This is a modern-English version of Picture-Writing of the American Indians: Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1888-89, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1893, pages 3-822, originally written by Mallery, Garrick. It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling, and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.

Scroll to the bottom of this page and you will find a free ePUB download link for this book.

LIBRARY CATALOGUE SLIPS.

Series title.

Smithsonian institution. Bureau of ethnology.

Smithsonian Institution. Bureau of Ethnology.

Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the | secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1888-’89 | by | J. W. Powell | director | [Vignette] |

Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of Ethnology | to the | Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution | 1888-’89 | by | J. W. Powell | Director | [Vignette] |

Washington | government printing office | 1893

Washington | Government Printing Office | 1893

8o. xxx, 742 pp. 54 pl.

8o. xxx, 742 pages, 54 illustrations.

Author title.

Powell (John Wesley).

Powell (John Wesley).

Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the | secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1888-’89 | by | J. W. Powell | director | [Vignette] |

Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of Ethnology | to the | Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution | 1888-’89 | by | J. W. Powell | director | [Vignette] |

Washington | government printing office | 1893

Washington | Government Printing Office | 1893

8o. xxx, 742 pp. 54 pl.

8o. xxx, 742 pages. 54 illustrations.

[Smithsonian institution. Bureau of ethnology.]

Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of Ethnology.

Title for subject entry.

Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the | secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1888-’89 | by | J. W. Powell | director | [Vignette] |

Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of Ethnology | to the | Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution | 1888-’89 | by | J. W. Powell | Director | [Vignette] |

Washington | government printing office | 1893

Washington | Government Printing Office | 1893

8o. xxx, 742 pp. 54 pl.

8o. xxx, 742 pages, 54 illustrations.

[Smithsonian institution. Bureau of ethnology.]

Smithsonian Institution. Bureau of Ethnology.

TENTH ANNUAL REPORT
OF THE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
TO THE
SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
1888-’89

TENTH ANNUAL REPORT
OF THE
Ethnology Bureau
TO THE
SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
1888-’89

BY
J. W. POWELL
DIRECTOR

BY
J. W. POWELL
DIRECTOR

colophon

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1893

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1893

REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.

CONTENTS.

 Page.
Letter of transmittal VII
Introduction IX
Publications X
Field work X
Mound explorations X
Work of Mr. Cyrus Thomas X
Work of Mr. Gerard Fowke XI
Work of Mr. J. D. Middleton XI
Work of Mr. H. L. Reynolds XI
Work of Mr. J. W. Emmert XII
General field studies XII
Work of Col. Garrick Mallery XII
Work of Mr. W. J. Hoffman XIII
Work of Mr. H. W. Henshaw XIV
Work of Mr. James Mooney XV
Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin XVI
Work of Mr. A. S. Gatschet XVII
Work of Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt XVII
Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff XVII
Work of Mr. A. M. Stephen XVII
Office work XVIII
Work of Major J. W. Powell XVIII
Work of Mr. H. W. Henshaw XVIII
Work of Col. Garrick Mallery XVIII
Work of Mr. J. Owen Dorsey XVIII
Work of Mr. A. S. Gatschet XIX
Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin XIX
Work of Mr. James Mooney XIX
Work of Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt XX
Work of Mr. J. C. Pilling XX
Work of Mr. W. H. Holmes XXI
Work of Mr. Cyrus Thomas XXII
Work of Mr. H. L. Reynolds XXII
Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff XXII
Work of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff XXII
Work of Mr. J. K. Hillers XXIII
Work of Mr. Franz Boas XXIII
Work of Mr. Lucien M. Turner XXIV
Necrology XXIV
Mr. James Stevenson XXIV
Accompanying paper XXV
Picture-writing of the American Indians, by Garrick Mallery XXVI
Financial statement XXX

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.

Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of Ethnology,

Smithsonian Institution, Ethnology Bureau,

Sir: I have the honor to submit my Tenth Annual Report as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology.

Mr.: I’m pleased to submit my Tenth Annual Report as the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology.

The first part of it presents an exposition of the operations of the Bureau during the fiscal year 1888-’89; the second part consists of a work on the Picture-writing of the American Indians, which has been in preparation for several years.

The first part provides an overview of the Bureau's activities during the fiscal year 1888-’89; the second part includes a study on the picture writing of American Indians, which has been in the works for several years.

I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and your valuable counsel relating to the work under my charge.

I want to thank you for your sincere support and your helpful advice regarding the work I'm responsible for.

I am, with respect, your obedient servant,

I am, respectfully, your loyal servant,

signature
Director.

Prof. S. P. Langley,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

Prof. S.P. Langley,
Smithsonian Institution Secretary.

TENTH ANNUAL REPORT
OF THE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

TENTH ANNUAL REPORT
OF THE
Bureau of Ethnology.

By J. W. Powell, Director.

By J. W. Powell, Director.

INTRODUCTION.

Research among the North American Indians, in obedience to acts of Congress, was continued during the fiscal year 1888-’89.

Research among North American Indians, following acts of Congress, continued during the fiscal year 1888-’89.

The explanation presented in several former annual reports of the general plan upon which the work of the Bureau has been performed renders a detailed repetition superfluous. The lines of investigation which from time to time have appeared to be the most useful or the most pressing have been confided to persons trained in or known to be specially adapted to their pursuit. The results of their labors are presented in the three series of publications of the Bureau which are provided for by law. A brief statement of the work upon which each one of the special students was actively engaged during the fiscal year is furnished below; but it should be noted that this statement does not specify all the studies made or services rendered by them.

The explanation given in previous annual reports about the general plan guiding the Bureau's work makes a detailed repeat unnecessary. The areas of investigation that have seemed most helpful or urgent over time have been assigned to individuals trained for or particularly suited to those tasks. The outcomes of their work are published in the three series of reports that the Bureau is required by law to produce. Below is a brief overview of the work each special student was involved in during the fiscal year; however, it's important to note that this overview does not cover all the studies conducted or services provided by them.

The assistance of explorers, writers, and students who are not and may not desire to be officially connected with the Bureau is again invited. Their contributions, whether in suggestions or extended communications, will always be gratefully acknowledged and will receive proper credit. They may be published as Congress will allow, either in the series of annual reports or in monographs or bulletins. Several valuable papers of this class have already been contributed and published.

The help of explorers, writers, and students who are not officially linked to the Bureau, and who may not want to be, is once more requested. Their contributions, whether suggestions or detailed communications, will always be appreciated and properly credited. They may be published as Congress permits, either in the annual reports or in monographs or bulletins. Several valuable papers of this kind have already been submitted and published.

The report now submitted consists of three principal divisions. The first relates to the publications made during the fiscal year; the second, to the work prosecuted in the field; the third, to the office work, which chiefly consists of the preparation for publication of the results of field work, with the corrections and additions obtained from exhaustive researches into the literature of the subjects discussed and by correspondence relative to them.

The report now submitted consists of three main sections. The first relates to the publications made during the fiscal year; the second is about the work carried out in the field; the third covers the office work, which mainly involves preparing the results of field work for publication, along with corrections and additions obtained from thorough research into the relevant literature and through correspondence related to these topics.

PUBLICATIONS.

The publications actually issued and distributed during the year were as follows, all octavo:

The publications that were actually released and distributed during the year were as follows, all in octavo:

Bibliography of the Iroquoian Languages, by James C. Pilling; pages i-vi + 1-208. Facsimile reproductions, at pages 44 and 56, of title pages of early publications relating to Indian languages, and, at page 72, of the Cherokee alphabet.

Bibliography of the Iroquoian Languages, by James C. Pilling; pages i-vi + 1-208. Facsimile reproductions on pages 44 and 56 show the title pages of early publications about Indian languages, and on page 72, the Cherokee alphabet.

Textile Fabrics of Ancient Peru, by William H. Holmes; pages 1-17, Figs. 1-11.

Textile Fabrics of Ancient Peru, by William H. Holmes; pages 1-17, Figs. 1-11.

The Problem of the Ohio Mounds, by Cyrus Thomas; pages 1-54, Figs. 1-8.

The Problem of the Ohio Mounds, by Cyrus Thomas; pages 1-54, Figs. 1-8.

FIELD WORK.

The field work of the year is divided into (1) mound explorations and (2) general field studies, the latter being directed chiefly to archeology, linguistics, and pictography.

The field work for the year is broken down into (1) mound explorations and (2) general field studies, with the latter mainly focused on archaeology, linguistics, and pictography.

MOUND EXPLORATIONS.

WORK OF MR. CYRUS THOMAS.

The work of exploring the mounds of the eastern United States was, as in former years, under the superintendence of Mr. Cyrus Thomas. The efforts of the division were chiefly confined to the examination of material already collected and to the arrangement and preparation for publication of the data on hand. Field work received less attention, therefore, than in previous years, and was mainly directed to such investigations as were necessary to elucidate doubtful points and to the examination and surveys of important works which had not before received adequate attention.

The exploration of the mounds in the eastern United States was, as it had been in previous years, overseen by Mr. Cyrus Thomas. The division mainly focused on reviewing already collected materials and organizing the data for publication. Fieldwork received less focus compared to earlier years and was primarily aimed at clarifying uncertain points and examining important sites that hadn't been properly investigated before.

The only assistants to Mr. Thomas whose engagements embraced the entire year were Mr. James D. Middleton and Mr. Henry L. Reynolds. Mr. Gerard Fowke, one of the assistants, ceased his connection with the Bureau at the end of the second month. Mr. John W. Emmert was engaged as a temporary assistant for a few months.

The only assistants to Mr. Thomas who were committed for the whole year were Mr. James D. Middleton and Mr. Henry L. Reynolds. Mr. Gerard Fowke, one of the assistants, ended his relationship with the Bureau after the second month. Mr. John W. Emmert was brought on as a temporary assistant for a few months.

WORK OF MR. GERARD FOWKE.

During the short time in which he remained with the division, Mr. Fowke was engaged in exploring certain mounds in the Sciota valley, Ohio, a field to which Messrs. Squier and Davis had devoted much attention. Its reexamination was for the purpose of investigating certain typical mounds which had not been thoroughly examined by those explorers.

During the short time he spent with the division, Mr. Fowke explored some mounds in the Sciota Valley, Ohio, a place that Messrs. Squier and Davis had focused on extensively. His reexamination aimed to investigate specific typical mounds that had not been thoroughly analyzed by those explorers.

WORK OF MR. J. D. MIDDLETON.

Mr. Middleton was employed from July to the latter part of October in the exploration of mounds and other ancient works in Calhoun county, Illinois, a territory to which special interest attaches because it seems to be on the border line of different archeologic districts. From October until December he was engaged at Washington in preparing plats of Ohio earthworks. During the next month he made resurveys of some of the more important inclosures in Ohio, after which he resumed work in the office at Washington until the latter part of March, when he was sent to Tennessee to examine several mound groups and to determine, so far as possible, the exact locations of the old Cherokee “over-hill towns.” The result of the last-mentioned investigation was valuable, as it indicated that each of these “over-hill towns” was, with possibly one unimportant exception, in the locality of a mound group.

Mr. Middleton worked from July to late October exploring mounds and other ancient structures in Calhoun County, Illinois, a region of particular interest because it appears to be on the boundary of different archaeological districts. From October to December, he was in Washington, creating maps of Ohio earthworks. In the following month, he conducted resurveys of some of the more significant enclosures in Ohio, after which he returned to work in the Washington office until late March. He was then sent to Tennessee to inspect several mound groups and determine, as accurately as possible, the exact locations of the old Cherokee "over-hill towns." The findings from this investigation were valuable, as they suggested that each of these "over-hill towns" was, with possibly one minor exception, located near a mound group.

WORK OF MR. H. L. REYNOLDS.

Near the close of October Mr. Reynolds, having already examined the inclosures of the northern, eastern, and western sections of the mound region, went to Ohio and West Virginia to study the different types found there, with reference to the[xii] chapters he was preparing on the various forms of ancient inclosures in the United States. While thus engaged he explored a large mound connected with one of the typical works in Paint creek valley, obtaining unexpected and important results. The construction of this tumulus was found to be quite different from most of those in the same section examined by Messrs. Squier and Davis.

Near the end of October, Mr. Reynolds, after inspecting the enclosures in the northern, eastern, and western parts of the mound region, traveled to Ohio and West Virginia to study the different types found there, related to the[xii]chapters he was working on about the various forms of ancient enclosures in the United States. While doing this, he explored a large mound associated with one of the typical sites in Paint Creek Valley and achieved unexpected and significant results. The construction of this tumulus was found to be quite different from most of those in the same area that Messrs. Squier and Davis had examined.

WORK OF MR. J. W. EMMERT.

Mr. Emmert devoted the few months in which he was employed to the successful exploration of mounds in eastern Tennessee. Some important discoveries were made and additional interesting facts were ascertained in regard to the mounds of that section.

Mr. Emmert spent the few months he worked there successfully exploring mounds in eastern Tennessee. He made some important discoveries and uncovered additional interesting facts about the mounds in that area.

GENERAL FIELD STUDIES.

WORK OF COL. GARRICK MALLERY.

Early in the month of July Col. Garrick Mallery proceeded to Maine, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick to continue investigation into the pictographs of the Abnaki and Micmac Indians, which had been commenced in 1887. He first visited rocks in Maine, on the shore near Machiasport, and on Hog island, in Holmes bay, a part of Machias bay. In both localities pecked petroglyphs were found, accurate copies of which were taken. Some of them had not before been reported. They are probably of Abnaki origin, of either the Penobscot or the Passamaquoddy division, the rocks lying on the line of water communication between the territories of those divisions. From Maine he proceeded to Kejemkoojik lake, on the border of Queens and Annapolis counties, Nova Scotia, and resumed the work of drawing and tracing the large number of petroglyphs found during the previous summer. Perfect copies were obtained of so many of them as to be amply sufficient for study and comparison. These are incised petroglyphs, and were made by Micmacs. The country of the Malecites, on the St. Johns river, New Brunswick, was next visited. No petroglyphs were discovered, but a considerable amount of information was obtained[xiii] upon the old system of pictographs on birch bark and its use. Illustrative specimens were gathered, together with myths and legends, which assisted in the elucidation of some of the pictographs observed elsewhere.

Early in July, Col. Garrick Mallery traveled to Maine, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick to continue his investigation into the pictographs of the Abnaki and Micmac Indians, which he had started in 1887. He first looked at rocks in Maine, near Machiasport and on Hog Island in Holmes Bay, part of Machias Bay. In both locations, he found pecked petroglyphs and made accurate copies of them. Some had not been reported before. They are likely of Abnaki origin, from either the Penobscot or the Passamaquoddy divisions, as the rocks are along the water route connecting those areas. From Maine, he went to Kejemkoojik Lake, on the border of Queens and Annapolis counties in Nova Scotia, and continued drawing and tracing the many petroglyphs he found the previous summer. He obtained perfect copies of enough of them for sufficient study and comparison. These are incised petroglyphs made by the Micmacs. Next, he visited the Malecite area on the St. John River in New Brunswick. No petroglyphs were found there, but he gathered a considerable amount of information about the old system of pictographs on birch bark and how it was used. He collected illustrative examples, along with myths and legends that helped explain some of the pictographs seen elsewhere.[xiii]

WORK OF MR. W. J. HOFFMAN.

Mr. W. J. Hoffman proceeded in July to visit the Red Lake and White Earth Indian reservations in Minnesota. At Red lake he obtained copies of birch bark records pertaining to the Midē'wiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa, an order of shamans professing the power to prophesy, to cure disease, and to confer success in the chase. The introductory portion of the ritual of this society pertains particularly to the Ojibwa cosmogony. At the same place he secured several birch bark records of hunting expeditions, battles with neighboring tribes of Indians, maps, and songs. He also investigated the former and present practice of tattooing, and the Ojibwa works of art in colors, beads, and quills.

Mr. W. J. Hoffman traveled in July to visit the Red Lake and White Earth Indian reservations in Minnesota. At Red Lake, he collected copies of birch bark records related to the Midē'wiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa, a group of shamans who claim the ability to predict the future, heal illnesses, and ensure success in hunting. The opening part of the rituals for this society focuses specifically on Ojibwa creation stories. He also gathered several birch bark records of hunting trips, conflicts with neighboring tribes, maps, and songs. Additionally, he looked into the past and present practices of tattooing, as well as the Ojibwa's artistic works made with colors, beads, and quills.

At White Earth Reservation two distinct charts of the Grand Medicine Society were obtained, together with full explanations by two of the chief midé or shamans, one of whom was the only fourth-degree priest in either of the reservations. Although a considerable difference between these three charts is apparent, their principles and the general course of the initiation of the candidates are similar. The survival of archaic forms in the charts and ritual indicates a considerable antiquity. Some mnemonic songs were also obtained at this reservation. In addition to the ritual, secured directly from the priests, in the Ojibwa language, translations of the songs were also recorded, with musical notation. On leaving the above reservations, Mr. Hoffman proceeded to Pipestone, Minnesota, to copy the petroglyphs upon the cliffs of that historic quarry.

At the White Earth Reservation, two distinct charts from the Grand Medicine Society were collected, along with thorough explanations from two of the chief midé or shamans, one of whom was the only fourth-degree priest in either reservation. While there are notable differences between these three charts, their principles and the overall initiation process for the candidates are similar. The presence of ancient forms in the charts and rituals suggests a long history. Some mnemonic songs were also collected at this reservation. In addition to the rituals obtained directly from the priests in the Ojibwa language, translations of the songs were recorded along with musical notation. After leaving the above reservations, Mr. Hoffman went to Pipestone, Minnesota, to copy the petroglyphs on the cliffs of that historic quarry.

He then returned to St. Paul, Minnesota, to search the records of the library of the Minnesota Historical Society for copies of pictographs reported to have been made near La Pointe, Wisconsin. Little information was obtained, although it is known that such pictographs, now nearly obliterated,[xiv] existed upon conspicuous cliffs and rocks near Lake Superior, at and in the vicinity of Bayfield and Ashland.

He then went back to St. Paul, Minnesota, to look through the records at the library of the Minnesota Historical Society for copies of pictographs that were said to have been created near La Pointe, Wisconsin. He found very little information, although it is known that such pictographs, which are now almost faded away, [xiv] once existed on prominent cliffs and rocks near Lake Superior, in and around Bayfield and Ashland.

Mr. Hoffman afterward made an examination of the “pictured cave,” eight miles northeast of La Crosse, Wisconsin, to obtain copies of the characters appearing there. These are rapidly being destroyed by the disintegration of the rock. The colors employed in delineating the various figures were dark red and black. The figures represent human beings, deer, and other forms not now distinguishable.

Mr. Hoffman later examined the “pictured cave,” eight miles northeast of La Crosse, Wisconsin, to obtain copies of the symbols found there. These are quickly being eroded by the wearing away of the rock. The colors used to depict the different figures were dark red and black. The figures show human beings, deer, and other shapes that are no longer identifiable.

WORK OF MR. H. W. HENSHAW.

Mr. H. W. Henshaw spent the months of August, September, and October on the Pacific coast, engaged in the collection of vocabularies of several Indian languages, with a view to their study and classification. The Umatilla Reservation in Oregon was first visited with the object of obtaining a comprehensive vocabulary of the Cayuse. Though there are about four hundred of these Indians on the reservation, probably not more than six speak the Cayuse tongue. The Cayuse have extensively intermarried with the Umatilla, and now speak the language of the latter, or that of the Nez Percé. An excellent Cayuse vocabulary was obtained, and at the same time the opportunity was embraced to secure vocabularies of the Umatilla and the Nez Percé languages. His next objective point was the neighborhood of the San Rafael Mission, Marin county, California, the hope being entertained that some of the Indians formerly gathered at the mission would be found there. He learned that there were no Indians at or near San Rafael, but subsequently found a few on the shores of Tomales bay, to the north. A good vocabulary was collected from one of these, which, as was expected, was subsequently found to be related to the Moquelumnan family of the interior, to the southeast of San Francisco bay. Later the missions of Santa Cruz and Monterey were visited. At these points there still remain a few old Indians who retain a certain command of their own language, though Spanish forms their ordinary means of intercourse. The vocabularies obtained are sufficient to prove, beyond any reasonable doubt, that there are two[xv] linguistic families instead of one, as had been formerly supposed, in the country above referred to. A still more important discovery was made by Mr. Henshaw at Monterey, where an old woman was found who succeeded in calling to mind more than one hundred words and short phrases of the Esselen language, formerly spoken near Monterey, but less than forty words of which had been previously known. Near the town of Cayucas, to the south, an aged and blind Indian was visited who was able to add somewhat to the stock of Esselen words obtained at Monterey, and to give valuable information concerning the original home of that tribe. As a result of the study of this material Mr. Henshaw determines the Esselen to be a distinct linguistic family, a conclusion first drawn by Mr. Curtin from a study of the vocabularies collected by Galiano and Lamanon in the eighteenth century. The territory occupied by the tribe and linguistic family lies coastwise, south of Monterey bay, as far as the Santa Lucia mountains.

Mr. H. W. Henshaw spent the months of August, September, and October on the Pacific coast, working on collecting vocabularies of several Native American languages for study and classification. He first visited the Umatilla Reservation in Oregon to gather a comprehensive vocabulary of the Cayuse language. Although there are about four hundred Cayuse Indians on the reservation, only about six of them speak the Cayuse language. The Cayuse have intermarried extensively with the Umatilla and now primarily speak the Umatilla language or Nez Percé. He successfully collected a solid vocabulary of the Cayuse and took the opportunity to gather vocabularies of the Umatilla and Nez Percé languages as well. His next stop was the area around the San Rafael Mission in Marin County, California, hoping to find some of the Indians who had once gathered at the mission. He learned that there were no Indians in or near San Rafael but later found a few on the shores of Tomales Bay to the north. He collected a good vocabulary from one of them, which, as expected, turned out to be related to the Moquelumnan family of languages in the interior, southeast of San Francisco Bay. Later, he visited the missions of Santa Cruz and Monterey. At these locations, a few older Indians still retained some knowledge of their language, though Spanish was their primary form of communication. The vocabularies he obtained provide clear evidence that there are two[xv] linguistic families instead of one, as previously thought, in the area mentioned. An even more significant discovery was made by Mr. Henshaw in Monterey, where he found an elderly woman who recalled over one hundred words and short phrases of the Esselen language, which was once spoken near Monterey but only about forty words of which were previously known. He also visited an old blind Indian near the town of Cayucas to the south who could add to the collection of Esselen words from Monterey and provided valuable information about the tribe's original home. Based on this material, Mr. Henshaw concluded that the Esselen is a distinct linguistic family, a conclusion originally made by Mr. Curtin based on the vocabularies collected by Galiano and Lamanon in the eighteenth century. The territory occupied by this tribe and linguistic family extends along the coast south of Monterey Bay, all the way to the Santa Lucia Mountains.

WORK OF MR. JAMES MOONEY.

On July 5 Mr. James Mooney started on a second trip to the territory of the Cherokee in North Carolina, returning after an absence of about four months. During this time he made considerable additions to the linguistic material already obtained by him, and was able to demonstrate the former existence of a fourth, and perhaps even of a fifth, well-marked Cherokee dialect in addition to the upper, lower, and middle dialects already known. The invention of a Cherokee syllabary which was adapted to the sounds of the upper dialect has tended to make that dialect universal. A number of myths were collected, together with a large amount of miscellaneous material relating to the Cherokee tribe, and the great tribal game of ball play, with its attendant ceremonies of dancing, conjuring, scratching the bodies of the players, and going to water, was witnessed. A camera was utilized to secure characteristic pictures of the players. Special attention was given to the subject of Indian medicine, theoretic, ceremonial, and therapeutic. The most noted doctors of the tribe were employed as informants, and nearly five hundred specimens of medicinal[xvi] and food plants were collected and their Indian names and uses ascertained. The general result of this investigation shows that the medical and botanical knowledge of the Indians has been greatly overrated. A study was made of Cherokee personal names, about five hundred of which were translated, being all the names of Indian origin now remaining in that region. The most important results of Mr. Mooney’s investigations were the discovery of a large number of manuscripts containing the sacred formulas of the tribe, written in Cherokee characters by the shamans for their own secret use, and jealously guarded from the knowledge of all but the initiated. The existence of such manuscripts had been ascertained during a visit in 1887, and several of them had been procured. This discovery of genuine aboriginal material, written in an Indian language by shamans for their own use, is believed to be unique in the history of aboriginal investigation, and was only made possible through the invention of the Cherokee syllabary by Sequoia in 1821. Every effort was made by Mr. Mooney to obtain all the existing manuscripts, with the result of securing all of that material which was in the possession of the tribe. The whole number of formulas obtained is about six hundred. They consist of prayers and sacred songs, explanations of ceremonies, directions for medical treatment, and underlying theories. They relate to medicine, love, war, hunting, fishing, self-protection, witchcraft, agriculture, the ball play, and other similar subjects, thus forming a complete exposition of an aboriginal religion as set forth by its priests in their own language.

On July 5, Mr. James Mooney embarked on a second trip to the Cherokee territory in North Carolina, returning after being away for about four months. During this time, he significantly expanded the linguistic material he had already collected and was able to prove the former existence of a fourth, and possibly even a fifth, distinct Cherokee dialect alongside the well-known upper, lower, and middle dialects. The development of a Cherokee syllabary that matched the sounds of the upper dialect has helped make that dialect the most widely used. He gathered a number of myths along with a large amount of miscellaneous information about the Cherokee tribe, and witnessed the major tribal game of ball play, which included accompanying rituals of dancing, conjuring, body scratching of the players, and purification in water. A camera was used to capture unique images of the players. Special focus was given to the subject of Indian medicine, including theory, ceremonies, and treatments. The most respected healers of the tribe were consulted as informants, leading to the collection of nearly five hundred samples of medicinal and food plants, along with identifying their Indian names and uses. Overall, this investigation indicates that the medical and botanical knowledge of the Indians has been greatly overstated. A comprehensive study of Cherokee personal names was conducted, translating around five hundred names, which represent all the Indian origin names still found in that area. Among the most important findings from Mr. Mooney's research were numerous manuscripts containing the tribe's sacred formulas, written in Cherokee characters by shamans for their own confidential use and carefully protected from anyone not initiated. The existence of these manuscripts had been confirmed during a visit in 1887, and several had been obtained then. This discovery of authentic aboriginal materials, written in an Indian language by shamans for their own purposes, is thought to be unique in the field of aboriginal studies, made possible only by the invention of the Cherokee syllabary by Sequoia in 1821. Mr. Mooney made every effort to acquire all existing manuscripts, successfully obtaining all material that the tribe possessed. The total number of formulas collected is about six hundred. They include prayers and sacred songs, explanations of rituals, instructions for medical treatments, and the underlying theories. These relate to medicine, love, war, hunting, fishing, self-defense, witchcraft, agriculture, ball play, and other related topics, thereby providing a complete overview of an aboriginal religion as conveyed by its priests in their own language.

WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN.

Early in October Mr. Jeremiah Curtin left Washington for the Pacific coast. During the remainder of the year he was occupied in Shasta and Humboldt counties, California, in collecting vocabularies and data connected with the Indian system of medicine. This work was continued in different parts of Humboldt and Siskiyou counties until June 30, 1889. Large collections of linguistic and other data were gathered and myths were secured which show that the whole system of[xvii] medicine of these Indians and the ministration of remedies originated in and are limited to sorcery practices.

Early in October, Mr. Jeremiah Curtin left Washington for the Pacific coast. For the rest of the year, he worked in Shasta and Humboldt counties, California, gathering vocabularies and information related to the Indian medical system. This research continued in various parts of Humboldt and Siskiyou counties until June 30, 1889. He collected a substantial amount of linguistic and other data and documented myths that reveal that the entire system of[xvii] medicine among these Indians and the administration of remedies stemmed from and are confined to sorcery practices.

WORK OF MR. A. S. GATSCHET.

The field work of Mr. Albert S. Gatschet during the year was short. It had been ascertained that Mrs. Alice M. Oliver, now in Lynn, Massachusetts, formerly lived on Trespalacios bay, Texas, near the homes of the Karánkawa, and Mr. Gatschet visited Lynn with a view of securing as complete a vocabulary as possible of their extinct language. Mrs. Oliver was able to recall about one hundred and sixty terms of the language, together with some phrases and sentences. She also furnished many valuable details regarding the ethnography of the tribe. Ten days were spent in this work.

The fieldwork by Mr. Albert S. Gatschet this year was brief. It was found that Mrs. Alice M. Oliver, who is currently in Lynn, Massachusetts, had previously lived near Trespalacios Bay, Texas, close to the homes of the Karánkawa tribe. Mr. Gatschet visited Lynn to gather as comprehensive a vocabulary as possible of their extinct language. Mrs. Oliver could remember about one hundred sixty words from the language, along with some phrases and sentences. She also provided many valuable details about the tribe's ethnography. This work took ten days to complete.

WORK OF MR. J. N. B. HEWITT.

Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied in field work from August 1 to November 8, as follows: From the first of August to September 20 he was on the Tuscarora reserve, in Niagara county, New York, in which locality fifty-five legends and myths were collected. A Penobscot vocabulary was also obtained here, together with other linguistic material. From September 20 to November 8 Mr. Hewitt visited the Grand River reserve, Canada, where a large amount of text was obtained, together with notes and other linguistic material.

Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt was involved in fieldwork from August 1 to November 8, as follows: From August 1 to September 20, he was on the Tuscarora reservation in Niagara County, New York, where he collected fifty-five legends and myths. He also gathered a Penobscot vocabulary and other linguistic materials. From September 20 to November 8, Mr. Hewitt visited the Grand River reservation in Canada, where he obtained a significant amount of text, along with notes and additional linguistic materials.

WORK OF MR. VICTOR MINDELEFF.

Mr. Victor Mindeleff left Washington on October 23 for St. John’s, Arizona, where he examined the Hubbell collection of ancient pottery and secured a series of photographs and colored drawings of the more important specimens. Thence he went to Zuñi and obtained drawings of interior details of dwellings and other data necessary for the completion of his studies of the architecture of this pueblo. He returned to Washington December 7.

Mr. Victor Mindeleff left Washington on October 23 for St. John’s, Arizona, where he examined the Hubbell collection of ancient pottery and collected a series of photographs and colored drawings of the most important pieces. From there, he went to Zuñi and got drawings of the interior details of homes and other information needed to finish his studies on the architecture of this pueblo. He returned to Washington on December 7.

WORK OF MR. A. M. STEPHEN.

Mr. A. M. Stephen continued work among the Tusayan pueblos under the direction of Mr. Victor Mindeleff. He added[xviii] much to the knowledge of the traditionary history of Tusayan, and made an extensive study of the house lore and records of house-building ceremonials. He also reported a full nomenclature of Tusayan architectural terms as applied to the various details of terraced-house construction, with etymologies. He secured from the Navajo much useful information of the ceremonial connected with the construction of their conical lodges or “hogans,” supplementing the more purely architectural records of their construction previously collected by Mr. Mindeleff. As opportunity occurred he gathered typical collections of baskets and other textile fabrics illustrative of the successive stages of their manufacture, including specimens of raw materials and detailed descriptions of the dyes used. These collections are intended to include also the principal patterns in use at the present time, with the Indian explanations of their significance.

Mr. A. M. Stephen continued his work among the Tusayan pueblos under the guidance of Mr. Victor Mindeleff. He greatly contributed to the understanding of the traditional history of Tusayan and conducted a thorough study of the house lore and records of house-building ceremonies. He also provided a complete list of Tusayan architectural terms related to the various aspects of terraced-house construction, along with their origins. He gathered valuable information from the Navajo about the ceremonial aspects involved in building their conical lodges or “hogans,” which complemented the architectural records previously collected by Mr. Mindeleff. Whenever possible, he collected typical examples of baskets and other textiles that showcased the different stages of their production, including samples of raw materials and detailed descriptions of the dyes used. These collections are meant to also feature the main patterns currently in use, along with the Indian explanations of their meanings.

OFFICE WORK.

Major J. W. Powell, the Director, devoted much time during the year to the preparation of the paper to accompany a map of the linguistic families of America north of Mexico, the scope of which has been alluded to in previous reports. This report and map appear in the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau.

Major J.W. Powell, the Director, spent a lot of time this year preparing a paper to go along with a map of the language families of America north of Mexico, which has been mentioned in previous reports. This report and map are included in the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau.

Mr. Henshaw was chiefly occupied with the administrative duties of the office, which have been placed in his charge by the Director, and with the completion of the linguistic map.

Mr. Henshaw was mainly focused on the office's administrative tasks, which the Director had assigned to him, and on finishing the linguistic map.

Col. Mallery, after his return from the field work elsewhere mentioned, was engaged in the elaboration of the new information obtained and in further continued study of and correspondence relating to sign language and pictography. In this work he was assisted by Mr. Hoffman, particularly in the sketches made by the latter during previous field seasons, and in preparing a large number of the illustrations for the paper on Picture-writing of the American Indians which appears in the present volume.

Col. Mallery, after returning from the field work mentioned earlier, focused on developing the new information he gathered and continued his study and correspondence related to sign language and pictography. He was assisted in this work by Mr. Hoffman, especially with the sketches Hoffman created during previous field seasons, and in preparing many of the illustrations for the paper on Picture-writing of the American Indians included in this volume.

Mr. J. Owen Dorsey did no field work during the year, but devoted much of the time to original investigations. Samuel[xix] Fremont, an Omaha Indian, came to Washington in October, 1888, and until February, 1889, assisted Mr. Dorsey in the revision of the entries for the Ȼegiha-English Dictionary. Similar assistance was rendered by Little Standing Buffalo, a Ponka Indian from the Indian Territory, in April and May, 1889. Mr. Dorsey also completed the entries for the Ȼegiha-English Dictionary, and a list of Ponka, Omaha, and Winnebago personal names. He translated from the Teton dialect of the Dakota all the material of the Bushotter collection in the Bureau of Ethnology, and prepared therefrom a paper on Teton folklore. He also prepared a brief paper on the camping circles of Siouan tribes, and in addition furnished an article on the modes of predication in the Athapascan dialects of Oregon and in several dialects of the Siouan family. He also edited the manuscript of the Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography, written by the late Rev. Dr. S. R. Riggs, which has been published as Volume VII, Contributions to North American Ethnology. In May, 1889, he began an extensive paper on Indian personal names, based on material obtained by himself in the field, to contain names of the following tribes, viz: Omaha and Ponka, Kansa, Osage, Kwapa, Iowa, Oto and Missouri, and Winnebago.

Mr. J. Owen Dorsey didn’t do any fieldwork this year but spent a lot of time on original research. Samuel[xix] Fremont, an Omaha Indian, came to Washington in October 1888 and helped Mr. Dorsey revise the entries for the Ȼegiha-English Dictionary until February 1889. Little Standing Buffalo, a Ponka Indian from the Indian Territory, provided similar help in April and May 1889. Mr. Dorsey also finished the entries for the Ȼegiha-English Dictionary, as well as a list of personal names from the Ponka, Omaha, and Winnebago tribes. He translated all the material from the Bushotter collection in the Bureau of Ethnology from the Teton dialect of Dakota and wrote a paper on Teton folklore based on that work. Additionally, he prepared a brief paper on the camping circles of Siouan tribes and wrote an article on the ways of expressing predication in the Athapascan dialects of Oregon and several dialects within the Siouan family. He also edited the manuscript of the Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography, written by the late Rev. Dr. S. R. Riggs, which has been published as Volume VII, Contributions to North American Ethnology. In May 1889, he started an extensive paper on Indian personal names based on material he gathered himself, which will include names from the following tribes: Omaha and Ponka, Kansa, Osage, Kwapa, Iowa, Oto and Missouri, and Winnebago.

Mr. Albert S. Gatschet’s office work was almost entirely restricted to the composition and completion of his Ethnographic Sketch, Grammar, and Dictionary of the Klamath Language of Oregon, with the necessary appendices. These works have been published as Parts 1 and 2, Vol. II, of Contributions to North American Ethnology.

Mr. Albert S. Gatschet’s office work was mostly focused on writing and finalizing his Ethnographic Sketch, Grammar, and Dictionary of the Klamath Language of Oregon, along with the necessary appendices. These works have been published as Parts 1 and 2, Vol. II, of Contributions to North American Ethnology.

Mr. Jeremiah Curtin during the year arranged and copied myths of various Indian families, and also transcribed Wasco, Sahaptin, and Yanan vocabularies previously collected.

Mr. Jeremiah Curtin spent the year organizing and copying myths from different Native American tribes, and he also transcribed Wasco, Sahaptin, and Yanan vocabularies that had been collected earlier.

Mr. James Mooney, on his return from the Cherokee reservation in 1888, began at once to translate a number of the prayers and sacred songs obtained from the shamans during his visit. The result of this work has appeared in a paper in the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau entitled “Sacred formulas of the Cherokees.” Considerable time was devoted also to the elaboration of the botanic and linguistic notes obtained in the field. In[xx] the spring of 1889 he began the collection of material for a monograph on the aborigines of the Middle Atlantic slope, with special reference to the Powhatan tribes of Virginia. As a preliminary, about one thousand circulars, requesting information in regard to local names, antiquities, and surviving Indians, were distributed throughout Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, and northeastern Carolina. Sufficient information was obtained in responses to afford an excellent basis for future work in this direction.

Mr. James Mooney, upon returning from the Cherokee reservation in 1888, immediately started translating several prayers and sacred songs he collected from the shamans during his visit. The results of this work were published in a paper in the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau titled “Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees.” He also spent a considerable amount of time elaborating on the botanical and linguistic notes he gathered in the field. In [xx] the spring of 1889, he began collecting material for a monograph on the indigenous peoples of the Middle Atlantic slope, with a special focus on the Powhatan tribes of Virginia. As a preliminary step, around one thousand circulars were sent out, requesting information about local names, antiquities, and surviving Indians, distributed across Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, and northeastern Carolina. The responses provided enough information to create an excellent foundation for future work in this area.

Mr. John N. B. Hewitt, from July 1 to August 1, was engaged in arranging alphabetically the recorded words of the Tuscarora-English dictionary mentioned in former reports, and in the study of adjective word forms to determine the variety and kind of the Tuscarora moods and tenses. After his return from the field Mr. Hewitt classified and tabulated all the forms of the personal pronouns employed in the Tuscarora language. Studies were also prosecuted to develop the predicative function in the Tuscarora speech. All the terms of consanguinity and affinity as now used among the Tuscarora were recorded and tabulated. Literal translations of many myths collected in the field were made, and free translations added to four of them. In all appropriate instances linguistic notes were added relating to etymology, phonesis, and verbal change.

Mr. John Hewitt, from July 1 to August 1, worked on organizing the recorded words of the Tuscarora-English dictionary mentioned in previous reports in alphabetical order, and he studied adjective word forms to analyze the different moods and tenses in the Tuscarora language. After returning from the field, Mr. Hewitt classified and compiled all the forms of personal pronouns used in the Tuscarora language. Research was also conducted to explore the predicative function in Tuscarora speech. All the terms related to family relationships and connections currently used by the Tuscarora were documented and organized. Literal translations of many myths collected in the field were created, and free translations were added to four of them. In all relevant instances, linguistic notes were included addressing etymology, phonetics, and changes in verbs.

Mr. James C. Pilling gave much time to bibliographies of North American languages. The bibliography of the Iroquoian languages was completed early in the fiscal year, and the edition was issued in February. In the meantime a bibliography of the Muskhogean languages was compiled, the manuscript of which was sent to the Public Printer in January, 1889, though the edition was not delivered during the fiscal year. Early in March, 1889, Mr. Pilling went to Philadelphia to inspect the manuscripts belonging to the American Philosophical Society, the authorities of which gave him every facility, and much new material was secured. In June he visited the Astor, Lenox, and Historical Society libraries in New York; the libraries of the Boston Athenæum, Massachusetts Historical Society, American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, and the Boston Public Library, in Boston;[xxi] that of Harvard University, in Cambridge; of the American Antiquarian Society, in Worcester; and the private library of Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, in Hartford. In Canada he visited the library of Laval University, and the private library of Mr. P. Gagnon, in Quebec, of St. Mary’s College and Jacques Cartier School in Montreal, and various missions along the St. Lawrence river, to inspect the manuscripts left by the early missionaries. The result was the accumulation of much new material for insertion in the Algonquian bibliography.

Mr. James C. Pilling dedicated a lot of time to bibliographies of North American languages. The bibliography of the Iroquoian languages was finished early in the fiscal year, and the edition was released in February. In the meantime, a bibliography of the Muskhogean languages was put together; the manuscript was sent to the Public Printer in January 1889, although the edition wasn’t delivered during that fiscal year. In early March 1889, Mr. Pilling traveled to Philadelphia to examine the manuscripts held by the American Philosophical Society, where the authorities provided him with full support, and he obtained a lot of new material. In June, he visited the libraries of the Astor, Lenox, and Historical Society in New York; the libraries of the Boston Athenæum, Massachusetts Historical Society, American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, and the Boston Public Library in Boston; the Harvard University library in Cambridge; the American Antiquarian Society in Worcester; and the private library of Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull in Hartford. In Canada, he explored the library of Laval University, the private library of Mr. P. Gagnon in Quebec, St. Mary’s College and Jacques Cartier School in Montreal, and various missions along the St. Lawrence River to check out the manuscripts left by early missionaries. The outcome was the gathering of a lot of new material to be added to the Algonquian bibliography.

