knowledgeable because of their gender, are unhappy that they actually know less."
P. 230, l. 24:
P. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, l. 24:
"The same desire of pleasing, etc.... We are quite astonished in hearing men converse on such subjects to find them attributing such beautiful effects to ignorance."
"The same desire to please, etc.... We’re really surprised when we hear men discussing these topics and attributing such positive results to ignorance."
P. 232, l. 31:
P. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, l. 31:
"We do not wish a lady to write books any more than we wish her to dance at the opera."
"We don't want a woman to write books any more than we want her to dance at the opera."
P. 237, l. 13:
P. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, l. 13:
"A merely accomplished woman cannot infuse her tastes into the minds of her sons....
"A woman who has only achieved success can't influence her sons' tastes....
"By having gained information a mother may inspire her sons with valuable tastes, which may abide by them through life and carry him up to all the sublimities of knowledge."
"By acquiring knowledge, a mother can inspire her sons with valuable interests that can last a lifetime and raise them to greater understanding."
P. 237, l. 27:
P. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, l. 27:
"Mankind are much happier for the discovery of barometers, thermometers, steam-engines and all the innumerable inventions in the arts and the sciences.... The same observation is true of such works as those of Dryden, Pope, Milton and Shakespeare."
"People are a lot happier thanks to the invention of barometers, thermometers, steam engines, and many other innovations in the arts and sciences... The same goes for the works of Dryden, Pope, Milton, and Shakespeare."
[Pg 352]Stendhal's habit of quoting without acknowledgment from all kinds of writings is so curious, that it demands a word to itself. His wholesale method of plagiarism has been established in other works beside the present one; almost the whole of his first work—La Vie de Haydn (1814)—is stolen property. See above, note 18. Goethe was amused to find his own experiences transferred to the credit of the author of Rome, Naples et Florence!
[Pg 352]Stendhal's tendency to quote without giving credit from all sorts of writings is so fascinating that it deserves a mention. His broad approach to plagiarism has been noted in other works besides this one; nearly all of his first book—La Vie de Haydn (1814)—is borrowed material. See above, note 18. Goethe found it amusing to see his own experiences credited to the author of Rome, Naples et Florence!
If there is any commentary necessary on this literary piracy—it is to be found in a note by Stendhal (vide above, Chapter XXXVII, p. 132) on a passage where, for once, he actually acknowledges a thought from La Rochefoucauld:—
If there's any commentary needed on this literary piracy, it can be found in a note by Stendhal (see above, Chapter XXXVII, p. 132) about a section where, for once, he actually credits a thought from La Rochefoucauld:—
"The reader will have recognised, without my marking it each time, several other thoughts of celebrated writers. It is history which I am attempting to write, and such thoughts are the facts."
"The reader will have noticed, without me needing to point it out every time, several other concepts from famous writers. I'm trying to write history, and those concepts are the facts."
44. The monitorial system (Enseignement mutuel) was introduced into France soon after the Bourbon Restoration; but it was not, like our monitorial system, designed with a view primarily to the maintenance of discipline, but rather to supplying the want of schools and masters and remedying the official indifference to popular education, which then existed in France. As such, it was warmly espoused by the liberals, and as warmly opposed by the reactionaries. The monitors, it was thought, could hand on to the younger pupils the knowledge they had already received; after the Revolution of 1830, when no longer the object of political controversy, the system gave way to more practical and efficient methods of public instruction.
44. The monitorial system (Enseignement mutuel) was brought to France shortly after the Bourbon Restoration; however, unlike our monitorial system, it wasn't mainly aimed at maintaining discipline, but rather at addressing the need for schools and teachers and tackling the official indifference to public education that was prevalent in France at the time. Because of this, it was strongly supported by liberals and equally opposed by reactionaries. The monitors were believed to be able to pass on the knowledge they had gained to younger students; after the Revolution of 1830, once it was no longer a subject of political debate, the system was replaced by more practical and effective methods of public instruction.
45. Porlier (Don Juan Diaz), born in 1783, was publicly hanged in 1815 as the result of a conspiracy against Ferdinand VII of Spain. After having been one of the most active and bravest supporters of Ferdinand's cause in the effort to re-establish his throne and the national honour, he now sacrificed his life to an unsuccessful attempt to set up a constitutional government.