Mr. William H. Holmes continued to edit the illustrations for the publications of the Bureau, and besides was engaged actively in his studies of aboriginal archeology. He completed papers upon the pottery of the Potomac valley, and upon the objects of shell collected by the Bureau during the last eight years, and he has others in preparation. As curator of Bureau collections he makes the following statement of accessions for the year: From Mr. Thomas and his immediate assistants, working in the mound region of the Mississippi valley and contiguous portions of the Atlantic slope, the Bureau has received one hundred and forty-six specimens, including articles of clay, stone, shell, and bone. Mr. Victor Mindeleff obtained sixteen specimens of pottery from the Pueblo country. Other collections by members of the Bureau and the U. S. Geological Survey are as follows: Shell beads and pendants (modern) from San Buenaventura, California, by Mr. Henshaw; fragments of pottery and other articles from the vicinity of the Cheroki agency, North Carolina, by Mr. Mooney; a large grooved hammer from the bluff at Three Forks, Montana, by Mr. A. C. Peale; a large series of rude stone implements from the District of Columbia, by Mr. De Lancey W. Gill. Donations have been received as follows: An important series of earthen vases from a mound on Perdido bay, Alabama, given by F. H. Parsons; ancient pueblo vases from southwestern Colorado, by William M. Davidson; a series of spurious earthen vessels, manufactured by unknown persons in eastern Iowa, from C. C. Jones, of Augusta, Georgia; fragments of pottery, etc., from Romney, West Virginia, given by G. H. Johnson; fragments of a steatite pot from Ledyard,[xxii] Connecticut, by G. L. Fancher; an interesting series of stone tools, earthen vessels, etc., from a mound on Lake Apopka, Florida, by Thomas Featherstonhaugh; fragments of gilded earthenware and photographs of antiquities from Mexico, by F. Plancarte; fragments of gold ornaments from Costa Rica, by Anastasio Alfaro. Important specimens have been received as follows: Articles of clay from a mound on Perdido bay, Alabama, loaned by Mrs. A. T. Mosman; articles of clay from the last mentioned locality, by A. B. Simons; pottery from the Potomac valley, by W. Hallett Phillips, by S. V. Proudfit, and by H. L. Reynolds; articles of gold and gold-copper alloy from Costa Rica, by Anastasio Alfaro, Secretary of the National Museum at San Jose.

Mr. William H. Holmes continued to work on the illustrations for the Bureau's publications and was also actively involved in his studies of Native American archaeology. He finished papers on the pottery of the Potomac Valley and on the shell objects collected by the Bureau over the past eight years, with more in the works. As curator of Bureau collections, he provided the following report on accessions for the year: From Mr. Thomas and his team working in the mound region of the Mississippi Valley and nearby parts of the Atlantic slope, the Bureau received one hundred and forty-six specimens, which included items made of clay, stone, shell, and bone. Mr. Victor Mindeleff obtained sixteen pottery specimens from the Pueblo region. Other collections contributed by Bureau members and the U.S. Geological Survey include: modern shell beads and pendants from San Buenaventura, California, by Mr. Henshaw; pottery fragments and other objects from near the Cherokee agency in North Carolina, by Mr. Mooney; a large grooved hammer from the bluff at Three Forks, Montana, by Mr. A. C. Peale; and a significant collection of primitive stone tools from the District of Columbia, by Mr. De Lancey W. Gill. Donations received include: an important collection of earthen vases from a mound on Perdido Bay, Alabama, given by F. H. Parsons; ancient Pueblo vases from southwestern Colorado, by William M. Davidson; a set of counterfeit earthen vessels made by unknown people in eastern Iowa, donated by C. C. Jones from Augusta, Georgia; pottery fragments, etc., from Romney, West Virginia, provided by G. H. Johnson; pieces of a steatite pot from Ledyard, [xxii] Connecticut, by G. L. Fancher; an intriguing collection of stone tools and earthen vessels from a mound on Lake Apopka, Florida, by Thomas Featherstonhaugh; fragments of gilded earthenware and photographs of artifacts from Mexico, by F. Plancarte; and pieces of gold ornaments from Costa Rica, by Anastasio Alfaro. Important specimens received include: clay items from a mound on Perdido Bay, Alabama, loaned by Mrs. A. T. Mosman; additional clay items from the same location by A. B. Simons; pottery from the Potomac Valley by W. Hallett Phillips, S. V. Proudfit, and H. L. Reynolds; and gold and gold-copper alloy items from Costa Rica, by Anastasio Alfaro, Secretary of the National Museum in San Jose.

Mr. Thomas was chiefly occupied during the year in the preparation of the second and third volumes of his reports upon the mounds. He also prepared a bulletin on the Circular, Square, and Octagonal Earthworks of Ohio, with a view of giving a summary of the recent survey by the mound division of the principal works of the above character in southern Ohio. A second bulletin was completed, entitled “The Problem of the Ohio Mounds,” in which he presented evidence to show that the ancient works of the state are due to Indians of several different tribes, and that some, at least, of the typical works were built by the ancestors of the modern Cherokees.

Mr. Thomas spent most of the year working on the second and third volumes of his reports about the mounds. He also put together a bulletin on the Circular, Square, and Octagonal Earthworks of Ohio, aiming to summarize the recent survey by the mound division of the major sites of this kind in southern Ohio. He completed a second bulletin called “The Problem of the Ohio Mounds,” where he provided evidence showing that the ancient structures in the state were created by various Indian tribes, and that some of the typical sites were built by the ancestors of the modern Cherokees.

Mr. Reynolds after his return from the field was engaged in the preparation of a general map of the United States, showing the area of the mounds and the relative frequency of their occurrence. He also assisted Mr. Thomas in the preparation of the monograph upon the inclosures.

Mr. Reynolds, after returning from the field, was working on a general map of the United States that highlighted the mounds' locations and how often they appeared. He also helped Mr. Thomas with the monograph about the enclosures.

Mr. Victor Mindeleff, assisted by Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, was engaged in preparing for publication a “Study of Pueblo Architecture” as illustrated in the provinces of Tusayan and Cibola, material for which he had been collecting for a number of years. This report has appeared in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau.

Mr. Victor Mindeleff, along with Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, was working on getting a “Study of Pueblo Architecture” ready for publication. This study focused on the regions of Tusayan and Cibola, and he had been gathering material for it for several years. This report has been published in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau.

Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff with the force of the modeling room at the beginning of the fiscal year completed the exhibit of the Bureau for the Cincinnati Exposition, and during the early[xxiii] part of the year he was at Cincinnati in charge of that exhibit. Owing to restricted space it was limited to the Pueblo culture group, but this was illustrated as fully as the time would permit. The exhibit covered about 1,200 feet of floor space, as well as a large amount of wall space, and consisted of models of pueblo and cliff ruins, models of inhabited pueblos, ancient and modern pottery, examples of weaving, basketry, etc.; a representative series of implements of war, the chase, agriculture, and the household; manikins illustrating costumes, and a series of large photographs illustrative of aboriginal architecture of the pueblo region, and of many phases of pueblo life. Upon Mr. Mindeleff’s return from Cincinnati he resumed assistance to Mr. Victor Mindeleff upon the report on pueblo architecture, and by the close of the fiscal year the two chapters which had been assigned to him were completed. They consist of a review of the literature on the pueblo region and a summary of the traditions of the Tusayan group from material collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen. Work was also continued on the duplicate series of models, and twelve were advanced to various stages of completion. Some time was devoted to repairing original models which had been exhibited at Cincinnati and other exhibitions, and also to experiments in casting in paper, in order in find a suitable paper for use in large models. The experiments were successful.

Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, along with the modeling team at the start of the fiscal year, finished the exhibit for the Bureau at the Cincinnati Exposition. During the early[xxiii] part of the year, he was in Cincinnati managing that exhibit. Due to limited space, it focused on the Pueblo culture group, but they represented it as thoroughly as time allowed. The exhibit used around 1,200 square feet of floor space, plus a lot of wall space, and included models of pueblo and cliff ruins, models of inhabited pueblos, both ancient and modern pottery, examples of weaving, basketry, and so on; a selection of tools for warfare, hunting, farming, and household use; mannequins showcasing costumes; and a series of large photographs depicting the original architecture of the pueblo region and various aspects of pueblo life. After Mr. Mindeleff returned from Cincinnati, he resumed work with Mr. Victor Mindeleff on the report about pueblo architecture, and by the end of the fiscal year, the two chapters assigned to him were finished. These chapters include a review of the literature on the pueblo region and a summary of the traditions of the Tusayan group based on material collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen. Work also continued on the duplicate series of models, with twelve moving to various stages of completion. Some time was spent repairing original models that had been displayed in Cincinnati and other exhibitions, as well as experimenting with paper casting to find a suitable paper for large models. The experiments were successful.

Mr. J. K. Hillers has continued the collection of photographs of prominent Indians in both full-face and profile, by which method all the facial characteristics are exhibited to the best advantage. In nearly every instance a record has been preserved of the sitter’s status in the tribe, his age, biographic notes of interest, and in cases of mixed bloods, the degree of intermixture of blood. The total number of photographs obtained during the year is 27, distributed among the following tribes, viz: Sac and Fox, 5; Dakota, 6; Omaha, 6, and mixed bloods (Creeks), 10.

Mr. J.K. Hillers has continued collecting photographs of prominent Native Americans in both full-face and profile views, which showcase all their facial features in the best light. In almost every case, a record has been kept of the sitter’s status in the tribe, their age, interesting biographical notes, and for those of mixed heritage, the degree of blood intermixture. The total number of photographs taken this year is 27, distributed among the following tribes: Sac and Fox, 5; Dakota, 6; Omaha, 6; and mixed bloods (Creeks), 10.

Mr. Franz Boas was employed from February to April in preparing for convenient use a series of vocabularies of the several Salish divisions, previously collected by him in British Columbia.

Mr. Franz Boas worked from February to April on making a series of vocabularies for the various Salish divisions, which he had previously collected in British Columbia, easier to use.

Mr. Lucien M. Turner was for two years stationed at the Hudson Bay Company’s post, Fort Chimo, near the northern end of the peninsula of Labrador, as a civilian observer in the employ of the Signal Service, U. S. Army. He was appointed to that position at the request of the late Prof. Baird, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, in order that his skill might be made available in a complete investigation of the ethnology and natural history of the region. Mr. Turner left Washington in June, 1882, and returned in the autumn of 1884. During the last year he was engaged in the preparation of a report which will appear in one of the forthcoming annual reports of the Bureau.

Mr. Lucien M. Turner spent two years at the Hudson Bay Company’s post, Fort Chimo, near the northern tip of the Labrador peninsula, working as a civilian observer for the Signal Service of the U.S. Army. He was appointed to this role at the request of the late Prof. Baird, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, so that his expertise could contribute to a thorough study of the region's ethnology and natural history. Mr. Turner left Washington in June 1882 and returned in the fall of 1884. In his final year there, he was focused on preparing a report that will be included in one of the upcoming annual reports from the Bureau.

NECROLOGY.

MR. JAMES STEVENSON.

The officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and all persons interested in researches concerning the North American Indians were this year called to lament the death of Mr. James Stevenson, who had made regular and valuable contributions to the publications and collections of the Bureau.

The officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and everyone interested in research about North American Indians were this year called to mourn the death of Mr. James Stevenson, who had made consistent and valuable contributions to the Bureau's publications and collections.

Mr. Stevenson was born in Maysville, Kentucky, on the 24th of December, 1840. When but a boy of 16 he became associated with Prof. F. V. Hayden, and accompanied him upon expeditions into the regions of the upper Missouri and Yellowstone rivers. Although the main objects of these expeditions were geological, his tastes led him chiefly to the observation of the customs and dialects of the Indians, and the facilities for such study afforded him by the winters spent among the Blackfoot and Dakota Indians excited and confirmed the anthropologic zeal which absorbed the greater part of his life.

Mr. Stevenson was born in Maysville, Kentucky, on December 24, 1840. At just 16, he teamed up with Prof. F. V. Hayden and joined him on expeditions in the areas around the upper Missouri and Yellowstone rivers. While the main focus of these trips was geological, he was mostly interested in observing the customs and dialects of the Native Americans. The time he spent during the winters among the Blackfoot and Dakota tribes sparked and solidified his passion for anthropology, which became the central focus of his life.

After military service during the civil war he resumed, in 1866, the studies which had been interrupted by it, and accompanied Prof. Hayden to the Bad Lands of Dakota. From this expedition and the action of the Congress of the United States in 1866-’67, sprang the Hayden survey, and during its existence Mr. Stevenson was its executive officer. In one of the explorations from 1868 to 1878, which are too many to be here enumerated, he climbed the Great Teton, and was the[xxv] first white man known to have reached the ancient Indian altar on its summit.

After serving in the military during the Civil War, he picked up his studies again in 1866 that had been put on hold because of it, and joined Professor Hayden on a trip to the Badlands of Dakota. This expedition, along with the actions of the U.S. Congress in 1866-’67, led to the Hayden survey, and during its operation, Mr. Stevenson acted as its executive officer. In one of the many explorations carried out from 1868 to 1878, he climbed the Great Teton and became the[xxv] first white man known to have reached the ancient Indian altar at the top.

In 1879 the Hayden survey was discontinued, the Bureau of Ethnology was organized, and the U. S. Geological Survey was established. Mr. Stevenson, in addition to his duties as the executive officer of the new survey, was detailed for research in connection with the Bureau of Ethnology. In the subsequent years he devoted the winters—from the incoming of the field parties to their outgoing in the spring—chiefly to business of the survey; his summers to his favorite researches. He explored the cliff and cave dwellings of Arizona and New Mexico; he unearthed in the Canyon de Chelly two perfect skeletons of its prehistoric inhabitants; he investigated the religious mythology of the Zuñi, and secured a complete collection of fetich-gods, never before allowed out of their possession; he studied the history and religions of the Navajo and the Tusayan, and made an invaluable collection of pottery, costumes, and ceremonial objects, which are now prominent in the U. S. National Museum. But in the high mesas which were the field of his explorations in 1885 he was attacked by the “mountain fever” in its worst form. It was his first serious illness, and his regular and temperate life saved him for the time. But a visit to the same region in 1887 brought on a second attack of this peculiar and distressing disease. He came home prostrated, with symptoms of serious heart failure.

In 1879, the Hayden survey was ended, the Bureau of Ethnology was formed, and the U.S. Geological Survey was created. Mr. Stevenson, in addition to his role as the executive officer of the new survey, was assigned to research with the Bureau of Ethnology. In the following years, he dedicated his winters—from when the field teams arrived until they left in the spring—mainly to survey work; his summers were spent on his preferred research. He explored the cliff and cave dwellings of Arizona and New Mexico; he discovered two complete skeletons of prehistoric inhabitants in Canyon de Chelly; he studied the religious mythology of the Zuñi and obtained a complete collection of their fetich-gods, which had never been allowed outside their possession; he looked into the histories and religions of the Navajo and the Tusayan, and collected important pottery, clothing, and ceremonial objects that are now featured in the U.S. National Museum. However, in the high mesas where he was conducting research in 1885, he fell seriously ill with “mountain fever” at its worst. It was his first major illness, but his healthy and moderate lifestyle helped him at that time. Nonetheless, a return to the same area in 1887 triggered a second bout of this unusual and troubling illness. He returned home exhausted, with signs of serious heart failure.

He died at the Gilsey House, in New York city, on the 25th of July, 1888, and was buried in the cemetery of Rock Creek church, near Washington.

He died at the Gilsey House in New York City on July 25, 1888, and was buried in the cemetery of Rock Creek Church near Washington.

ACCOMPANYING PAPER.

For the first time in the series of the Annual Reports of this Bureau a single paper is submitted to exhibit the character of the investigations undertaken and the facts collected by its officers, with the results of their studies upon such collections. But while the paper is single in form and in title, it includes, in its illustrations and the text relating to them, nearly all topics into which anthropology can properly be divided, and therefore shows more diversity than would often be contained[xxvi] in a volume composed of separate papers by several authors. Its subject-matter being essentially pictorial, it required a large number of illustrations, twelve hundred and ninety-five figures being furnished in the text, besides fifty-four full-page plates, which, with their explanation and discussion, expanded the volume to such size as to exclude other papers.

For the first time in the series of Annual Reports by this Bureau, a single document is presented to showcase the nature of the investigations conducted and the data collected by its officers, along with the results of their studies on those collections. Although the document is singular in format and title, it encompasses, through its illustrations and related text, nearly all the topics that anthropology can be divided into, displaying more diversity than would typically be found[xxvi] in a volume made up of separate papers by multiple authors. Since the subject matter is mainly visual, it required a significant number of illustrations, featuring twelve hundred and ninety-five figures in the text, along with fifty-four full-page plates, which, along with their explanations and discussions, made the volume so large that it excluded other papers.

PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS, BY GARRICK MALLERY.

The papers accompanying the Fourth Annual Report of this Bureau, which was for the fiscal year 1882-’83, included one under the title “Pictographs of the North American Indians, a Preliminary Paper, by Garrick Mallery.” Although that work was of considerable length and the result of much research and study, it was in fact as well as in title preliminary. The substance and general character of the information obtained at that time on the subject was published not only for the benefit of students already interested in it, but also to excite interest in that branch of study among active explorers in the field and, indeed, among all persons engaged in anthropologic researches. For the convenience of such workers as were invited in general terms to become collaborators, suggestions were offered for the examination, description, and study of the objects connected with this branch of investigation which might be noticed or discovered by them. The result of this preliminary publication has shown the wisdom of the plan adopted. Since the distribution of the Fourth Annual Report pictography in its various branches has become, far more than ever before, a prominent feature in the publications of learned societies, in the separate works of anthropologists, and in the notes of scientific explorers. The present paper includes, with proper credit to the authors quoted or cited, many contributions to this branch of study which obviously have been induced by the preliminary paper before mentioned.

The documents that came with the Fourth Annual Report of this Bureau, which covered the fiscal year 1882-’83, included one titled “Pictographs of the North American Indians: A Preliminary Paper, by Garrick Mallery.” Although this work was quite lengthy and the result of extensive research and study, it was, in essence and in name, preliminary. The core content and overall nature of the information collected at that time were published not just to benefit those students already interested in the topic, but also to spark interest among active field explorers and, indeed, all individuals involved in anthropological research. To assist those who were generally invited to collaborate, suggestions were provided for the examination, description, and study of objects related to this area of inquiry that they might encounter or discover. The outcome of this initial publication has demonstrated the prudence of this approach. Since the distribution of the Fourth Annual Report, pictography in its various forms has become, more than ever before, a significant focus in the publications of scholarly societies, in individual works of anthropologists, and in the notes of scientific explorers. This current paper includes, with proper acknowledgment to the authors quoted or cited, many contributions to this field of study that have clearly been inspired by the aforementioned preliminary paper.

The interest thus excited has continued to be manifested by the publication of new information of importance, in diverse shapes and in many languages, some of which has been received too late for proper attention in this paper.

The interest that has been generated continues to be shown through the publication of important new information, in various formats and many languages, some of which has come too late for proper consideration in this paper.

Col. Mallery’s studies in pictography commenced in the field. He was stationed with his military command at Fort Rice, on the upper Missouri river, in the autumn of 1876, and obtained a copy of the remarkable pictograph which he then called “A Calendar of the Dakota Nation,” and published under that title, with interpretation and explanation, in Vol. III, No. 1, of the series of bulletins of the U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, issued April 9, 1877. This work attracted attention, and at the request of the Secretary of the Interior he was ordered by the Secretary of War, on June 13, 1877, to report for duty, in connection with the ethnology of the North American Indians, to the present Director of this Bureau, then in charge of the Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region. Upon the organization of the Bureau of Ethnology, in 1879, Col. Mallery was appointed ethnologist, and has continued in that duty without intermission, supplementing field explorations by study of all accessible anthropologic literature and by extensive correspondence. His attention has been steadily directed to pictography and to sign-language, which branches of study are so closely connected that neither can be successfully pursued to the exclusion of the other, but his researches have by no means been confined to those related subjects.

Col. Mallery began his studies in pictography in the field. He was stationed with his military unit at Fort Rice, along the upper Missouri River, in the fall of 1876, and obtained a copy of the notable pictograph he called “A Calendar of the Dakota Nation.” He published it under that title, complete with interpretations and explanations, in Vol. III, No. 1 of the bulletins from the U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, released on April 9, 1877. This work gained attention, and at the request of the Secretary of the Interior, he was ordered by the Secretary of War on June 13, 1877, to report for duty related to the ethnology of the North American Indians to the current Director of this Bureau, who was overseeing the Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region at that time. When the Bureau of Ethnology was established in 1879, Col. Mallery was appointed as an ethnologist and has continued in this role without interruption, enhancing field explorations with study of all available anthropological literature and extensive correspondence. He has consistently focused on pictography and sign language, as these two areas of study are so interconnected that one cannot be effectively pursued without the other. However, his research has certainly not been limited to these related topics.

The plan and scope of the present work may be very briefly stated as follows:

The plan and scope of the current work can be briefly summarized as follows:

After some introductory definitions and explanations general remarks are submitted upon the grand division of petroglyphs or pictures upon rocks as distinct from other exhibitions of pictography. This division is less susceptible of interpretation than others, but it claims special interest and attention because the locality of production is fixed, and also because the antiquity of workmanship may often be determined with more certainty than can that of pictures on less enduring and readily transportable objects. Descriptions, with illustrations, are presented of petroglyphs in North America, including those in several provinces of Canada, in many of the states and territories of the United States, in Mexico, and in the West Indies. A large number from Central and South America[xxviii] also appear, followed by examples from Australia, Oceanica, Europe, Africa, and Asia, inserted chiefly for comparison with the picture-writings in America, to which the work is specially devoted, and therefore styled extra-limital petroglyphs. The curious forms called cup sculptures are next discussed, followed by a chapter on pictographs considered generally, which condenses the results of much thought. The substances, apart from rocks, on which picture-writing is found are next considered, and afterwards the instruments and materials by which they are made. The subjects of pictography and the practices which elucidate it are classified under several headings, viz: Mnemonic, subdivided into (1) Knotted cords and objects tied, (2) Notched or marked sticks, (3) Wampum, (4) Order of songs, (5) Traditions, (6) Treaties, (7) Appointment, (8) Numeration, (9) Accounting; Chronology, in which the charts at first called calendars, but now, in correct translation of the Indian terms, styled winter-counts, are discussed and illustrated with the care required by their remarkable characteristics; Notices, which chapter embraces (1) Notice of visit, departure, and direction, (2) Direction by drawing topographic features, (3) Notice of condition, (4) Warning and guidance; Communications, including (1) Declaration of war, (2) Profession of peace and friendship, (3) Challenge, (4) Social and religious missives, (5) Claim or demand; Totems, titles, and names, divided into (1) Pictorial tribal designations, (2) Gentile and clan designation, (3) Significance of tattoo marks, which topic is discussed at length, with ample illustration, and (4) Designations of individuals, subdivided into insignia or tokens of authority, signs of individual achievements, property marks, and personal names. Some of the facts presented are to be correlated with the antique forms of heraldry and others with proper names in modern civilization.

After some introductory definitions and explanations, general remarks are presented about the major classification of petroglyphs, or images on rocks, distinguishing them from other forms of pictography. This classification is less open to interpretation than others, but it deserves special interest and attention because the location of creation is fixed, and the age of the craftsmanship can often be determined more accurately than that of images on less permanent and easily transportable objects. Descriptions, along with illustrations, are provided for petroglyphs in North America, including those in several provinces of Canada, many states and territories in the United States, Mexico, and the West Indies. A significant number from Central and South America[xxviii] is also included, followed by examples from Australia, Oceania, Europe, Africa, and Asia, primarily for comparison with the picture writings in America, to which this work is specifically dedicated, hence termed extra-limital petroglyphs. The interesting forms known as cup sculptures are then discussed, followed by a chapter on pictographs considered in general, which summarizes the results of extensive thought. The materials, aside from rocks, on which picture-writing appears are then examined, followed by the tools and materials used to create them. The topics of pictography and the practices that clarify it are categorized under several headings: Mnemonic, which includes (1) Knotted cords and tied objects, (2) Notched or marked sticks, (3) Wampum, (4) Order of songs, (5) Traditions, (6) Treaties, (7) Appointments, (8) Numeration, (9) Accounting; Chronology, in which the charts initially called calendars—now accurately translated from the Indian terms as winter-counts—are discussed and illustrated with the attention their remarkable characteristics warrant; Notices, which covers (1) Notices of visit, departure, and direction, (2) Direction through drawings of topographic features, (3) Notices of condition, (4) Warnings and guidance; Communications, which includes (1) Declarations of war, (2) Professions of peace and friendship, (3) Challenges, (4) Social and religious messages, (5) Claims or demands; Totems, titles, and names, divided into (1) Pictorial tribal designations, (2) Gentile and clan designations, (3) The significance of tattoo marks, which is discussed in detail with ample illustrations, and (4) Designations of individuals, subdivided into insignias or tokens of authority, signs of personal achievements, property marks, and personal names. Some of the information presented correlates with ancient forms of heraldry and others with proper names in modern civilization.

The topic Religion, considered in the popular significance of that term, is divided into (1) Symbols of the supernatural, (2) Myths and mythic animals, (3) Shamanism, (4) Charms and amulets, (5) Religious ceremonies, and (6) Mortuary practices. Customs are divided into (1) Cult associations, (2) Daily life and habits, (3) Games. The chapter entitled Historic[xxix] presents (1) Record of expeditions, (2) Record of battle, which includes a highly interesting Indian pictured account of the battle of the Little Big Horn, commonly called the “Custer massacre,” (3) Record of migration, (4) Record of notable events. The Biographic chapter gives too many minutiæ for particularization here, but is divided into (1) Continuous record of events in life and (2) Particular exploits or events. Ideography permeates and infuses all the matter under the other headings, but is discussed distinctively and with evidential illustrations in the sections of (1) abstract ideas expressed objectively, and (2) symbols and emblems. In the latter section the author suggests that the proper mode of interpretation of pictographs whose origin and significance are unknown is that they are to be primarily supposed to be objective representations, but may be, and often are, ideographic, and in a limited number of cases may have become symbolic, but that the strong presumption without extrinsic evidence is against the occult or esoteric symbolism often attributed to the markings under discussion. The significance of colors is connected with ideography and examples are given of the colors used in many parts of the world for mere decoration, in ceremonies, for death and mourning, for war and peace, and to designate social status. The depiction of gesture and posture signs is next discussed, showing the intimate relation between a thought as expressed without words by signs, and a thought expressed without words by pictures corresponding to those signs.

The topic Religion, understood in its popular meaning, is divided into (1) Symbols of the supernatural, (2) Myths and mythical creatures, (3) Shamanism, (4) Charms and amulets, (5) Religious ceremonies, and (6) Burial practices. Customs are divided into (1) Cult associations, (2) Daily life and habits, (3) Games. The chapter titled Historic[xxix] covers (1) Records of explorations, (2) Records of battles, which includes a fascinating account from an Indigenous perspective of the battle of Little Bighorn, often called the “Custer massacre,” (3) Records of migrations, and (4) Records of significant events. The Biographic chapter contains too many details to specify here, but it is divided into (1) Ongoing records of life events and (2) Specific achievements or occurrences. Ideography is present in all the content under the other headings, but is addressed separately with supporting examples in the sections of (1) abstract ideas articulated objectively, and (2) symbols and emblems. In the latter section, the author suggests that the best way to interpret pictographs whose origin and meaning are unclear is to assume they are primarily objective representations. However, they may also be, and often are, ideographic, and in some cases, they may have become symbolic. Still, the strong assumption without external evidence is against the mystical or hidden symbolism often attributed to these markings. The meaning of colors is linked to ideography, with examples provided of colors used worldwide for decoration, in ceremonies, for death and mourning, for war and peace, and to indicate social status. The discussion then moves to gesture and posture signs, illustrating the close relationship between thoughts expressed without words through signs and thoughts conveyed without words through pictures that correspond to those signs.

Conventionalizing is divided into conventional devices, which were the precursors of writing, and the syllabaries and alphabets evolved. The pictographic origin of all the current alphabets of the world, often before discussed, receives further explanation.

Conventionalizing is divided into conventional devices, which were the precursors of writing, and the syllabaries and alphabets that developed from them. The pictographic origins of all the current alphabets in the world, often discussed before, is further explained here.

While comparison by the reader between all the illustrations and the facts recorded and the suggestions submitted about them is essential to the utility of the work, the author gives, as representing his own mode of study, found to be advantageous in use, a chapter on Special Comparison, divided into (1) Typical style, (2) Homomorphs and symmorphs,[xxx] (3) Composite forms, (4) Artistic skill and methods. This chapter is followed by one with which it is closely connected, styled Means of Interpretation, divided into (1) Marked characters of known significance, (2) Distinctive costumes, weapons, and ornaments, (3) Ambiguous characters with known meanings, the latter being chiefly a collection of separate figures which would not be readily recognized without labels, but which are understood through reliable authority. Finally, under the rather noncommittal title of Controverted Pictographs, the subjects of fraud and error are discussed with striking examples and useful cautions.

While it's important for the reader to compare all the illustrations with the recorded facts and suggestions about them for the work to be useful, the author includes a chapter on Special Comparison, which reflects his own study approach that’s been found helpful. This chapter is divided into (1) Typical style, (2) Homomorphs and symmorphs,[xxx] (3) Composite forms, and (4) Artistic skill and methods. Following this is a closely related chapter titled Means of Interpretation, which is divided into (1) Marked characters of known significance, (2) Distinctive costumes, weapons, and ornaments, and (3) Ambiguous characters with known meanings. The last category is mainly a collection of individual figures that aren't easily recognized without labels but are understood through reputable sources. Lastly, under the somewhat neutral title of Controverted Pictographs, the topics of fraud and error are examined with compelling examples and helpful warnings.

From this brief paraphrase of the table of contents, it is obvious that nearly all branches of anthropology are touched upon. It is also to be remarked that the work is unique because it presents the several anthropologic topics recorded by the Indians themselves according to their unbiased conceptions, and in their own mode of writing. From this point of view the anonymous and generally unknown pictographers may be considered to be the primary authors of the treatise and Col. Mallery a discoverer, compiler, and editor. But such depreciative limitation of his functions would ignore the originality of treatment pervading the work and the systematic classification and skillful analysis shown in it which enhance its value and interest.

From this brief summary of the table of contents, it’s clear that almost all areas of anthropology are included. It's also worth noting that the work is unique because it presents various anthropological topics recorded by the Native Americans themselves, based on their own perspectives and in their own way of writing. From this perspective, the anonymous and generally unknown artists can be seen as the main authors of the treatise, while Col. Mallery serves as a discoverer, compiler, and editor. However, downplaying his role like that would overlook the originality of treatment that runs throughout the work, as well as the structured classification and thoughtful analysis it displays, which enhance its value and interest.

FINANCIAL STATEMENT.

Classification of expenditures made from the appropriation for North American ethnology for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1889.

Classification of expenses from the budget for North American ethnology for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1889.

Amount of appropriation 1888-’89$40,000.00
EXPENSES.
Services$29,546.20
Traveling expenses3,243.45
Transportation of property128.05
Field supplies47.00
Instruments16.00
Laboratory material95.60
Photographic material44.20
Books for library202.39
Stationery and drawing material59.36
Illustrations for report114.00
Office furniture92.50
Office supplies and repairs218.75
Correspondence4.17
Specimens500.00
Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to Treasury for settlement61.19
Balance on hand to meet outstanding liabilities5,627.14
Total40,000.00

ACCOMPANYING PAPER.

ACCOMPANYING PAPER.

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION—BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

Smithsonian Institution—Bureau of Ethnology.

PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS.

BY
GARRICK MALLERY.

BY
Garrick Mallery.

CONTENTS.

 Page.
Introduction25
Chapter I. Petroglyphs31
Chapter II. Petroglyphs in North America37
Section 1. Petroglyphs in Canada37
Nova Scotia37
Ontario42
Manitoba43
British Columbia44
Section 2. Petroglyphs in the United States45
Alaska47
Arizona48
California52
Owens Valley56
Colorado72
Connecticut75
Georgia76
Idaho77
Illinois77
Iowa80
Kansas80
Kentucky81
Maine81
Maryland83
Massachusetts86
Minnesota87
Montana90
Nebraska90
Nevada92
New Mexico96
New York98
North Carolina99
Ohio101
Oregon104
Pennsylvania106
Rhode Island113
South Dakota114
Tennessee114
Texas115
Utah116
Virginia121
Washington122
West Virginia124
Wisconsin126
Wyoming128
[6]Section 3. Petroglyphs in Mexico131
Section 4. Petroglyphs in the West Indies136
Puerto Rico136
The Bahama islands137
Guadeloupe139
Aruba139
Chapter III. Petroglyphs in Central and South America141
Section 1. Petroglyphs in Central America141
Nicaragua141
Guatemala142
Section 2. Petroglyphs in South America142
United States of Colombia143
Guiana144
Venezuela147
Brazil150
Argentine Republic157
Peru157
Chile159
Chapter IV. Extra-limital petroglyphs161
Section 1. Petroglyphs in Australia161
Section 2. Petroglyphs in Oceanica165
New Zealand165
Kei islands167
Easter island169
Section 3. Petroglyphs in Europe171
Great Britain and Ireland171
Sweden173
France175
Spain177
Italy178
Section 4. Petroglyphs in Africa178
Algeria178
Egypt179
South Africa180
Canary islands183
Section 5. Petroglyphs in Asia185
China185
Japan185
India186
Siberia186
Chapter V. Cup sculptures189
Chapter VI. Pictographs generally201
Chapter VII. Substances on which pictographs are made205
Section 1. The human body205
Section 2. Natural objects other than the human body205
Stone205
Bone206
Skins206
Feathers and quills207
Gourds208
Shells209
Earth and sand210
Copper212
[7]Wood213
Section 3. Artificial objects215
Fictile fabrics215
Textile fabrics215
Chapter VIII. Instruments and materials by which pictographs are made218
Section 1. Instruments for carving218
Section 2. Instruments for drawing219
Section 3. Coloring matter and its application219
Chapter IX. Mnemonic223
Section 1. Knotted cords and objects tied223
Section 2. Notched or marked sticks227
Section 3. Wampum228
Section 4. Order of songs231
Section 5. Traditions250
The origin of the Indians255
Section 6. Treaties256
Section 7. Appointment257
Section 8. Numeration258
Section 9. Accounting259
Chapter X. Chronology265
Section 1. Time265
Section 2. Winter counts266
Lone-Dog’s winter count273
Battiste Good’s winter count287
Chapter XI. Notices329
Section 1. Notice of visit, departure and direction329
Section 2. Direction by drawing topographic features341
Section 3. Notice of condition347
Section 4. Warning and guidance353
Chapter XII. Communications358
Section 1. Declaration of war358
Section 2. Profession of peace and friendship359
Section 3. Challenge362
Section 4. Social and religious missives362
Australian message sticks369
West African aroko371
Section 5. Claim or demand374
Chapter XIII. Totems, titles, and names376
Section 1. Pictorial tribal designations377
Iroquoian377
Eastern Algonquian378
Siouan and other designations379
Absaroka, or Crow380
Arapaho381
Arikara, or Ree381
Assiniboin381
Brulé382
Cheyenne382
Dakota, or Sioux383
Hidatsa, Gros Ventre or Minitari384
Kaiowa384
Mandan385
Mandan and Arikara385
Ojibwa385
Omaha385
[8]Pawnee386
Ponka386
Shoshoni387
Section 2. Gentile and clan designations388
Section 3. Significance of tattoo391
Tattoo in North America392
On the Pacific coast396
Tattoo in South America407
Extra-limital tattoo407
Scarification416
Summary of studies on tattooing418
Section 4. Designations of individuals419
Insignia, or tokens of authority419
Signs of individual achievements433
Property marks441
Personal names442
Objective447
Metaphoric453
Animal455
Vegetable458
Chapter XIV. Religion461
Section 1. Symbols of the supernatural462
Section 2. Myths and mythic animals468
Thunder birds483
Section 3. Shamanism490
Section 4. Charms and amulets501
Section 5. Religious ceremonies505
Section 6. Mortuary practices517
Chapter XV. Customs528
Section 1. Cult societies528
Section 2. Daily life and habits530
Section 3. Games547
Chapter XVI. History551
Section 1. Record of expedition552
Section 2. Record of battle554
Battle of the Little Bighorn563
Section 3. Record of migration566
Section 4. Record of notable events567
Chapter XVII. Biography571
Section 1. Continuous record of events in life571
Section 2. Particular exploits or events575
Chapter XVIII. Ideography583
Section 1. Abstract ideas expressed pictorially584
After; age—old and young; bad; before; big; center; deaf; direction; disease; fast; fear; freshet; good; high; lean; little; lone; many, much; obscure; opposition; possession; prisoner; short; sight; slow; tall; trade; union; whirlwind; winter, cold, snow585-606
Section 2. Signs, symbols, and emblems607
Section 3. Significance of colors618
Decorative use of color619
Ideocrasy of colors622
Color in ceremonies623
[9]Color relative to death and mourning629
Colors for war and peace631
Color designating social status633
Section 4. Gesture and posture signs depicted637
Water642
Child643
Negation644
Chapter XIX. Conventionalizing649
Section 1. Conventional devices650
Peace; war; chief; council; plenty of food; famine; starvation; horses; horse stealing; kill and death; shot; coming rain650-662
Hittite emblems662
Section 2. Syllabaries and alphabets664
The Micmac “hieroglyphics”666
Pictographs in alphabets674
Chapter XX. Special comparison676
Section 1. Typical style676
Section 2. Homomorphs and symmorphs692
Sky; sun and light; moon; day; night; cloud; rain; lightning; human form; human head and face; hand; feet and tracks; broken leg; voice and speech; dwellings; eclipse of the sun; meteors; the cross694-733
Section 3. Composite forms735
Section 4. Artistic skill and methods738
Chapter XXI. Means of interpretation745
Section 1. Marked characters of known significance745
Section 2. Distinctive costumes, weapons, and ornaments749
Section 3. Ambiguous characters with ascertained meaning755
Chapter XXII. Controverted pictographs759
Section 1. The Grave creek stone761
Section 2. The Dighton rock762
Section 3. Imitations and forced interpretations764
Chapter XXIII. General conclusions768
List of works and authors cited777

ILLUSTRATIONS.

  Page.
Pl. I-XI.Petroglyphs in Owens Valley, California56-76
XII.Petroglyph in Maine82
XIII.Petroglyphs in Nebraska92
XIV.The Stone of the Giants. Mexico134
XV.Powhatan’s mantle210
XVI.Peruvian quipu and birch-bark drawings226
XVII.Order of songs. Ojibwa232
XVIII.Mnemonic songs. Ojibwa236
XIX.Mnemonic songs. Ojibwa244
XX.Lone-Dog’s winter count266
XXI.Battiste Good’s cycles. A. D. 901-1000290
XXII.Battiste Good’s cycles. A. D. 1141-1280292
XXIII.Battiste Good’s cycles. A. D. 1421-1700294
XXIV.Haida double thunder-bird400
XXV.Haida dog-fish402
XXVI.Oglala chiefs420
XXVII.Oglala subchiefs422
XXVIII.Mexican military insignia432
XXIX.Mexican military insignia434
XXX.Hidatsa dancers bearing exploit marks440
XXXI.Petroglyph in rock shelter, West Virginia476
XXXII.Wasko and mythic raven, Haida480
XXXIII.Mantle of invisibility504
XXXIV.Mexican treatment of new-born children542
XXXV.Education of Mexican children. Three to six years544
XXXVI.Education of Mexican children. Seven to ten years546
XXXVII.Education of Mexican children. Eleven to fourteen years548
XXXVIII.Adoption of profession and marriage. Mexican550
XXXIX.Map of Little Bighorn battlefield564
XL.Battle of Little Bighorn. Indian camp566
XLI.Battle of Little Bighorn. Soldiers charging Indian camp568
XLII.Battle of Little Bighorn. Sioux charging soldiers570
XLIII.Battle of Little Bighorn. Sioux fighting Custer’s battalion572
XLIV.Battle of Little Bighorn. The dead Sioux574
XLV.Battle of Little Bighorn. The dead Sioux576
XLVI.Battle of Little Bighorn. Custer’s dead cavalry578
XLVII.Battle of Little Bighorn. Indians leaving battle-ground580
XLVIII.Battle of Little Bighorn. Indians leaving battle-ground582
XLIX.Mexican symbols614
L.Tablets at Ancon, Peru706
[12]LI.Thruston tablet, Tennessee734
LII.Pictures on Dōtaku, Japan736
LIII.German knights and Apache warriors740
LIV.Dighton rock762
Fig. 1-2.Palimpsests on Fairy rocks, Nova Scotia40-41
3.Petroglyph on Vancouver island44
4.Petroglyphs in Alaska47
5-8.Petroglyphs in Arizona48-50
9.Petroglyph in Shinumo canyon, Arizona51
10.Petroglyph in Mound canyon, Arizona52
11.Petroglyphs near Visalia, California53
12-16.Petroglyphs at Tule river, California54-57
17.View of Chalk grade petroglyphs, Owens valley, California59
18.Petroglyphs in Death valley, California60
19.Rattlesnake rock, Mojave desert, California61
20.Petroglyph near San Marcos pass, California62
21-22.Petroglyphs near San Marcos pass, California62-63
23-28.Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California63-67
29-30.Petroglyphs near Santa Barbara, California67-68
31.Petroglyphs in Azuza canyon, California69
32-33.Petroglyphs in Santa Barbara county, California70-71
34-35.Petroglyphs on the Rio Mancos, Colorado73
36-37.Petroglyphs on the Rio San Juan74-75
38.Petroglyphs in Georgia76
39.Petroglyphs in Idaho, Shoshonean77
40-41.The Piasa Petroglyph78-79
42.Petroglyph on the Illinois river79
43.Petroglyph near Alton, Illinois80
44.Petroglyphs in Kansas81
45.Bald Friar rock, Maryland84
46.Slab from Bald Friar rock85
47.Top of Bald Friar rock85
48.Characters from Bald Friar rock86
49.Dighton rock, Massachusetts86
50.Petroglyphs at Pipestone, Minnesota88
51.Petroglyphs in Brown’s valley, Minnesota89
52-53.Characters from Nebraska petroglyphs91-92
54.Petroglyphs on Carson river, Nevada92
55.Petroglyphs at Reveillé, Nevada94
56.Petroglyphs at Dead mountain, Nevada95
57.Inscription rock, New Mexico96
58-59.Petroglyphs at Ojo de Benado, New Mexico97-98
60.Petroglyph at Esopus, New York98
61.Paint rock, North Carolina100
62.Petroglyphs on Paint rock, North Carolina100
63.Newark Track rock, Ohio101
64.Independence stone, Ohio102
65.Barnesville Track rock, Ohio103
66.Characters from Barnesville Track rock103
67.Barnesville Track rock, No. 2104
68.Petroglyphs, Wellsville, Ohio104
69.Petroglyphs in Lake county, Oregon106
70.Big Indian rock, Pennsylvania107
71.Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania108
72.Petroglyph at McCalls ferry, Pennsylvania108
[13]73.Petroglyph near Washington, Pennsylvania109
74.Petroglyphs on “Indian God Rock,” Pennsylvania110
75.Petroglyph at Millsboro, Pennsylvania111
76.Petroglyphs near Layton, Pennsylvania112
77-78.Glyphs in Fayette county, Pennsylvania112-113
79.Petroglyphs in Roberts county, South Dakota114
80.Petroglyphs near El Paso, Texas116
81.Petroglyphs near Manti, Utah118
82-85.Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah118-120
86.Petroglyphs at Pipe Spring, Utah120
87-88.Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah120
89.Petroglyphs in Shinumo canyon, Utah121
90.Petroglyphs in Tazewell county, Virginia121
91.Petroglyphs in Browns cave, Wisconsin126
92.Petroglyphs at Trempealeau, Wisconsin127
93-95.Petroglyphs in Wind river valley, Wyoming128-129
96-97.Petroglyphs near Sage creek, Wyoming130
98.Petroglyphs in Mexico132
99.The emperor Ahuitzotzin134
100-102.Petroglyphs in the Bahamas138-139
103.Petroglyph in Guadeloupe140
104.Petroglyphs in Nicaragua141
105.Petroglyphs in Colombia144
106.Shallow carvings in Guiana145
107.Sculptured rock in Venezuela147
108.Rock near Caïcara, Venezuela148
109.Petroglyphs of Chicagua rapids, Venezuela149
110.Petroglyphs on the Cachoeira do Ribeirão, Brazil151
111.The rock Itamaraca, Brazil151
112.Petroglyphs on the Rio Negro, Brazil152
113.Petroglyphs at Caldierão do Inferno, Brazil152
114.Petroglyphs at the falls of Girão, Brazil153
115.Petroglyphs at Pederneira, Brazil153
116.Petroglyphs at Araras rapids, Brazil154
117.Petroglyphs at Ribeirão, Brazil154
118.Character at Madeira rapid, Brazil155
119.Petroglyphs at Pao Grande, Brazil155
120.Petroglyph in Ceará, Brazil156
121-122.Petroglyphs in Morcego, Brazil156
123.Petroglyphs in Inhamun, Brazil157
124.Petroglyphs Pedra Lavrada, Brazil158
125.Inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Argentine Republic158
126.Petroglyphs near Araquipa, Peru159
127.Petroglyph in Huaytara, Peru159
128.Sculptured boulder in Chile160
129.Petroglyph in Cajon de los Cipreses, Chile160
130.Petroglyph on Finke river, Australia162
131.Petroglyph in Depuch island, Australia163
132.Petroglyph at Bantry bay, Australia164
133.Petroglyph in New Zealand166
134.Petroglyphs in Kei islands168
135.Petroglyphs in Easter island169
136.Tablet from Easter island170
137-138.Petroglyph in Bohuslän, Sweden174-175
[14]139.Petroglyph in Épone, France176
140.Petroglyphs at Tyout, Algeria179
141.Petroglyphs at Moghar, Algeria180
142.Petroglyph in Léribé, South Africa182
143.Petroglyphs in Basutoland, South Africa183
144-145.Petroglyphs in the Canary islands183-184
145a.Petroglyph in Yezo, Japan185
146.Petroglyphs at Chandeshwar, India187
147.Types of cup sculptures190
148.Variants of cup sculptures191
149.Cup sculptures at Auchnabreach, Scotland192
150.Cup sculptures at Ballymenach, Scotland193
151.Cup sculptures in Chiriqui194
152-153.Cup sculptures in Venezuela195
154-155.Cup sculptures in Brazil195-196
156.Cup sculptures in India197
157.Comanche drawing on shoulder blade206
158.Quill pictograph208
159.Pictograph on gourd208
160.Pictographs on wood, Washington214
161.Haida basketry hat216
162.Tshimshian blanket217
163.Wampum strings228
164.Penn wampum belt230
165.Song for medicine hunting247
166.Song for beaver hunting249
167.Osage chart251
168.Midē' record252
169.Midē' records253
170.Minabō'zho254
171.Midē' practicing incantation254
172.Jĕssakkī'd curing a woman254
173.The origin of the Indians256
174.Record of treaty257
175-177.Shop account259-261
178-180.Book account262
181.Notched sticks263
182.Device denoting the succession of time. Dakota265
183-196.Lone-Dog’s Winter Count273-276
197.Whooping-cough. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1813-’14276
198.Whooping-cough. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1813-’14276
199-255.Lone-Dog’s Winter Count276-286
256.Battiste Good’s Revelation289
257-436.Battiste Good’s Winter Count293-328
437.Petroglyphs at Oakley Springs, Arizona329
438.Hunting notices331
439.Alaskan notice of hunt332
440.Alaskan notice of departure332
441.Alaskan notice of hunt333
442-444.Alaskan notice of direction333-334
445.Abnaki notice of direction335
446.Amalecite notice of trip336
447-448.Ojibwa notice of direction337-338
449.Penobscot notice of direction338
[15]450.Passamaquoddy notice of direction339
451.Micmac notice of direction341
452.Lean-Wolf’s map. Hidatsa342
453.Chart of battlefield343
454.Topographic features344
455.Greenland map345
456-458.Passamaquoddy wikhegan348-350
459.Alaskan notice of distress351
460.Alaskan notice of departure and refuge351
461.Alaskan notice of departure to relieve distress351
462.Ammunition wanted. Alaskan352
463.Assistance wanted in the hunt. Alaskan352
464-465.Starving hunters. Alaskan352-353
466.No thoroughfare354
467.Rock paintings in Azuza canyon, California354
468.Site of paintings in Azuza canyon, California355
469.Sketches from Azuza canyon355
470.West African message361
471.Ojibwa love letter363
472.Cheyenne letter364
473.Ojibwa invitations365
474.Ojibwa invitation sticks366
475.Summons to Midé ceremony367
476.Passamaquoddy wikhegan367
477.Australian message sticks370
478-479.West African aroko371
480-481.Jebu complaint375
482.Samoyed requisition375
483.Eastern Algonquian tribal designations379
484-487.Absaroka tribal designations380-381
488.Arapaho tribal designation381
489-490.Arikara tribal designations381
491.Assiniboin tribal designation381
492-493.Brulé tribal designations382
494-497.Cheyenne tribal designations382-383
498.Dakota tribal designation383
499.Hidatsa tribal designation384
500-501.Kaiowa tribal designations384
502.Mandan tribal designation385
503.Mandan and Arikara tribal designations385
504-506.Omaha tribal designations385
507-509.Pawnee tribal designations386
510-512.Ponka tribal designations386-387
513.Tamga of Kirghise tribes387
514.Dakota gentile designations389
515.Kwakiutl carvings390
516.Virginia tattoo designs393
517.Haida tattooing. Sculpin and dragon-fly397
518.Haida tattooing. Thunder-bird398
519.Haida tattooing. Thunder-bird and tshimos399
520.Haida tattooing. Bear399
521.Haida tattooing. Mountain goat400
522.Haida tattooing. Double thunder-bird401
523.Haida tattooing. Double raven401
[16]524.Haida tattooing. Dog-fish400
525-526.Tattooed Haidas402-403
527.Two forms of skulpin. Haida404
528.Frog. Haida405
529.Cod. Haida405
530.Squid. Haida405
531.Wolf. Haida405
532.Australian grave and carved trees408
533.New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark409
534.Tattoo design on bone. New Zealand409
535.Tattooed woman. New Zealand410
536.Tattoo on Papuan chief411
537.Tattooed Papuan woman412
538.Badaga tattoo marks413
539.Chukchi tattoo marks414
540.Big-Road421
541.Charging-Hawk422
542.Feather-on-his-head422
543.White-Tail423
544.White-Bear423
545.Standing-Bear423
546.Four horn calumet424
547.Two-Strike as partisan424
548.Lean-Wolf as partisan425
549.Micmac headdress in pictograph425
550.Micmac chieftainess in pictograph426
551.Insignia traced on rocks, Nova Scotia427
552.Chilkat ceremonial shirt428
553.Chilkat ceremonial cloak429
554.Chilkat ceremonial blanket430
555.Chilkat ceremonial coat430
556.Bella Coola Indians431
557.Guatemala priest431
558.Mark of exploit. Dakota433
559.Killed with fist. Dakota433
560.Killed an enemy. Dakota434
561.Cut throat and scalped. Dakota434
562.Cut enemy’s throat. Dakota434
563.Third to strike. Dakota434
564.Fourth to strike. Dakota434
565.Fifth to strike. Dakota434
566.Many wounds. Dakota434
567-568.Marks of exploits. Hidatsa437
569.Successful defense. Hidatsa438
570.Two successful defenses. Hidatsa438
571.Captured a horse. Hidatsa438
572.Exploit marks. Hidatsa438
573.Record of exploits439
574.Record of exploits439
575.Exploit marks as worn439
576.Scalp taken440
577.Scalp and gun taken440
578.Boat paddle. Arikara442
579.African property mark442
[17]580.Owner’s marks. Slesvick442
581.Signature of Running Antelope. Dakota445
582.Solinger sword makers’ marks445
583-613.Personal names. Objective447-453
614-621.Personal names. Metaphoric453-454
622-634.Personal names. Animal455-458
635-637.Personal names. Vegetable458
638.Loud-Talker459
639.Mexican names460
640-651.Symbols of the supernatural462-466
652.Dream. Ojibwa466
653.Religious symbols467
654.Myth of Pokinsquss469
655.Myth of Atosis470
656.Myth of the Weasel girls471
657.The giant bird Kaloo472
658.Kiwach, the strong blower473
659.Story of Glooscap474
660.Ojibwa shamanistic symbols474
661.Baho-li-kong-ya. Arizona476
662.Mythic serpents. Innuit476
663.Haida wind-spirit477
664.Orca. Haida477
665.Bear mother. Haida478
666.Thunder-bird grasping whale479
667.Haokah. Dakota giant480
668.Ojibwa mánidō480
669.Menomoni white bear mánidō481
670.Mythic wild cats. Ojibwa482
671.Winnebago magic animal482
672.Mythic buffalo482
673-674.Thunder-birds. Dakota483
675.Wingless thunder-bird. Dakota483
676-677.Thunder-birds. Dakota484
678.Thunder-bird. Haida485
679.Thunder-bird. Twana485
680.Medicine-bird. Dakota486
681.Five-Thunders. Dakota486
682.Thunder-pipe. Dakota486
683.Micmac thunder-bird487
684.Venezuelan thunder-bird487
685.Ojibwa thunder-birds487
686.Moki rain-bird488
687.Ahuitzotl488
688.Peruvian fabulous animals488
689.Australian mythic personages489
690.Ojibwa Midē' wigwam493
691.Lodge of a Midē'493
692.Lodge of a Jĕssakkī'd493
693-697.Making medicine. Dakota494
698.Magic killing495
699.Held-a-ghost-lodge495
700-701.Muzzin-ne-neence. Ojibwa495-496
702.Ojibwa divination. Ojibwa497
[18]703.Shaman exorcising demon. Alaska497
704.Supplication for success. Alaska499
705.Skokomish tamahous498
706.Mdewakantawan fetich500
707.Medicine bag, as worn501
708.Medicine bag, hung up502
709-711.Magic arrows503
712.Hunter’s charm. Australia504
713.Moki masks traced on rocks. Arizona506
714.Shaman’s lodge. Alaska507
715.Ah-tón-we-tuck509
716.On-sáw-kie510
717.Medicine lodge. Micmac510
718.Juggler lodge. Micmac511
719.Moki ceremonial511
720.Peruvian ceremony513
721-723.Tartar and Mongol drums515-517
724.Votive offering. Alaska519
725-726.Grave posts. Alaska520
727.Village and burial ground. Alaska520
728.Menomoni grave post521
729.Incised lines on Menomoni grave post522
730.Grave boxes and posts523
731.Commemoration of dead. Dakota523
732.Ossuary ceremonial. Dakota523
733.Kalosh grave boxes524
734.New Zealand grave effigy525
735.New Zealand grave post526
736.Nicobarese mortuary tablet526
737.The policeman529
738.Ottawa pipestem530
739-740.Shooting fish. Micmac531
741.Lancing fish. Micmac531
742.Whale hunting. Innuit531
743.Hunting in canoe. Ojibwa532
744.Record of hunting. Ojibwa532
745.Fruit gatherers. Hidatsa533
746.Hunting antelope. Hidatsa533
747.Hunting buffalo. Hidatsa534
748.Counting coups. Dakota534
749-750.Counting coup. Dakota535
751-752.Scalp displayed. Dakota535-536
753.Scalped head. Dakota536
754.Scalp taken. Dakota536
755-757.Antelope hunting. Dakota536-537
758.Wife’s punishment. Dakota537
759.Decorated horse. Dakota537
760.Suicide. Dakota537
761.Eagle hunting. Arikara537
762.Eagle hunting. Ojibwa538
763.Gathering pomme blanche538
764.Moving tipi538
765.Claiming sanctuary538
766-769.Raising war party. Dakota540
[19]770.Walrus hunting. Alaska541
771.Records carved on ivory. Alaska541
772-773.Haka game. Dakota547
774.Haida gambling sticks548
775.Pebbles from Mas d’Azil549
776-781.Records of expeditions. Dakota553-554
782-783.Records of battles556
784.Battle of 1797. Ojibwa557
785.Battle of Hard river. Winnebago559
786.Battle between Ojibwa and Sioux559
787.Megaque’s last battle560
788-795.Records of battles. Dakota561-563
796.Record of Ojibwa migration566
797.Origin of Brulé. Dakota567
798.Kiyuksas568
799-802.First coming of traders568
803.Boy scalped568
804.Boy scalped alive569
805.Horses killed569
806-808.Annuities received569
809.Mexican blankets bought569
810.Wagon captured570
811.Clerk killed570
812.Flagstaff cut down570
813.Horses taken570
814.Killed two Arikara571
815.Shot and scalped an Arikara572
816.Killed ten men and three women572
817.Killed two chiefs573
818.Killed one Arikara573
819.Killed two Arikara hunters574
820.Killed five Arikara574
821.Peruvian biography575
822.Hunting record. Iroquois575
823.Martial exploits. Iroquois576
824.Cross-Bear’s death576
825.A dangerous trading trip577
826.Shoshoni raid for horses578
827.Life risked for water578
828.Runs by the enemy579
829.Runs around579
830.Goes through the camp579
831.Cut through579
832.Killed in tipi579
833.Killed in tipi579
834.Took the warpath579
835.White-Bull killed580
836.Brave-Bear killed580
837.Brave-man killed580
838.Crazy Horse killed580
839.Killed for whipping wife580
840.Killed for whipping wife580
841-842.Close shooting581
843.Lean-Wolf’s exploits. Hidatsa581
[20]844.Record of hunt. Alaska581
845.Charge after585
846.Killed after585
847.Old-Horse585
848.Old-Mexican585
849.Young-Rabbit585
850.Bad-Boy585
851.Bad-Horn585
852.Bad-Face586
853.Bad. Ojibwa586
854.Got-there-first586
855-860.Big586-587
861.Center-Feather587
862.Deaf Woman587
863-867.Direction588
868.Whooping cough588
869.Measles589
870.Measles or smallpox589
871.Ate buffalo and died589
872.Died of “whistle”589
873-874.Smallpox589
875.Smallpox. Mexican589
876.Died of cramps589
877-878.Died in childbirth590
879.Sickness. Ojibwa590
880.Sickness. Chinese590
881.Fast-Horse590
882.Fast-Elk590
883-887.Fear591
888-890.River freshet591-592
891.Good-Weasel592
892-897.High592-593
898-903.Lean593-594
904-915.Little594-595
916.Lone-Woman595
917.Lone-Bear596
918.Many shells596
919.Many deer596
920.Much snow596
921.Great, much596
922.Ring-Cloud597
923.Cloud-Ring597
924.Fog597
925.Kills-Back597
926.Keeps-the-Battle597
927.Keeps-the-Battle597
928.His-Fight597
929.River fight598
930.Owns-the-arrows598
931.Has-something-sharp598
932.Prisoner. Dakota598
933.Takes enemy598
934.Iroquois triumph599
935.Prisoners. Dakota599
[21]936.Prisoners. Iroquois600
937.Prisoners. Mexico600
938.Short bull600
939-944.Sight600-601
945.Slow bear601
946-954.Tall601-602
955-956.Trade603
957.Brothers603
958.Same tribe603
959.Husband and wife604
960.Same tribe604
961.Same tribe604
962-966.Whirlwind604-605
967-975.Winter, cold, snow605-606
976.Peruvian garrison607
977.Comet. Mexican613
978.Robbery. Mexican613
979.Guatemalan symbols614
980.Chibcha symbols616
981.Syrian symbols616
982.Piaroa color stamps621
983.Rock painting. Tule river, California638
984-998.Gesture signs in pictographs639-641
999.Water symbols642
1000.Gesture sign for drink642
1001.Water. Egyptian642
1002.Gesture for rain643
1003.Water signs. Moki643
1004.Symbols for child and man644
1005.Gestures for birth644
1006.Negation645
1007.Hand645
1008.Signal of discovery645
1009.Pictured gestures. Maya646
1010.Pictured gestures. Guatemala647
1011-1019.Peace650-651
1020-1022.War651-652
1023.Chief-Boy652
1024.War chief. Passamaquoddy652
1025-1029.Council653-654
1030-1037.Plenty of food654-655
1038-1043.Famine655-656
1044-1046.Starvation656
1047-1051.Horses656-657
1052-1060.Horse stealing657-658
1061-1069.Kill and death658-660
1070.Killed. Dakota660
1071.Life and death. Ojibwa660
1072.Dead. Iroquois660
1073.Dead man. Arikara660
1074-1078.Shot661
1079.Coming rain662
1080.Hittite emblems of known sound663
1081.Hittite emblems of uncertain sound664
[22]1082.Title page of Kauder’s Micmac Catechism668
1083.Lord’s Prayer in Micmac “hieroglyphics”669
1084-1085.Religious story. Sicasica672
1086.Mo-so MS. Desgodins673
1087.Pictographs in alphabets675
1088.Algonquian petroglyph, Hamilton farm, West Virginia677
1089.Algonquian petroglyphs, Safe Harbor, Pennsylvania677
1090.Algonquian petroglyphs, Cunningham’s Island, Lake Erie679
1091.Algonquian petroglyphs, Wyoming680
1092.Shoshonean petroglyphs, Idaho680
1093.Shoshonean petroglyphs, Utah681
1094.Shoshonean rock painting, Utah681
1095-1096.Arizona petroglyphs682-683
1097-1098.Petroglyphs in Lower California683
1099.Haida totem post684
1100.New Zealand house posts685
1101.New Zealand tiki686
1102-1103.Nicaraguan petroglyphs686
1104.Deep carvings in Guiana687
1105-1106.Venezuelan petroglyphs688
1107.Brazilian petroglyphs689
1108.Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs690
1109-1111.Brazilian petroglyphs690-691
1112.Brazilian pictograph691
1113-1114.Brazilian petroglyphs692
1115.Tree693
1116.Grow693
1117.Sky694
1118.Sun. Oakley Springs694
1119.Sun. Gesture sign695
1120.Devices for sun695
1121.Sun and light695
1122.Light695
1123.Light and sun696
1124.Sun. Kwakiutl696
1125.Sun mask. Kwakiutl696
1126.Suns696
1127.Gesture for moon696
1128.Moon697
1129.Stars697
1130.Day. Ojibwa697
1131.Morning. Arizona698
1132.Day698
1133.Days. Apache698
1134.Clear, stormy. Ojibwa699
1135-1139.Night699
1140.Night. Ojibwa699
1141.Sign for night700
1142.Night. Egyptian700
1143.Night. Mexican700
1144.Cloud shield700
1145.Clouds. Moki700
1146.Cloud. Ojibwa700
1147.Rain. Ojibwa701
[23]1148.Rain. Pueblo701
1149.Rain. Moki701
1150.Rain. Chinese701
1151-1153.Lightning. Moki701-702
1154.Lightning. Pueblo702
1155-1158.Human form703
1159.Human form. Alaska704
1160.Bird man. Siberia704
1161.American. Ojibwa704
1162.Man. Yakut704
1163.Human forms. Moki704
1164.Human form. Navajo705
1165.Man and woman. Moki705
1166.Human form. Colombia705
1167.Human form. Peru707
1168.Human face. Brazil708
1169-1170.Human faces. Brazil708
1171.Double-faced head. Brazil708
1172.Funeral urn. Marajo709
1173.Marajo vase709
1174.Marajo vases710
1175.Human heads711
1176.Hand. Ojibwa711
1177.Joined hands. Moki712
1178.Cave-painting. Australia713
1179.Irish cross715
1180.Roman standard715
1181-1185.Tracks716
1186.Feet716
1187-1192.Broken leg. Dakota716-717
1193.Broken leg. Chinese717
1194-1198.Voice717-718
1199.Speech. Ojibwa719
1200.Talk. Mexican719
1201.Talk. Maya719
1202.Talk. Guatemala720
1203.Dwellings720
1204-1210.Dwellings. Dakota721
1211.Dwellings. Moki721
1212.Dwelling. Maya722
1213.House. Egyptian722
1214.Eclipse of the sun722
1215-1223.Meteors722-723
1224.Meteors. Mexican724
1225.Cross. Dakota725
1226.Cross. Ohio mound725
1227.Dragon fly725
1228.Crosses. Eskimo727
1229.Cross. Tulare valley, California727
1230.Crosses. Owens valley, California728
1231.Cross. Innuit729
1232.Crosses. Moki729
1233.Crosses. Maya729
1234.Crosses. Nicaragua730
[24]1235-1236.Crosses. Guatemala730-731
1237.Crosses. Sword-makers’ marks732
1238.Cross. Golasecca733
1239-1251.Composite forms735-736
1252.Wolf-man. Haida737
1253.Panther-man. Haida737
1254.Moose. Kejimkoojik739
1255.Hand. Kejimkoojik740
1256.Engravings on bamboo. New Caledonia743
1257.Typical character. Guiana745
1258.Moki devices746
1259.Frames and arrows. Moki746
1260.Blossoms. Moki746
1261.Moki characters748
1262.Mantis. Kejimkoojik749
1263.Animal forms. Sonora749
1264-1278.Weapons and ornaments. Dakota750-752
1279.Weapons753
1280.Australian wommera and clubs754
1281.Turtle. Maya756
1282.Armadillo. Yucatan756
1283.Dakota drawings756
1284.Ojibwa drawings757
1285-1287.Grave creek stone761-762
1288.Imitated pictograph765
1289.Fraudulent pictograph767
1290.Chinese characters767

PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS.

PICTURE WRITING OF NATIVE AMERICANS.

By Garrick Mallery.

By Garrick Mallery.

INTRODUCTION.

An essay entitled “Pictographs of the North American Indians: A Preliminary Paper,” appeared in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. The present work is not a second edition of that essay, but is a continuation and elaboration of the same subject. Of the eighty-three plates in that paper not one is here reproduced, although three are presented with amendments; thus fifty-one of the fifty-four plates in this volume are new. Many of the text figures, however, are used again, as being necessary to the symmetry of the present work, but they are now arranged and correlated so as to be much more useful than when unmethodically disposed as before, and the number of text figures now given is twelve hundred and ninety-five as against two hundred and nine, the total number in the former paper. The text itself has been rewritten and much enlarged. The publication of the “Preliminary Paper” has been of great value in the preparation of the present work, as it stimulated investigation and report on the subject to such an extent that it is now impossible to publish within reasonable limits of space all the material on hand. Indeed, after the present work had been entirely written and sent to the Public Printer, new information came to hand which ought to be published, but can not now be inserted.

An essay titled “Pictographs of the North American Indians: A Preliminary Paper” was included in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. This work is not a second edition of that essay, but rather a continuation and expansion of the same topic. None of the eighty-three plates from that paper are reproduced here, although three are presented with revisions; thus, fifty-one of the fifty-four plates in this volume are new. Many of the text figures are reused because they are essential for the coherence of the current work, but they are now organized and linked in a way that makes them much more useful than when they were presented haphazardly before. The total number of text figures included now is twelve hundred and ninety-five, compared to two hundred and nine in the earlier paper. The text itself has been rewritten and significantly expanded. The publication of the “Preliminary Paper” has been extremely valuable for preparing this work, as it sparked further investigation and reporting on the topic to such a degree that it's now impossible to include all the material we have within reasonable space limits. In fact, even after this work was completely written and sent to the Public Printer, new information came in that should be published but cannot be included now.

It is also possible to give more attention than before to the picture-writing of the aboriginal inhabitants of America beyond the limits of the United States. While the requirements of the acts of Congress establishing the Bureau of Ethnology have been observed by directing main attention to the Indians of North America, there is sufficient notice of Central and South America to justify the present title, in which also the simpler term “picture-writing” is used instead of “pictographs.”

It’s also possible to pay more attention than ever to the picture-writing of the native peoples of America outside the boundaries of the United States. Although the laws establishing the Bureau of Ethnology have focused primarily on the Native Americans of North America, there’s enough information about Central and South America to validate the current title, which also uses the simpler term “picture-writing” instead of “pictographs.”

Picture-writing is a mode of expressing thoughts or noting facts by marks which at first were confined to the portrayal of natural or artificial objects. It is one distinctive form of thought-writing without[26] reference to sound, gesture language being the other and probably earlier form. Whether remaining purely ideographic, or having become conventional, picture-writing is the direct and durable expression of ideas of which gesture language gives the transient expression. Originally it was not connected with the words of any language. When adopted for syllabaries or alphabets, which is the historical course of its evolution, it ceased to be the immediate and became the secondary expression of the ideas framed in oral speech. The writing common in civilization may properly be styled sound-writing, as it does not directly record thoughts, but presents them indirectly, after they have passed through the phase of sound. The trace of pictographs in alphabets and syllabaries is discussed in the present work under its proper heading so far as is necessary after the voluminous treatises on the topic, and new illustrations are presented. It is sufficient for the present to note that all the varied characters of script and print now current are derived directly or mediately from pictorial representations of objects. Bacon well said that “pictures are dumb histories,” and he might have added that in the crude pictures of antiquity were contained the germs of written words.

Picture-writing is a way to express thoughts or record facts using symbols that initially represented natural or artificial objects. It’s a unique form of thought representation, distinct from sound, with gesture language being the other, likely earlier, form. Whether it remains purely ideographic or shifts to a conventional format, picture-writing provides a direct and lasting expression of ideas, while gesture language offers a fleeting one. Originally, it wasn’t tied to the words of any language. When it was adapted for syllabaries or alphabets, which is how it historically evolved, it became a secondary representation of ideas formed in spoken language rather than an immediate one. The writing commonly used in society can be called sound-writing since it doesn’t directly capture thoughts but instead presents them after they’ve been expressed verbally. The link between pictographs and alphabets or syllabaries is addressed in this work under the relevant sections, considering the extensive literature on the subject and providing new examples. For now, it’s enough to recognize that all the various characters used in writing today are directly or indirectly derived from pictorial representations of objects. Bacon aptly said that “pictures are dumb histories,” and he could have added that the simple images from ancient times contained the seeds of written words.

The importance of the study of picture-writing depends partly upon the result of its examination as a phase in the evolution of human culture. As the invention of alphabetic writing is admitted to be the great step marking the change from barbarism to civilization, the history of its earlier development must be valuable. It is inferred from internal evidence, though not specifically reported in history, that picture-writing preceded and generated the graphic systems of Egypt, Assyria, and China, but in America, especially in North America, its use is still current. It can be studied here without any requirement of inference or hypothesis, in actual existence as applied to records and communications. Furthermore, the commencement of its evolution into signs of sound is apparent in the Aztec and the Maya characters, in which transition stage it was arrested by foreign conquest. The earliest lessons of the genesis and growth of culture in this important branch of investigation may, therefore, be best learned from the western hemisphere. In this connection it should be noticed that picture-writing is found in sustained vigor on the same continent where sign language has prevailed and has continued in active operation to an extent historically unknown in other parts of the world. These modes of expression, i. e., transient and permanent thought-writing, are so correlated in their origin and development that neither can be studied to the best advantage without including the other. Unacquainted with these facts, but influenced by an assumption that America must have been populated from the eastern hemisphere, some enterprising persons have found or manufactured American inscriptions composed of characters which may be tortured into identity with some of the Eurasian alphabets or syllabaries, but which sometimes[27] suggest letters of indigenous invention. This topic is discussed in its place.

The importance of studying picture-writing is partly based on its examination as a part of human cultural evolution. The invention of alphabetic writing is widely recognized as a significant step in the transition from barbarism to civilization, making the history of its earlier development valuable. Evidence suggests, even if not formally documented in history, that picture-writing came before and led to the graphic systems of Egypt, Assyria, and China. In America, particularly North America, its use is still alive today. We can study it here directly, as it remains relevant for records and communication. Additionally, the early evolution into sound signs can be seen in Aztec and Maya characters, though this transition was halted by foreign conquest. Thus, the earliest lessons on the origins and growth of culture in this important area of study may be best derived from the Western Hemisphere. It’s noteworthy that picture-writing thrives in the same continent where sign language has also been actively used to a degree not seen historically in other regions. These forms of expression—transient and permanent thought-writing—are so interconnected in their origins and development that neither can be fully understood without considering the other. Some enterprising individuals, unfamiliar with these facts but influenced by the belief that America was populated from the Eastern Hemisphere, have discovered or created American inscriptions using characters that can be forced to resemble some Eurasian alphabets or syllabaries, although some may suggest letters of indigenous invention. This topic will be discussed in detail later.

For the purposes of the present work there is no need to decide whether sign-language, which is closely connected with picture-writing, preceded articulate speech. It is sufficient to admit the high antiquity of thought-writing in both its forms, and yet it is proper to notice a strong current of recent opinions as indicated by Prof. Sayce (a) in his address to the anthropologic section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, as follows:

For this work, there's no need to determine whether sign language, which is closely related to pictorial writing, came before spoken language. It's enough to acknowledge the ancient origins of both forms of written thought. However, it's important to point out a strong trend in recent opinions, as mentioned by Prof. Sayce (a) in his speech to the anthropologic section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, which states:

I see no escape from the conclusions that the chief distinctions of race were established long before man acquired language. If the statement made by M. de Mortillet is true, that the absence of the mental tubercle, or bony excrescence in which the tongue is inserted, in a skull of the Neanderthal type found at La Naulette, indicates an absence of the faculty of speech, one race at least of palæolithic man would have existed in Europe before it had as yet invented an articulate language. Indeed it is difficult to believe that man has known how to speak for any very great length of time. * * * We can still trace through the thin disguise of subsequent modifications and growth the elements, both lexical and grammatical, out of which language must have arisen. * * * The beginnings of articulate language are still too transparent to allow us to refer them to a very remote era. * * * In fact the evidence that he is a drawing animal * * * mounts back to a much earlier epoch than the evidence that he is a speaking animal.

I see no way around the conclusion that the main differences between races were established long before humans developed language. If M. de Mortillet's claim is accurate, that the absence of the mental tubercle, or the bony protrusion where the tongue is inserted, in a Neanderthal skull found at La Naulette suggests a lack of speech ability, then at least one race of prehistoric humans existed in Europe before they created spoken language. It's also hard to believe that humans have been able to speak for a long period of time. * * * We can still identify through the slight changes and development over time the basic elements, both in vocabulary and grammar, from which language must have emerged. * * * The origins of articulated language are still too clear for us to attribute them to a very distant time. * * * In fact, the evidence that humans are drawing animals * * * goes back to a much earlier period than the evidence that we are speaking animals.

When a system of ideographic gesture signs prevailed and at the same time any form of artistic representation, however rude, existed, it would be expected that the delineations of the former would appear in the latter. It was but one more and an easy step to fasten upon bark, skins, or rocks the evanescent air pictures that still in pigments or carvings preserve their ideography or conventionalism in their original outlines. A transition stage between gestures and pictographs, in which the left hand is used as a supposed drafting surface, upon which the index draws lines, is exhibited in the Dialogue between Alaskan Indians in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (a). This device is common among deaf-mutes, without equal archeologic importance, as it may have been suggested by the art of writing, with which, even when not instructed in it, they are generally acquainted.

When a system of symbolic gesture signs was in use and, at the same time, there were any forms of artistic representation, even if they were basic, we would expect that the representations of the former would show up in the latter. It was just one more and simple step to apply the fleeting air drawings onto bark, animal skins, or rocks, where they still maintain their symbolic forms or conventions in their original designs through colors or carvings. A stage in the transition from gestures to pictographs, where the left hand acts as a makeshift drawing surface and the index finger draws lines, is showcased in the Dialogue between Alaskan Indians in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (a). This technique is common among deaf-mutes and holds significant archaeological interest, as it may have been inspired by the art of writing, which they are generally familiar with, even without formal instruction.

The execution of the drawings, of which the several forms of picture-writing are composed, often exhibits the first crude efforts of graphic art, and their study in that relation is of value.

The execution of the drawings, which make up the various forms of picture-writing, often shows the initial rough attempts of graphic art, and studying them in that context is valuable.

When pictures are employed for the same purpose as writing, the conception intended to be presented is generally analyzed and only its most essential points are indicated, with the result that the characters when frequently repeated become conventional, and in their later form cease to be recognizable as objective portraitures. This exhibition of conventionalizing has its own historic import.

When images are used for the same purpose as writing, the idea meant to be conveyed is usually broken down, and only the most important points are highlighted. As a result, when the figures are repeated often, they become standardized, and in their later versions, they no longer look like true representations. This process of standardization has its own historical significance.

It is not probable that much valuable information will ever be obtained from ancient rock carvings or paintings, but they are important as indications of the grades of culture reached by their authors, and of the subjects which interested those authors, as is shown[28] in the appropriate chapters following. Some portions of these pictures can be interpreted. With regard to others, which are not yet interpreted and perhaps never can be, it is nevertheless useful to gather together for synoptic study and comparison a large number of their forms from many parts of the world. The present collection shows the interesting psychologic fact that primitive or at least very ancient man made the same figures in widely separated regions, though it is not established that the same figures had a common significance. Indications of priscan habitat and migrations may sometimes be gained from the general style or type of the drawings and sculptures, which may be divided into groups, although the influence of the environing materials must always be considered.

It’s unlikely that we’ll ever get much valuable information from ancient rock carvings or paintings, but they are significant because they show the levels of culture achieved by their creators and the topics that interested them, as detailed in the chapters that follow[28]. Some parts of these images can be understood. As for others, which haven't been interpreted yet and might never be, it’s still helpful to collect a large variety of their forms from different places around the world for a comparative study. This collection reveals the intriguing psychological fact that primitive or at least very ancient humans created similar figures in far-apart locations, even though it hasn’t been proven that these figures shared a common meaning. Clues about ancient habitats and migrations can sometimes be inferred from the overall style or type of the drawings and sculptures, which can be categorized into groups, although we must always take into account the influence of the surrounding materials.

The more modern specimens of picture-writing displayed on skins, bark, and pottery are far more readily interpreted than those on rocks, and have already afforded information and verification as to points of tribal history, religion, customs, and other ethnologic details.

The more recent examples of pictorial writing found on skins, bark, and pottery are much easier to understand than those on rocks, and have already provided information and confirmation regarding aspects of tribal history, religion, customs, and various ethnological details.

A criticism has been made on the whole subject of picture-writing by the eminent anthropologist, Dr. Andree, who, in Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche (a), has described and figured a large number of examples of petroglyphs, a name given by him to rock-drawings and now generally adopted. His views are translated as follows:

A critique has been made regarding the entire topic of picture-writing by the renowned anthropologist, Dr. Andree, who, in Ethnographic parallels and comparisons (a), has illustrated and described many examples of petroglyphs, a term he coined for rock drawings that is now widely accepted. His ideas are translated as follows:

But if we take a connected view of the petroglyphs to which the rock pictures, generally made with red paint, are equivalent, and make a comparison of both, it becomes evident that they are usually made for mere pastime and are the first artistic efforts of rude nations. Nevertheless, we find in them the beginnings of writing, and in some instances their transition to pictography as developed among North American Indians becomes evident.

But if we look at the petroglyphs, which are basically rock images usually created with red paint, and compare them, it's clear that they were often made just for fun and represent the early artistic attempts of primitive cultures. Still, we can see the beginnings of writing in them, and in some cases, their evolution into pictographs, like those developed by Native Americans, is apparent.

It appears, therefore, that Dr. Andree carefully excludes the picture-writings of the North American Indians from his general censure, his conclusion being that those found in other parts of the world usually occupy a lower stage. It is possible that significance may yet be ascertained in many of the characters found in other regions, and perhaps this may be aided by the study of those in America; but no doubt should exist that the latter have purpose and meaning. The relegation to a trivial origin of such pictographs as are described and illustrated in the present work will be abandoned after a thorough knowledge of the labor and thought which frequently were necessary for their production. American pictographs are not to be regarded as mere curiosities. In some localities they represent the only intellectual remains of the ancient inhabitants. Wherever found, they bear significantly upon the evolution of the human mind.

It seems that Dr. Andree intentionally leaves out the picture writings of North American Indians from his overall criticism, concluding that those in other parts of the world are typically at a lower level of development. It's possible that meaning could still be discovered in many of the symbols from other areas, and studying those from America might help with this; however, there should be no doubt that the latter have purpose and significance. The idea that the pictographs described and shown in this work come from a trivial background will be dismissed once there is a deeper understanding of the effort and thought that often went into their creation. American pictographs shouldn’t be seen as just oddities. In some areas, they are the only intellectual remnants of the ancient people who lived there. Wherever they are found, they provide important insights into the evolution of the human mind.

Distrust concerning the actual significance of the ancient American petroglyphs may be dispelled by considering the practical use of similar devices by historic and living Indians for purposes as important to them as those of alphabetic writing, these serving to a surprising extent the same ends. This paper presents a large number of conclusive[29] examples. The old devices are substantially the same as the modern, though improved and established in the course of evolution. The ideography and symbolism displayed in these devices present suggestive studies in psychology more interesting than the mere information or text contained in the pictures. It must also be observed that when Indians now make pictographs it is with intention and care—seldom for mere amusement. Even when the labor is undertaken merely to supply the trade demand for painted robes or engraved pipes or bark records, it is a serious manufacture, though sometimes only imitative and not intrinsically significant. In all other known instances in which pictures are made without such specific intent as is indicated under the several headings of this work, they are purely ornamental; but in such cases they are often elaborate and artistic, not idle scrawls.

Distrust about the true meaning of the ancient American petroglyphs can be eased by looking at how similar tools are used by historic and contemporary Indigenous people for purposes as significant to them as alphabetic writing, serving surprisingly similar functions. This paper provides a lot of conclusive[29] examples. The old tools are largely similar to the modern ones, although enhanced and refined over time. The ideography and symbolism in these tools offer intriguing psychological studies that are more fascinating than just the information or text found in the images. It's also important to note that when Indigenous people create pictographs today, they do so with intention and care—rarely just for fun. Even when the work is done solely to meet the market demand for painted robes, engraved pipes, or bark records, it remains a serious craft, though sometimes just imitative and not deeply meaningful. In all other known instances where images are created without such specific intent highlighted in the various sections of this work, they tend to be purely decorative; yet even in these cases, they are often intricate and artistic, not mere doodles.

This paper is limited in its terms to the presentation of the most important known pictographs of the American Indians, but examples from other parts of the world are added for comparison. The proper classification and correlation of the matter collected has required more labor and thought than is apparent. The scheme of the work has been to give in an arrangement of chapters and sections some examples with illustrations in connection with each heading in the classification. This plan has involved a large amount of cross reference, because in many cases a character or a group of characters could be considered with reference to a number of different characteristics, and it was necessary to choose under which one of the headings it should be presented, involving reference to that from the other divisions of the work. Sometimes the decision was determined by taste or judgment, and sometimes required by mechanical considerations.