45. Porlier (Don Juan Diaz), born in 1783, was publicly hanged in 1815 due to a conspiracy against Ferdinand VII of Spain. After being one of the most active and courageous supporters of Ferdinand's cause to restore his throne and the nation's honor, he ultimately lost his life in an unsuccessful bid to establish a constitutional government.
Antonio Quiroga (born 1784), also after having distinguished himself in the national struggle against Napoleon, was tried for complicity in the conspiracy, after the fall of Porlier. After a series of adventures, in which he was more lucky than Riego, his [Pg 353]subaltern, to whom he owed so much, he again distinguished himself, after a temporary withdrawal from active service in 1822, by the stout opposition he offered to the French invasion of 1823. His efforts, however, were of no avail and he escaped to England, and thence made his way to South America. Some years later he returned to Spain, was nominated Captain General of Grenada, and died in 1841.
Antonio Quiroga (born 1784), after making his mark in the national fight against Napoleon, was put on trial for being involved in the conspiracy that followed Porlier's downfall. After a series of adventures, in which he had more luck than Riego, his subordinate, to whom he owed so much, he once again made a name for himself, after stepping back from active duty in 1822, by strongly opposing the French invasion of 1823. Unfortunately, his efforts were in vain, and he fled to England before making his way to South America. A few years later, he returned to Spain, was appointed Captain General of Granada, and died in 1841.
Rafael del Riego (born 1785), after serving against the French, first became prominent in connexion with the effort to restore the constitution which Ferdinand had abolished in 1812. He was elected by his troops second in command to Quiroga, whom he himself proposed as their leader. This rising was a failure and Riego was exiled to Oviedo, his birthplace. After being repeatedly recalled and re-exiled, he ended by being one of the first victims of Ferdinand's restoration in 1823, and was dragged to the place of execution at the back of a donkey, amid the outrages of the mob.
Rafael del Riego (born 1785), after fighting against the French, became well-known for his role in the effort to restore the constitution that Ferdinand had abolished in 1812. He was elected by his troops as second in command to Quiroga, whom he himself nominated as their leader. This uprising was unsuccessful, and Riego was exiled to Oviedo, his birthplace. After being recalled and exiled multiple times, he ultimately became one of the first victims of Ferdinand's restoration in 1823, and was taken to the execution site tied to the back of a donkey, facing the abuse of the mob.
46. Father Paolo Sarpi (1552–1623), the famous historian of the Council of Trent, a Servite monk, and the ecclesiastical adviser of the Venetian Government, at a time when it seemed not impossible that Venice would break away, like Northern Europe, from the Roman Catholic Church.
46. Father Paolo Sarpi (1552–1623), the well-known historian of the Council of Trent, a Servite monk, and the church advisor to the Venetian Government, during a period when it seemed possible that Venice might separate, like Northern Europe, from the Roman Catholic Church.
47. Destutt de Tracy (1754–1836) was, according to Stendhal, our only philosopher. It is on Tracy, one of the Ideologists, that Stendhal, one might say, modelled his philosophic attitude. Tracy's Idéologie (1801), he says, gave him "milles germes de pensées nouvelles"—gave him also his worship of logic. He was equally impressed by the Traité de la Volonté (1815). Cf. Picavet's Sorbonne Thesis (Paris, 1891) Les Idéologues, pp. 489–92, in which he speaks of Stendhal as "a successor and a defender, mutatis mutandis, of the eighteenth-century 'Idéologues.'"
47. Destutt de Tracy (1754–1836) was, according to Stendhal, our only philosopher. Stendhal based his philosophical views largely on Tracy, one of the Ideologists. Tracy's Idéologie (1801), he noted, provided him with "milles germes de pensées nouvelles"—and also instilled in him a deep appreciation for logic. He was similarly impressed by the Traité de la Volonté (1815). See Picavet's Sorbonne Thesis (Paris, 1891) Les Idéologues, pp. 489–92, where he describes Stendhal as "a successor and a defender, mutatis mutandis, of the eighteenth-century 'Idéologues.'"
48. Giovanni Luigi Fiescho (15 23–1547), a great Genoese noble, formed a conspiracy in 1547 against the all-powerful Admiral of the Republic, Andrea Doria. The state fleet in the harbour was to be seized, but in attempting this Fiescho was drowned, and the conspiracy collapsed.
48. Giovanni Luigi Fiescho (1523–1547), a prominent noble from Genoa, plotted a conspiracy in 1547 against the immensely powerful Admiral of the Republic, Andrea Doria. The plan was to take control of the state fleet in the harbor, but during the attempt, Fiescho drowned, leading to the failure of the conspiracy.