This paper focuses on showcasing the most significant pictographs of American Indians, while also including examples from other parts of the world for comparison. Organizing and connecting the collected material has taken more effort and thought than it might seem. The structure of the work is organized into chapters and sections, providing examples with illustrations related to each classification heading. This approach has necessitated a lot of cross-referencing because, in many cases, a symbol or group of symbols could relate to several different characteristics. It was essential to decide which heading it should fall under, requiring references from other sections of the work. Sometimes, this choice was guided by preference or judgment, and other times it was dictated by practical considerations.

It may be mentioned that the limitation of the size of the present volume required that the space occupied by the text should be subordinated to the large amount of illustration. It is obvious that a work on picture-writing should be composed largely of pictures, and to allow room for them many pages of the present writer’s views have been omitted. Whatever may be the disadvantage of this omission it leaves to students of the work the opportunity to form their own judgments without bias. Indeed, this writer confesses that although he has examined and studied in their crude shape, as they went to the printer, all the illustrations and descriptions now presented, he expects that after the volume shall be delivered to him in printed form with its synoptic arrangement he will be better able than now to make appropriate remarks on its subject-matter. Therefore he anticipates that careful readers will judiciously correct errors in the details of the work which may have escaped him and that they will extend and expand what is yet limited and partial. It may be proper to note that when the writer’s observation has resulted in agreement with published authorities or contributors, the statements that could have been made on his own personal knowledge have been cited, when possible, from[30] the printed or manuscript works of others. Quotation is still more requisite when there is disagreement with the authorities.

It’s worth noting that the limitation on the size of this volume meant that the text had to take a backseat to the numerous illustrations. Clearly, a work focused on picture-writing needs to feature a lot of images, and to make room for them, many of my views have been left out. While this omission might be inconvenient, it gives readers the chance to form their own opinions without any influence. In fact, I admit that although I've reviewed and studied all the illustrations and descriptions in their raw form before they went to print, I believe that once I receive the finalized volume, I’ll have a better perspective to provide meaningful comments on the content. Because of this, I expect that attentive readers will thoughtfully correct any errors in the details that I might have missed and will also elaborate on aspects that are still brief and incomplete. It’s important to mention that when my observations align with published experts or contributors, I’ve cited the information based on my own knowledge whenever possible from [30] the works of others, whether printed or manuscript. Quoting is even more necessary when I disagree with the established authorities.

Thanks for valuable assistance are due and rendered to correspondents and to officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and of the United States Geological Survey, whose names are generally mentioned in connection with their several contributions. Acknowledgment is also made now and throughout the work to Dr. W. J. Hoffman, who has officially assisted in its preparation during several years, by researches in the field, in which his familiarity with Indians and his artistic skill have been of great value. Similar recognition is due to Mr. De Lancey W. Gill, in charge of the art department of the Bureau of Ethnology and the U. S. Geological Survey, and to Mr. Wells M. Sawyer, his assistant, specially detailed on the duty, for their work on the illustrations presented. While mentioning the illustrations, it may be noted that the omission to furnish the scale on which some of them are produced is not from neglect, but because it was impossible to ascertain the dimensions of the originals in the few cases where no scale or measurement is stated. This omission is most frequently noticeable in the illustrations of petroglyphs which have not been procured directly by the officers of the Bureau of Ethnology. The rule in that Bureau is to copy petroglyphs on the scale of one-sixteenth actual size. Most of the other classes of pictographs are presented without substantial reduction, and in those cases the scale is of little importance.

Thanks for the valuable assistance provided by correspondents and officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and the United States Geological Survey, whose names are typically mentioned alongside their contributions. Thanks are also given now and throughout the work to Dr. W. J. Hoffman, who has officially helped with its preparation over several years through field research, where his knowledge of Native Americans and artistic ability have been invaluable. Similar recognition goes to Mr. De Lancey W. Gill, who leads the art department of the Bureau of Ethnology and the U.S. Geological Survey, and to Mr. Wells M. Sawyer, his assistant, who has been specifically assigned to this task, for their work on the illustrations included. While discussing the illustrations, it should be noted that the lack of a scale for some of them is not due to oversight, but because it was impossible to determine the dimensions of the originals in the few instances where no scale or measurement is provided. This omission is often noticeable in the illustrations of petroglyphs that were not collected directly by the officers of the Bureau of Ethnology. The standard practice in that Bureau is to replicate petroglyphs at one-sixteenth of the actual size. Most of the other types of pictographs are presented without significant reduction, making the scale less important in those cases.

It remains to give special notice to the reader regarding the mode adopted to designate the authors and works cited. A decision was formed that no footnotes should appear in the work. A difficulty in observing that rule arose from the fact that in the repeated citation of published works the text would be cumbered with many words and numbers to specify titles, pages and editions. The experiment was tried of printing in the text only the most abbreviated mention, generally by the author’s name alone, of the several works cited, and to present a list of them arranged in alphabetic order with cross references and catch titles. This list appears at the end of the work with further details and examples of its use. It is not a bibliography of the subject of picture-writing, nor even a list of authorities read and studied in the preparation of the work, but it is simply a special list, prepared for the convenience of readers, of the works and authors cited in the text, and gives the page and volume, when there is more than one volume in the edition, from which the quotation is taken.

It’s important to inform the reader about how the authors and works cited are referenced. We decided not to include footnotes in this work. This choice created a challenge because repeatedly citing published works in the text would clutter it with numerous words and numbers for titles, pages, and editions. Instead, we tried to only mention the works briefly, typically just by the author's name, and to provide a list of these works in alphabetical order with cross-references and catchy titles. This list can be found at the end of the work, providing more details and examples of how to use it. It’s not a bibliography on picture-writing or a list of all the authorities we read and studied while preparing this work; rather, it’s a handy list for readers that includes the works and authors cited in the text, along with the page and volume number when there’s more than one volume in the edition from which the quotation is taken.

CHAPTER I.
Rock carvings.

In the plan of this work a distinction has been made between a petroglyph, as Andree names the class, or rock-writing, as Ewbank called it, and all other descriptions of picture-writing. The criterion for the former is that the picture, whether carved or pecked, or otherwise incised, and whether figured only by coloration or by coloration and incision together, is upon a rock either in situ or sufficiently large for inference that the picture was imposed upon it where it was found. This criterion allows geographic classification. In presenting the geographic distribution, prominence is necessarily (because of the laws authorizing this work) given to the territory occupied by the United States of America, but examples are added from various parts of the globe, not only for comparison of the several designs, but to exhibit the prevalence of the pictographic practice in an ancient form, though probably not the earliest form. The rocks have preserved archaic figures, while designs which probably were made still earlier on less enduring substances are lost.

In this work, we've made a distinction between petroglyphs, as Andree refers to them, or rock-writing, as Ewbank called it, and all other forms of picture-writing. The main characteristic of petroglyphs is that the images, whether carved, pecked, or otherwise etched, and whether created with just color or through a combination of color and etching, are found on a rock either in their original location or large enough to suggest that the image was made there. This characteristic allows for geographic classification. In discussing the geographic distribution, we will primarily focus on the territory of the United States, as required by the laws governing this work, but we will also include examples from various places around the world—not just to compare the different designs but to show the widespread practice of picto-graphic art in an ancient form, though likely not the earliest. The rocks have preserved ancient figures, while designs that were probably created even earlier on less durable materials have been lost.

Throughout the world in places where rocks of a suitable character appear, and notably in South America, markings on them have been found similar to those in North America, though until lately they have seldom been reported with distinct description or with illustration. They are not understood by the inhabitants of their vicinity, who generally hold them in superstitious regard, and many of them appear to have been executed from religious motives. They are now most commonly found remaining where the population has continued to be sparse, or where civilization has not been of recent introduction, with exceptions such as appear in high development on the Nile.

Throughout the world, in places where suitable rocks can be found, especially in South America, markings similar to those in North America have been discovered. However, until recently, these markings were rarely described in detail or illustrated. The local inhabitants typically don’t understand them and often view them with superstitious beliefs, with many of these markings seemingly created for religious reasons. Today, they are mostly found in areas where the population has remained low or where civilization hasn't recently developed, except for instances, such as those seen in advanced forms along the Nile.

The superstitions concerning petroglyphs are in accord with all other instances where peoples in all ages and climes, when observing some phenomenon which they did not understand, accounted for it by supernatural action. The following examples are selected as of interest in the present connection.

The superstitions about petroglyphs align with how people throughout history and across different cultures have explained unexplainable phenomena through supernatural causes. The following examples are chosen because they are interesting in this context.

It must be premised with reference to the whole character of the mythology and folk-lore of the Indians that, even when professed converts to Christianity, they seem to have taken little interest in the stories of the Christian church, whether the biblical narratives or the lives and adventures of the saints, which are so constantly dwelt upon[32] throughout the Christian world that they have become folk-lore. The general character of the Christian legends does not seem to have suited the taste of Indians and has not at all impaired their affection for or their belief in the aboriginal traditions.

It should be noted that when looking at the overall character of Indian mythology and folklore, even those who have converted to Christianity appear to show little interest in the stories of the Christian church. This includes the biblical narratives as well as the lives and adventures of the saints, which are frequently highlighted throughout the Christian world and have become part of folklore. The general nature of Christian legends doesn’t seem to resonate with the taste of Indians and hasn’t diminished their love for or belief in their original traditions.[32]

Among the gods or demigods of the Abnaki are those who particularly preside over the making of petroglyphs. Their name in the plural, for there are several personages, is Oonagamessok. They lived in caves by the shore and were never seen, but manifested their existence by inscriptions on the rocks. The fact that these inscribed rocks are now very seldom found is accounted for by the statement that the Oonagamessok have become angry at the want of attention paid to them since the arrival of the white people and have caused the pictures to disappear. There is no evidence to determine whether this tradition should be explained by the fact that the ingenious shamans of the last century would sometimes produce a miracle, carving the rocks themselves and interpreting the marks in their own way, or by the fact that the rock inscriptions were so old that their origin was not remembered and an explanation was, as usual, made by ascription to a special divinity, perhaps a chieftain famous in the old stage of mythology, or perhaps one invented for the occasion by the class of priests who from immemorial antiquity have explained whatever was inexplicable.

Among the gods or demigods of the Abnaki are those who specifically oversee the creation of petroglyphs. Their name in plural, since there are several figures, is Oonagamessok. They lived in caves by the shore and were never seen, but they showed their presence through inscriptions on the rocks. The reason why these inscribed rocks are now rarely found is said to be because the Oonagamessok have become angry due to the lack of attention they received since the arrival of white people, which caused the pictures to vanish. There's no way to tell whether this tradition stems from the fact that ingenious shamans from the last century sometimes performed miracles, carving the rocks themselves and interpreting the marks in their own way, or if it’s because the rock inscriptions were so ancient that their origin was forgotten, leading to an explanation being attributed to a particular deity, perhaps a chieftain known in earlier mythology, or maybe one created for the occasion by the priests who, since time immemorial, have explained whatever seemed inexplicable.

At a rock near the mouth of the Magiguadavic river, at the time immediately before the Passamaquoddy Indians chose their first governor after the manner of the whites, the old Indians say there suddenly appeared a white man’s flag carved on the rocks. The old Indians interpreted this as a prophecy that the people would soon be abandoned to the white man’s methods, and this came to pass shortly after. Formerly they had a “Mayouett” or chief. Many other rock carvings are said to have foretold what has since come to pass. Strange noises have also been heard near them.

At a rock near the mouth of the Magiguadavic River, just before the Passamaquoddy Indians elected their first governor in the way that white people did, the elder Indians report that a white man's flag suddenly appeared carved into the rocks. The elders took this as a warning that their people would soon be left to the white man's ways, and this turned out to be true shortly after. Previously, they had a “Mayouett” or chief. Many other rock carvings are believed to have predicted what has happened since. Unusual noises have also been reported nearby.

The Omaha superstition is mentioned on pages 91-92 infra.

The Omaha superstition is mentioned on pages 91-92 below.

The Mandans had an oracle stone on which figures appeared on the morning after a night of public fasting. They were deciphered by the shaman, who doubtless had made them.

The Mandans had an oracle stone where figures showed up the morning after a night of public fasting. The shaman, who likely created them, interpreted their meanings.

Mr. T. H. Lewis (a) gives the following tradition relating to the incised bowlders in the upper Minnesota valley:

Mr. T. H. Lewis (a) shares the following tradition about the carved boulders in the upper Minnesota valley:

In olden times there used to be an object that marked the bowlders at night. It could be seen, but its exact shape was indistinct. It would work making sounds like hammering, and occasionally emit a light similar to that of a firefly. After finishing its work it would give one hearty laugh like a woman laughing and then disappear. The next morning the Indians would find another pictured bowlder in the vicinity where the object had been seen the night previous.

In the past, there was an object that marked the boulders at night. You could see it, but its exact shape was unclear. It made sounds like hammering and occasionally shone a light similar to a firefly's. After finishing its work, it would let out a hearty laugh like a woman's laughter, then vanish. The next morning, the Native Americans would find another painted boulder near where the object had been seen the night before.

Mr. J. W. Lynd (a) says of the Dakotas:

Mr. J. W. Lynd (a) talks about the Dakotas:

The deities upon which the most worship is bestowed, if, indeed, any particular one is nameable, are Tunkan (Inyan) the Stone God and Wakinyan, the Thunder Bird. The latter, as being the main god of war, receives constant worship and sacrifices; whilst the adoration of the former is an every-day affair. The Tunkan,[33] the Dakotas say, is the god that dwells in stones or rocks, and is the oldest god. If asked why it is considered the oldest, they will tell you because it is the hardest.

The gods that get the most worship, if you can name just one, are Tunkan (Inyan) the Stone God and Wakinyan, the Thunder Bird. Wakinyan, being the main god of war, gets constant worship and sacrifices, while people show their devotion to Tunkan every day. The Dakotas say that Tunkan,[33] is the god that lives in stones or rocks and is the oldest god. When asked why it’s seen as the oldest, they say it’s because it’s the hardest.

Mr. Charles Hallock, on the authority of Capt. Ed. Hunter, First Cavalry, U. S. A., furnishes the following information respecting the Assiniboin, Montana, rock pictures, which shows the reverence of these Indians for the petroglyphs even when in ruins:

Mr. Charles Hallock, based on the information from Capt. Ed. Hunter, First Cavalry, U.S.A., provides the following details about the Assiniboin rock art in Montana, which reflects the deep respect these Indians have for the petroglyphs, even when they're in a state of decay:

Some of the rocks of the sculptured cliff cleaved off and tumbled to the ground, whereupon the Indians assembled in force, stuck up a pole, hung up some buffalo heads and dried meat, had a song and dance, and carefully covered the detached fragments (which were sculptured or painted) with cotton cloth and blankets. Jim Brown, a scout, told Capt. Hunter that the Indians assembled at this station at stated times to hold religious ceremonies. The pictures are drawn on the smooth face of an outcrop or rocky projection.

Some of the rocks from the shaped cliff broke off and fell to the ground, prompting the Indians to gather in large numbers. They put up a pole, hung buffalo heads and dried meat on it, held a song and dance, and carefully covered the broken pieces (which were carved or painted) with cotton cloth and blankets. Jim Brown, a scout, informed Capt. Hunter that the Indians gathered at this spot at specific times to conduct religious ceremonies. The images are displayed on the smooth surface of a rock outcrop or projection.

Marcano (a) gives an account in which superstition is mixed with historic tradition. It is translated as follows:

Marcano (a) provides a story that combines superstition with historical tradition. It's translated like this:

The legend of the Tamanaques, transmitted by Father Gili, has also been invoked in favor of an ancient civilization. According to the beliefs of this nation, there took place in days of old a general inundation, which recalls the age of the great waters of the Mexicans, during which the scattered waves beat against the Encaramada. All the Tamanaques were drowned except one man and one woman, who fled to the mountain of Tamacu or Tamanácu, situated on the banks of Asiveru (Cuchivero). They threw above their heads the fruits of the palm tree, Mauritia, and saw arising from their kernels the men and women who repeopled the earth. It was during this inundation that Amalavica, the creator of mankind, arrived on a bark and carved the inscription of Tepumereme. Amalavica remained long among the Tamanaques, and dwelt in Amalavica-Jeutitpe (house). After putting everything in order he set sail and returned “to the other shore,” whence he had come. “Did you perchance meet him there?” said an Indian to Father Gili, after relating to him this story. In this connection Humboldt recalls that in Mexico, too, the monk Sahagun was asked whether he came from the other shore, whither Quetzalcoatl had retired.

The legend of the Tamanaques, passed down by Father Gili, has also been brought up to support an ancient civilization. According to this nation's beliefs, there was a great flood in ancient times, similar to the era of the great waters of the Mexicans, during which the waves crashed against the Encaramada. All the Tamanaques drowned except for one man and one woman, who escaped to the mountain of Tamacu or Tamanácu, located by the banks of Asiveru (Cuchivero). They threw the fruits of the Mauritia palm tree above their heads, and from their seeds emerged the men and women who repopulated the earth. It was during this flood that Amalavica, the creator of mankind, arrived on a boat and carved the inscription of Tepumereme. Amalavica spent a long time among the Tamanaques and lived in Amalavica-Jeutitpe (house). After setting everything right, he set sail and returned "to the other shore," from where he had come. "Did you happen to meet him there?" an Indian asked Father Gili after sharing this story. In this context, Humboldt also mentions that in Mexico, the monk Sahagun was asked if he came from the other shore, where Quetzalcoatl had gone.

The same traveler adds: “When you ask the natives how the hieroglyphic characters carved on the mountains of Urbana and Encaramada could have been traced, they reply that this was done in the age of the great waters, at the time when their fathers were able to reach the heights in their canoes.”

The same traveler adds: “When you ask the locals how the hieroglyphs carved on the mountains of Urbana and Encaramada could have been made, they respond that this happened during the time of the great waters, when their ancestors could reach the heights in their canoes.”

If these legends and these petroglyphs are proof of an extinct civilization, it is astonishing that their authors should have left no other traces of their culture. To come to the point, is it admissible that they were replaced by savage tribes without leaving a trace of what they had been, and can we understand this retrograde march of civilization when progress everywhere follows an ascending course? These destructions of American tribes in place are very convenient to prop up theories, but they are contrary to ethnologic laws.

If these legends and petroglyphs are evidence of a lost civilization, it's surprising that their creators didn't leave behind any other signs of their culture. To get to the heart of it, is it possible that they were replaced by primitive tribes without leaving behind any indication of who they were? And how can we make sense of this backward movement of civilization when progress typically moves upward everywhere else? The destruction of American tribes in situ is often used to support theories, but it goes against the principles of ethnology.

The remarkable height of some petroglyphs has misled authors of good repute as well as savages. Petroglyphs frequently appear on the face of rocks at heights and under conditions which seemed to render their production impossible without the appliances of advanced civilization, a large outlay, and the exercise of unusual skill. An instance among many of the same general character is in the petroglyphs at Lake Chelan, Washington, where they are about 30 feet above the present water level, on a perpendicular cliff, the base of which is in the lake. On simple examination the execution of the pictographic work would[34] seem to involve details of wharfing, staging, and ladders if operated from the base, and no less elaborate machinery if approached from the summit. Strahlenberg suggests that such elevated drawings were made by the ingenious use of stone wedges driven into the rock, thus affording support for ascent or descent, and reports that he actually saw such stone wedges in position on the Yenesei river. A very rough geological theory has been presented by others to account for the phenomena by the rise of the rocks to a height far above the adjacent surface at a time later than their carving.

The impressive height of some petroglyphs has confused well-respected authors as well as uneducated individuals. Petroglyphs often appear on rock surfaces at heights and under conditions that make their creation seem impossible without advanced technology, significant investment, and special skill. One example of this is the petroglyphs at Lake Chelan, Washington, where they are located about 30 feet above the current water level on a sheer cliff, the base of which is in the lake. A simple examination would suggest that creating these pictographs would require scaffolding, staging, and ladders if done from the base, and equally complex machinery if approached from the top. Strahlenberg proposes that these high drawings were made by cleverly using stone wedges driven into the rock, providing a means to climb up or down, and he even reported seeing such stone wedges in place on the Yenesei River. Others have put forth a very basic geological theory to explain the phenomenon, suggesting that the rocks rose to a height well above the surrounding surface after they were carved.

But in the many cases observed in America it is not necessary to propose either the hypothesis involving such elaborate work as is suggested or one postulating enormous geological changes. The escarpment of cliffs is from time to time broken down by the action of the elements and the fragments fall to the base, frequently forming a talus of considerable height, on which it is easy to mount and incise or paint on the remaining perpendicular face of the cliff. When the latter adjoins a lake or large stream, the disintegrated débris is almost immediately carried off, leaving the drawings or paintings at an apparently inaccessible altitude. When the cliff is on dry land, the rain, which is driven against the face of the cliff and thereby increased in volume and force at the point in question, also sweeps away the talus, though more slowly. The talus is ephemeral in all cases, and the face of the cliff may change in a week or a century, as it may happen, so its aspect gives but a slight evidence of age. The presence, therefore, of the pictures on the heights described proves neither extraordinary skill in their maker nor the great antiquity which would be indicated by the emergence of the pictured rocks through volcanic or other dynamic agency. The age of the paintings and sculptures must be inferred from other considerations.

But in many cases observed in America, it’s not necessary to suggest the complicated hypothesis or one that assumes huge geological changes. The cliff faces are occasionally worn down by the elements, causing fragments to fall to the base, often creating a sizable talus that makes it easy to climb up and carve or paint on the vertical part of the cliff that remains. When the cliff is next to a lake or a large river, the broken debris is almost immediately washed away, leaving the drawings or paintings at a seemingly unreachable height. On dry land, rain hits the cliff face with increased intensity, gradually eroding the talus, but at a slower rate. The talus is temporary in all cases, and the cliff face can change in a week or over a century, so its appearance gives little indication of its age. Therefore, the presence of the artwork at these heights doesn’t demonstrate extraordinary skill by its creator or imply ancient origins due to the pictures emerging from volcanic or other dynamic processes. The age of the paintings and sculptures must be inferred from other factors.

Pictures are sometimes found on the parts of rocks which at present are always, or nearly always, covered with water. On the sea shore at Machias bay, Maine, the peckings have been continued below the line of the lowest tides as known during the present generation. In such cases subsidence of the rocky formation may be indicated. At Kejimkoojik lake, Nova Scotia, incisions of the same character as those on the bare surface of the slate rocks can now be seen only by the aid of a water glass, and then only when the lake is at its lowest. This may be caused by subsidence of the rocks or by rise of the water through the substantial damming of the outlet. Some rocks on the shores of rivers, e. g., those on the Kanahwa, in West Virginia, show the same general result of the covering and concealment of petroglyphs by water, except in an unusual drought, which may more reasonably be attributed to the gradual elevation of the river through the rise of the surface near its mouth than to the subsidence of the earth’s crust at the locality of the pictured rocks.

Pictures are sometimes found on parts of rocks that are currently always, or almost always, covered with water. Along the shore at Machias Bay, Maine, the carvings have extended below the lowest tide line known in this generation. In these instances, subsidence of the rocky formation might be suggested. At Kejimkujik Lake, Nova Scotia, similar incisions to those on the bare surface of the slate rocks can now only be seen with a magnifying glass, and only when the lake is at its lowest level. This might be due to the subsidence of the rocks or the rise of the water caused by significant damming of the outlet. Some rocks along river shores, like those on the Kanawha in West Virginia, show a similar pattern of petroglyphs being covered and concealed by water, except during an unusual drought, which could be more reasonably attributed to the gradual elevation of the river through the rise of the surface near its mouth rather than to the subsidence of the earth’s crust at the site of the carved rocks.

It must be admitted that no hermeneutic key has been discovered[35] applicable to American pictographs, whether ancient on stone or modern on bark, skins, linen, or paper. Nor has any such key been found which unlocks the petroglyphs of any other people. Symbolism was of individual origin and was soon variously obscured by conventionalizing; therefore it requires separate study in every region. No interpreting laws of general application to petroglyphs so far appear, although types and tendencies can be classified. It was hoped that in some lands petroglyphs might tell of the characters and histories of extinct or emigrated peoples, but it now seems that knowledge of the people who were the makers of the petroglyphs is necessary to any clear understanding of their work. The fanciful hypotheses which have been formed without corroboration, wholly from such works as remain, are now generally discarded.

It must be acknowledged that no interpretive key has been found[35] that applies to American pictographs, whether they're ancient on stone or modern on bark, skins, linen, or paper. Similarly, no key has emerged that unlocks the petroglyphs of any other cultures. The symbolism was created individually and quickly became obscured by conventions; thus, it needs to be studied separately in each region. So far, there don't seem to be any universal interpreting laws for petroglyphs, although we can classify types and trends. There was hope that in some areas petroglyphs might reveal the characters and histories of extinct or migrated peoples, but it now appears that understanding the people who created the petroglyphs is essential for a clear grasp of their work. The imaginative hypotheses formed without evidence, solely based on the surviving works, are now generally dismissed.

There is a material reason why the interpretation of petroglyphs is attended with special difficulty. They have often become so blurred by the elements and so much defaced where civilized man has penetrated that they cease to have any distinct or at least incontrovertible features. The remarks relating to Dighton rock, infra, Chap. XXII, are in point.

There’s a real reason why interpreting petroglyphs is particularly challenging. They’ve often been worn down by the elements and significantly damaged where modern humans have come in, making it hard for them to maintain any clear or indisputable characteristics. The comments about Dighton rock, mentioned below in Chap. XXII, are relevant.

Rock-carving or picture-writing on rocks is so old among the American tribes as to have acquired a nomenclature. The following general remarks of Schoolcraft (a) are of some value, though they apply with any accuracy only to the Ojibwa and are tinctured with a fondness for the mysterious:

Rock carvings or picture-writing on rocks are so ancient among American tribes that they have developed specific terminology. The following general observations by Schoolcraft (a) hold some value, although they apply accurately only to the Ojibwa and are influenced by a fascination with the mysterious:

For their pictographic devices the North American Indians have two terms, namely, Kekeewin, or such things as are generally understood by the tribe, and Kekeenowin, or teachings of the medas or priests and jossakeeds or prophets. The knowledge of the latter is chiefly confined to persons who are versed in their system of magic medicine, or their religion, and may be deemed hieratic. The former consists of the common figurative signs, such as are employed at places of sepulture or by hunting or traveling parties. It is also employed in the muzzinabiks, or rock-writings. Many of the figures are common to both and are seen in the drawings generally; but it is to be understood that this results from the figure alphabet being precisely the same in both, while the devices of the nugamoons or medicine, wabino, hunting, and war songs are known solely to the initiates who have learned them, and who always pay high to the native professors for this knowledge.

For their pictographic symbols, North American Indians have two terms: Kekeewin, which refers to things understood by the tribe, and Kekeenowin, which refers to the teachings of the medas (priests) and jossakeeds (prophets). The knowledge related to the latter is mostly limited to those skilled in their system of magical medicine or religion and is considered sacred. The former includes the common symbolic signs used at burial sites or by hunting or traveling groups. It is also used in the muzzinabiks, or rock carvings. Many figures are shared between the two and appear in the general drawings; however, it's important to note that this similarity arises because the symbol alphabet is the same for both. The symbols related to nugamoons (medicine), wabino, hunting, and war songs are exclusive to those who have been initiated and learned them, and they often pay a high price to native teachers for this knowledge.

In the Oglala Roster mentioned in Chapter XIII, Section 4, infra, one of the heads of families is called Inyanowapi, translated as Painted (or inscribed) rock. A blue object in the shape of a bowlder is connected with the man’s head by the usual line, and characters too minute for useful reproduction appear on the bowlder. The name is interesting as giving the current Dakota term for rock-inscriptions. The designation may have been given to this Indian because he was an authority on the subject and skilled either in the making or interpretation of petroglyphs.

In the Oglala Roster mentioned in Chapter XIII, Section 4, below, one of the heads of families is called Inyanowapi, which translates to Painted (or inscribed) rock. A blue object shaped like a boulder is connected to the man's head by the usual line, and tiny characters that are too small to reproduce usefully appear on the boulder. The name is interesting as it gives the current Dakota term for rock inscriptions. This name may have been given to this Indian because he was an expert on the topic and skilled in either creating or interpreting petroglyphs.

The name “Wikhegan” was and still is used by the Abnaki to signify portable communications made in daily life, as distinct from the rock carvings mentioned above, which are regarded by them as mystic.

The name “Wikhegan” was and still is used by the Abnaki to refer to portable communications in everyday life, as opposed to the rock carvings mentioned above, which they consider to be mystical.

One of the curious facts in connection with petroglyphs is the meager notice taken of them by explorers and even by residents other than the Indians, who are generally reticent concerning them. The present writer has sometimes been annoyed and sometimes amused by this indifference. The resident nearest to the many inscribed rocks at Kejimkoojik Lake, Nova Scotia, described in Chapter II, Section 1, was a middle-aged farmer of respectable intelligence who had lived all his life about 3 miles from those rocks, but had only a vague notion of their character, and with difficulty found them. A learned and industrious priest, who had been working for many years on the shores of Lake Superior preparing not only a dictionary and grammar of the Ojibwa language, but an account of Ojibwa religion and customs, denied the present existence of any objects in the nature of petroglyphs in that region. Yet he had lived for a year within a mile of a very important and conspicuous pictured rock, and, on being convinced of his error by sketches shown him, called in his Ojibwa assistant and for the first time learned the common use of a large group of words which bore upon the system of picture-writing, and which he thereupon inserted in his dictionary, thus gaining from the visitor, who had come from afar to study at the feet of this supposed Gamaliel, much more than the visitor gained from him.

One of the surprising things about petroglyphs is the lack of attention they receive from explorers and other residents, apart from the Native Americans, who typically keep quiet about them. The author has often felt both annoyed and amused by this indifference. The person living closest to the many inscribed rocks at Kejimkoojik Lake, Nova Scotia, described in Chapter II, Section 1, was a middle-aged farmer of decent intelligence who had lived his whole life about 3 miles from those rocks but only had a vague idea of what they were like and had a hard time finding them. A knowledgeable and dedicated priest, who had spent many years along the shores of Lake Superior working on a dictionary and grammar of the Ojibwa language, as well as an account of Ojibwa religion and customs, denied that there were any petroglyphs in that area. However, he had lived for a year within a mile of a significant and obvious pictured rock, and when shown sketches that proved him wrong, he called in his Ojibwa assistant and for the first time learned about a large group of words related to picture-writing, which he then added to his dictionary, gaining from the visitor—who had traveled from afar to learn from this supposed expert—much more than the visitor gained from him.

CHAPTER II.
Petroglyphs in North America.

SECTION 1.
Canada.

The information thus far obtained about petroglyphs in Canada is meager. This may be partly due to the fact that through the region of the Dominion now most thoroughly known the tribes have generally resorted for their pictographic work to the bark of birch trees, which material is plentiful and well adapted for the purpose. Indeed the same fact affords an explanation of the paucity of rock-carvings or paintings in the lands immediately south of the boundary line separating the United States from the British possessions. It must also be considered that the country on both sides of that boundary was in general heavily timbered, and that even if petroglyphs are there they may not even yet have been noticed. But that the mere plenty of birch bark does not evince the actual absence of rock-pictures in regions where there was also an abundance of suitable rocks, and where the native inhabitants were known to be pictographers, is shown by the account given below of the multitudes of such pictures lately discovered in a single district of Nova Scotia. It is confidently believed that many petroglyphs will yet be found in the Dominion. Others may be locally known and possibly already described in publications which have escaped the researches of the present writer. In fact, from correspondence and oral narrations, there are indications of petroglyphs in several parts of the Dominion besides those mentioned below, but their descriptions are too vague for presentation here. For instance, Dr. Boas says that he has seen a large number of petroglyphs in British Columbia, of which neither he nor any other traveler has made distinct report.

The information we have about petroglyphs in Canada so far is limited. This may be partly because the tribes in the most well-known areas of the Dominion typically used birch tree bark for their pictographs, which is abundant and well-suited for this purpose. This explains the lack of rock carvings or paintings in the lands just south of the border between the United States and British territories. We should also consider that the land on both sides of the border was generally heavily forested, meaning that if there are petroglyphs, they may not have been noticed yet. However, the fact that birch bark is plentiful doesn’t mean there are no rock pictures in areas where there are plenty of suitable rocks and where the native inhabitants were known to create pictographs. This is evidenced by the many such pictures recently found in a single area of Nova Scotia. It's confidently believed that many more petroglyphs will be discovered in the Dominion. Some may already be known locally and possibly documented in publications that the current writer hasn't encountered. In fact, from correspondence and stories, there are hints of petroglyphs in various parts of the Dominion beyond those mentioned here, but their descriptions are too vague to present. For example, Dr. Boas notes that he has seen a large number of petroglyphs in British Columbia, yet neither he nor any other traveler has reported on them in detail.

NOVA SCOTIA.

The only petroglyphs yet found in the peninsula of Nova Scotia are in large numbers within a small district in Queens county, and they comprise objects unique in execution and in interest. They were examined by the present writer in the field seasons of 1887 and 1888, and some were copied by him, but many more copies were taken in the last-mentioned year by Mr. George Creed, of South Rawdon, Nova Scotia, who had guided the writer to the locality. Attention was at first[38] confined to Fairy lake and its rocks. This lake is really a bay of a larger lake which is almost exactly on the boundary line between Annapolis and Queens counties, one of those forming the chain through which the Liverpool river runs, and called Cegemacaga in More’s History of Queens County (a), but according to Dr. Silas Rand in his Reading Book in the Micmac Language (a), Kejimkoojik, translated by him as “swelled parts,” doubtless referring to the expansion of the Maitland river at its confluence with the Liverpool river.

The only petroglyphs discovered so far on the Nova Scotia peninsula are found in large quantities within a small area in Queens County, and they feature unique designs and cultural significance. The author examined these petroglyphs during field seasons in 1887 and 1888, and made some reproductions, but many more were documented in the latter year by Mr. George Creed, from South Rawdon, Nova Scotia, who had shown the author the site. Initially, the focus was on Fairy Lake and its surrounding rocks. This lake is actually a bay of a larger lake that lies almost directly on the boundary between Annapolis and Queens Counties, part of the waterway through which the Liverpool River flows, and referred to as Cegemacaga in More’s History of Queens County (a), but according to Dr. Silas Rand in his Reading Book in the Micmac Language (a), it is called Kejimkoojik, which he translated as “swelled parts,” likely referring to the widening of the Maitland River where it meets the Liverpool River.

The Fairy rocks, as distinct from others in the lake, are three in number, and are situated on the east side of Kejimkoojik lake and south of the entrance to Fairy lake. The northernmost of the three rocks is immediately at the entrance, the westernmost and central rock showing but a small surface at high water and at the highest stage of the water being entirely submerged. Three other inscribed rocks are about 2 miles south of these, at Piels (a corruption of Pierre’s) point, opposite an island called Glodes or Gload island, so named from a well-known Micmac family. These rocks are virtually a continuation of the same formation with depressions between them. Two other localities in the vicinity where the rocks are engraved, as hereafter described, are at Fort Medway river and Georges lake. As they are all of the same character, on the same material, and were obviously made by the same people, they are all classed together, when referred to in this paper, as at Kejimkoojik lake. All of these rocks are of schistose slate of the Silurian formation, and they lie with so gentle a dip that their magnitudes vary greatly with a slight change in the height of the water. On August 27, 1887, when, according to the reports of the nearest residents, the water was one foot above the average summer level, the unsubmerged portion of the central rock then surrounded by water was an irregular oval, the dimensions of which were 47 by 60 feet. The highest points of the Fairy rocks at that date were no more than three and few were more than two feet above the surface of the water. The inclination near the surface is so small that a falling of the water of one foot would double the extent of that part of the surface which, by its smoothness and softness, is adapted to engraving. The inclination at Piels point is steeper, but still allows a great variation of exposed surface in the manner mentioned.

The Fairy rocks, different from others in the lake, are three in total, located on the east side of Kejimkoojik Lake and south of the entrance to Fairy Lake. The northernmost rock is right at the entrance, while the westernmost and central rock only shows a small portion at high water, becoming fully submerged at the highest water level. Three other engraved rocks are about 2 miles south of these, at Piels (a variation of Pierre’s) Point, across from an island called Glodes or Gload Island, named after a well-known Micmac family. These rocks are almost a continuation of the same formation, with depressions between them. Two other locations nearby with engraved rocks, as will be described later, are at Fort Medway River and Georges Lake. Since they are all similar in nature, made from the same material, and were clearly created by the same people, they are collectively referred to in this paper as being at Kejimkoojik Lake. All these rocks are made of schistose slate from the Silurian formation and are positioned with such a gentle slope that their sizes change significantly with minor fluctuations in water height. On August 27, 1887, when, according to reports from nearby residents, the water level was one foot above the average summer level, the portion of the central rock above water formed an irregular oval measuring 47 by 60 feet. The highest points of the Fairy rocks at that time were no more than three feet above water, and most were only two feet above. The slope near the surface is so slight that a one-foot drop in water level would double the size of the smooth, soft surface suitable for engraving. The slope at Piels Point is steeper, but it still allows for significant changes in the exposed surface as described.

Mr. Creed first visited the Fairy rocks in July, 1881. His attention was directed exclusively to the northernmost rock, which was then more exposed than it was in September, 1887, and much of the inscribed portion seen by him in 1881 was under water in 1887. The submerged parts of the rocks adjoining those exposed are covered with incisions. Many inscriptions were seen in 1881 by Mr. Creed through the water, and others became visible through a water glass in 1887. His recollection of the inscribed dates seen in 1881 is that some with French names attached were of years near 1700, and that the worn appearance of the figures and names corresponded with the lapse of time indicated by[39] those dates. A number of markings were noticed by him which are not found in the parts now exposed, and were evidently more ancient than most of the engravings on the latter. From other sources of information it is evident that either from a permanent rise in the water of the lake or from the sinking of the rocks, they formerly showed, within the period of the recollection of people now living, a much larger exposed surface than of late years, and that the parts long since permanently submerged were covered with engravings. The inference is that those engravings were made before Europeans had visited the locality.

Mr. Creed first visited the Fairy rocks in July 1881. He focused entirely on the northernmost rock, which was more exposed at that time than it was in September 1887, with much of the inscribed area he saw in 1881 being underwater by 1887. The submerged sections of the rocks next to those that are exposed have incisions on them. Many inscriptions were visible to Mr. Creed through the water in 1881, and others were seen through a water glass in 1887. He remembers that some of the inscribed dates he saw in 1881 had French names attached and were from around the year 1700, with the worn look of the figures and names matching the time gap indicated by [39] those dates. He also noticed several markings that are not found on the currently exposed parts, which seemed to be older than most of the engravings on those sections. From other sources, it's clear that either a permanent rise in the lake's water level or the sinking of the rocks has led to a significantly larger exposed surface in the past, within the memory of people alive today, and that the parts that have long been permanently submerged were covered with engravings. The conclusion is that those engravings were made before Europeans visited the area.

It is to be specially remarked that the exposed surfaces where the rocks were especially smooth were completely marked over, no space of 3 inches square being unmarked, and over nearly all of those choice parts there were two, and in many cases three, sets of markings, above one another, recognizable by their differing distinctness. It also seemed that the second or third marking was upon plane surfaces where the earlier markings had been nearly obliterated by time. With pains and skill the earlier markings can be traced, and these are the outlines which from intrinsic evidence are Indian, whereas the later and more sharply marked outlines are obviously made by civilized men or boys, the latest being mere initials or full names of persons, with dates attached. Warning must be given that the ancient markings, which doubtless were made by the Micmacs, will probably not only escape the attention of the casual visitor, but even that an intelligent expert observer who travels to the scene with some information on the subject, and for the express purpose of finding the incisions, may fail to see anything but names, ships, houses, and similar figures of obviously modern design. This actually occurred within the week when the present writer was taking copies of the drawings by a mode of printing which left no room for fancy or deception. Indeed, frequently the marks were not distinctly apparent until after they had been examined in the printed copies.

It should be noted that the exposed areas where the rocks were especially smooth were completely covered in markings, with no space of 3 inches square remaining unmarked. Almost all of these prime spots had two, and in many cases three, sets of markings layered on top of one another, distinguishable by their varying clarity. It also appeared that the second or third markings were on flat surfaces where the earlier markings had nearly faded away with time. With effort and skill, the older markings can be traced, and these outlines, based on inherent evidence, are identified as Indian, while the later and more clearly defined outlines are clearly made by modern individuals, such as men or boys; the most recent ones are simply initials or full names of people, along with dates. It's important to note that the ancient markings, which were likely made by the Micmacs, will probably escape the notice of the casual visitor. Even a knowledgeable expert who comes to the site with some information and specifically looking for the carvings may fail to see anything beyond names, ships, houses, and similar designs that are obviously modern. This actually happened in the week while the current writer was making copies of the drawings using a printing method that left no room for interpretation or deception. In fact, often the marks were not clearly visible until they were examined in the printed copies.

The mode in which the copies were taken was by running over and through their outlines a blue aniline pencil, and then pressing a wetted sheet of ordinary printing paper upon them, so that the impression was actually taken by the process of printing. During the two field seasons mentioned, with the aid of Mr. Creed, three hundred and fifty different engravings and groups of engravings were thus printed. Some of these prints were of large dimensions, and included from ten to fifty separate characters and designs.

The way the copies were made involved tracing their outlines with a blue aniline pencil and then pressing a damp sheet of regular printing paper onto them, allowing the impression to be actually printed. During the two field seasons mentioned, with help from Mr. Creed, three hundred and fifty different engravings and sets of engravings were printed this way. Some of these prints were quite large and featured anywhere from ten to fifty individual characters and designs.

On the parts exposed in 1887 there were dates from 1800 to the current year, the number for the last year being much the greatest, which was explained by the fact that the wonderfully beautiful lake had been selected for a Sunday-school excursion. Over the greater part of the surface visible in 1887 there were few levels specially favorable for marking, and when these were found the double or treble use was in some instances noticed.

On the sections revealed in 1887, there were dates ranging from 1800 to the present year, with the highest number being for the most recent year. This was explained by the fact that the stunning lake had been chosen for a Sunday school outing. For most of the visible area in 1887, there were few spots that were particularly good for marking, and when these were found, it was sometimes noted that they had been used multiple times.

After the writer had inspected the rocks and discovered their characteristics, and learned how to distinguish and copy their markings, it seemed that, with the exception of a few designs recently dug or chipped out by lumbermen or visitors, almost always initials, the only interesting or ancient portions were scratchings which could be made on the soft slate by any sharp instrument. The faces of the rocks were immense soft and polished drawing-slates, presenting to any person who had ever drawn or written before an irresistible temptation to draw or write. The writer, happening to have with him an Indian stone arrow which had been picked up in the neighborhood, used its point upon the surface, and it would make as good scratches as any found upon the rocks except the very latest, which were obviously cut by the whites with metal knives.

After the writer checked out the rocks and figured out their features, and learned how to tell apart their markings and replicate them, it seemed that, aside from a few designs recently dug up or chipped away by lumber workers or visitors—mostly initials—the only fascinating or ancient parts were scratches that anyone with a sharp tool could create on the soft slate. The surfaces of the rocks were enormous, soft, polished drawing slates, offering anyone who had ever drawn or written an irresistible urge to create. The writer happened to have an Indian stone arrow he found nearby, and when he used its tip on the surface, it made scratches just as good as any found on the rocks, except for the very latest ones, which were clearly made by white people with metal knives.

As is above suggested, the peculiar multiplication of the characters upon the most attractive of the slates affords evidence as to their relative antiquity superior to that generally found in petroglyphs.[41] The existence of two or three different sets of markings, all visible and of different degrees of obliteration or distinctness, is in itself important; but, in addition to that, it is frequently the case that the second and third in the order of time have associated with them dates, from which the relative antiquity of the faintest, the dateless, can be to some extent estimated. Dates of the third and most recent class are attached to English names and are associated with the forms of English letters; those of the second class accompany French names, and in some cases have French designs. Figs. 1 and 2, about one-fourth original size, are presented to give an idea of these peculiar palimpsests.

As mentioned above, the unique layering of characters on the most appealing slates provides evidence of their relative age that is more reliable than what is typically found in petroglyphs.[41] The presence of two or three distinct sets of markings, all visible and varying in clarity, is significant; moreover, it often happens that the second and third sets in chronological order come with dates, which allows us to estimate the age of the faintest, undated markings to some extent. The dates of the third and most recent set are linked to English names and are associated with English letter shapes; the second set features French names and, in some cases, includes French designs. Figs. 1 and 2, at about one-fourth the original size, are shown to illustrate these unique palimpsests.

Fig. 1.—Palimpsest on Fairy rocks, Nova Scotia.

For examples of other copies printed from the rocks at Kejimkoojik lake, see Figs. 549, 550, 654, 655, 656, 657, 658, 717, 718, 739, 740, 741, 1254, 1255, and 1262. These offer intrinsic evidence of the Micmac origin of the early class of engravings.

For examples of other copies printed from the rocks at Kejimkujik Lake, see Figs. 549, 550, 654, 655, 656, 657, 658, 717, 718, 739, 740, 741, 1254, 1255, and 1262. These provide clear evidence of the Micmac origin of the early class of engravings.

Fig. 2.—Palimpsest on Fairy rocks, Nova Scotia.

The presence of French names and styles of art in the drawings is explained by a story which was communicated by Louis Labrador, whose great-grandfather, old Ledore, according to his account, guided a body of French Acadians who, at the time of the expulsion, were not shipped off with the majority. They escaped the English in 1756 and traveled from the valley of Annapolis to Shelbourne, at the extreme southeast of the peninsula. During that passage they halted for a considerable time to recruit in the beautiful valley along the Kejimkoojik lake, on the very ground where these markings appear, which also was on the ancient Indian trail. Another local tradition, told by a resident of the neighborhood, gives a still earlier date for the French work. He says that after the capture of Port Royal, now Annapolis, in 1710, a party of the defeated Frenchmen, with a number of Indians as guides, went with their cattle to the wide meadows upon Kejimkoojik lake and remained there for a long time. It is exceedingly probable that the French would have been attracted to scratch on this fascinating smooth slate surface whether they had observed previous markings or not, but it seems evident that they did scratch over such previous markings. The latter, at least, antedated the beginning of the eighteenth century.

The presence of French names and artistic styles in the drawings is explained by a story shared by Louis Labrador, whose great-grandfather, old Ledore, claimed he led a group of French Acadians who, at the time of the expulsion, weren’t shipped off with the majority. They escaped the English in 1756 and traveled from the Annapolis Valley to Shelbourne, at the far southeast of the peninsula. During their journey, they stopped for a long time to rest in the beautiful valley along Kejimkoojik Lake, right where these markings are found, which also happened to be on an ancient Indian trail. Another local story, shared by a resident of the area, suggests an even earlier date for the French markings. He says that after the capture of Port Royal, now Annapolis, in 1710, a group of defeated Frenchmen, along with several Indians as guides, brought their cattle to the wide meadows near Kejimkoojik Lake and stayed there for a long time. It’s very likely that the French would have been drawn to scratch on this intriguing smooth slate surface, whether they saw previous markings or not, but it’s clear they did scratch over earlier markings. Those earlier markings at least predated the beginning of the eighteenth century.

A general remark may be made regarding the Kejimkoojik drawings, that the aboriginal art displayed in them did not differ in any important degree from that shown in other drawings of the Micmacs and the Abnaki in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology. Also that the rocks there reveal pictographic tendencies and practices which suggest explanations of similar work in other regions where less evidence remains of intent and significance. The attractive material of the slates and their convenient situation tempted past generations of Indians to record upon them the images of their current thoughts and daily actions. Hence the pictographic practice went into operation at this locality with unusual vigor and continuity. Although at Kejimkoojik lake there is an exceptional facility for determining the relative dates of the several horizons of scratchings, the suggestion there evoked may help to ascertain similar data elsewhere.

A general observation can be made about the Kejimkujik drawings: the Indigenous art found in them is not significantly different from that seen in other drawings by the Mi'kmaq and the Abenaki that are held by the Bureau of Ethnology. Additionally, the rocks there show pictographic styles and practices that hint at explanations for similar works in other areas where there's less evidence of intent and meaning. The appealing material of the slates and their convenient location encouraged past generations of Indigenous people to record their thoughts and daily activities on them. As a result, the practice of making pictographs thrived in this area with remarkable energy and consistency. Even though Kejimkujik Lake offers a unique opportunity to determine the relative ages of different layers of carvings, the insights gained there might help uncover similar information in other places.

ONTARIO.

Mr. Charles Hallock kindly communicates information concerning pictographs on Nipigon bay, which is a large lake in the province of Ontario, 30 miles northwest of Lake Superior, with which it is connected by Nipigon river. He says:

Mr. Charles Hallock kindly shares information about the pictographs on Nipigon Bay, which is a large lake in Ontario, 30 miles northwest of Lake Superior. It is connected to Lake Superior by the Nipigon River. He says:

The pictographs, which are principally of men and animals, occupy a zone some 60 feet long and 5 feet broad, about midway of the face of the rock; they are painted in blood-red characters, much darker than the color of the cliff itself.

The pictographs, mainly of men and animals, cover an area about 60 feet long and 5 feet wide, located roughly in the middle of the rock face; they are painted in dark blood-red colors that are much deeper than the color of the cliff itself.

He also, later, incloses a letter received by himself from Mr. Newton Flanagan, of the Hudson Bay Company, an extract from which is as follows:

He also later includes a letter he received from Mr. Newton Flanagan of the Hudson Bay Company, an excerpt from which is as follows:

About the dimensions of the red rock in Nipigon bay, upon which appear the Indian painted pictures, as near as I can give you at present, the face of the rock fronting the water is about 60 feet, rising to a greater height as it runs inland. The width along the water is something like 900 yards, depth quite a distance inland. The pictures are from 10 to 15 or perhaps 20 feet above the water; the pictures are representations of human figures, Indians in canoes, and of wild animals. They are supposed to have been painted ages ago, by what process or for what reason I am unable to tell you, nor do I know how the paint is made indelible.

About the size of the red rock in Nipigon Bay, where the Indigenous painted images appear, I can give you some details for now. The rock face that faces the water is about 60 feet tall and rises higher as it goes inland. It’s about 900 yards wide along the water, with considerable depth going inland. The paintings are located 10 to 15, or maybe even 20 feet above the water; they show human figures, Indigenous people in canoes, and wild animals. They are believed to have been painted long ago, but I can’t tell you the method or reason behind it, nor do I know how the paint remains so permanent.

As far as I can gather, the Indians here have no traditions in regard to those paintings, which I understand occur in several places throughout the country, and none of the Indians hereabouts nowadays practice any such painting.

As far as I can tell, the local Indigenous people don’t have any traditions related to those paintings, which I hear can be found in various parts of the country, and none of the local Indigenous people practice that kind of painting today.

MANITOBA.

Mr. Hallock also furnishes information regarding a petroglyph, the locality of which he gives as follows: Roche Percée, on the Souris river, in Manitoba, near the international boundary, 270 miles west of Dufferin, and nearly due north from Bismarck. This is an isolated rock in the middle of a plain, covered with pictographs of memorable events. It stands back from the river a half mile.

Mr. Hallock also provides information about a petroglyph, located at Roche Percée on the Souris River in Manitoba, close to the international border, 270 miles west of Dufferin and almost directly north of Bismarck. This is a solitary rock in the middle of a flat area, covered with drawings of significant events. It is situated half a mile back from the river.

Mr. A. C. Lawson (a) gives an illustrated account of petroglyphs on the large peninsula extending into the Lake of the Woods and on an island adjacent to it. Strictly speaking this peninsula is in the district of Keewatin, but it is very near the boundary line of Manitoba, to which it is attached for administrative purposes. The account is condensed as follows:

Mr. A. C. Lawson (a) provides an illustrated description of petroglyphs on the large peninsula that juts into Lake of the Woods and on a nearby island. Technically, this peninsula is in the Keewatin district, but it's very close to the boundary line of Manitoba, which it is attached to for administrative reasons. The summary is as follows:

On the north side of this peninsula, i. e., on the south shore of the northern half of the lake, about midway between the east and west shores, occurs one of the two sets of hieroglyphic markings. Lying off shore at a distance of a quarter to a half a mile, and making with it a long sheltered channel, is a chain of islands, trending east and west. On the south side of one of these islands, less than a mile to the west of the first locality, is to be seen the other set of inscriptions. The first set occurs on the top of a low, glaciated, projecting point of rock, which presents the characters of an ordinary roche moutonnée. The rock is a very soft, foliated, green, chloritic schist, into which the characters are more or less deeply carved. The top of the rounded point is only a few feet above the high-water mark of the lake, whose waters rise and fall in different seasons through a range of ten feet. The antiquity of the inscriptions is at once forced upon the observer upon a careful comparison of their weathering with that of the glacial grooves and striæ, which are very distinctly seen upon the same rock surface. Both the ice grooves and carved inscriptions are, so far as the eye can judge, identical in extent of weathering, though there was doubtless a considerable lapse of time between the disappearance of the glaciers and the date of the carving.

On the north side of this peninsula, meaning on the south shore of the northern half of the lake, about halfway between the east and west shores, there is one of the two sets of hieroglyphic markings. A chain of islands, stretching east and west, is located offshore about a quarter to half a mile away, creating a long sheltered channel. On the south side of one of these islands, less than a mile to the west of the first site, you can see the other set of inscriptions. The first set is found on the top of a low, glaciated, rocky point, which shows the features of an ordinary roche moutonnée. The rock is a very soft, layered green chloritic schist, into which the characters are carved to varying depths. The top of the rounded point is only a few feet above the lake's high-water mark, which rises and falls through a ten-foot range between seasons. The age of the inscriptions becomes obvious to the observer after a careful comparison of their weathering with that of the glacial grooves and striations, which are clearly visible on the same rock surface. Both the ice grooves and carved inscriptions appear to have similar weathering patterns, although there was likely a significant amount of time between the retreat of the glaciers and the creation of the carvings.

The island on which were found the other inscriptions is one of the many steep rocky islands known among the Indians as Ka-ka-ki-wa-bic min-nis, or Crow-rock island. The rock is a hard greenstone, not easily cut, and the inscriptions are not cut into the rock, but are painted with ochre, which is much faded in places. The surface upon which the characters are inscribed forms an overhanging wall protected from the rain, part of which has fallen down.

The island where the other inscriptions were found is one of many steep, rocky islands known to the local Indigenous people as Ka-ka-ki-wa-bic min-nis, or Crow-rock island. The rock is a tough greenstone that’s hard to carve, and the inscriptions aren’t carved into the rock but painted with ochre, which has faded in some areas. The surface where the characters are inscribed is an overhanging wall shielded from the rain, although part of it has collapsed.

The Indians of the present day have no traditions about these inscriptions beyond the supposition that they must have been made by the “old people” long ago.

The Native Americans today don't have any traditions regarding these inscriptions other than the assumption that they were created by the "old people" a long time ago.

The sketches published as copies of these glyphs show spirals, concentric circles, crosses, horseshoe forms, arrow shapes, and other characters similar to those found on rocks in the southwestern part of the United States, and also to petroglyphs in Brazil, examples from both of which regions are presented in this work, under their appropriate headings.

The sketches published as copies of these glyphs show spirals, concentric circles, crosses, horseshoe shapes, arrow designs, and other characters similar to those found on rocks in the southwestern United States, as well as petroglyphs in Brazil. Examples from both regions are included in this work, under their appropriate headings.

BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Dr. Franz Boas (a) published an account of a petroglyph on Vancouver island (now presented as Fig. 3) which, slightly condensed, is translated as follows:

Dr. Franz Boas (a) published a description of a petroglyph on Vancouver Island (now shown as Fig. 3) that, in a slightly shortened form, translates to:

Fig. 3.—Petroglyph on Vancouver island.

The accompanying rock picture is found on the eastern shore of Sproat lake, near its southern outlet. Sproat lake lies about 10 kilometers north of the upper end of the Alberni fiord, which cuts deep into the interior of Vancouver island. In former times this region was the territory of the Hōpetschisāth, a tribe of the Nootka or Aht, who even now have a village some miles below the lake, at the entrance of Stamp river into the main river. That tribe, according to the statement of some of its older members, was a branch of the Kowitchin, who occupy the east side of Vancouver island, some kilometers northeast of the upper end of Alberni fiord. At that time the Ts’ēschāáth, another tribe of the Nootka, are said to have ascended the fiord and mixed with the Hōpetschisāth. The present inhabitants of the region know nothing concerning the origin of the rock picture. According to their legend, the rock on which it is carved was once the house of Kwótiath. Kwótiath is the wandering divinity in Nootka mythology, and corresponds approximately to the raven of the Tlinkit and Haida, the Qäls of the Kowitchin. The picture is found on a perpendicular rock wall about 7 meters high, which drops directly into the lake, so that it was necessary to make the copy while standing in the water. The rock is traversed in the middle by a broad cleft, narrowing below, from which blocks have fallen out which bore part of the drawing. To the north and south of the rock wall the shore rises gently, but rocky portions are found everywhere. The lines of the drawing are flat[45] grooves, about two or three fingers’ breadth, and in many places are so weathered as to be hardly recognizable. They have been scraped into the rock probably by the points of sticks rubbing moist sand against it. No marks of blows of any kind are found. The figures are here given in the same relative position in which they are found on the rock, except that the upper one on the right hand is at a distance from all the others, at the southern end of the rock. The objects represented are evidently fishes or marine monsters. The middle figure to the left of the cleft may be a manned boat, the fore part of which is probably destroyed.

The rock drawing is located on the eastern shore of Sproat Lake, near its southern outlet. Sproat Lake is about 10 kilometers north of the upper end of the Alberni Inlet, which cuts deep into the interior of Vancouver Island. In the past, this area was the land of the Hōpetschisāth, a tribe of the Nootka or Aht, who still have a village a few miles downstream from the lake, where the Stamp River meets the main river. According to some of the tribe's older members, they were a branch of the Kowitchin, who live on the east side of Vancouver Island, some kilometers northeast of the upper end of the Alberni Inlet. At that time, the Ts’ēschāáth, another Nootka tribe, were said to have traveled up the inlet and mixed with the Hōpetschisāth. The current residents of the area have no information about the origin of the rock drawing. Their legend says that the rock where it is carved was once the home of Kwótiath. Kwótiath is the wandering spirit in Nootka mythology, similar to the raven in Tlinkit and Haida tales, and the Qäls of the Kowitchin. The picture is on a vertical rock wall about 7 meters high, which drops straight into the lake, so a copy had to be made while standing in the water. The rock has a wide crack running through its middle, which narrows below, and blocks have fallen out that contained parts of the drawing. To the north and south of the rock wall, the shore rises gently, but rocky areas can be found all around. The lines of the drawing are shallow grooves, about two or three fingers wide, and in many places they are so weathered that they're almost unrecognizable. They were likely scraped into the rock by the ends of sticks rubbing wet sand against it. There are no signs of any type of blows. The figures are shown here in the same relative positions they are found on the rock, except that the upper one on the right is separated from all the others at the southern end of the rock. The objects depicted are clearly fish or sea monsters. The figure in the middle, to the left of the crack, may represent a boat with a crew, though the front part is likely damaged.

Dr. Boas says that the copy as found in the Verhandlungen is incorrect. The design on the right hand is reversed and is now corrected.

Dr. Boas says that the copy found in the Negotiations is incorrect. The design on the right side is reversed and has now been corrected.

Mr. G. M. Sproat (a) mentions this petroglyph:

Mr. G. M. Sproat (a) talks about this petroglyph:

It is rudely done and apparently not of an old date. There are half a dozen figures intended to represent fishes or birds—no one can say which. The natives affirm that Quawteaht made them. In their general character these figures correspond to the rude paintings sometimes seen on wooden boards among the Ahts, or on the seal-skin buoys that are attached to the whale and halibut harpoons and lances. The meaning of these figures is not understood by the people; and I dare say if the truth were known, they are nothing but feeble attempts on the part of individual artists to imitate some visible objects which they had strongly in their minds.

It’s done roughly and clearly isn’t very old. There are about six figures that are supposed to represent fish or birds—no one can really tell which. The locals say that Quawteaht made them. In general, these figures resemble the crude paintings sometimes seen on wooden boards among the Ahts, or on the seal-skin buoys used with whale and halibut harpoons and lances. The meaning of these figures isn’t understood by the people; and I bet if the truth were known, they are just weak attempts by individual artists to mimic some visible objects they had clearly in their minds.

SECTION 2.
USA.

Drawings or paintings on rocks are distributed generally over the greater part of the territory of the United States.

Drawings or paintings on rocks are found throughout most of the United States.

They are found on bowlders formed by the sea waves or polished by ice of glacial epochs; on the faces of rock ledges adjoining lakes and streams; on the high walls of canyons and cliffs; on the sides and roofs of caves; in short, wherever smooth surfaces of rock appear. Yet, while they are so frequent, there are localities to be distinguished in which they are especially abundant and noticeable. They differ markedly in character of execution and apparent subject-matter.

They can be found on boulders shaped by ocean waves or smoothed by ancient glaciers; on the surfaces of rocky ledges next to lakes and rivers; on the steep walls of canyons and cliffs; on the sides and roofs of caves; in short, wherever there are smooth rock surfaces. However, even though they are quite common, there are specific places where they are especially plentiful and noticeable. They vary significantly in style and their apparent subjects.

An obvious division can be made between the glyphs bearing characters carved or pecked and those painted without incision. There is also a third, though small, class in which the characters are both incised and painted. This division seems to coincide to a certain extent with geographic areas and is not fully explained by the influence of materials; it may, therefore, have some relation to the idiosyncrasy or development of the several authors, and consequently to tribal habitat and migrations.

An obvious distinction can be made between the glyphs that have characters carved or pecked and those that are painted without any incisions. There is also a small third category where the characters are both incised and painted. This division seems to align, to some extent, with geographic regions and isn't entirely explained by the influence of materials; it may, therefore, have some connection to the individual quirks or development of the various authors, and consequently to tribal habitats and migrations.

In examining a chart of the United States in use by the Bureau of Ethnology, upon which the distribution of the several varieties of petroglyphs is marked, two facts are noticeable: First, the pecked and incised characters are more numerous in the northern and those expressed in colors more numerous in the southern areas. Second, there[46] are two general groupings, distinguished by typical styles, one in the north Atlantic states and the other in the south Pacific states.

In looking at a map of the United States used by the Bureau of Ethnology, which shows where different types of petroglyphs are found, two observations stand out: First, the pecked and carved designs are more common in the northern regions, while the colored ones are more prevalent in the southern areas. Second, there[46] are two main groupings characterized by distinct styles, one in the North Atlantic states and the other in the South Pacific states.

The north Atlantic group is in the priscan habitat of the tribes of the Algonquian linguistic family, and extends from Nova Scotia southward to Pennsylvania, where the sculpturings are frequent, especially on the Susquehanna, Monongahela, and Alleghany rivers, and across Ohio from Lake Erie to the Kanawha river, in West Virginia. Isolated localities bearing the same type are found westward on the Mississippi river and a few of its western tributaries, to and including the Wind river mountains, in Wyoming, the former habitat of the Blackfeet Indians. All of these petroglyphs present typical characters, sometimes undefined and complicated. From their presumed authors, they have been termed the Algonquian type. Upon close study and comparison they show many features in common which are absent in extra-limital areas.

The North Atlantic group is located in the ancient habitat of the Algonquian-speaking tribes, extending from Nova Scotia south to Pennsylvania, where carvings are common, especially along the Susquehanna, Monongahela, and Allegheny rivers, and across Ohio from Lake Erie to the Kanawha River in West Virginia. Isolated spots with the same type can be found further west along the Mississippi River and some of its western tributaries, including the Wind River Mountains in Wyoming, which was once home to the Blackfeet Indians. All of these petroglyphs display typical characteristics, sometimes vague and complex. Based on their presumed creators, they are referred to as the Algonquian type. Upon careful examination and comparison, they reveal many shared features that are not found in areas beyond their range.

Immediately south of the Kanawha river, in West Virginia, and extending southward into Virginia, Tennessee, and North Carolina, the pecked or sculptured petroglyphs are replaced by painted figures of a style differing from the Algonquian. These are in the area usually designated as Cherokee territory, but there is no evidence that they are the work of that tribe; indeed, there is no indication of their authorship. The absence of pecked characters in this area is certainly not due to an absence of convenient material upon which to record them as the country is as well adapted to the mode of incision as is the northern Atlantic area.

Immediately south of the Kanawha River in West Virginia, and extending southward into Virginia, Tennessee, and North Carolina, the pecked or sculpted petroglyphs are replaced by painted figures that differ from the Algonquian style. This region is typically identified as Cherokee territory, but there's no evidence that these were created by that tribe; in fact, there’s no indication of who made them. The lack of pecked characters in this area clearly isn’t because there’s no suitable material for recording them, as the landscape is just as well suited to this method of engraving as the northern Atlantic region.

Upon the Pacific slope a few pecked as well as colored petroglyphs occur scattered irregularly throughout the extreme northern area west of the Sierra Nevada, but on the eastern side of that range of mountains petroglyphs appear in Idaho, which have analogues extending south to New Mexico and Arizona, with remarkable groups at intervals between these extremes. All of these show sufficient similarity of form to be considered as belonging to a type which is here designated “Shoshonean.” Tribes of that linguistic family still occupy, and for a long time have occupied, that territory. Most of this Shoshonean group consists of pecked or incised characters, though in the southern area unsculptured paintings predominate.

On the Pacific slope, some pecked and colored petroglyphs are found scattered irregularly throughout the far northern area west of the Sierra Nevada. However, on the eastern side of that mountain range, petroglyphs appear in Idaho, with similar ones extending south to New Mexico and Arizona, along with notable groups at intervals between these locations. All of these share enough similarities in form to be classified as a type referred to as “Shoshonean.” Tribes that belong to that linguistic family continue to live in, and have long inhabited, that territory. Most of this Shoshonean group consists of pecked or incised characters, although in the southern area, unsculptured paintings are more common.

On the western side of the Sierra Nevada, from Visalia southward, at Tulare agency, and thence westward and southward along the Santa Barbara coast, are other groups of colored petroglyphs showing typical features resembling the Shoshonean. This resemblance may be merely accidental, but it is well known that there was intercourse between the tribes on the two sides of the Sierra Nevada, and the Shoshonean family is also represented on the Pacific slope south of the mountain range extending from San Bernardino west to Point Conception. In this manner the artistic delineation of the Santa Barbara tribes may have been influenced by contact with others.

On the western side of the Sierra Nevada, from Visalia going south at Tulare agency, and then west and south along the Santa Barbara coast, there are other groups of colored petroglyphs showing typical features that resemble Shoshonean art. This similarity might just be a coincidence, but it’s well known that there was interaction between the tribes on both sides of the Sierra Nevada. The Shoshonean family is also present on the Pacific slope south of the mountain range that stretches from San Bernardino west to Point Conception. This way, the artistic expression of the Santa Barbara tribes may have been influenced by contact with other tribes.

Petroglyphs have seldom been found in the central area of the United[47] States. In the wooded region of the Great lakes characters have been depicted upon birch bark for at least a century, while in the area between the Mississippi river and the Rocky mountains the skins of buffalo and deer have been used. Large rocks and cliffs favorably situated are not common in that country, which to a great extent is prairie.

Petroglyphs have rarely been discovered in the central part of the United[47] States. In the forested region of the Great Lakes, symbols have been drawn on birch bark for at least a century, while in the region between the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mountains, the hides of buffalo and deer have been utilized. Large rocks and cliffs in favorable locations are not common in that area, which is largely prairie.

In the general area of these typical groups characters are frequently found which appear intrusive, i. e., they have a strong resemblance not only to those found in other American groups, but are nearly identical with characters in other parts of the world. This fact, clearly established, prevents the adoption of any theory as to the authorship of many of the petroglyphs and thwarts attempts to ascertain their signification.

In the general area of these typical groups, characters often appear that seem out of place, meaning they closely resemble not only those found in other American groups but are nearly identical to characters in different parts of the world. This fact, which is clearly established, makes it difficult to adopt any theory regarding the authorship of many of the petroglyphs and hampers efforts to determine their meaning.

ALASKA.

Ensign Albert P. Niblack, U. S. Navy, (a) gives a brief account, with sketches, reproduced here as Fig. 4, of petroglyphs in Alaska, which were taken from rocks from the ancient village of Stikine, near Fort Wrangell. Others were found on rocks just above high-water mark around the sites of ruined and abandoned villages.

Ensign Albert P. Niblack, U.S. Navy, (a) provides a brief overview, along with sketches shown here as Fig. 4, of petroglyphs in Alaska, which were sourced from rocks in the ancient village of Stikine, near Fort Wrangell. Additional petroglyphs were discovered on rocks just above the high-water line around the locations of ruined and abandoned villages.

Fig. 4.—Petroglyphs in Alaska.

In the upper character the Alaskan typical style of human faces is noticeable. The lower gives a representation of the orca or whale killer, which the Haida believe to be a demon called Skana, about which there are many mythic tales. Mr. Niblack remarks:

In the upper section, you can clearly see the typical Alaskan style of human faces. The lower part shows a depiction of the orca, or killer whale, which the Haida people believe to be a demon named Skana, surrounded by many mythical stories. Mr. Niblack notes:

In their paintings the favorite colors used are black, light green, and dark red. Whether produced in painting, tattooing, or relief carving, the designs are somewhat conventional. However rude the outline, there are for some animals certain conventional signs that clearly indicate to the initiated what figure is meant. With the brown bear it is the protruding tongue; with the beaver and wolf it is the character of the teeth; with the orca, the fin; with the raven, the sharp beak; with the eagle, the curved beak, etc.

In their artwork, the favorite colors are black, light green, and dark red. Whether created through painting, tattooing, or relief carving, the designs are somewhat traditional. Despite the rough outlines, there are certain recognizable symbols for some animals that clearly indicate to those who understand what figure is being represented. For the brown bear, it's the protruding tongue; for the beaver and wolf, it's the shape of the teeth; for the orca, it's the fin; for the raven, it's the sharp beak; for the eagle, it's the curved beak, and so on.

ARIZONA.

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, gives the following information concerning petroglyphs observed by him in the vicinity of San Francisco mountain, Arizona:

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, from the U.S. Geological Survey, provides the following information about petroglyphs he observed near San Francisco Mountain, Arizona:

The localities of the sketches Figs. 5, 6, and 7 are about 35 miles east and southeast of San Francisco mountain, the material being a red sandstone, which stands in low buttes upon the plain. About these are mealing stones, fragments of pottery and chipped flints, giving evidence of the residence of sedentary Indians. So many localities of petroglyphs were seen that I regard it as probable that a large number could be found by search. The drawings in every case but one were produced by blows upon the surface of the rocks, breaking through the film of rock discolored by weathering so as to reveal (originally) the color of the interior of the rock. The[49] single exception is the first pattern in Fig. 6, similar to the patterns on pottery and blankets, produced by painting with a white pigment on red rock. The original arrangement of the drawings upon the rock was not as a rule preserved, but they have approximately the original arrangement. I neglected to record the scale of the drawings, but the several pictures are drawn on approximately the same scale.

The locations of the sketches Figs. 5, 6, and 7 are about 35 miles east and southeast of San Francisco Mountain, with the material being a red sandstone that forms low buttes on the plain. Around these areas, there are grinding stones, pieces of pottery, and chipped flints, indicating the presence of settled Indigenous people. So many sites with petroglyphs were observed that I believe a significant number could be discovered with further searching. The drawings, except for one, were made by striking the rock surfaces, breaking through the weathered layer to reveal the original color of the rock underneath. The[49] only exception is the first pattern in Fig. 6, which is similar to designs found on pottery and blankets, created by painting white pigment on the red rock. The original layout of the drawings on the rock was generally not preserved, but they still maintain a similar arrangement. I didn’t note the scale of the drawings, but all the pictures are drawn at roughly the same scale.

Fig. 5.—Petroglyph in Arizona.
Fig. 6.—Petroglyph in Arizona.

All of these figures partake of the general type designated as the Shoshonean, and it is notable that close repetitions of some of the characters appear in petroglyphs in Tulare valley and Owens valley, California, which are described and illustrated in this section.

All of these figures are part of the general category known as Shoshonean, and it's interesting to note that similar features of some characters can be seen in petroglyphs found in the Tulare Valley and Owens Valley, California, which are described and illustrated in this section.

The object resembling a centipede, in Fig. 6, is a common form in various localities in Santa Barbara county, California, as will be observed by comparing the illustrations given in connection with that locality. In other of the Arizona and New Mexican petroglyphs similar outlines are sometimes engraved to signify the maize stalk.

The object that looks like a centipede, shown in Fig. 6, is a common shape found in different areas of Santa Barbara County, California, as you can see by comparing the illustrations related to that area. In other petroglyphs from Arizona and New Mexico, similar outlines are sometimes carved to represent the maize stalk.

Fig. 7.—Petroglyph in Arizona.

Mr. Paul Holman, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports that eight miles below Powers butte, on a mesa bordering on the Gila river and rising abruptly to the height of 150 feet, are pictographs covering the entire vertical face. Also on the summit of a spur of Oatman mountain, 200 yards from the Gila and 300 feet above it, are numbers of pictographs. Many of them are almost obliterated where they are on exposed surfaces.

Mr. Paul Holman, from the U.S. Geological Survey, reports that eight miles below Powers Butte, on a mesa next to the Gila River and rising sharply to a height of 150 feet, there are pictographs covering the entire vertical face. Additionally, on the summit of a spur of Oatman Mountain, 200 yards from the Gila and 300 feet above it, there are several pictographs. Many of them are nearly erased where they are on exposed surfaces.

Lieut. Col. Emory (a) reports that on a table-land near the Gila bend is a mound of granite bowlders, blackened by augite and covered with unknown characters, the work of human hands. On the ground near by were also traces of some of the figures, showing that some of the pictographs, at least, were the work of modern Indians. Others were of undoubted antiquity. He also reports in the same volume (b) that characters upon rocks of questionable antiquity occur on the Gila river at 32° 38′ 13″ N. lat. and 190° 7′ 30″ long. According to the plate, the figures are found upon bowlders and on the face of the cliff to the height of 30 feet.

Lieut. Col. Emory (a) reports that on a plateau near the Gila bend, there’s a mound of granite boulders, darkened by augite and covered with unknown symbols created by human hands. Nearby, there were also signs of some figures, indicating that some of the pictographs were made by modern Indians. Others were definitely ancient. He also reports in the same volume (b) that symbols of uncertain age appear on rocks along the Gila River at 32° 38′ 13″ N latitude and 190° 7′ 30″ longitude. According to the illustration, the figures are found on boulders and on the cliff face up to 30 feet high.

Lieut. Whipple (a) remarks upon petroglyphs at Yampais spring, Williams river, as follows:

Lieut. Whipple (a) comments on the petroglyphs at Yampais Spring, Williams River, like this:

The spot is a secluded glen among the mountains. A high shelving rock forms a cave, within which is a pool of water and a crystal stream flowing from it. The lower surface of the rock is covered with pictographs. None of the devices seem to be of recent date.

The spot is a hidden valley among the mountains. A tall rock ledge creates a cave, inside which there's a pool of water and a clear stream flowing from it. The underside of the rock is adorned with ancient drawings. None of the images seem to be recent.

Many of the country rocks lying on the Colorado plateau of northern Arizona, east of Peach springs, bear petroglyphs of considerable artistic workmanship. Some figures, observed by Dr. W. J. Hoffman in 1872, were rather elaborate and represented the sun, human beings in various styles approaching the grotesque, and other characters not understood. All of those observed were made by pecking the surface of basalt with a harder variety of stone.

Many of the rocks in the northern Arizona area of the Colorado Plateau, east of Peach Springs, feature petroglyphs with significant artistic skill. Some figures, noted by Dr. W. J. Hoffman in 1872, were quite intricate and depicted the sun, human figures in various styles that leaned towards the grotesque, and other symbols that are not clearly understood. All of these were created by pecking the surface of basalt with a harder type of stone.

Mr. Gilbert also obtained sketches of etchings in November, 1878, on Partridge creek, northern Arizona, at the point where the Beale wagon road comes to it from the east. He says: “The rock is cross-laminated Aubrey sandstone and the surfaces used are faces of the laminæ. All the work is done by blows with a sharp point. (Obsidian is abundant in the vicinity.) Some inscriptions are so fresh as to indicate that the locality is still resorted to. No Indians live in the immediate vicinity, but the region is a hunting ground of the Wallapais and Avasupais (Cosninos).”

Mr. Gilbert also got sketches of etchings in November 1878, at Partridge Creek in northern Arizona, where the Beale wagon road comes in from the east. He says: “The rock is cross-laminated Aubrey sandstone, and the surfaces used are the faces of the laminæ. All the work is done with blows from a sharp point. (Obsidian is plentiful in the area.) Some inscriptions look so fresh that it suggests the site is still being visited. No Indians live nearby, but the area is a hunting ground for the Wallapais and Avasupais (Cosninos).”

Notwithstanding the occasional visits of the above named tribes, the characters submitted more nearly resemble those of other localities known to have been made by the Moki Pueblos.

Not counting the occasional visits from the tribes mentioned above, the characters submitted look more like those from other areas known to have been created by the Moki Pueblos.

Rock drawings are of frequent occurrence along the entire extent of the valley of the Rio Verde, from a short distance below Camp Verde to the Gila river.

Rock drawings are commonly found throughout the entire length of the Rio Verde valley, from just below Camp Verde to the Gila River.

Mr. Thomas V. Keam reports drawings on the rocks in Canyon Segy, and in Keam’s canyon, northeastern Arizona. Some forms occurring at the latter locality are found also upon Moki pottery.

Mr. Thomas V. Keam reports drawings on the rocks in Canyon Segy and in Keam’s Canyon, northeastern Arizona. Some forms found at the latter location are also present on Moki pottery.

Petroglyphs are reported by Lieut. Theodore Mosher, Twenty-second Infantry, U. S. Army, to have been discovered by Lieut. Casey’s party in December, 1887, on the Chiulee (or Chilalí) creek, 30 or 40 miles from its confluence with San Juan river, Arizona. A photograph made by the officer in charge of the party shows the characters to have been outlined by pecking, the designs resembling the Shoshonean type of pictographs, and those in Owens valley, California, a description of which is given below.

Petroglyphs were discovered by Lieutenant Theodore Mosher of the Twenty-second Infantry, U.S. Army, as reported from Lieutenant Casey’s party in December 1887, along the Chiulee (or Chilalí) Creek, about 30 to 40 miles from where it merges with the San Juan River in Arizona. A photo taken by the officer leading the group shows that the characters were created by pecking, resembling the Shoshonean style of pictographs and those found in Owens Valley, California, which are described below.

A figure, consisting of two concentric circles with a straight line running out from the larger circle, occurs, among other carvings, on one of the many sculptured bowlders seen by Mr. J. R. Bartlett (a) in the valley of the Gila river in Arizona. His representation of this bowlder is here copied as Fig. 8. His language is as follows:

A shape made up of two overlapping circles with a straight line extending from the outer circle appears, along with other carvings, on one of the many sculpted boulders observed by Mr. J. R. Bartlett (a) in the Gila River valley in Arizona. His depiction of this boulder is shown here as Fig. 8. His description is as follows:

Fig. 8.—Petroglyph in Arizona.

I found hundreds of these bowlders covered with rude figures of men, animals, and other objects of grotesque forms, all pecked in with a sharp instrument. Many of them, however, were so much defaced by long exposure to the weather and by subsequent markings, that it was impossible to make them out. Among these rocks I found several which contained sculptures on the lower side, in such a position that it would be impossible to cut them where they then lay. Some weighed many tons each and would have required immense labor to place them there, and that, too, without an apparent object. The natural inference was that they had fallen down from the summit of the mountain after the sculptures were made on them. A few only seemed recent; the others bore the marks of great antiquity.

I found hundreds of these boulders covered with rough images of people, animals, and other objects in strange shapes, all carved with a sharp tool. Many of them, however, were so worn down by long exposure to the weather and later markings that it was impossible to make them out. Among these rocks, I found several that had carvings on the underside, positioned in such a way that it would be impossible to carve them where they currently were. Some weighed several tons each and would have needed a huge amount of effort to place them there, and that, too, without any clear purpose. The most logical conclusion was that they had fallen from the top of the mountain after the carvings were made on them. Only a few seemed recent; the others showed signs of great age.

In the collections of the Bureau of Ethnology is an album or sketch book, which contains many drawings made by Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh, from which the following sketches of petroglyphs in Arizona are selected, together with the brief references attached to each sheet.

In the collections of the Bureau of Ethnology, there’s an album or sketchbook that features many drawings by Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh. From this, we’ve selected the following sketches of petroglyphs in Arizona, along with the brief notes attached to each sheet.

Fig. 9 is a copy of characters appearing in Shinumo canyon, Arizona. They are painted, the middle and right hand figures being red, the human form having a white mark upon the abdomen; the left-hand figure of a man is painted yellow, the two plumes being red.

Fig. 9 shows characters found in Shinumo Canyon, Arizona. They are painted, with the middle and right figures in red, and the human figure having a white mark on its abdomen; the left figure of a man is painted yellow, with two red plumes.

Fig. 9.—Petroglyph in Shinumo canyon, Arizona.

The petroglyphs in Fig. 10 are rather indistinct and were copied from the vertical wall of Mound canyon. The most conspicuous forms appear to be serpents.

The petroglyphs in Fig. 10 are pretty unclear and were taken from the vertical wall of Mound Canyon. The most noticeable shapes seem to be serpents.

Fig. 10.—Petroglyph in Mound canyon, Arizona.

CALIFORNIA.

In the foothills of California, wherever overhanging and rain-protected rocks occur, they are covered with paintings of various kinds made by Indians. Those on Rocky hill, some 15 miles east of Visalia, are especially interesting. The sheltered rocks are here covered with images of men, animals, and various inanimate objects, as well as curious figures. The paint used is red, black, and white, and wherever protected it has stood the ravages of time remarkably well. In many places the paintings are as vivid as the day they were laid on. Deer, antelope, coyotes, birds, and turtles are figured quite frequently, and may indicate either names of chiefs or tribes, or animals slain in the hunt. Here are also circles, spirals, crowns or bars, etc., signs the meaning of which is yet doubtful.

In the foothills of California, wherever there are overhanging and rain-protected rocks, you'll find various kinds of paintings made by Native Americans. The ones on Rocky Hill, about 15 miles east of Visalia, are especially intriguing. The sheltered rocks are covered with images of people, animals, and different inanimate objects, along with some mysterious figures. The paint used is red, black, and white, and in protected areas, it has withstood the test of time surprisingly well. In many spots, the paintings look as vibrant as the day they were painted. Deer, antelope, coyotes, birds, and turtles are depicted quite often, possibly representing names of chiefs or tribes, or animals killed during hunts. There are also circles, spirals, crowns, and bars, etc., with meanings that remain unclear.