[Pg 354]49. Henri Grégoire (1750–1831), one of the most original fearless and sincere of the Revolutionary leaders, was the constitutional Bishop of Blois, who refused to lay down his episcopal office under the Terror, and when the Reign of Terror was over, took an active part in restoring Religion and the Church. He resigned his bishopric in 1801. Napoleon made him a count but he was always hostile to the Empire. He was a staunch Gallican, and never forgave Napoleon his concordat with the Papacy. He was naturally hated and feared by the Royalists at the Restoration, but he remained popular with the people, and was elected a member of the lower chamber in 1819, though he was prevented by the Government from sitting.
[Pg 354]49. Henri Grégoire (1750–1831), one of the most original, fearless, and sincere Revolutionary leaders, was the constitutional Bishop of Blois. He refused to give up his position during the Terror, and after the Reign of Terror ended, he played an active role in restoring religion and the Church. He resigned his bishopric in 1801. Napoleon made him a count, but he was always opposed to the Empire. He was a committed Gallican and could never forgive Napoleon for his concordat with the Papacy. He was naturally hated and feared by the Royalists during the Restoration, but he remained popular with the people and was elected to the lower chamber in 1819, although the Government prevented him from taking his seat.
50. La Génie du Christianisme, by Chateaubriand (1802).
50. The Genius of Christianity, by Chateaubriand (1802).
54. Johannes von Müller—the German historian (1752–1809).
54. Johannes von Müller—the German historian (1752–1809).
55. La Trappe—the headquarters (near Mortagna) of a monastic body, the Trappists, a branch of the Cistercian order. The word is used for all Trappist monasteries.
55. La Trappe—the main location (near Mortagna) of a monastic community, the Trappists, which is a branch of the Cistercian order. The term is used to refer to all Trappist monasteries.
56. Samuel Bernard (1651–1739), son of the painter and engraver of the same name, was a man of immense wealth and the foremost French financier of his day. He was born a Protestant, not, as has been thought, a Jew, but became a Catholic after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685). He was ennobled and became the Comte de Coubert (1725).
56. Samuel Bernard (1651–1739), son of the painter and engraver of the same name, was incredibly wealthy and the top French financier of his time. He was born a Protestant, not a Jew as some have believed, but converted to Catholicism after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685). He was granted nobility and became the Comte de Coubert (1725).
57. Joseph Louis Lagrange (1736–1813), a celebrated mathematician and scientist.
57. Joseph Louis Lagrange (1736–1813) was a renowned mathematician and scientist.
58. Hazlitt, in a note to his essay on Self-Love and Benevolence, remarked on Stendhal's absurdly exaggerated praise of Helvétius. After quoting this passage, he adds: "My friend Mr. Beyle here lays too much stress on a borrowed verbal fallacy." [Pg 355]Hobbes and Mandeville, he says, had long before stated, and Butler answered, this fallacy, which not unfrequently vitiates Stendhal's psychological views.
58. Hazlitt, in a note to his essay on Self-Love and Benevolence, pointed out Stendhal's ridiculously exaggerated praise of Helvétius. After quoting this passage, he adds: "My friend Mr. Beyle here puts too much emphasis on a borrowed verbal fallacy." [Pg 355] Hobbes and Mandeville, he says, had already pointed out this fallacy long before, and Butler addressed it, which often undermines Stendhal's psychological views.
59. Francois Guillaume Ducray-Duminil (1761–1819), the author of numerous sentimental and popular novels.
59. Francois Guillaume Ducray-Duminil (1761–1819), the writer of many sentimental and popular novels.
60. The Argonautica of Apollonius of Rhodes (222–181 B. C.).
60. The Argonautica by Apollonius of Rhodes (222–181 B.C.).
61. Jean Francois de la Harpe (born 1739) is frequently mentioned by Stendhal in this hostile spirit. After winning considerable notoriety, without very much merit, La Harpe in 1786 became professor of literature at the newly founded Lycée. Having started as a Voltairian philosopher, and still apparently favourable to the Revolution, he was none the less arrested in 1794 as a suspect and put into prison. There he was converted from his former Voltairian principles to Roman Catholicism. He died in 1803.