Mr. H. W. Turner, in a letter dated June 3, 1891, furnishes sketches (Fig. 11) from this locality, and a description of them as follows:

Mr. H. W. Turner, in a letter dated June 3, 1891, provides sketches (Fig. 11) from this area, along with a description of them as follows:

Fig. 11.—Petroglyphs near Visalia, California.

I send herewith a rough sheet of drawings of figures on the sheltered face of a huge granite cropping in Tulare county, California. One-half of the cropping had split off, leaving a nearly plane surface, on which the figures were drawn in red, white, and black pigments. The locality is known as Rocky point. They are now quarrying granite at the place. It lies about 12 miles nearly due east of Visalia, in the first foothills and south of Yokall creek. The figures appear to have been drawn many years ago, and numbers of them are now indistinct.

I’m sending a rough sheet of drawings of figures on the sheltered side of a large granite outcrop in Tulare County, California. One side of the outcrop has split off, leaving a nearly flat surface where the figures were drawn in red, white, and black pigments. This area is known as Rocky Point. They are currently quarrying granite there. It's located about 12 miles almost directly east of Visalia, in the first foothills and south of Yokall Creek. The figures seem to have been drawn many years ago, and many of them are now faint.

During the summer of 1882 Dr. Hoffman visited the Tule river agency, California, where he found a large rock painting, of which Fig. 983, infra, is a copy made by him. His description of it is as follows:

During the summer of 1882, Dr. Hoffman visited the Tule River Agency in California, where he discovered a large rock painting, of which Fig. 983, infra, is a copy he made. His description of it is as follows:

“The agency is upon the western side of the Sierra Nevada, in the headwater canyons of the branches of the south fork of Tule river. The[53] country is at present occupied by several tribes of the Mariposan linguistic stock, and the only answer made to inquiries respecting the age or origin of the painting was that it was found there when the ancestors of the present tribes arrived. The local migrations of the various Indian tribes of this part of California are not yet known with sufficient certainty to determine to whom the records may be credited, but all appearances with respect to the weathering and disintegration of the rock upon which the record is engraved, the appearance of the coloring matter subsequently applied, and the condition of the small depressions made at the time for mixing the pigments with a viscous substance, indicate that the work was performed about a century ago.

“The agency is located on the western side of the Sierra Nevada, in the headwater canyons of the branches of the south fork of Tule River. The[53] area is currently inhabited by several tribes from the Mariposan linguistic group, and the only response to questions about the age or origin of the painting was that it was already there when the ancestors of the current tribes arrived. The local movements of the various Indian tribes in this part of California are not yet clearly understood enough to identify who should be credited with the records, but all signs related to the weathering and deterioration of the rock where the record is etched, the appearance of the coloring material applied later, and the state of the small indentations created at the time for mixing the pigments with a thick substance suggest that the work was done about a century ago.”

“The Indians now at Tule river have occupied that part of the state for at least one hundred years, and the oldest now living state that the records were found by their ancestors, though whether more than two generations ago could not be ascertained.

“The Indians currently at Tule River have lived in that part of the state for at least a hundred years, and the oldest individuals alive today say that the records were discovered by their ancestors, although it couldn't be confirmed if it was more than two generations ago.”

“The drawings were outlined by pecking with a piece of quartz or other siliceous rock, the depth varying from a mere visible depression to a third of an inch. Having thus satisfactorily depicted the several ideas, colors were applied which appear to have penetrated the slight interstices between the crystalline particles of the rock, which had been bruised and slightly fractured by hammering with a piece of stone. It appears probable, too, that to insure better results the hammering was repeated after application of the colors.

“The drawings were made by tapping with a piece of quartz or another type of siliceous rock, creating a depth that ranged from a barely noticeable mark to a third of an inch. After successfully capturing the various ideas, colors were added, seeming to seep into the small gaps between the crystalline particles of the rock, which had been crushed and slightly broken by hitting it with a piece of stone. It also seems likely that to achieve better results, the hammering was done again after the colors were applied.”

“Upon a small bowlder, under the natural archway formed by the breaking of the large rock, small depressions were found which had been used as mortars for grinding and mixing the colors. These depressions average 2 inches in diameter and about 1 inch in depth. Traces of color still remain, mixed with a thin layer of a shining substance resembling a coating of varnish and of flinty hardness. This coating is so thin that it can not be removed with a steel instrument, and appears to have become a part of the rock itself.

“On a small boulder, beneath the natural archway created by the large rock's breakage, small depressions were found that had been used as mortars for grinding and mixing colors. These depressions average 2 inches in diameter and about 1 inch deep. Traces of color still remain, mixed with a thin layer of a shiny substance that looks like a varnish coating and is very hard, like flint. This coating is so thin that it can't be removed with a steel tool and seems to have become part of the rock itself.”

“From the animals depicted upon the ceiling it seems that both beaver and deer were found in the country, and as the beaver tail and the hoofs of deer and antelope are boiled to procure glue, it is probable that the tribe which made these pictographs was as far advanced in respect to the making of glue and preparing of paints as most other tribes throughout the United States.

“Based on the animals shown on the ceiling, it appears that both beavers and deer were present in the area, and since beaver tails and the hooves of deer and antelope are boiled to make glue, it's likely that the tribe that created these pictographs was as skilled in making glue and preparing paints as most other tribes across the United States.”

“Examination shows that the dull red color is red ocher, found in various[55] places in the valley, while the yellow was an ocherous clay, also found there. The white color was probably obtained there, and is evidently earthy, though of what nature can only be surmised, not sufficient being obtainable from the rock picture to make satisfactory analysis with the blow-pipe. The composition of the black is not known, unless it was made by mixing clay and powdered charcoal. The latter is a preparation common at this day among other tribes.

“Examination shows that the dull red color is red ocher, found in various[55] places in the valley, while the yellow was an ocherous clay, also found there. The white color was probably sourced from the same area, and is clearly earthy, though the exact nature of it can only be guessed, as there isn't enough material from the rock picture to allow for a thorough analysis with the blowpipe. The composition of the black isn’t known, unless it was created by mixing clay and powdered charcoal. The latter is a method commonly used today among other tribes.

“An immense granite bowlder, about 20 feet in thickness and 30 in length, is so broken that a lower quarter is removed, leaving a large square passageway through its entire diameter almost northwest and southeast. Upon the western wall of this passageway is a collection of the colored sketches of which Fig. 983 is a reduced copy. The entire face of the rock upon which the pictograph occurs measures about 12 or 15 feet in width and 8 in height. The largest human figure measures 6 feet in height, from the end of the toes to the top of the head, the others being in proportion as represented.

“An enormous granite boulder, around 20 feet thick and 30 feet long, is so fractured that a lower quarter is missing, creating a large square passageway through its entire diameter, almost running northwest to southeast. On the western wall of this passageway is a collection of colored sketches, of which Fig. 983 is a reduced copy. The entire surface of the rock featuring the pictograph measures about 12 to 15 feet in width and 8 feet in height. The largest human figure stands 6 feet tall, from the tips of the toes to the top of the head, with the others proportionate as shown.”

Fig. 12.—Petroglyph at Tule river, California.

“Upon the ceiling are a number of well executed drawings of the beaver, bear, centipede (Fig. 12), and bald eagle (Fig. 13). Many of the other forms indicated appear to represent some variety of insects, several of which are drawn with exaggerated antennæ, as in Fig. 14. It is curious to note the gradual blending of forms, as, for instance, that of the bear with those resembling the human figure, often found among the Shoshonean types in Arizona and New Mexico, some of which are described and figured infra.

“On the ceiling are several well-done drawings of a beaver, bear, centipede (Fig. 12), and bald eagle (Fig. 13). Many of the other shapes shown seem to depict various insects, some of which have exaggerated antennae, as seen in Fig. 14. It's interesting to observe the gradual blending of forms, like that of the bear with those resembling the human figure, often seen among Shoshonean designs in Arizona and New Mexico, some of which are described and illustrated below.”

Fig. 13.—Petroglyph at Tule river, California.
Fig. 14.—Petroglyph at Tule river, California.

“Fig. 15 embraces a number of characters on the ceiling. The left hand upper figure is in black, with a narrow line of red surrounding it. The drawing is executed neatly and measures about 18 inches in length.[56] The remaining characters are in dull red, probably ocher, though the two on the left hand, beneath the one just mentioned, are more yellowish.

“Fig. 15 shows several characters on the ceiling. The figure in the upper left is in black, with a thin red outline around it. The drawing is done neatly and is about 18 inches long.[56] The other characters are in a muted red, likely ocher, though the two on the left, below the one just described, are more yellowish.”

Fig. 15.—Petroglyph at Tule river, California.

“The first three forms in Fig. 16 are copies of human-like figures painted on the ceiling. They are each about 12 inches in length. The other form in Fig. 16 is white and is on the southern vertical wall of the passageway facing the north. It resembles some of the human forms occurring elsewhere in the same series of petroglyphs.”

“The first three shapes in Fig. 16 are replicas of human-like figures painted on the ceiling. Each one is about 12 inches long. The other shape in Fig. 16 is white and located on the southern vertical wall of the passageway facing north. It looks similar to some of the human figures found in other parts of the same series of petroglyphs.”

Fig. 16.—Petroglyph at Tule river, California.
OWENS VALLEY.

In the range of mountains forming the northwestern boundary of Owens valley are extensive groups of petroglyphs, apparently dissimilar to those found west of the Sierra Nevada. Dr. Hoffman, of the Bureau of Ethnology, hastily examined them in 1871 and more thoroughly in the autumn of 1884. They are now represented in Pls. I to XI. So large a space is given to these illustrations because of their intrinsic interest, and also because it is desirable to show for one locality what is true of some others, viz, the very large number of petroglyphs still to be found in groups and series. Even with the present illustrations, the petroglyphs in Owens valley are by no means exhaustively shown.

In the mountain range that makes up the northwestern border of Owens Valley, there are extensive collections of petroglyphs that seem quite different from those located west of the Sierra Nevada. Dr. Hoffman from the Bureau of Ethnology briefly examined them in 1871 and conducted a more detailed study in the fall of 1884. They are now featured in Pls. I to XI. This large space is devoted to these illustrations because of their inherent significance and also because it’s important to demonstrate that what applies to this one area is also true for others, specifically the significantly high number of petroglyphs still found in clusters and series. Even with the current illustrations, the petroglyphs in Owens Valley are not comprehensively represented.

Dr. Hoffman’s report is as follows:

Dr. Hoffman’s report is as follows:

One of the most important series of groups is that in the northern portion of Owens valley, between the White mountains on the east and the Benton range on the west. On the western slope of the latter, at Watterson’s ranch, is a detached low butte or mesa, upon the blackened basaltic bowlders and cliffs of which are numerous deeply cut characters, the most interesting of which are reproduced in Pls. I and II. The illustrations are, approximately, one-twelfth real size. The designs of footprints, in the lower left-hand corner of Pl. I, vary in depth from half an inch to 1½ inches. They appear to have been pecked and finally worked down to a uniform and smooth surface by rubbing, as if with a piece of stone or with wood and sand.

One of the most important clusters of groups is found in the northern part of Owens Valley, between the White Mountains to the east and the Benton Range to the west. On the western slope of the latter, at Watterson’s ranch, there is a separate low butte or mesa, where numerous deeply carved symbols are found on the blackened basalt boulders and cliffs. The most interesting of these are depicted in Plates I and II. The illustrations are about one-twelfth of actual size. The designs of footprints in the lower left corner of Plate I vary in depth from half an inch to 1½ inches. They seem to have been pecked and then smoothed out to a uniform finish, as if polished with a piece of stone or wood and sand.

In almost all, if not all, instances throughout the entire series referred to in this description the sculptured surfaces have assumed the same shining blackened luster as the original and undisturbed surface of the bowlder, caused by gradual oxidation of the iron present. This would seem to indicate considerable antiquity of the petroglyphs.

In nearly every instance throughout the entire series mentioned in this description, the sculpted surfaces have taken on the same shiny black luster as the original, undisturbed surface of the boulder, which is due to the gradual oxidation of the iron present. This suggests that the petroglyphs are quite old.

On the northeast angle of the mesa referred to were found the remains of an old camp, over which were scattered large quantities of arrowheads, knives, and flakes of obsidian. This in itself would be insignificant, but the fact that many of the specimens of this material have been lying exposed to the elements until the upper surface has undergone change in color, so as to become bleached and friable, in some instances to the depth of from one-tenth to one-fourth of an inch, warrants the inference that the relics may have been made by the same people who made the petroglyphs, as the worked relics generally differ from those of the present Indians by being larger and less elaborately finished.

On the northeast corner of the mesa mentioned, there were the remains of an old campsite, with a lot of arrowheads, knives, and flakes of obsidian scattered around. This might seem unimportant, but many of these samples have been exposed to the elements long enough for their surfaces to change color, becoming bleached and crumbly, in some cases to a depth of one-tenth to one-fourth of an inch. This suggests that these relics might have been made by the same people who created the petroglyphs, as the worked pieces generally differ from those made by today’s Native Americans by being larger and less finely crafted.

At the lower end of the southeastern slope of the mesa are a number of flat rocks bearing mortar holes, which have no doubt been used in grinding grass seed and other grains.

At the lower part of the southeastern slope of the mesa, there are several flat rocks with mortar holes, which were likely used for grinding grass seeds and other grains.

In general type these petroglyphs correspond very closely to those of other areas, in which the so-called Shoshonian types occur, the most common, apart from those presented in Pls. I and II, consisting of concentric circles, rings, footprints of the bear and of man, and various outlines of the human form, beside numerous unintelligible forms.

In general, these petroglyphs closely resemble those found in other regions where the so-called Shoshonian types are common. Aside from those shown in Pls. I and II, the most prevalent designs include concentric circles, rings, footprints of bears and humans, various human outlines, and many obscure forms.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. I
PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. II
PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.

Southeastward of this locality there is a low divide leading across the Benton range into the broad, arid, sloping sand desert of Owens valley proper, but it is not until a point 12 miles south of Benton, along the line of the old stage road, is reached that petroglyphs of any consequence are met with. From this point southward, for a distance of 6 miles, large exposures and bowlders of basalt are scattered, upon which are great numbers of petroglyphs, pecked into the rock to depths of from half an inch to 1½ inches, and representing circles, footprints, human forms, etc.

Southeast of this area, there's a low ridge that crosses the Benton range into the wide, dry, sloping sand desert of Owens Valley proper. However, it’s not until you reach a point 12 miles south of Benton, along the old stage road, that you encounter significant petroglyphs. From this point south for 6 miles, there are large outcrops and boulders of basalt scattered around, covered with numerous petroglyphs that are carved into the rock to depths ranging from half an inch to 1½ inches, depicting circles, footprints, human figures, and more.

The first series of illustrations, selected from numerous closely-connected bowlders, are here presented on Pls. III to VII. The designs marked a on Pl. III resemble serpents, while that at d is obviously such. This device is on the horizontal surface, and is pecked to the depth of about 1 inch. The scale of the drawing is one-thirtieth of the original petroglyph. The characters indicating the human form in e, g, and h resemble the ordinary Shoshonian type, and are like those from various localities in Arizona and southern Utah and Colorado.

The first set of illustrations, chosen from many closely related boulders, is presented on Pls. III to VII. The designs marked a on Pl. III look like serpents, while the one at d clearly is one. This design is on a flat surface and is carved to a depth of about 1 inch. The drawing scale is one-thirtieth of the original petroglyph. The figures representing humans in e, g, and h resemble the typical Shoshonian style and are similar to those found in various locations in Arizona and southern Utah and Colorado.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. III
PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.

The upper characters in A on Pl. IV represent the trail of a grizzly bear—as indicated by the immense claws—followed by a human footprint. The original sculpturings are clearly cut, the toes of the man’s foot being cup-like, as if drilled with a blunt piece of wood and sand. The tracks average 15 inches in length and vary in depth from half an inch to more than an inch. The course of direction of the tracks, which are cut upon a horizontal surface, is from north-northeast to south-southwest.

The upper characters in A on Pl. IV show the trail of a grizzly bear—evident by the huge claws—followed by a human footprint. The original carvings are clearly defined, with the toes of the man’s foot appearing cup-like, as if shaped with a blunt piece of wood and sand. The tracks are typically 15 inches long and range in depth from half an inch to over an inch. The direction of the tracks, which are carved onto a flat surface, goes from north-northeast to south-southwest.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IV
PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.

In E is the semblance of an apparently two-headed snake, as also in a on Pl. VII. It is possible that this was pecked into the rock to record the finding of such an anomaly. The occurrence of double-headed serpents is not unique, five or six instances having been recorded, one of which is from California, and a specimen may be seen in the collection of the U. S. National Museum.

In E, there’s the appearance of what looks like a two-headed snake, similar to a on Pl. VII. It’s possible that this was carved into the rock to mark the discovery of such a rarity. Double-headed snakes are not uncommon; five or six examples have been documented, one of which is from California, and a specimen can be seen in the collection of the U.S. National Museum.

In Pl. V, c, e, g are characters resembling some from the Canary islands [see Figs. 144 and 145], as well as many of the cupstones and dumb-bell forms from Scotland [see Figs. 149 and 150].

In Pl. V, c, e, g are shapes similar to those from the Canary Islands [see Figs. 144 and 145], as well as several of the cupstones and dumb-bell shapes from Scotland [see Figs. 149 and 150].

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. V
PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.

An interesting specimen is presented in d, on Pl. VI, resembling the Ojibwa thunder bird, as well as etchings of Innuit workmanship to denote man [as shown in Fig. 1159]. The figures presented in Pl. III are the northernmost of the series, of which those on Pl. VII form the southernmost examples, the distance between these two points being about 2 miles.

An interesting example is shown in d, on Pl. VI, resembling the Ojibwa thunderbird, along with carvings made by the Inuit to represent humans [as shown in Fig. 1159]. The figures presented in Pl. III are the northernmost in the series, while those on Pl. VII are the southernmost examples, with a distance of about 2 miles between these two points.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VI
PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VII
PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.

For the space of 4 miles southward there are a few scattered petroglyphs, to which reference will be made below, and the greatest number of characters are not found until the southernmost extremity of the entire series is reached. These are over the surface of immense bowlders lying on the east side of the road where it passes through a little valley known locally as the Chalk grade, probably on account of[59] the whitened appearance of the sand and of some of the embankments. A general view of the faces of the bowlders upon which the chief sculpturings occur is presented in Fig. 17. The petroglyphs are represented in Pls. VIII to XI.

For about 4 miles southward, there are a few scattered petroglyphs, which will be discussed below, and the largest number of characters is not found until reaching the southernmost end of the entire series. These are located on the surfaces of huge boulders on the east side of the road as it goes through a small valley locally known as Chalk grade, probably because of the white appearance of the sand and some of the embankments. A general view of the faces of the boulders where the main carvings occur is shown in Fig. 17. The petroglyphs are illustrated in Pls. VIII to XI.

Fig. 17.—View of Chalk grade petroglyphs, Owens valley.

The figures presented in Pl. VIII are, with one exception, each about one-thirtieth the size of the original. The animal character in e is upon the top of the largest bowlder shown on Fig. 17, and is pecked to the depth of from one-fourth to one-half an inch. Portions of it are much defaced through erosion by sand blown by the strong summer winds. The characters in g are only one-tenth of the original size, but of depth similar to the preceding.

The figures shown in Pl. VIII are, with one exception, each about one-thirtieth the size of the original. The animal shape in e is located on the top of the largest boulder shown in Fig. 17 and is pecked to a depth of about one-fourth to one-half inch. Parts of it are heavily worn down due to erosion from sand blown by the strong summer winds. The shapes in g are only one-tenth of the original size but have a similar depth to the previous ones.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VIII
PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.

On Pl. IX, a is one-twentieth the size of the original, while the remaining sculpturings are about one-tenth size. The cross in a is singularly interesting because of the elaborateness of its execution. The surface within the circle is pecked out so as to have the cross stand out bold and level with the original surface. This is true also of f on Pl. VIII. Pl. IX, b, contains some animal forms like those reported from New Mexico and Arizona, and Brazil [and presented in this work], especially that character to the right resembling a guanaco couchant, although, from its relationship to the figure of an antelope, in the same group, it no doubt is intended to represent one of the latter species.

On Plate IX, a is one-twentieth the size of the original, while the other sculptures are about one-tenth the size. The cross in a is particularly interesting because of its detailed execution. The surface inside the circle is carved out so that the cross stands out prominently and is level with the original surface. This is also true for f on Plate VIII. Plate IX, b, features some animal shapes similar to those found in New Mexico, Arizona, and Brazil [and presented in this work], especially the figure on the right that resembles a reclining guanaco, although, due to its relation to the antelope figure in the same group, it is likely meant to depict one of that species.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IX
PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.

On Pl. X, as well as on others of this collection, are found many forms of circles with interior decoration, such as lines arranged by pairs, threes, etc., zigzag and cross lines, and other seemingly endless arrangements. They are interesting from the fact of the occurrence of almost identical forms in remote localities, as in the Canary islands and in Brazil. [These are figured and described infra.]

On Plate X, as well as on other plates in this collection, there are many types of circles with interior designs, including pairs of lines, groups of three, zigzag patterns, cross lines, and other seemingly endless designs. They are intriguing because almost identical forms have been found in distant locations, such as the Canary Islands and Brazil. [These are illustrated and described below.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. X
PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.

It is probable that they are not meaningless, because the disposition of the Indian, as he is to-day, is such that no time would be spent upon such laborious work without an object, and only motives of a religious or ceremonial nature would induce him to expend the time and labor necessary to accomplish such results as are still presented. On Pl. XI, a, are more footprints and animal forms of the genus cervus or antelocapra. The figures in b and d, having an upright line with two crossing it at right angles, may signify either a lizard or man, the latter signification being probably the true one, as similar forms are drawn in petroglyphs of a Shoshonian type, as in Arizona. [See supra.]

It's likely that they hold significance, because the mindset of the Indian, as he is today, is such that he wouldn't invest time in such labor-intensive work without a purpose. Only religious or ceremonial motivations would lead him to put in the time and effort needed to achieve the results that are still evident. On Pl. XI, a, there are more footprints and animal shapes of the genus cervus or antelocapra. The figures in b and d, which feature an upright line crossed by two lines at right angles, could represent either a lizard or a man, with the latter being the more likely interpretation, as similar shapes are seen in petroglyphs of a Shoshonian style, like those found in Arizona. [See supra.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XI
PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.

The country over which these records are scattered is arid beyond description and destitute of vegetation. Watterson’s ranch group is more favorably located, there being an abundance of springs and a stream running northward toward Black lake.

The country where these records are spread out is dry beyond imagination and lacking in plant life. Watterson’s ranch group is in a better spot, with plenty of springs and a stream flowing north toward Black Lake.

The only Indians found in this vicinity are Pai Utes, but they are unacquainted with the significance of the characters, and declare that they have no knowledge of the authors.

The only Indians in this area are Pai Utes, but they don't understand the meaning of the characters and say they have no knowledge of the authors.

As to the age of the sculpturings nothing can be learned. The external surface of all the bowlders, as well as the surface of the deepest figures, is a glistening brownish black, due, possibly, to the presence of iron. The color of a freshly broken surface becomes lighter in tint as depth is attained, until at about one-half or three-fourths of an inch from the surface the rock is chocolate brown. How long it would take the freshly broken surface of this variety of rock to become thoroughly oxidized and blackened it is impossible even to conjecture, taking into consideration the physical conditions of the region and the almost entire absence of rainfall.

As for the age of the carvings, nothing can be determined. The outer surface of all the boulders, along with the surface of the deepest figures, is a shiny brownish-black, likely due to the presence of iron. The color of a freshly broken surface gets lighter as you go deeper, until about half an inch to three-quarters of an inch down, where the rock appears chocolate brown. It's impossible to even guess how long it would take for the freshly broken surface of this type of rock to completely oxidize and turn black, especially considering the physical conditions of the area and the almost complete lack of rainfall.

Upon following the most convenient course across the Benton range to reach Owen valley proper drawings are also found, though in limited numbers, and seem to partake of the character of indicators as to course of travel. By this trail the northernmost of the several groups of drawings above mentioned is the nearest and most easily reached.

Upon taking the easiest route across the Benton range to get to Owen Valley, proper drawings can also be found, although in limited quantities, and they appear to serve as guides for the travel path. By this trail, the northernmost of the several groups of drawings mentioned earlier is the closest and most accessible.

The pictures upon the bowlders at Watterson’s are somewhat different from those found elsewhere. The number of specific designs is limited, many of them being reproduced from two to six or seven times, thus seeming to partake of the character of personal names.

The images on the boulders at Watterson’s are a bit different from those found in other places. There aren't that many unique designs, with many of them appearing two to six or seven times, which makes them feel more like personal names.

In a communication dated Saratoga Springs, at the lower part of Death valley, California, February 5, 1891, Mr. E. W. Nelson says that about 200 yards from the springs, and on the side of a hill, he found[61] several petroglyphs. He also furnished a sketch as an example of their general type, now presented as Fig. 18. The locality is in the lower end of Death valley. Mr. Nelson says:

In a message dated February 5, 1891, from Saratoga Springs, located in the lower part of Death Valley, California, Mr. E. W. Nelson mentions that about 200 yards from the springs, on the side of a hill, he discovered several petroglyphs. He also provided a sketch as an example of their general type, now shown as Fig. 18. This site is in the lower section of Death Valley. Mr. Nelson states:

Fig. 18.—Petroglyphs in Death valley, California.

The spring here is in a basin some 60 to 80 acres in extent in which are ponds and tule marsh. Close by is an extensive ancient Indian camping ground, over which are scattered very many “chips” made from manufacturing arrow points from quartz crystal, chert, chalcedony, flint, and other similar material.

The spring here is in a basin covering about 60 to 80 acres, with ponds and tule marshes. Nearby is a large ancient Indian campsite, where you can find many “chips” from making arrow points out of quartz crystal, chert, chalcedony, flint, and other similar materials.

The figures in the sketch inclosed are situated relatively, as to size and location, as they occur on the rock. The latter is cracked and slopes at different angles, but the figures are all visible from a single point of view. There are several other figures in this group that are too indistinct to copy owing to age, or weather wearing. The group copied is the most extensive one seen, but many smaller groups and single figures are to be found on the rocks near by.

The figures in the enclosed sketch are arranged in relation to their size and location as they appear on the rock. The rock itself is cracked and slopes at various angles, but all the figures can be seen from one perspective. There are several other figures in this group that are too faint to replicate due to age or weathering. The copied group is the largest one observed, but many smaller groups and individual figures can be found on the nearby rocks.

The Shoshoni inhabit this region and a few families of Shoshoni live about the Panamint mountains at present.

The Shoshoni live in this area, and some families of Shoshoni currently reside near the Panamint mountains.

Dr. C. Hart Merriam, of the Department of Agriculture, on his return from the exploration of Death valley, kindly furnished a photograph of a ledge in Emigrant canyon, Panamint mountains, which was received too late for insertion in this work. This is much regretted, as a large number of petroglyphs are represented in groups. The characters are of the Shoshonean type. Among them are “Moki goats,” tridents, the Greek Φ, many crosses, and other figures shown in this chapter as found in the same general region.

Dr. C. Hart Merriam from the Department of Agriculture, upon returning from his exploration of Death Valley, kindly provided a photograph of a ledge in Emigrant Canyon, Panamint Mountains, which arrived too late to be included in this work. This is greatly regretted, as there are many petroglyphs depicted in groups. The symbols are of the Shoshonean type. Among them are “Moki goats,” tridents, the Greek letter Φ, several crosses, and other figures shown in this chapter that are found in the same general area.

In the Mojave desert, about 2 miles north of Daggett station, according to the Mining and Scientific Press (a) is a small porphyritic butte known as “Rattlesnake rock,” “so named by reason of the immense number of these reptiles that find shelter in this mass of rock.” The accompanying Fig. 19 is a reproduction of that given in the paper quoted. The author states that “the implement used in making these characters was evidently a dull-pointed stone, as the lines are not sharp, and the sides of the indentation show marks of striation.”

In the Mojave Desert, about 2 miles north of Daggett Station, according to the Mining and Scientific Press (a), there's a small porphyritic butte called “Rattlesnake Rock,” named for the large number of rattlesnakes that find shelter in this rock formation. The accompanying Fig. 19 is a copy of the one shown in the referenced paper. The author mentions that "the tool used to create these markings was clearly a dull-pointed stone, as the lines aren't sharp, and the sides of the indentations show signs of striation.”

Fig. 19.—Rattlesnake rock, Mojave desert, California.

Lieut. Whipple reports the discovery of pictographs at Piute creek,[62] about 30 miles west of the Mojave villages. These are carved upon a rock, “are numerous, appear old, and are too confusedly obscured to be easily traceable.” They bear great general resemblance to drawings scattered over northeast Arizona, southern Utah, and western New Mexico.

Lieut. Whipple reports finding pictographs at Piute Creek,[62] about 30 miles west of the Mojave villages. These are carved into a rock, “are numerous, appear old, and are too confusedly obscured to be easily traceable.” They are quite similar in general to drawings found across northeast Arizona, southern Utah, and western New Mexico.

From information received from Mr. Alphonse Pinart, pictographic records exist in the hills east of San Bernardino, somewhat resembling those at Tule river in the southern spurs of the Sierra Nevada, Kern county.

From information received from Mr. Alphonse Pinart, there are pictographic records in the hills east of San Bernardino that are somewhat similar to those at Tule River in the southern foothills of the Sierra Nevada, Kern County.

Mr. Willard J. Whitney, of Elmhurst, Lackawanna county, Pennsylvania, gives information regarding nearly obliterated pecked petroglyphs upon two flat granite rocks, or bowlders, on the summit of a mountain 4 miles directly west of Escondido, San Diego county, California.[63] The designs are not colored, and are not more than one-eighth or one-fourth of an inch in depth. There is a good lookout from the eminence, but there are no indications of either trails or burials in the vicinity.

Mr. Willard J. Whitney from Elmhurst, Lackawanna County, Pennsylvania, reports on nearly faded pecked petroglyphs on two flat granite boulders at the top of a mountain, four miles directly west of Escondido in San Diego County, California.[63] The designs aren't colored and range from one-eighth to one-fourth of an inch deep. There's a great view from the peak, but there are no signs of trails or burials nearby.

This may be the locality mentioned by Mr. Barnes, of San Diego, who furnished information relating to petroglyphs in San Diego county.

This might be the area referred to by Mr. Barnes from San Diego, who provided information about petroglyphs in San Diego County.

Dr. Hoffman reports the following additional localities in Santa Barbara and Los Angeles counties. Fifteen miles west of Santa Barbara, on the northern summit of the Santa Ynez range, and near the San Marcos pass, is a group of paintings in red and black. Fig. 20 resembles a portion of a checker-board in the arrangement of squares.

Dr. Hoffman reports the following additional locations in Santa Barbara and Los Angeles counties. Fifteen miles west of Santa Barbara, on the northern peak of the Santa Ynez range, and near the San Marcos Pass, there is a group of paintings in red and black. Fig. 20 looks like part of a checkerboard in the arrangement of squares.

Fig. 20.—Petroglyph near San Marcos pass, California.

Serpentine and zigzag lines occur, as also curved lines with serrations on the concave sides; figures of the sun; short lines and groups of short parallel lines, and figures representing types of insect forms also appear, as shown in Figs. 21 and 22.

Serpentine and zigzag lines exist, along with curved lines that have notches on the inward curves; shapes of the sun; short lines and clusters of short parallel lines, and shapes resembling different types of insects also show up, as illustrated in Figs. 21 and 22.

Fig. 21.—Petroglyphs near San Marcos pass, California.
Fig. 22.—Petroglyphs near San Marcos pass, California.

These paintings are in a cavity near the base of an immense bowlder, over 20 feet in height. A short distance from this is a flat granitic bowlder, containing twenty-one mortar holes, which had evidently been used by visiting Indians during the acorn season. Oaks are very abundant, and their fruit formed one of the sources of subsistence.

These paintings are located in a hollow near the bottom of a massive boulder, over 20 feet tall. Not far from this is a flat granite boulder, which has twenty-one mortar holes that were clearly used by visiting Native Americans during acorn season. Oaks are very plentiful, and their fruit was one of the food sources.

Three miles west-northwest of this locality, in the valley near the base of the mountain, are indistinct figures in faded red, painted upon a large rock. The characters appear similar, in general, to those above mentioned.

Three miles west-northwest of this area, in the valley near the base of the mountain, there are faint figures in faded red painted on a large rock. The symbols look similar, overall, to those mentioned above.

Forty-three miles west of Santa Barbara, in the Najowe valley, is a[66] promontory, at the base of which is a large shallow cavern, the opening being smaller than the interior, upon the roof and back of which are many designs, some of which are reproduced in Fig. 23, of forms similar to those observed at San Marcos pass. Several characters appear to have been drawn at a later date than others, such as horned cattle, etc. The black used was a manganese compound, while the red pigments[67] consist of ferruginous clays, abundant at numerous localities in the mountain canyons.

Forty-three miles west of Santa Barbara, in the Najowe valley, is a[66] promontory with a large, shallow cave at its base. The cave's entrance is smaller than its interior, and the ceiling and back are covered with many designs, some of which are shown in Fig. 23, resembling those found at San Marcos Pass. It seems that some figures, like horned cattle, were added later than others. The black color used was a manganese compound, while the red pigments[67] came from ferruginous clays, which are common in various places throughout the mountain canyons.

Fig. 23.—Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.

Some of the human figures are drawn with the hands and arms in the attitude of making the gestures for surprise or astonishment, and negation, as in Fig. 24.

Some of the human figures are drawn with their hands and arms in positions showing gestures for surprise or astonishment, and negation, like in Fig. 24.

Fig. 24.—Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.

The characters in Fig. 25 resemble forms which occur at Tulare valley, and in Owens valley, respectively, and insect forms also occur as in Fig. 26.

The characters in Fig. 25 look like shapes found in Tulare Valley and Owens Valley, and insect shapes are also present as shown in Fig. 26.

Fig. 25.—Petroglyphs, Najowe valley, California.
Fig. 26.—Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.

Other designs abounding at this locality are shown in Figs. 27 and 28.

Other designs found in this area are shown in Figs. 27 and 28.

Fig. 27.—Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.
Fig. 28.—Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.

One of the most extensive groupings, and probably the most elaborately drawn, is in the Carisa plain, near Mr. Oreña’s ranch, 60 or 70 miles due north of Santa Barbara. The most conspicuous figure is that of the sun, resembling a human face, with ornamental appendages at the cardinal points, and bearing striking resemblance to some Moki masks and pictographic work. Serpentine lines and anomalous forms also abound.

One of the largest groupings, and probably the most detailed, is in the Carisa plain, close to Mr. Oreña’s ranch, about 60 to 70 miles straight north of Santa Barbara. The most noticeable figure is that of the sun, which looks like a human face, with decorative features at the cardinal points, bearing a strong resemblance to some Moki masks and pictographic art. Curvy lines and unusual shapes are also common.

Four miles northeast of Santa Barbara, near the residence of Mr. Stevens, is an isolated sandstone bowlder measuring about 20 feet high and 30 feet in diameter, upon the western side of which is a slight cavity bearing designs shown in Fig. 29, which correspond in general form to others in Santa Barbara county. The gesture for negation appears in the attitude of the human figures.

Four miles northeast of Santa Barbara, close to Mr. Stevens' home, there's a standalone sandstone boulder that's about 20 feet tall and 30 feet wide. On the western side, there's a small cavity with designs shown in Fig. 29 that are generally similar to others found in Santa Barbara County. The way the human figures are positioned suggests a gesture of negation.

Fig. 29.—Petroglyphs near Santa Barbara, California.

Half a mile farther east, on Dr. Coe’s farm, is another smaller bowlder, in a cavity of which various engravings appear shown in Fig. 30. Parts of the drawings have disappeared through disintegration of the rock, which is called “Pulpit rock,” on account of the shape of the[69] cavity, its position at the side of the narrow valley, and the echo observed upon speaking a little above the ordinary tone of voice.

Half a mile further east, on Dr. Coe’s farm, there's another smaller boulder, in a hollow of which various engravings can be seen, as shown in Fig. 30. Some parts of the drawings have faded away due to the erosion of the rock, which is known as “Pulpit Rock” because of the shape of the[69] hollow, its location at the edge of the narrow valley, and the echo that occurs when you speak slightly above your normal voice.

Fig. 30.—Petroglyphs near Santa Barbara, California.

Painted rocks also occur in the Azuza canyon, about 30 miles northeast of Los Angeles, of which Fig. 31 gives copies.

Painted rocks can also be found in Azuza Canyon, around 30 miles northeast of Los Angeles, as shown in Fig. 31.

Fig. 31.—Petroglyphs in Azuza canyon, California.

Just before his departure from the Santa Barbara region, Dr. Hoffman was informed of the existence of eight or nine painted records in that neighborhood, which up to that time had been observed only by a few sheep-herders and hunters.

Just before he left the Santa Barbara area, Dr. Hoffman was told about eight or nine painted records in that neighborhood, which had only been noticed by a few sheep herders and hunters up to that point.

Mr. L. L. Frost, of Susanville, California, reports the occurrence of pictographs (undoubtedly petroglyphs) 15 miles south of that town, on Willow creek, and at Milford, in the lower end of the valley. No details were furnished as to their general type and condition.

Mr. L. L. Frost from Susanville, California, reports finding pictographs (definitely petroglyphs) 15 miles south of that town, along Willow Creek, and at Milford, in the lower part of the valley. No details were provided about their general type and condition.

On Porter creek, 9 miles southwest of Healdsburg, on a large bowlder of hornblende syenite, petroglyphs similar to those found in Arizona and Nevada are to be seen. They are generally oblong circles or ovals, some of which contain crosses.

On Porter Creek, nine miles southwest of Healdsburg, on a large boulder of hornblende syenite, you can see petroglyphs similar to those found in Arizona and Nevada. They are mostly oblong circles or ovals, some of which have crosses inside them.

Figs. 32 and 33 are reduced copies 1/32 of original size of colored petroglyphs found by Dr. Hoffman in September, 1884, 12 miles west-northwest of the city of Santa Barbara, California. The locality is almost at the summit of the Santa Ynez range of mountains; the gray sandstone[70] rock on which they are painted is about 30 feet high and projects from a ridge so as to form a very marked promontory extending into a narrow mountain canyon. At the base of the western side of this bowlder is a rounded cavity, measuring on the inside about 15 feet in width and 8 feet in height. The floor ascends rapidly toward the back of the cave, and the entrance is rather smaller in dimensions than the above measurements of the interior. About 40 yards west of this rock is a fine spring of water. One of the four old Indian trails leading northward across the mountains passes by this locality, and it is probable that this was one of the camping places of the tribe which came south to trade, and that some of its members were the authors of the paintings. The three trails beside the one just mentioned cross the mountains at several points east of this, the most distant being about 15 miles. Other trails were known, but these four were most direct to the immediate vicinity of the Spanish settlement which sprang up shortly after the establishment of the Santa Barbara mission in 1786. The appearance and position of these and other pictographs in the vicinity appear to be connected with the several trails. The colors used in the paintings are red and black.

Figs. 32 and 33 are reduced copies 1/32 of original size of colored petroglyphs found by Dr. Hoffman in September 1884, 12 miles west-northwest of Santa Barbara, California. The location is almost at the top of the Santa Ynez mountain range; the gray sandstone rock where they are painted is about 30 feet high and juts out from a ridge, creating a prominent point that extends into a narrow mountain canyon. At the base of the western side of this boulder is a rounded hollow, measuring about 15 feet wide and 8 feet high on the inside. The floor slopes upward quickly toward the back of the cave, and the entrance is somewhat smaller than the interior measurements. About 40 yards west of this rock, there's a clear spring of water. One of the four old Indian trails leading north across the mountains passes by this spot, and it's likely that this was one of the camping areas of the tribe that traveled south to trade, with some members likely being the creators of these paintings. The other three trails, in addition to the one mentioned, cross the mountains at various points to the east, with the farthest being about 15 miles away. Other trails were known, but these four were the most direct routes to the area near the Spanish settlement that developed shortly after the Santa Barbara mission was established in 1786. The positioning and appearance of these and other pictographs in the area seem to be related to the various trails. The colors used in the paintings are red and black.

Fig. 32.—Petroglyph in Santa Barbara county, California.

The circles figured in b and d of Fig. 32, and c, r, and w of Fig. 33, together with other similar circular marks bearing cross lines upon the interior, were at first unintelligible, as their forms among various tribes have very different signification. The character in Fig. 32, above and projecting from d, resembles the human form, with curious lateral bands of black and white, alternately. Two similar characters appear, also, in Fig. 33, a, b. In a the lines from the head would seem to indicate a superior rank or condition of the person depicted.

The circles labeled b and d in Fig. 32, along with c, r, and w in Fig. 33, as well as other similar circular markings with cross lines inside, were initially confusing because their meanings vary greatly among different tribes. The shape in Fig. 32, positioned above and extending from d, resembles a human figure, featuring alternating black and white lateral bands. Two similar shapes also appear in Fig. 33, a and b. In a, the lines extending from the head seem to suggest a higher status or condition of the person being represented.

At the private ethnologic collection of Mr. A. F. Coronel, of Los Angeles, California, Dr. Hoffman discovered a clue to the general import of the above petroglyphs, as well as the signification of some of their characters. In a collection of colored illustrations of old Mexican costumes he found blankets bearing borders and colors nearly identical with those shown in the circles in Fig. 32, d, and Fig. 33, c, r, w. It is probable that the circles represent bales of blankets which early became articles of trade at the Santa Barbara mission. If this supposition is correct, the cross lines would seem to represent the cords used in tying the blankets into bales, which same cross lines appear as cords in l, Fig. 33. Mr. Coronel also possesses small figures of Mexicans, of various conditions of life, costumes, trades, and professions, one of which, a painted statuette, is a representation of a Mexican lying down flat upon an outspread serape, similar in color and form to the black and white bands shown in the upper figure of d, Fig. 32, and a, b, of Fig. 33, and instantly suggesting the explanation of those figures. Upon the latter the continuity of the black and white bands is broken, as the human figures are probably intended to be in front, or on top, of the drawings of the blankets.

At the private ethnological collection of Mr. A. F. Coronel in Los Angeles, California, Dr. Hoffman found a clue to the overall meaning of the petroglyphs mentioned above, as well as the significance of some of their symbols. In a collection of colored illustrations of ancient Mexican costumes, he discovered blankets with borders and colors almost identical to those shown in the circles in Fig. 32, d, and Fig. 33, c, r, w. It’s likely that the circles represent bales of blankets that became trade items at the Santa Barbara mission. If this assumption is correct, the crossed lines would represent the cords used to tie the blankets into bales, and these same crossed lines appear as cords in l, Fig. 33. Mr. Coronel also has small figures of Mexicans from various walks of life, showcasing different costumes, trades, and professions. One of them, a painted statuette, depicts a Mexican lying flat on an outspread serape, which resembles the black and white bands shown in the upper figure of d, Fig. 32, and a, b, of Fig. 33, suggesting an explanation for those figures. In the latter, the continuity of the black and white bands is broken, as the human figures are probably intended to be in front of or on top of the blanket drawings.

Fig. 33.—Petroglyph in Santa Barbara county, California.

The small statuette above mentioned is that of a Mexican trader, and if the circles in the petroglyphs are considered to represent bales of blankets, the character in Fig. 32, d, is still more interesting, from the union of one of these circles with a character representing the trader, i. e., the man possessing the bales. Bales, or what appear to be bales, are represented to the top and right of the circle in d, in that figure. In Fig. 33, l, a bale is upon the back of what appears to be a horse, led in[72] an upward direction by an Indian whose headdress and ends of the breechcloth are visible. To the right of the bale are three short lines, evidently showing the knot or ends of the cords used in tying a bale of blankets without colors, therefore of less importance, or of other goods. Other human forms appear in the attitude of making gestures, one also in j, Fig. 33, probably carrying a bale of goods. In the same figure u represents a centipede, an insect found occasionally south of the mountains, but reported as extremely rare in the immediate northern regions. For remarks upon x in the same figure see Chapter XX, Section 2, under the heading The Cross.

The small statuette mentioned earlier is of a Mexican trader, and if the circles in the petroglyphs are thought to represent bales of blankets, the figure in Fig. 32, d, is even more intriguing because it combines one of these circles with a figure representing the trader, that is, the man with the bales. Bales, or what look like bales, are depicted above and to the right of the circle in d in that figure. In Fig. 33, l, there’s a bale on the back of what appears to be a horse, being led upward by an Indian whose headdress and the ends of his breechcloth are visible. To the right of the bale are three short lines, clearly indicating the knot or ends of the cords used to tie a bale of blankets without colors, making them less significant, or of other goods. Other human figures are shown making gestures, one also in j, Fig. 33, probably carrying a bale of goods. In the same figure, u represents a centipede, an insect that can occasionally be found south of the mountains but is reported to be extremely rare in the nearby northern regions. For comments on x in the same figure, see Chapter XX, Section 2, under the heading The Cross.

Mr. Coronel stated that when he first settled in Los Angeles, in 1843, the Indians living north of the San Fernando mountains manufactured blankets of the fur and hair of animals, showing transverse bands of black and white similar to those depicted, which were sold to the inhabitants of the valley of Los Angeles and to Indians who transported them to other tribes.

Mr. Coronel said that when he first moved to Los Angeles in 1843, the Native Americans living north of the San Fernando mountains made blankets from animal fur and hair, displaying black and white stripes like those shown, which were sold to the people of the Los Angeles valley and to other Native Americans who traded them to different tribes.

It is probable that the pictographs are intended to represent the salient features of a trading expedition from the north. The ceiling of the cavity found between the paintings represented in the two figures has disappeared, owing to disintegration, thus leaving a blank about 4 feet long, and 6 feet from the top to the bottom between the paintings as now presented.

It seems likely that the pictographs are meant to show the key aspects of a trading expedition from the north. The ceiling of the space between the paintings shown in the two figures has collapsed due to decay, leaving a blank area about 4 feet long and 6 feet tall between the paintings as they appear now.

COLORADO.

Petroglyphs are reported by Mr. Cyrus F. Newcomb as found upon cliffs on Rock creek, 15 miles from Rio Del Norte, Colorado. Three small photographs, submitted with this statement, indicate the characters to have been pecked; they consist of men on horseback, cross-shaped human figures, animals, and other designs greatly resembling those found in the country of the Shoshonean tribes, examples of which are given infra.

Petroglyphs have been reported by Mr. Cyrus F. Newcomb as located on cliffs by Rock Creek, 15 miles from Rio Del Norte, Colorado. Three small photographs included with this statement show that the characters were pecked; they feature men on horseback, cross-shaped human figures, animals, and other designs that closely resemble those found in the territory of the Shoshonean tribes, examples of which are provided below.

Another notice of the same general locality is made by Capt. E. L. Berthoud (a) as follows:

Another notice of the same general area is made by Capt. E. L. Berthoud (a) as follows:

The place is 20 miles southeast of Rio Del Norte, at the entrance of the canyon of the Piedra Pintada (Painted rock) creek. The carvings are found on the right of the canyon or valley and upon volcanic rocks. They bear the marks of age and are cut in, not painted, as is still done by the Utes everywhere. They are found for a quarter of a mile along the north wall of the canyon, on the ranches of W. M. Maguire and F. T. Hudson, and consist of all manner of pictures, symbols, and hieroglyphics done by artists whose memory even tradition does not now preserve. The fact that these are carvings done upon such hard rock invests them with additional interest, as they are quite distinct from the carvings I saw in New Mexico and Arizona on soft sandstone. Though some of them are evidently of much greater antiquity than others, yet all are ancient, the Utes admitting them to have been old when their fathers conquered the country.

The location is 20 miles southeast of Rio Del Norte, at the entrance of the canyon of the Piedra Pintada (Painted Rock) creek. The carvings are located on the right side of the canyon or valley and on volcanic rocks. They show signs of age and are carved into the rock, not painted, as is still common practice among the Utes. They stretch for a quarter of a mile along the north wall of the canyon, on the properties of W. M. Maguire and F. T. Hudson, and include all sorts of pictures, symbols, and hieroglyphics created by artists whose names are lost to time. The fact that these are carvings on such hard stone makes them even more interesting, as they are quite different from the carvings I saw in New Mexico and Arizona on soft sandstone. While some are clearly much older than others, all are ancient, with the Utes acknowledging that they were already old when their ancestors claimed the land.

Mr. Charles D. Wright, of Durango, Colorado, in a communication dated February 20, 1885, gives an account of some “hieroglyphs” on[73] rocks and upon the walls of cliff houses near the boundary line between Colorado and New Mexico. He says:

Mr. Charles D. Wright, from Durango, Colorado, in a message dated February 20, 1885, shares a description of some “hieroglyphs” on[73] rocks and on the walls of cliff houses close to the border between Colorado and New Mexico. He says:

The following were painted in red and black paints on the wall (apparently the natural rock wall) of a cliff house: At the head was a chief on his horse, armed with spear and lance and wearing a pointed hat and robe; behind this character were some twenty characters representing people on horses lassoing horses, etc. In fact the whole scene represented breaking camp and leaving in a hurry. The whole painting measured about 12 by 16 feet.

The following were painted in red and black on the wall (which seems to be the natural rock wall) of a cliff house: At the front was a chief on his horse, equipped with a spear and lance, and wearing a pointed hat and robe; behind him were about twenty figures representing people on horses roping other horses, and so on. In fact, the entire scene depicted breaking camp and leaving in a hurry. The whole painting was approximately 12 by 16 feet.

Mr. Wright further reports characters on rocks near the San Juan river. Four characters represent men as if in the act of taking an obligation, hands extended, and wearing a “kind of monogram on breast, and at their right are some hieroglyphics written in black paint covering a space 3 by 4 feet.”

Mr. Wright also reports seeing figures on rocks close to the San Juan River. Four figures depict men as if they are in the act of making a pledge, with their hands outstretched and wearing a “type of monogram on their chests. To their right, there are some hieroglyphics painted in black, covering an area of 3 by 4 feet.”

The best discussed and probably the most interesting of the petroglyphs in the region are described and illustrated by Mr. W. H. Holmes (a), of the Bureau of Ethnology. The illustrations are here reproduced in Figs. 34 to 37, and the remarks of Mr. Holmes, slightly condensed, are as follows:

The most talked about and likely the most fascinating petroglyphs in the area are described and illustrated by Mr. W. H. Holmes (a) from the Bureau of Ethnology. The illustrations are reproduced here in Figs. 34 to 37, and Mr. Holmes's comments, slightly shortened, are as follows:

The forms reproduced in Fig. 34 occur on the Rio Mancos, near the group of cliff houses. They are chipped into the rock evidently by some very hard implement and rudely represent the human figure. They are certainly not attempts to represent nature, but have the appearance rather of arbitrary forms, designed to symbolize some imaginary being.

The shapes shown in Fig. 34 are found near the group of cliff houses along the Rio Mancos. They are carved into the rock with what seems to be a very tough tool and roughly depict the human figure. These are definitely not attempts to portray nature but rather look like random shapes created to symbolize some fictional being.

Fig. 34.—Petroglyphs on the Rio Mancos, Colorado.

The forms shown in Fig. 35 were found in the same locality, not engraved, but painted in red and white clay upon the smooth rocks. These were certainly done by the cliff-builders, and probably while the houses were in process of construction, since the material used is identical with the plaster of the houses. The sketches and[74] notes were made by Mr. Brandegee. The reproduction is approximately one-twelfth the size of the original.

The forms shown in Fig. 35 were found in the same area, not engraved, but painted in red and white clay on the smooth rocks. These were definitely created by the cliff-builders, likely while the houses were being built, since the material used is the same as the plaster of the houses. The sketches and[74] notes were made by Mr. Brandegee. The reproduction is about one-twelfth the size of the original.

Fig. 35.—Petroglyphs on the Rio Mancos, Colorado.

The examples shown in Fig. 36 occur on the Rio San Juan about 10 miles below the mouth of the Rio La Plata and are actually in New Mexico. A low line of bluffs, composed of light-colored massive sandstones that break down in great smooth-faced blocks, rises from the river level and sweeps around toward the north. Each of these great blocks has offered a very tempting tablet to the graver of the primitive artist, and many of them contain curious and interesting inscriptions. Drawings were made of such of these as the limited time at my disposal would permit. They are all engraved or cut into the face of the rock, and the whole body of each figure has generally been chipped out, frequently to the depth of one-fourth or one-half of an inch.

The examples shown in Fig. 36 are found on the Rio San Juan, about 10 miles downstream from the mouth of the Rio La Plata, and are actually located in New Mexico. A low line of bluffs, made up of light-colored massive sandstones that break down into large smooth-faced blocks, rises from the river level and curves northward. Each of these large blocks has provided a tempting canvas for the primitive artist, and many of them contain unique and intriguing inscriptions. Drawings were made of those I could manage within my limited time. They are all engraved or carved into the surface of the rock, and the entirety of each figure has usually been chipped out, often to a depth of one-fourth or one-half of an inch.

Fig. 36.—Petroglyphs on the Rio San Juan, New Mexico.

The work on some of the larger groups has been one of immense labor, and must owe its completion to strong and enduring motives. With a very few exceptions the engraving bears undoubted evidence of age. Such new figures as occur are quite easily distinguished both by the freshness of the chipped surfaces and by the designs themselves. The curious designs given in the final group have a very perceptible resemblance to many of the figures used in the embellishment of pottery.

The work on several of the larger groups has been a tremendous effort, and its completion can be attributed to strong and lasting motivations. With just a few exceptions, the engraving shows clear signs of aging. The new figures that appear are easily recognizable due to the fresh, chipped surfaces and the designs themselves. The interesting designs in the final group closely resemble many of the figures used in decorating pottery.

The most striking group observed is given in Fig. 37 A, same locality. It consists of a great procession of men, birds, beasts, and fanciful figures. The whole picture as placed upon a rock is highly spirited and the idea of a general movement toward the right, skillfully portrayed. A pair of winged figures hover about the train as if[75] to watch, or direct its movements; behind these are a number of odd figures, followed by an antlered animal resembling a deer, which seems to be drawing a notched sledge containing two figures of men. The figures forming the main body of the procession appear to be tied together in a continuous line, and in form resemble one living creature about as little as another. Many of the smaller figures above and below are certainly intended to represent dogs, while a number of men are stationed about here and there as if to keep the procession in order.

The most striking group observed is shown in Fig. 37 A, from the same location. It features a large procession of men, birds, animals, and whimsical figures. The entire image carved into the rock is vibrant, and it cleverly depicts a general movement to the right. A pair of winged figures hovers around the procession, as if to watch or guide its movements; behind them are several unusual figures, followed by a deer-like animal with antlers, which seems to be pulling a sled marked with notches containing two men. The main body of the procession appears to be linked together in a continuous line, and their forms differ little from one another. Many of the smaller figures above and below likely depict dogs, while several men are placed here and there to help keep the procession organized.

Fig. 37.—Petroglyphs on the Rio San Juan, New Mexico.

As to the importance of the event recorded in this picture, no conclusions can be drawn; it may represent the migration of a tribe or family or the trophies of a victory. A number of figures are wanting in the drawing at the left, while some of those at the right may not belong properly to the main group. The reduction is, approximately, to one-twelfth.

As for the significance of the event shown in this picture, no conclusions can be drawn; it could depict the migration of a tribe or family or the spoils of a victory. Several figures are missing from the drawing on the left, while some of those on the right may not properly belong to the main group. The reduction is roughly to one-twelfth.

Designs B and C of the same figure represent only the more distinct portions of two other groups. The complication of figures is so great that a number of hours would have been necessary for their delineation, and an attempt to analyze them here would be fruitless.

Designs B and C of the same figure show only the more noticeable parts of two other groups. The complexity of the figures is so high that it would take several hours to illustrate them, and trying to analyze them here would be pointless.

It will be noticed that the last two petroglyphs are in New Mexico, but they are so near the border of Colorado and so connected with the series in that state that they are presented under the same heading.

It should be noted that the last two petroglyphs are located in New Mexico, but they are very close to the Colorado border and are so related to the series in that state that they are included under the same heading.

CONNECTICUT.

The following account is extracted from Rafn’s Antiquitates Americanæ (a):

The following account is taken from Rafn’s Antiquitates Americanæ (a):

In the year 1789 Doctor Ezra Stiles, D. D., visited a rock situated in the Township of Kent in the State of Connecticut, at a place called Scaticook, by the Indians. He thus describes it: “Over against Scaticook and about one hundred rods East of Housatonic River, is an eminence or elevation which is called Cobble Hill. On the top of this stands the rock charged with antique unknown characters. This rock is by itself and not a portion of the Mountains; it is of White Flint; ranges North and South; is from twelve to fourteen feet long; and from eight to ten wide at base and top; and of an uneven surface. On the top I did not perceive any characters; but the sides all around are irregularly charged with unknown characters, made not indeed with the incision of a chisel, yet most certainly with an iron tool, and that by[76] pecks or picking, after the manner of the Dighton Rock. The Lacunae or excavations are from a quarter to an inch wide; and from one tenth to two tenths of an inch deep. The engraving did not appear to be recent or new, but very old.”

In 1789, Dr. Ezra Stiles, D.D., visited a rock located in the Township of Kent in Connecticut, at a place called Scaticook, as named by the Native Americans. He describes it this way: “Across from Scaticook and about one hundred rods east of the Housatonic River, there is a hill called Cobble Hill. At the top of this hill stands a rock covered with ancient, unknown symbols. This rock is separate and not part of the mountains; it’s made of white flint, ranges north and south, is about twelve to fourteen feet long, and eight to ten feet wide at the base and top, with an uneven surface. I didn’t see any markings on the top, but the sides are irregularly covered with unknown symbols, made not with a chisel but certainly with some iron tool, likely through pecking or picking, similar to the Dighton Rock. The grooves or indentations vary from a quarter to an inch wide and from one-tenth to two-tenths of an inch deep. The engravings didn’t seem recent or new but appeared very old.”

GEORGIA.

Charles C. Jones, jr., (a) describes a petroglyph in Georgia as follows:

Charles C. Jones, Jr., (a) describes a petroglyph in Georgia like this:

In Forsyth county, Georgia, is a carved or incised bowlder of fine grained granite, about 9 feet long, 4 feet 6 inches high, and 3 feet broad at its widest point. The figures are cut in the bowlder from one-half to three-fourths of an inch deep. It is generally believed that they are the work of the Cherokees.

In Forsyth County, Georgia, there is a carved boulder made of fine-grained granite, measuring about 9 feet long, 4 feet 6 inches high, and 3 feet wide at its widest point. The figures are carved into the boulder to a depth of half an inch to three-fourths of an inch. It's generally believed that they were created by the Cherokees.

The illustration given by him is here reproduced in Fig. 38. It will be noted that the characters in it are chiefly circles, including plain, nucleated, and concentric, sometimes two or more being joined by straight lines, forming what is now known as the “spectacle shaped” figure. The illustrations should be compared with the many others presented in this paper under the heading of Cup Sculptures, see Chapter V, infra.

The illustration he provided is shown again in Fig. 38. You'll notice that the main shapes in it are mostly circles, including plain, nucleated, and concentric ones, with some connected by straight lines, creating what we now refer to as the “spectacle-shaped” figure. These illustrations should be compared with the many others presented in this paper under the section Cup Sculptures, see Chapter V, infra.

Fig. 38.—Petroglyphs in Georgia.

Dr. M. F. Stephenson (a) mentions sculptures of human feet, various animals, bear tracks, etc., in Enchanted mountain, Union county, Georgia. The whole number of sculptures is reported as one hundred and forty-six.

Dr. M. F. Stephenson (a) mentions sculptures of human feet, various animals, bear tracks, etc., in Enchanted Mountain, Union County, Georgia. The total number of sculptures is said to be one hundred and forty-six.

Mr. Jones (b) gives a different résumé of the objects depicted, as follows:

Mr. Jones (b) provides a different summary of the objects shown, as follows:

Upon the Enchanted mountain, in Union county, cut in plutonic rock, are the tracks of men, women, children, deer, bears, bisons, turkeys, and terrapins, and the outlines of a snake, of two deer, and of a human hand. These sculptures—so far as they have been ascertained and counted—number one hundred and thirty-six. The most extravagant among them is that known as the footprint of the “Great Warrior.” It measures 18 inches in length and has six toes. The other human tracks and those of the animals are delineated with commendable fidelity.

On Enchanted Mountain in Union County, there are tracks cut into the volcanic rock that show the presence of men, women, children, deer, bears, bison, turkeys, and turtles, as well as outlines of a snake, two deer, and a human hand. These carvings—so far as they have been identified and counted—add up to one hundred thirty-six. The most notable among them is the footprint of the “Great Warrior.” It measures 18 inches long and has six toes. The other human tracks and those of the animals are depicted with impressive accuracy.

IDAHO.

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has furnished a small collection of drawings of Shoshonean petroglyphs from Oneida, Idaho, shown in Fig. 39. Some of them appear to be totemic characters, and possibly were made to record the names of visitors to the locality.

Mr. G. K. Gilbert from the U.S. Geological Survey has provided a small set of drawings of Shoshonean petroglyphs from Oneida, Idaho, as shown in Fig. 39. Some of them seem to be totemic figures and may have been created to record the names of visitors to the area.

Fig. 39.—Petroglyphs in Idaho (Shoshonean).

Mr. Willard D. Johnson, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports pictographic remains observed by him near Oneida, Idaho, in 1879. The figures represent human beings and were on a rock of basalt.

Mr. Willard D. Johnson, from the U.S. Geological Survey, reports pictographic remains he observed near Oneida, Idaho, in 1879. The figures depict human beings and are located on a basalt rock.

A copy of another petroglyph found in Idaho appears in Fig. 1092, infra.

A copy of another petroglyph found in Idaho is shown in Fig. 1092, below.

ILLINOIS.

Petroglyphs are reported by Mr. John Criley as occurring near Ava, Jackson county, Illinois. The outlines of the characters observed by him were drawn from memory and submitted to Mr. Charles S. Mason, of Toledo, Ohio, through whom they were furnished to the Bureau of Ethnology. Little reliance can be placed upon the accuracy of such drawing, but from the general appearance of the sketches the originals of which they are copies were probably made by one of the middle Algonquian tribes of Indians.

Petroglyphs are reported by Mr. John Criley to be located near Ava, Jackson County, Illinois. The outlines of the characters he observed were drawn from memory and sent to Mr. Charles S. Mason in Toledo, Ohio, who then provided them to the Bureau of Ethnology. We can't put much trust in the accuracy of these drawings, but based on the overall look of the sketches, the original carvings they replicate were likely made by one of the middle Algonquian tribes of Native Americans.

The “Piasa” rock, as it is generally designated, was referred to by the missionary explorer Marquette in 1675. Its situation was immediately above the city of Alton, Illinois.

The “Piasa” rock, as it’s commonly called, was mentioned by the missionary explorer Marquette in 1675. It’s located just above the city of Alton, Illinois.

Marquette’s remarks are translated by Dr. Francis Parkman (a) as follows:

Marquette’s comments are translated by Dr. Francis Parkman (a) as follows:

On the flat face of a high rock were painted, in red, black, and green, a pair of monsters, each “as large as a calf, with horns like a deer, red eyes, a beard like a tiger, and a frightful expression of countenance. The face is something like that of a man, the body covered with scales; and the tail so long that it passes entirely round the body, over the head, and between the legs, ending like that of a fish.”

On the flat surface of a tall rock, there were paintings in red, black, and green of two monsters, each “the size of a calf, with deer-like horns, glaring red eyes, a tiger-like beard, and a terrifying expression. The face resembled that of a man, while the body was covered in scales; the tail was so long that it wrapped completely around the body, over the head, and between the legs, ending like a fish's tail.”

Another version, by Davidson and Struvé (a), of the discovery of the petroglyph is as follows:

Another version, by Davidson and Struvé (a), of the discovery of the petroglyph is as follows:

Again they (Joliet and Marquette) were floating on the broad bosom of the unknown stream. Passing the mouth of the Illinois, they soon fell into the shadow of a tall promontory, and with great astonishment beheld the representation of two monsters painted on its lofty limestone front. According to Marquette, each of these frightful figures had the face of a man, the horns of a deer, the beard of a tiger, and the tail of a fish so long that it passed around the body, over the head, and between the legs. It was an object of Indian worship and greatly impressed the mind of the pious missionary with the necessity of substituting for this monstrous idolatry the worship of the true God.

Again they (Joliet and Marquette) were floating on the wide expanse of the unknown river. As they passed the mouth of the Illinois, they soon entered the shadow of a tall promontory and were astonished to see the depiction of two monsters painted on its high limestone face. According to Marquette, each of these terrifying figures had a man's face, deer horns, a tiger's beard, and a fish's tail so long that it wrapped around the body, over the head, and between the legs. It was an object of worship for the Indians and left a strong impression on the pious missionary about the need to replace this monstrous idolatry with the worship of the true God.

A footnote connected with the foregoing quotation gives the following description of the same rock:

A footnote related to the previous quote provides the following description of the same rock:

Near the mouth of the Piasa creek, on the bluff, there is a smooth rock in a cavernous cleft, under an overhanging cliff, on whose face, 50 feet from the base, are painted some ancient pictures or hieroglyphics, of great interest to the curious. They are placed in a horizontal line from east to west, representing men, plants, and animals. The paintings, though protected from dampness and storms, are in great part destroyed, marred by portions of the rock becoming detached and falling down.

Near the mouth of the Piasa Creek, on the bluff, there's a smooth rock in a cave-like opening, under an overhanging cliff, about 50 feet up from the base. On the cliff's face, some ancient pictures or symbols are painted, which are of great interest to those who are curious. They are arranged in a horizontal line from east to west, depicting men, plants, and animals. Although these paintings are shielded from moisture and storms, many of them are badly damaged, with sections of the rock crumbling and falling away.

Mr. McAdams (a), of Alton, Illinois, says “The name Piasa is Indian and signifies, in the Illini, ‘The bird which devours men.’” He furnishes a spirited pen-and-ink sketch, 12 by 15 inches in size and purporting to represent the ancient painting described by Marquette. On the picture is inscribed the following in ink: “Made by Wm. Dennis, April 3d, 1825.” The date is in both letters and figures. On the top of the picture in large letters are the two words, “FLYING DRAGON.” This picture, which has been kept in the old Gilham family of Madison county and bears the evidence of its age, is reproduced as Fig. 40.

Mr. McAdams (a), from Alton, Illinois, says, “The name Piasa is Indian and means, in the Illini language, ‘The bird that eats men.’” He provides an energetic pen-and-ink drawing, sized 12 by 15 inches, which is said to depict the ancient painting described by Marquette. The drawing has the following inscription in ink: “Made by Wm. Dennis, April 3rd, 1825.” The date is shown in both letters and numbers. At the top of the drawing, in large letters, are the words “FLYING DRAGON.” This picture, which has been preserved in the old Gilham family of Madison County and shows signs of its age, is shown as Fig. 40.

Fig. 40.—The Piasa petroglyph.

He also publishes another representation (Fig. 41) with the following remarks:

He also publishes another image (Fig. 41) with these comments:

One of the most satisfactory pictures of the Piasa we have ever seen is in an old German publication entitled “The Valley of the Mississippi Illustrated. Eighty[79] illustrations from nature, by H. Lewis, from the Falls of St. Anthony to the Gulf of Mexico,” published about the year 1839 by Arenz & Co., Düsseldorf, Germany. One of the large full-page plates in this work gives a fine view of the bluff at Alton, with the figure of the Piasa on the face of the rock. It is represented to have been taken on the spot by artists from Germany. We reproduce that part of the bluff (the whole picture being too large for this work) which shows the pictographs. In the German picture there is shown just behind the rather dim outlines of the second face a ragged crevice, as though of a fracture. Part of the bluff’s face might have fallen and thus nearly destroyed one of the monsters, for in later years writers speak of but one figure. The whole face of the bluff was quarried away in 1846-’47.

One of the most impressive images of the Piasa we've come across is in an old German book called "The Valley of the Mississippi Illustrated. Eighty[79] illustrations from nature, by H. Lewis, from the Falls of St. Anthony to the Gulf of Mexico,” published around 1839 by Arenz & Co., Düsseldorf, Germany. One of the large full-page images in this book provides a great view of the bluff at Alton, featuring the Piasa on the rock face. It’s said to have been captured on-site by German artists. We are reproducing that part of the bluff (the entire picture is too large for this work) that shows the pictographs. In the German image, there’s a rough crevice visible just behind the somewhat faint outlines of the second figure, suggesting a fracture. Part of the bluff might have collapsed, nearly destroying one of the monsters, as later writers mention only one figure. The entire face of the bluff was quarried away in 1846-’47.

Fig. 41.—The Piasa petroglyph.

Under Myths and Mythic Animals, Chapter XIV, Section 2, are illustrations and descriptions which should be compared with these accounts, and Chapter XXII gives other examples of errors and discrepancies in the description and copying of petroglyphs.

Under Myths and Mythic Animals, Chapter XIV, Section 2, are illustrations and descriptions that should be compared with these accounts, and Chapter XXII provides additional examples of mistakes and inconsistencies in the description and reproduction of petroglyphs.

Mr. A. D. Jones (a) says of the same petroglyph:

Mr. A. D. Jones (a) talks about the same petroglyph:

After the distribution of firearms among the Indians, bullets were substituted for arrows, and even to this day no savage presumes to pass the spot without discharging his rifle and raising his shout of triumph. I visited the spot in June (1838) and examined the image and the ten thousand bullet marks on the cliff seemed to corroborate the tradition related to me in the neighborhood.

After the guns were handed out to the Native Americans, bullets replaced arrows, and even now, no warrior dares to go by the spot without firing his rifle and shouting in victory. I visited the spot in June (1838) and checked out the image, and the ten thousand bullet marks on the cliff seemed to confirm the story I heard from people in the area.

Mr. McAdams, loc. cit., also reports regarding Fig. 42:

Mr. McAdams, loc. cit., also reports about Fig. 42:

Fig. 42.—Petroglyph on the Illinois river.

Some twenty-five or thirty miles above the mouth of the Illinois river, on the west bank of that stream, high up on the smooth face of an overhanging cliff, is another interesting pictograph sculptured deeply in the hard rock. It remains to-day probably[80] in nearly the same condition it was when the French voyagers first descended the river and got their first view of the Mississippi. The animal-like body, with the human head, is carved in the rock in outline. The huge eyes are depressions like saucers, an inch or more in depth, and the outline of the body has been scooped out in the same way; also the mouth.

Some twenty-five or thirty miles upstream from the mouth of the Illinois River, on the west bank of that stream, high up on the smooth surface of an overhanging cliff, there's another interesting pictograph deeply carved into the hard rock. It remains today probably[80] in nearly the same state as when the French explorers first traveled down the river and caught their first sight of the Mississippi. The animal-like body, with the human head, is outlined in the rock. The large eyes are depressions like saucers, an inch or more deep, and the outline of the body and the mouth have been carved out in the same way.

The figure of the archer with the drawn bow, however, is painted, or rather stained with a reddish brown pigment, over the sculptured outline of the monster’s face.

The image of the archer with the bow pulled back is painted, or more accurately, stained with a reddish-brown color over the carved outline of the monster's face.

Mr. McAdams suggests that the painted figure of the human form with the bow and arrows was made later than the sculpture.

Mr. McAdams suggests that the painted depiction of the human figure with the bow and arrows was created after the sculpture.

The same author (b) says, describing Fig. 43:

The same author (b) describes Fig. 43 as follows:

Fig. 43.—Petroglyph near Alton, Illinois.

Some 3 or 4 miles above Alton, high up beneath the overhanging cliff, which forms a sort of cave shelter on the smooth face of a thick ledge of rock, is a series of paintings, twelve in number. They are painted or rather stained in the rock with a reddish brown pigment that seems to defy the tooth of time. It may be said, however, that their position is so sheltered that they remain almost perfectly dry. We made sketches of them some thirty years ago and on a recent visit could see that they had changed but little, although their appearance denotes great age.

About 3 or 4 miles above Alton, high up under the overhanging cliff that creates a sort of cave on the smooth face of a thick rock ledge, there's a series of paintings, twelve in total. They are stained into the rock with a reddish-brown pigment that seems to resist the passage of time. It's worth noting that their location is so sheltered that they stay almost completely dry. We sketched them about thirty years ago, and during a recent visit, we noticed they hadn't changed much, even though they look very old.

These pictographs are situated on the cliff more than a hundred feet above the river. A protruding ledge, which is easily reached from a hollow in the bluff, leads to the cavernous place in the rock.

These pictographs are located on the cliff over a hundred feet above the river. A jutting ledge, accessible from a dip in the bluff, leads to the cavernous area in the rock.

Mr. James D. Middleton, formerly of the Bureau of Ethnology, mentions the occurrence of petroglyphs on the bluffs of the Mississippi river, in Jackson county, about 12 miles below Rockwood. Also of others about 4 or 5 miles from Prairie du Rocher, near the Mississippi river.

Mr. James D. Middleton, formerly with the Bureau of Ethnology, notes the presence of petroglyphs on the bluffs of the Mississippi River in Jackson County, roughly 12 miles south of Rockwood. He also mentions other petroglyphs located about 4 or 5 miles from Prairie du Rocher, close to the Mississippi River.

IOWA.

Mr. P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of Ethnology, found numerous caves on the banks of the Mississippi river, in northeastern Iowa, 4 miles south of New Albion, containing incised petroglyphs. Fifteen miles south of this locality paintings occur on the cliffs. He also discovered painted characters upon the cliffs on the Mississippi river, 19 miles below New Albion.

Mr. P. W. Norris, from the Bureau of Ethnology, found several caves along the banks of the Mississippi River in northeastern Iowa, 4 miles south of New Albion, that had incised petroglyphs. About fifteen miles south of this spot, there are paintings on the cliffs. He also discovered painted symbols on the cliffs of the Mississippi River, 19 miles below New Albion.

KANSAS.

Mr. Edward Miller reports in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. X, 1869, p. 383, the discovery of a petroglyph near the line of the Union Pacific railroad, 15 miles southeast of Fort Harker, formerly known as Fort Ellsworth, Kansas. The petroglyph is upon a formation belonging to No. 1, Lower Cretaceous group, according to the classification of Meek and Hayden.

Mr. Edward Miller reports in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. X, 1869, p. 383, the discovery of a petroglyph near the Union Pacific railroad, 15 miles southeast of Fort Harker, previously known as Fort Ellsworth, Kansas. The petroglyph is on a formation that belongs to No. 1, Lower Cretaceous group, following the classification by Meek and Hayden.

The parts of the two plates VII and VIII of the work cited, which bear the inscriptions, are now presented as Fig. 44, being from two views of the same rock.

The sections of the two plates VII and VIII from the referenced work, which have the inscriptions, are now shown as Fig. 44, taken from two different angles of the same rock.

Fig. 44.—Petroglyphs in Kansas.

KENTUCKY.

Mr. James D. Middleton, formerly of the Bureau of Ethnology, in a letter dated August 14, 1886, reports that at a point in Union county, Kentucky, nearly opposite Shawneetown, Illinois, petroglyphs are found, and from the description given by him they appear to resemble those in Jackson county, Illinois, mentioned above.

Mr. James D. Middleton, formerly of the Bureau of Ethnology, in a letter dated August 14, 1886, reports that at a location in Union County, Kentucky, almost directly across from Shawneetown, Illinois, petroglyphs can be found. From his description, they seem to be similar to those in Jackson County, Illinois, mentioned earlier.

Mr. W. E. Barton, of Wellington, Ohio, in a communication dated October 4, 1890, writes as follows:

Mr. W. E. Barton from Wellington, Ohio, in a message dated October 4, 1890, writes the following:

At Clover Bottom, Kentucky, on a spur of the Big Hill, in Jackson county, about 13 miles from Berea, is a large rock which old settlers say was covered with soil and vegetation within their memory. Upon it are representations of human tracks, with what appear to be those of a bear, a horse, and a dog. These are all in the same direction, as though a man leading a horse, followed the dog upon the bear’s track. Crossing these is a series of tracks of another and larger sort which I can not attempt to identify. The stone is a sandstone in the subcarboniferous. As I remember, the strata are nearly horizontal, but erosion has made the surface a slope of about 20°. The tracks ascending the slope cross the strata. I have not seen them for some years.

At Clover Bottom, Kentucky, on a spur of the Big Hill in Jackson County, about 13 miles from Berea, there's a large rock that old settlers say used to be covered with soil and vegetation in their lifetime. It has what looks like human tracks, along with tracks that seem to belong to a bear, a horse, and a dog. All of these tracks go in the same direction, as if a man leading a horse was following a dog on a bear’s trail. There are also larger tracks crossing these, which I can't identify. The rock is sandstone from the subcarboniferous period. As I recall, the layers are nearly horizontal, but erosion has created a slope of about 20°. The tracks going up the slope cross the layers. I haven't seen them in several years.

The crossing of the strata shows that the tracks are the work of human hands, if indeed it were not preposterous to think of anything else in rocks of that period. Still the tracks are so well made that one is tempted to ask if they can be real. They alternate right and left, though the erosion and travel have worn out some of the left tracks. A wagon road passes over the rock and was the cause of the present exposure of the stone. It can be readily found a fourth of a mile or less from the Pine Grove schoolhouse.

The layering of the rocks shows that the tracks were made by humans, as it would be ridiculous to think otherwise for rocks from that time. Yet, the tracks are so well-defined that it makes you skeptical about their authenticity. They alternate between left and right, although some of the left tracks have been eroded and worn away. A wagon road runs over the rock and caused the stone to be exposed as it is now. You can easily find it less than a quarter mile away from the Pine Grove schoolhouse.

MAINE.

A number of inscribed rocks have been found in Maine and information of others has been obtained. The most interesting of them and the largest group series yet discovered in New England is shown in Pl. XII.

A number of inscribed rocks have been found in Maine, and information about other rocks has been gathered. The most interesting ones and the largest group series discovered in New England is shown in Pl. XII.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XII
PETROGLYPHS IN MAINE.

The rock upon which the glyphs appear is in the town of Machiasport, Maine, at Clarks point, on the northwestern side of Machias bay,[82] 2 miles below the mouth of Machias river. The rock or ledge is about 50 feet long from east to west and about fifteen feet in width, nearly horizontal for two-thirds its length, from the bank or western end at high water, thence inclining at an angle of 15° to low-water mark. Its southern face is inclined about 40°. The formation is schistose slate, having a transverse vein of trap dike extending nearly across its section. Nearly the entire ledge is of blue-black color, very dense and hard except at the upper or western end, where the periodical formation of ice has scaled off thin layers of surface and destroyed many figures which are remembered by persons now living. The ebb and flow of tides, the abrasion of moving beach stones or pebble wash and of ice-worn bowlders, have also effaced many figures along the southern side, until now but one or two indentations are discernible. Visitors, in seeking to remove some portion of the rock as a curiosity or in striving to perpetuate their initials, have obscured several of the most interesting, and until recently the best defined figures. It was also evident to the present writer, who carefully examined the rock in 1888, that it lay much deeper in the water than once had been the case. At the lowest tides there were markings seen still lower, which could not readily have been made if that part of the surface had not been continuously exposed. The depression of a rock of such great size, which was so gradual that it had not been observed by the inhabitants of the neighboring settlement, is an evidence of the antiquity of the peckings.

The rock with the glyphs is located in Machiasport, Maine, at Clarks Point, on the northwest side of Machias Bay,[82] 2 miles downstream from the Machias River's mouth. The rock, or ledge, is about 50 feet long from east to west and around 15 feet wide, nearly flat for two-thirds of its length from the bank or western end at high water, then sloping at a 15° angle down to low-water mark. Its southern side slopes at about 40°. The rock is made of schistose slate, featuring a cross vein of trap dike that runs nearly the entire width. Most of the ledge is a dense, hard blue-black color, except at the upper or western end, where seasonal ice has chipped away thin layers from the surface, wiping out many figures that are still remembered by people alive today. The rise and fall of tides, the wear from moving beach stones or pebble wash, and the action of ice-worn boulders have also erased many figures along the southern side, leaving only one or two impressions visible now. Visitors trying to take a piece of the rock as a memento or to carve their initials have obscured several of the most interesting and previously well-defined figures. It was also clear to me, when I closely examined the rock in 1888, that it was sitting much deeper in the water than before. At low tide, markings were visible even lower, which likely couldn't have been made if that part of the surface hadn’t been consistently exposed. The gradual sinking of such a large rock, which went unnoticed by nearby residents, suggests the age of the peckings.

The intaglio carving of all the figures was apparently made by repeated blows of a pointed instrument—doubtless of hard stone; not held as a chisel, but working by a repetition of hammerings or peckings. The deepest now seen is about three-eighths of an inch. The amount of patient labor bestowed upon these figures must have been great, considering the hardness of the rock and the rude implement with which they were wrought.

The intaglio carving of all the figures was clearly done by repeatedly striking a pointed tool—probably made of hard stone; it wasn’t held like a chisel, but rather worked through a series of hammering or pecking motions. The deepest part that we can see now is about three-eighths of an inch. The amount of careful work put into these figures must have been substantial, given the hardness of the rock and the crude tool used to create them.

There is no extrinsic evidence of their age. The place was known to traders early in the seventeenth century, and much earlier was visited by Basque fishermen, and perhaps by the unfortunate Cortereals in 1500 and 1503. The descendants of the Mechises Indians, a tribal branch of the Abnaki, who once occupied the territory between the St. Croix and Narraguagus rivers, when questioned many years ago, would reply in substance that “all their old men knew of them,” either by having seen them or by traditions handed down through many generations.

There is no outside evidence of their age. The area was known to traders in the early seventeenth century, and even earlier it was visited by Basque fishermen, possibly by the unfortunate Cortereals in 1500 and 1503. The descendants of the Mechises Indians, a tribal group of the Abnaki, who once lived in the territory between the St. Croix and Narraguagus rivers, when asked many years ago, would essentially say that “all their elderly knew of them,” either from having seen them or from traditions passed down through many generations.