61. Jean Francois de la Harpe (born 1739) is often referenced by Stendhal in a negative way. After gaining a fair amount of fame, albeit with little merit, La Harpe became a literature professor at the newly established Lycée in 1786. He initially started as a Voltairian philosopher and seemed to support the Revolution, yet he was arrested in 1794 as a suspect and imprisoned. While there, he converted from his previous Voltairian beliefs to Roman Catholicism. He passed away in 1803.
62. Notices sur Mme. de la Fayette, Mme. et Mlle. Deshoulières, lues à l'Académie française, Paris, 1822.
62. Notices about Madame de la Fayette, Madame and Mademoiselle Deshoulières, read at the French Academy, Paris, 1822.
63. Pierre Jean de Béranger (born 1780): The bold patriotic songs, which had made Béranger's name, brought him in 1828, for the second time, into prison. He refused office after the revolution (1830), for the principles of which he had already suffered; he died in 1848.
63. Pierre Jean de Béranger (born 1780): The daring patriotic songs that established Béranger’s reputation landed him in prison for the second time in 1828. He turned down an official position after the revolution of 1830, which he had already been punished for; he passed away in 1848.
65. Antoine Marie, Comte de Lavalette (1769–1830) was one of Napoleon's generals. After the Bourbon restoration of 1815 he was condemned to death, but escaped, chiefly owing to his wife's help.
65. Antoine Marie, Count de Lavalette (1769–1830) was one of Napoleon's generals. After the Bourbon restoration in 1815, he was sentenced to death but managed to escape, mainly thanks to his wife's assistance.
66. Alessandro, Conte Verri, the contemporary of Stendhal and a distinguished littérateur (1741–1816).
66. Alessandro, Count Verri, was a contemporary of Stendhal and a notable writer (1741–1816).
67. Montenotte (April, 1796), and Rivoli (January, 1797), two victories in Bonaparte's Italian campaign.
67. Montenotte (April, 1796), and Rivoli (January, 1797), two victories in Bonaparte's Italian campaign.
[Pg 356]68. The existence of these Courts of Love has been denied by many modern historians. For a brief statement of the arguments against their historical existence the English reader may be referred to Chaytor, The Troubadours (in the Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature, 1912), pp. 19–21. But while the direct evidence for their existence is very flimsy, the direct evidence against them is no less so.
[Pg 356]68. Many modern historians have denied that Courts of Love ever existed. For a quick overview of the arguments against their historical reality, English readers can check out Chaytor, The Troubadours (in the Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature, 1912), pp. 19–21. However, while the direct evidence supporting their existence is pretty weak, the direct evidence refuting it is not much stronger.
69. The monk of the Isles d'Or, on whose manuscript Nostradamus professed to rely, is now considered to be a purely fictitious person, an anagram on a friend's name.
69. The monk from the Isles d'Or, whom Nostradamus claimed to depend on for his manuscript, is now seen as entirely fictitious, just an anagram of a friend's name.
70. The date of André le Chapelain's treatise is a disputed point. Stendhal gives its date as 1176; Reynouard and others, 1170. Others again have placed it as late as the fourteenth century, though this has been proved impossible, since thirteenth-century writers refer to the book. The probability is that it was written at the beginning of the thirteenth or end of the twelfth century—there is no evidence to fix the date with precision. For a full discussion of the question see the preface to the best modern edition of the work—Andreae Capellani ... De Amore (recensuit E. Trojel), 1892.
70. The date of André le Chapelain's treatise is a matter of debate. Stendhal claims it dates to 1176; Reynouard and others argue for 1170. Some have even suggested it was written as late as the fourteenth century, but this has been proven impossible since thirteenth-century authors refer to the book. It's likely that it was written at the beginning of the thirteenth century or the end of the twelfth century—there's no solid evidence to pinpoint the date exactly. For a thorough discussion on this topic, see the preface to the best modern edition of the work—Andreae Capellani ... De Amore (edited by E. Trojel), 1892.
71. Cf. Montesquieu, Lettres Persanes, passim, and especially Letter 48: ".... Our foreign demeanour no longer gives offence. We even profit by people's surprise at finding us quite polite. Frenchmen cannot imagine that Persia produces men.
71. See Montesquieu, Lettres Persanes, throughout, and especially Letter 48: ".... Our behavior abroad no longer causes offense. We even benefit from people's surprise at finding us very polite. French people can't imagine that Persia produces men.
Download ePUB
If you like this ebook, consider a donation!