Several years ago Mr. H. R. Taylor, of Machias, who made the original sketch in 1868 and kindly furnished it to the Bureau of Ethnology, applied to a resident Indian there (Peter Benoit, then nearly 80 years old) for assistance in deciphering the characters. He gave little information, but pointed out that the figures must not all be read “from one side only,” thus, the one near the center of the sketch, which seen from the south was without significance, became from the opposite[83] point a squaw with sea fowl on her head, denoting, as he said, “that squaw had smashed canoe, saved beaver-skin, walked one-half moon all alone toward east, just same as heron wading alongshore.” Also that the three lines below the figure mentioned, which together resemble a bird track or a trident, represent the three rivers, the East, West, and Middle rivers of Machias, which join not far above the locality. The mark having a rough resemblance to a feather, next on the right of this river-sign, is a fissure in the rock. Most of the figures of human beings and other animals are easily recognizable.

Several years ago, Mr. H. R. Taylor from Machias, who created the original sketch in 1868 and generously shared it with the Bureau of Ethnology, asked a local Indian (Peter Benoit, who was nearly 80 at the time) for help in understanding the symbols. He didn’t provide much information but mentioned that the figures shouldn’t all be read “from one side only.” For example, the one near the center of the sketch, which was meaningless when viewed from the south, appeared as a woman with sea birds on her head when viewed from the opposite point of view. According to him, “that woman had wrecked her canoe, saved a beaver skin, and walked halfway across the moon all by herself toward the east, just like a heron wading along the shore.” He also noted that the three lines below the previously mentioned figure, which look like a bird track or a trident, represent the three rivers—East, West, and Middle rivers of Machias—that converge not far from that area. The mark that somewhat resembles a feather, located next to the river symbol, is a crack in the rock. Most of the figures of people and animals are easily recognizable.

Peckings of a character similar to those on the Picture rock at Clarks point, above described, were found and copied 600 feet south of it at high-water mark on a rock near Birch point. Others were discovered and traced on a rock on Hog island, in Holmes bay, a part of Machias bay. All these petroglyphs were without doubt of Abnaki origin, either of the Penobscot or the Passamaquoddy divisions of that body of Indians. The rocks lay on the common line of water communication between those divisions and were convenient as halting places.

Marks on a rock similar to those on Picture Rock at Clarks Point, mentioned earlier, were found and copied 600 feet south at high-water mark on a rock near Birch Point. More were discovered and traced on a rock on Hog Island, in Holmes Bay, which is part of Machias Bay. All these petroglyphs were definitely of Abnaki origin, either from the Penobscot or the Passamaquoddy tribes. The rocks were situated along the common waterway between those tribes and served as convenient stopping points.

MARYLAND.

In the Susquehanna river, about half a mile south of the state line, is a group of rocks, several of the most conspicuous being designated as the “Bald Friars.” Near by are several mound-shaped bowlders of the so-called “nigger-head” rock, which is reported as a dark-greenish chlorite schist. Upon the several bowlders are deep sculpturings, apparently finished by rubbing the depression with stone, or wood and sand, thus leaving sharp and distinct edges to the outlines. Some of these figures are an inch in depth, though the greater number are becoming more and more eroded by the frequent freshets, and by the running ice during the breaking up in early spring of the frozen river.

In the Susquehanna River, about half a mile south of the state line, there's a cluster of rocks, with several of the most noticeable ones called the “Bald Friars.” Nearby are several mound-shaped boulders made of the so-called “nigger-head” rock, which is described as a dark greenish chlorite schist. The boulders feature deep carvings that appear to have been made by rubbing the surface with stone or wood and sand, leaving sharp and clear edges. Some of these figures are an inch deep, although most are increasingly eroded by frequent floods and by moving ice during the thaw in early spring.

The following account is given by Prof. P. Frazer (a):

The following account is provided by Prof. P. Frazer (a):

Passing the Pennsylvania state line one reaches the southern barren serpentine rocks, which are in general tolerably level for a considerable distance.

Passing the Pennsylvania state line, you come to the southern barren serpentine rocks, which are generally pretty flat for quite a ways.

About 700 yards, or 640 meters, south of the line, on the river shore, are rocks which have been named the Bald Friars. French’s tavern is here, at the mouth of a small stream which empties into the Susquehanna. About 874 yards (800 meters) south of this tavern are a number of islands which have local names, but which are curious as containing inscriptions of the aborigines.

About 700 yards, or 640 meters, south of the line, on the riverbank, there are rocks known as the Bald Friars. French’s tavern is located here, at the mouth of a small stream that flows into the Susquehanna. About 874 yards (800 meters) south of this tavern, there are several islands with local names, but they are interesting because they have inscriptions from the Indigenous people.

The material of which most of these islands are composed is chlorite schist, but as this rock is almost always distinguished by the quartz veins which intersect it, so in this case some of the islands are composed of this material almost exclusively, which gives them a very striking white appearance.

The material that most of these islands are made of is chlorite schist, but since this rock is usually marked by the quartz veins that cut through it, some of the islands in this case are made up almost entirely of this material, giving them a very striking white look.

One of these, containing the principal inscriptions, is called Miles island.

One of these, which has the main inscriptions, is called Miles Island.

The figures, which covered every part of the rocks that were exposed, were apparently of historical or at least narrative purport, since they seemed to be connected. Doubtless the larger portion of the inscription has been carried away by the successive vicissitudes which have broken up and defaced, and in some instances obliterated, parts of which we find evidence of the previous existence on the islands.

The figures, which covered every visible part of the rocks, seemed to be of historical or at least narrative significance, as they appeared to be related. Clearly, most of the inscription has been lost due to the various changes and damage that have broken, defaced, and in some cases erased parts of what we see evidence of having existed on the islands.

Every large bowlder seems to contain some traces of previous inscription, and in many instances the pictured side of the bowlder is on its under side, showing that it has been detached from its original place. The natural agencies are quite sufficient to account for any amount of this kind of displacement, for the rocks in their present condition are not refractory and offer no great resistance to the wear of weather and ice; but in addition to this must be added human agencies.

Every large boulder seems to have some signs of past markings, and often the side with images is on the bottom, indicating it has been moved from its original spot. Natural forces can easily explain this kind of movement, as the rocks currently aren't very tough and don't resist weathering and erosion from ice much; however, we also need to consider human actions.

Amongst other things, they represent the conventional Indian serpent’s head, with varying numbers of lines.

Among other things, they represent the traditional Indian serpent's head, with different numbers of lines.

Some of the signs next frequently recurring were concentric circles, in some cases four and in other cases a lesser number.

Some of the signs that appeared most often were concentric circles, sometimes four, and other times fewer.

Fig. 45.—Bald Friar rock, Maryland.

Fig. 45 is a reproduction of Prof. Frazer’s illustration.

Fig. 45 is a reproduction of Prof. Frazer’s illustration.

This region was also referred to by Dr. Charles Rau (a), his cut from the specimen in the collection of the Smithsonian Institution (Mus. No. 39010) being here reproduced as Fig. 46.

This area was also called by Dr. Charles Rau (a), his excerpt from the specimen in the collection of the Smithsonian Institution (Mus. No. 39010) being shown here as Fig. 46.

Fig. 46.—Slab from Bald Friar rock, Maryland.

During the autumn of the years 1888 and 1889 Dr. Hoffman visited these rocks, securing sketches and measurements, the former of which are reproduced in Figs. 47 and 48. The figures are deeply cut, as if rubbed down with sand and a round stick of green wood. The deepest channels, varying from three-fourths to 1¼ inches across and almost as deep as they are wide, appear as if cut out with a gouge, and for this reason bear a strong resemblance to the petroglyphs in Owens valley, California. In whatever manner these sculpturings were made, it is[85] evident that much time and great labor were expended upon them, as this variety of rock, locally termed “Nigger-head,” is extremely hard.

During the fall of 1888 and 1889, Dr. Hoffman visited these rocks, taking sketches and measurements, some of which are shown in Figs. 47 and 48. The figures are deeply carved, as if they were smoothed out with sand and a round stick of green wood. The deepest grooves, ranging from three-fourths to 1¼ inches wide and almost as deep as they are wide, look like they were cut out with a gouge, making them very similar to the petroglyphs found in Owens Valley, California. Regardless of how these carvings were made, it is[85] clear that a lot of time and effort went into them, as this type of rock, locally called “Nigger-head,” is extremely hard.

Fig. 47.—Top of Bald Friar rock, Maryland.

Fig. 45 represents a bird’s-eye view of the top of the rock, bearing the greater amount of workmanship. The petroglyphs cover a surface measuring about 5 feet by 4 feet 6 inches. The extreme ends of the figures extend beyond the irregular horizontal surface and project over the rounded edge of the rock, so that the line, at the left-hand lower part of the illustration, dips at an angle of about 45°. The two short lines at the extreme right are upon the side of the upper edge of the rock, where the surface inclines at an angle of 30°.

Fig. 45 shows a bird’s-eye view of the top of the rock, which has the most craftsmanship. The petroglyphs cover an area about 5 feet by 4 feet 6 inches. The outer edges of the designs extend beyond the uneven horizontal surface and project over the rounded edge of the rock, so that the line at the lower left part of the illustration dips at an angle of about 45°. The two short lines at the far right are on the side of the upper edge of the rock, where the surface slopes at an angle of 30°.

Some of the figures are indefinite, which is readily accounted for by the fact that the rock is in the river, a considerable distance from shore, and annually subjected to freshets and to erosion by floating logs and drift material. The characters at the right end of the upper row resemble those near Washington, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania. (See Fig. 73.)

Some of the shapes are unclear, which can easily be explained by the fact that the rock is in the river, quite far from the shore, and is regularly affected by floods and erosion from floating logs and debris. The characters at the right end of the top row look similar to those near Washington, Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. (See Fig. 73.)

Fig. 48 presents three characters, selected from other portions of the rock, to illustrate the variety of designs found. They are like some found at Owens valley, California, as will be observed by comparing them with the descriptions and plates under that heading in this section. The left-hand figure is 4 inches in diameter, the middle one 6 inches wide and about 15 inches in height, and the third, or right-hand, is composed of concentric rings, measuring about 10 inches across.

Fig. 48 shows three characters taken from different areas of the rock to demonstrate the variety of designs present. They resemble some found in Owens Valley, California, as you can see by comparing them with the descriptions and images under that heading in this section. The figure on the left is 4 inches in diameter, the middle one is 6 inches wide and about 15 inches tall, and the third one, on the right, consists of concentric rings measuring about 10 inches across.

Fig. 48.—Characters from Bald Friar rock, Maryland.

MASSACHUSETTS.

The following description of the much-discussed Dighton rock is taken from Schoolcraft (b), where it is accompanied with a plate, now reproduced as Fig. 49:

The following description of the widely talked-about Dighton rock is taken from Schoolcraft (b), where it is shown with a plate, now reproduced as Fig. 49:

Fig. 49.—Dighton rock, Massachusetts.

The ancient inscription on a bowlder of greenstone rock lying in the margin of the Assonet or Taunton river, in the area of ancient Vinland, was noticed by the New England colonists so early as 1680, when Dr. Danforth made a drawing of it. This outline, together with several subsequent copies of it, at different eras, reaching to 1830, all differing considerably in their details, but preserving a certain general resemblance, is presented in the Antiquatés Americanes [sic] (Tables XI, XII), and referred to the same era of Scandinavian discovery. The imperfections of the drawings (including that executed under the auspices of the Rhode Island Historical Society in 1839, Table XII), and the recognition of some characters bearing more or less resemblance to antique Roman letters and figures, may be considered to have misled Mr. Magnusen in his interpretation of it. From whatever cause, nothing could, it would seem, have been wider from the purport and true interpretation of it. It is of purely Indian origin, and is executed in the peculiar symbolic character of the Kekeewin.

The ancient inscription on a boulder of greenstone rock located by the Assonet or Taunton River, in what was once Vinland, caught the attention of New England colonists as early as 1680 when Dr. Danforth made a drawing of it. This outline, along with several later copies made until 1830, all showing significant variations in detail but maintaining a general resemblance, is presented in the Antiquatés Americanes [sic] (Tables XI, XII), and is connected to the era of Scandinavian exploration. The inaccuracies in the drawings (including one made by the Rhode Island Historical Society in 1839, Table XII) and the identification of some characters resembling ancient Roman letters and figures may have led Mr. Magnusen to misinterpret it. For whatever reason, it seems nothing could be further from its actual meaning and true interpretation. It is of purely Indigenous origin and is created in the unique symbolic style of the Kekeewin.

A number of copies of the inscriptions on this rock, taken at different times by different persons, are given below in Chapter XXII, sec. 2, with remarks upon them.

A number of copies of the inscriptions on this rock, made at different times by different people, are provided below in Chapter XXII, sec. 2, along with comments on them.

Dr. Hoffman visited the locality in 1886, and found that the surface was becoming rapidly destroyed from the frequent use of scrubbing with broom and water to remove the film of sand and dirt which is[87] daily deposited by every tide, the rock being situated at a short distance inshore. Visitors are frequent, and the guide or ferryman does not interfere with them so long as he can show his passengers the famous inscription.

Dr. Hoffman visited the area in 1886 and noticed that the surface was being quickly damaged due to the regular scrubbing with brooms and water to clean off the layer of sand and dirt that’s[87] deposited by the tides every day, with the rock being located a short distance inland. Visitors come often, and the guide or ferryman doesn't bother them as long as he can show his passengers the famous inscription.

The resemblance between the characters on this rock and those found in western Pennsylvania, near Millsboro, Fig. 75, and south of Franklin, on the “Indian God rock,” Fig. 74, will be noted.

The similarity between the figures on this rock and those located in western Pennsylvania, near Millsboro, Fig. 75, and south of Franklin, on the “Indian God rock,” Fig. 74, is noticeable.

In Rafn’s Antiq. Amer. (b) is the following account:

In Rafn’s Antiq. Amer. (b), there is this account:

A large stone, on which is a line of considerable length in unknown characters, has been recently found in Rutland, Worcester county, Massachusetts; they are regularly placed, and the strokes are filled with a black composition nearly as hard as the rock itself. The Committee also adds that a similar rock is to be found in Swanzy, county of Bristol and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, perhaps ten miles from the Dighton Rock.

A large stone with a long line of unknown characters has recently been discovered in Rutland, Worcester County, Massachusetts. The characters are arranged in a regular pattern, and the strokes are filled with a black substance that's almost as hard as the rock itself. The Committee also notes that a similar rock can be found in Swansea, Bristol County, Massachusetts, about ten miles from Dighton Rock.

MINNESOTA.

The late Mr. P. W. Norris, who was connected with the Bureau of Ethnology, reported large numbers of pecked totemic characters on the horizontal faces of the ledges of rock at Pipestone quarry in Minnesota, and presented some imitations of the peckings. There is a tradition that it was formerly the custom for each Indian who gathered stone (catlinite) for pipes, to inscribe his totem (whether clan or tribal or personal totem is not specified) upon the rock before venturing to quarry upon this ground. Some of the cliffs in the immediate vicinity were of too hard a nature to admit of pecking or scratching, and upon these the characters were placed in colors. Mr. Norris distinguished bird tracks, the outline of a bird resembling a pelican, deer, turtle, a circle with an interior cross, and a human figure.

The late Mr. P. W. Norris, who was associated with the Bureau of Ethnology, reported finding many pecked totemic symbols on the flat surfaces of the rock ledges at Pipestone quarry in Minnesota, and he provided some replicas of the peckings. There's a tradition that it used to be customary for each Native American who collected stone (catlinite) for pipes to carve their totem (it's unclear if this was a clan, tribal, or personal totem) onto the rock before starting to quarry in that area. Some cliffs nearby were too hard to allow for pecking or scratching, so the symbols were painted in colors on those surfaces. Mr. Norris identified bird tracks, the outline of a bird that looks like a pelican, deer, turtle, a circle with a cross inside, and a human figure.

Examples of so-called totemic designs from this locality are given in Fig. 50, which are reproduced from the work of R. Cronau (a):

Examples of so-called totemic designs from this area are shown in Fig. 50, which are taken from the work of R. Cronau (a):

Fig. 50.—Petroglyphs at Pipestone, Minn.

The same petroglyphs and also others at the Pipestone quarry are described and illustrated by Prof. N. H. Winchell (a). A part of his remarks is as follows:

The same petroglyphs, along with others at the Pipestone quarry, are described and illustrated by Prof. N. H. Winchell (a). Part of his comments is as follows:

On the glaciated surface of the quartzite about the “Three Maidens,” which is kept clean by the rebound of the winds, are a great many rude inscriptions, which were made by pecking out the rock with some sharp-pointed instrument or by the use of other pieces of quartzite. They are of different sizes and dates, the latter being evinced by their manner of crossing and interfering and by the evident difference in the weight of the instruments used. They generally represent some animal, such as the turtle, bear, wolf, buffalo, elk, and the human form. The “crane’s foot” is the most common; next is the image of men; next the turtle. It would seem as if any warrior or hunter who had been successful and happened to pass here left his tribute of thanks to the great spirit in a rude representation of his game and perhaps a figure of himself on the rocks about these bowlders, or perhaps had in a similar way invoked the good offices of the spirits of his clan when about to enter on some expedition. In some cases there is a connection of several figures by a continuous line, chipped in the surface of the rock in such a manner as if some legend or adventure were narrated, but for the most part the figures are isolated. This is the “sacred ground” of the locality. Such markings can be seen at no other place, though there is abundance of bare, smooth rock. (Similar inscriptions are found on the red[88] quartzite in Cottonwood county). The excavation of the surface of the rock is very slight, generally not exceeding a sixteenth of an inch, and sometimes only enough to leave a tracing of the designed form. The hardness of the rock was a barrier to deep sculpturing with the imperfect instruments of the aborigines; but it has effectually preserved the rude forms that were made. The fine glacial scratches that are abundantly scattered over this quartzite indicate the tenacity with which it retains all such impressions, and will warrant the assignment of any date to these inscriptions that may be called for within the human period. Yet it is probable that they date back to no very great antiquity. They pertain, at least, to the dynasty of the present Indian tribes. The totems of the turtle and the bear, which are known to have been powerful among the clans of the native races in America at the time of the earliest European knowledge of them, and which exist to this day, are the most frequent objects represented. The “crane’s foot,” or “turkey foot,” or “bird track,” terms which refer perhaps to the same totem sign—the snipe—is not only common on these rocks, but is seen among the rock inscriptions of Ohio, and was one of the totems of the Iroquois, of New York.

On the icy surface of the quartzite near the “Three Maidens,” which is kept clear by the winds, there are a lot of rough inscriptions made by pecking at the rock with a sharp tool or by using other pieces of quartzite. These inscriptions vary in size and age, as seen in the way they overlap and the noticeable differences in the weight of the tools used. They typically depict animals like turtles, bears, wolves, buffalo, elk, and human figures. The “crane’s foot” is the most common design, followed by images of people and then turtles. It seems that any warrior or hunter who was successful and happened to pass by would leave a mark of gratitude to the great spirit, depicting his game and maybe a figure of himself on the rocks around these boulders. They might have also invoked the spirits of their clan before going on any expedition. In some instances, several figures are connected by a continuous line carved into the rock, as if telling a legend or story, but mostly the figures stand alone. This area is considered “sacred ground.” Such markings can’t be found anywhere else, even though there's plenty of bare, smooth rock. (Similar inscriptions are found on the red [88] quartzite in Cottonwood County). The carvings on the rock are shallow, usually not more than a sixteenth of an inch deep, and sometimes just enough to outline the intended shape. The hardness of the rock made it difficult to carve deeply with the primitive tools of the natives, but it has effectively preserved the rough shapes that were created. The fine scratches from glaciers scattered across this quartzite show how well it keeps these impressions, which allows us to assign dates to these inscriptions during human history. However, it’s likely they don’t date back that far. They at least belong to the era of the current Native American tribes. The totems of the turtle and bear, known to be powerful symbols among the native clans in America during the first contact with Europeans and still present today, are the most frequently depicted. The “crane’s foot,” or “turkey foot,” or “bird track,” possibly referring to the same totem sign—the snipe—doesn’t just appear on these rocks, but is also found in the rock inscriptions of Ohio, and was one of the totems of the Iroquois in New York.

In June, 1892, Mr. W. H. Holmes, of the Bureau of Ethnology, visited the Pipestone quarry and took a number of tracings of the petroglyphs, which unfortunately were received too late for insertion in the present work. Some of his remarks are as follows:

In June 1892, Mr. W. H. Holmes from the Bureau of Ethnology visited the Pipestone quarry and made several tracings of the petroglyphs, which unfortunately arrived too late to be included in this work. Here are some of his comments:

The trouble with the figures copied and published by Prof. Winchell is that they are not arranged in the original order. It will now be impossible to correct this entirely, as most of the stones have been taken up and removed. * * * The Winchell drawings were evidently drawn by eye and have a very large personal equation; besides, they are mixed up while appearing to be in some order. The few groups that I was able to get are, it seems to me, of more interest than all the single figures you could put in a book. There can be little doubt that in the main this[89] great group of pictures was arranged in definite order, agreeing with the arrangements of mythical personages and positions usual in the aboriginal ceremonials of the region. It is a great pity that the original order has been destroyed, but the inroads of relic hunters and inscription cranks made it necessary to take up the stones. One large stone was taken to Minneapolis by Prof. Winchell. There are a few pieces still in place. All were near the base of one of the great granite bowlders, and it is said here that formerly, within the memory of the living, the place was visited by Indians who wished to consult the gods.

The problem with the figures copied and published by Prof. Winchell is that they aren’t arranged in their original order. It’s now impossible to fix this completely, as most of the stones have been removed. * * * The Winchell drawings were obviously done by eye and include a significant amount of personal interpretation; plus, they seem to be mixed up while appearing to have some order. The few groups I managed to gather are, in my opinion, more interesting than all the individual figures you could include in a book. There’s little doubt that this[89]large group of images was originally organized in a specific way, in line with the arrangements of mythical figures and positions typical in the native ceremonies of the area. It’s unfortunate that the original order has been lost, but the actions of relic hunters and inscription enthusiasts made it necessary to remove the stones. One large stone was taken to Minneapolis by Prof. Winchell. A few pieces are still in place. All were located near the base of one of the large granite boulders, and it’s said that, within living memory, this location was visited by Native Americans who wanted to consult the gods.

The following description is extracted from the account of Mr. James W. Lynd (b):

The following description is taken from Mr. James W. Lynd's account (b):

Numerous high bluffs and cliffs surround it; the Pipestone quarry and the alluvial flat below these, in which the quarry is situated, contains a huge bowlder that rests upon a flat rock of glistening, smooth appearance, the level of which is but a few inches above the surface of the ground. Upon the portions of this rock not covered by the bowlder above and upon bowlder itself are carved sundry wonderful figures—lizards, snakes, otters, Indian gods, rabbits with cloven feet, muskrats with human feet, and other strange and incomprehensible things—all cut into the solid granite, and not without a great deal of time and labor expended in the performance. * * *

Numerous high bluffs and cliffs surround it; the Pipestone quarry and the flat area below, where the quarry is located, contains a huge boulder that sits on a smooth, shiny rock, which is only a few inches above the ground. On the parts of this rock not covered by the boulder and on the boulder itself, various amazing figures are carved—lizards, snakes, otters, Indian gods, rabbits with split feet, muskrats with human feet, and other strange and puzzling things—all cut into the solid granite, and not without a lot of time and effort spent on it. * * *

A large party of Ehanktonwanna and Teetonwan Dakotas, says the legend, had gathered together at the quarry to dig the stone. Upon a sultry evening, just before sunset, the heavens suddenly became overclouded by a heavy rumbling thunder and every sign of an approaching storm, such as frequently arises on the prairie without[90] much warning. Each one hurried to his lodge, expecting a storm, when a vivid flash of lightning, followed immediately by a crashing peal of thunder, broke over them, and, looking towards the huge bowlder beyond their camp, they saw a pillar or column of smoke standing upon it, which moved to and fro, and gradually settled down into the outline of a huge giant, seated upon the bowlder, with one long arm extended to heaven and the other pointing down to his feet. Peal after peal of thunder, and flashes of lightning in quick succession followed, and this figure then suddenly disappeared. The next morning the Sioux went to this bowlder and found these figures and images upon it, where before there had been nothing, and ever since that the place has been regarded as wakan or sacred.

A large group of Ehanktonwanna and Teetonwan Dakotas, according to the legend, had come together at the quarry to gather stone. On a muggy evening, just before sunset, the sky suddenly darkened with heavy sounding thunder and all the signs of an incoming storm, which often happens on the prairie without much warning. Everyone rushed to their lodges, anticipating the storm, when a bright flash of lightning, followed immediately by a loud crash of thunder, erupted above them. Looking towards the massive boulder beyond their camp, they saw a column of smoke rising from it, swaying back and forth, and gradually taking the shape of a gigantic figure seated on the boulder, with one long arm reaching up to the sky and the other pointing down to the ground. Thunder pealed and lightning flashed repeatedly, and then this figure suddenly vanished. The next morning, the Sioux went to the boulder and discovered figures and images on it, where there had been nothing before, and ever since that moment, the place has been considered wakan or sacred.

Mr. T. H. Lewis (b) gives a description of Fig. 51.

Mr. T. H. Lewis (b) provides a description of Fig. 51.

Fig. 51.—Petroglyphs in Brown’s valley, Minnesota.

This bowlder is in the edge of the public park, on the north end of the plateau at Brown’s valley, Minnesota. The bowlder has a flat surface with a western exposure, is irregular in outline, and is about 5 feet 8 inches in diameter, and firmly imbedded in the terrace.

This boulder is at the edge of the public park, on the north end of the plateau in Brown's Valley, Minnesota. The boulder has a flat surface facing west, has an irregular shape, measures about 5 feet 8 inches in diameter, and is firmly embedded in the terrace.

The central figure, a, undoubtedly represents a man, although the form is somewhat conventional; b represents a bird; c represents a tortoise; d is a cross and circle combined, but the circle has a groove extending from it; e, f, and g, although somewhat in the shape of crosses, probably represent bird tracks; h and i are nondescript in character, although there must be some meaning attached to them; k and l are small dots or cups cut into the bowlder.

The main figure, a, clearly depicts a man, even though the shape is a bit traditional; b represents a bird; c stands for a tortoise; d is a combination of a cross and a circle, but the circle has a groove coming out of it; e, f, and g, while somewhat resembling crosses, probably indicate bird tracks; h and i are vague in nature, although there must be some significance to them; k and l are small dots or cups carved into the boulder.

The figures as illustrated are one-eighth of their natural size, and are also correct in their relative positions one to the other. The work is neatly done although the depth of the incisions is very slight.

The figures shown are one-eighth of their actual size and are also accurate in their relative positions to each other. The work is neatly executed, although the depth of the cuts is very shallow.

MONTANA.

Mr. Charles Hallock, of Washington, D. C., reports the occurrence of pictured rocks near Fort Assiniboin, Montana, but does not mention whether they are colored or incised, and also fails to describe the general type of the characters found.

Mr. Charles Hallock, from Washington, D.C., reports the presence of depicted rocks near Fort Assiniboine, Montana, but he doesn’t specify whether they are colored or carved, and he also doesn’t describe the overall type of the figures found.

NEBRASKA.

The following (condensed) description of petroglyphs found in Dakota county, Nebraska, is furnished by Mr. J. H. Quick, of Sioux City, Iowa:

The following (condensed) description of petroglyphs found in Dakota County, Nebraska, is provided by Mr. J. H. Quick, from Sioux City, Iowa:

The petroglyphs are found upon the face of a sandstone cliff in a deep ravine at a point where two watercourses (dry for the most part), meet about 20 miles south of Sioux City, Iowa, but in Dakota county, in the State of Nebraska. At this point the range of bluffs which bounds the Missouri river bottom is deeply cut through by the above-mentioned ravine, which runs in a northerly direction towards the Missouri. Another ravine coming from the southwest leaves this narrow point of land between the two ravines, rising to a height of 50 to 75 feet above the bottom of the ravines. For some distance from the point this cape, if I may so term it, shows ledges of sandstone cropping out on both sides. And exactly at the point and for some rods back on the east side are found the pictographs under consideration.

The petroglyphs are located on the face of a sandstone cliff in a deep ravine where two watercourses (mostly dry) converge, about 20 miles south of Sioux City, Iowa, but in Dakota County, Nebraska. At this spot, the bluffs along the Missouri River are deeply cut by the aforementioned ravine, which flows north towards the Missouri. Another ravine coming from the southwest leaves a narrow strip of land between the two ravines, rising 50 to 75 feet above the bottoms of the ravines. For some distance from this point, which I might call a cape, there are ledges of sandstone visible on both sides. And right at this point, and a bit further back on the east side, are the pictographs in question.

The rocks are of two kinds, a few feet of hard jasperous sandstone superimposed on about the same thickness of sandstone so soft that it can be crumbled to pieces in the fingers. The lower soft strata have been worn away, leaving the upper harder layers jutting out to a distance of several feet over and completely sheltering them. And on the smooth surface of these lower soft strata, protected by the overhanging ledge above, shut in by bluffs 200 feet high on the east and sheltered from the winds by dense underwood and scrubby forest trees, are carved these pictographs. These safeguards, combined with the advantage of a very secluded situation, have combined to preserve them, very little marred by careless and mischievous hands.

The rocks come in two types: a few feet of hard jasper-like sandstone on top of about the same thickness of sandstone that’s so soft it crumbles easily in your fingers. The softer lower layers have been worn away, leaving the tougher upper layers sticking out several feet, completely covering them. On the smooth surface of these lower soft layers, which are protected by the overhanging rock above, and enclosed by 200-foot-high bluffs on the east, sheltered from wind by dense underbrush and scraggly forest trees, there are carved pictographs. These natural protections, along with the very secluded location, have helped preserve them, with very little damage from careless or mischievous hands.

The eagle or “thunder-bird” figures are quite numerous. There are also many of the “buffalo track” and of the “turkey track” figures. I call them “turkey tracks” because they all show a spur and seem to represent some of the large gallinaciæ.

The eagle, or "thunderbird," symbols are quite common. There are also many "buffalo track" and "turkey track" symbols. I refer to them as "turkey tracks" because they all have a spur and seem to represent some of the large gallinaciæ.

In one of the groups, which I will call the “bear-fight group,” we are at a loss to determine whether the figure of the small animal was a part of the original design or a subsequent interpolation. It seemed genuine, but was not so deeply carved as the other figures. The same may be said of the diagonal bars across the figure of the bear.

In one of the groups, which I’ll refer to as the “bear-fight group,” we can’t figure out if the small animal was part of the original design or added later. It looked real, but it wasn’t carved as deeply as the other figures. The same goes for the diagonal bars on the bear's figure.

In the other group, which I will term the “turkey-track group,” there are some figures of which we could not even imagine the meaning. But they are undoubtedly genuine, and seem to belong to the same design as the other figure.

In the other group, which I'll call the "turkey-track group," there are some figures whose meaning we can't even begin to guess. But they're definitely real and appear to be part of the same design as the other figure.

The “bear-track” figures are very numerous and of several different sizes. A cat-like figure, which we call a panther, shows faintly. It is about effaced by time. Other figures reminded us of a crab or crawfish, but we were unable to determine whether the line running back just below belongs to it or not.

The “bear-track” figures are very numerous and come in various sizes. A cat-like figure, which we refer to as a panther, is faintly visible. It's mostly worn away by time. Other figures resemble a crab or crawfish, but we couldn't tell if the line running back just below belongs to it or not.

I am informed by the same gentleman who saw these petroglyphs in 1857 that there were at one time many more some 3 or 4 miles from this place, near Homer, Nebraska, in the vicinity of a large spring, but he also said that as it is a favorite picnic ground for the country people the carvings are probably destroyed. I presume others may be found in these bluffs.

I was told by the same man who saw these petroglyphs in 1857 that there used to be many more located about 3 or 4 miles from here, near Homer, Nebraska, close to a large spring. However, he also mentioned that since it’s a popular picnic spot for locals, the carvings are likely destroyed. I think there may still be others hidden in these bluffs.

I surmise that the almost cave-like nature of the place where the carvings I have above attempted to describe are situated rendered it a favorite camping ground and resting place; and also that the ravines above mentioned made easy trails from the Missouri bottom up to the higher grounds farther from the river, because it obviated the ascent of the very steep bluffs.

I think the almost cave-like quality of the area where the carvings I tried to describe are located made it a popular spot for camping and resting. Also, the mentioned ravines created easy paths from the Missouri lowlands up to the higher ground further from the river, as they avoided the climb up the really steep bluffs.

The Winnebago Indian reservation is a few miles south of this locality, but they were placed here by the Government as late as from 1860 to 1865. Previous to that time I think this ground was occupied by the Omahas. I have been unable to gain any information as to the Indians who carved these figures or as to their meaning.

The Winnebago Indian reservation is located just a few miles south of here, but the Government relocated them to this area between 1860 and 1865. Before that, I believe this land was inhabited by the Omahas. I haven't been able to find out anything about the Indians who carved these figures or what they mean.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIII
PETROGLYPHS IN NEBRASKA.

The most instructive of the petroglyphs, copies of which are kindly furnished by Mr. Quick, is presented as Pl. XIII, and selected sketches from that and the other petroglyphs copied are shown as Figs. 52 and 53.

The most informative of the petroglyphs, copies of which have been generously provided by Mr. Quick, is shown as Pl. XIII, and selected sketches from that and the other petroglyphs are displayed as Figs. 52 and 53.

Fig. 52.—Characters from Nebraska petroglyphs.

Frank La Flèche, of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, in February, 1886, communicated the following:

Frank La Flèche from the Bureau of Indian Affairs communicated the following in February 1886:

Ingnanχe gikáχa-ina is the Omaha name of a rock ledge on the banks of the Missouri river, near the Santee agency, Nebraska. This ledge contains pictographs of[92] men who passed to the happy hunting grounds, of life size, the sandstone being so soft that the engravings would be made with a piece of wood. They are represented with the special cause (arrow, gun, etc.), which sped them to hades. The souls themselves are said to make these pictographs before repairing “to the spirits.”

Ingnanχe gikáχa-ina is the Omaha name for a rock ledge along the Missouri River, close to the Santee agency in Nebraska. This ledge features life-size pictographs of[92] men who have moved on to the happy hunting grounds. The sandstone is so soft that the engravings were made with a piece of wood. They are depicted with the specific item (arrow, gun, etc.) that led them to the afterlife. It’s said that the souls themselves created these pictographs before going “to the spirits.”

Fig. 53.—Characters from Nebraska petroglyphs.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, says that the probable rendering of the term when corrected is, “Spirit(s) they-made-themselves the (place where).”

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, from the Bureau of Ethnology, states that the likely corrected meaning of the term is, “Spirit(s) they-made-themselves the (place where).”

NEVADA.

Petroglyphs have been found by members of the U. S. Geological Survey at the lower extremity of Pyramid lake, Nevada, though no accurate reproductions are available. These characters are mentioned as incised upon the surface of basalt rocks.

Petroglyphs have been discovered by members of the U.S. Geological Survey at the southern end of Pyramid Lake, Nevada, although no precise reproductions exist. These symbols are noted to be carved into the surface of basalt rocks.

Petroglyphs also occur in considerable numbers on the western slope of Lone Butte, in the Carson desert. All of these appear to have been produced on the faces of bowlders and rocks by pecking and scratching with some hard mineral material like quartz.

Petroglyphs are also found in large numbers on the western slope of Lone Butte in the Carson Desert. All of these seem to have been created on the surfaces of boulders and rocks by pecking and scratching with a hard mineral material, like quartz.

A communication from Mr. R. L. Fulton, of Reno, Nevada, tells that the drawing now reproduced as Fig. 54 is a pencil sketch of curious petroglyphs on a rock on the Carson river, about 8 miles below old[93] Fort Churchill. It is the largest and most important one of a group of similar characters. It is basaltic, about 4 feet high and equally broad.

A message from Mr. R. L. Fulton, of Reno, Nevada, states that the drawing now shown as Fig. 54 is a pencil sketch of interesting petroglyphs on a rock by the Carson River, about 8 miles below old[93] Fort Churchill. It is the largest and most significant one among a group of similar symbols. It's made of basalt, about 4 feet tall and equally wide.

Fig. 54.—Petroglyphs on Carson river, Nevada.

Mr. Fulton gives the following description:

Mr. Fulton gives this description:

The rock spoken of has an oblong hole about 2 inches by 4 and 16 inches deep at the left end, which has been chipped out before the lines were drawn, if it was not some form of the ancient mill which is so common, as it seems to be the starting point for the whole scheme of the artist. The rock lies with a broad, smooth top face at an angle towards the south, and its top and southeast side are covered with lines and marks that convey to the present generation no intelligence whatever, so far as I can learn.

The rock being discussed has an elongated hole that's about 2 inches by 4 inches and 16 inches deep at the left end, which looks like it was carved out before the lines were drawn. If it wasn’t, it might be a type of ancient mill, which is pretty common, as it seems to be the starting point for the entire design created by the artist. The rock has a wide, smooth top that tilts toward the south, and its top and southeast side are covered in lines and marks that, as far as I can tell, mean nothing to today's generation.

A line half an inch wide starts at the hole on the left and sweeping downward forms a sort of border for the work until it reaches midway of the rock, when it suddenly turns up and mingles with the hieroglyphics above. Two or three similar lines cross at the top of the stone, and one runs across and turns along the north side, losing itself in a coating of moss that seems as hard and dry and old as the stone itself. From the line at the bottom a few scallopy looking marks hang that may be a part of the picture, or it may be a fringe or ornament. The figures are not pictures of any animal, bird, or reptile, but seem to be made up of all known forms and are connected by wavy, snake-like lines. Something which might be taken for a dog with a round and characterless head at each end of the body, looking towards you, occupies a place near the lower line. The features are all plain enough. A deer’s head is joined to a patchwork that has something that might be taken for 4 legs beneath it. Bird’s claws show up in two or three places, but no bird is near them. Snaky figures run promiscuously through the whole thing. A circle at the right end has spokes joining at the center which run out and lose themselves in the maze outside.

A line half an inch wide starts from the hole on the left and sweeps downward, creating a sort of border for the artwork until it reaches the middle of the rock, where it suddenly turns up and blends with the hieroglyphics above. Two or three similar lines cross at the top of the rock, and one stretches across and curves along the north side, disappearing into a layer of moss that seems just as hard, dry, and old as the stone itself. From the line at the bottom, a few scalloped marks hang down that could be part of the picture or perhaps a fringe or decoration. The figures aren't depictions of any animal, bird, or reptile, but seem to consist of all known shapes, linked by wavy, snake-like lines. There's something that might look like a dog with a round, featureless head at either end of its body, facing you, positioned near the lower line. The features are quite simple. A deer's head is attached to a patchwork that has what could be seen as four legs beneath it. Bird claws appear in two or three spots, but there are no birds nearby. Snaky figures weave through the whole scene. A circle on the right side has spokes connecting to the center that extend out and get lost in the surrounding maze.

The best known and largest collection of marks that I know of covers a large smooth ledge at Hopkins Soda Springs, 12 miles south of the summit on the Central Pacific railroad. The rock is much the same in character as those I have described, but the groundwork in this case is a solid ledge 10 feet one way and perhaps 40 the other, all closely covered with rude characters, many of which seem to point to human figures, animals, reptiles, etc. The ledge lies at an angle of 45°, and must have been a tempting place for a lazy artist who chanced that way.

The best known and largest collection of marks that I know of covers a large smooth ledge at Hopkins Soda Springs, 12 miles south of the summit on the Central Pacific railroad. The rock is similar in nature to those I've described, but in this case, the foundation is a solid ledge 10 feet in one direction and about 40 in the other, all densely covered with rough engravings, many of which appear to depict human figures, animals, reptiles, etc. The ledge is at a 45° angle, making it an inviting spot for a lazy artist who happened to pass by.

Many other places on the Truckee river have such rocks all very much alike, and yet each bearing its own distinct features in the marking. Near a rock half a mile east of Verdi, a station on the Central Pacific railroad, 10 miles east of Reno, lie two others, the larger of which has lines originating in a hole at the upper right-hand corner, all running in tangents and angles, making a double-ended kind of an arrangement of many-headed arrows, pointing three ways. A snail-like scroll lies between the two arms, but does not touch them. Below are blotches, as if the artist had tried his tools.

Many other spots along the Truckee River have similar rocks, each with its own unique markings. Near a rock half a mile east of Verdi, a station on the Central Pacific Railroad, 10 miles east of Reno, there are two others. The larger one has lines that start from a hole in the upper right corner, all extending in different angles and directions, creating a double-ended arrangement resembling multiple arrows pointing in three directions. A snail-like scroll sits between the two sections but doesn't connect with them. Below are patches that look like the artist was experimenting with their tools.

This region has been roamed over by the Washoe Indians from a remote period, but none of them know anything of these works. One who has gray hair and more wrinkles than hairs, who is bent with age and who is said to be a hundred years old, was led to the spot. He said he saw them a heap long time ago, when he was only a few summers old, and they looked then just as they do now.

This area has been traveled by the Washoe Indians for a long time, but none of them know anything about these structures. An elderly man with gray hair and more wrinkles than hair, who is hunched over with age and is said to be a hundred years old, was brought to the site. He claimed he saw them a long time ago when he was just a kid, and they looked the same then as they do now.

Mr. Lovejoy, a well-known newspaper man, took up, in 1854, the ranche where the rocks lie, and said just before his death that they were in exactly the same condition when he first saw them as they are to-day. Others say the same, and they are certainly of a date prior to the settlement of this coast by Americans and probably by the Spanish.

Mr. Lovejoy, a well-known journalist, took over the ranch in 1854 where the rocks are located, and just before he passed away, he claimed that they were in the exact same condition when he first saw them as they are today. Others agree, and they definitely date back to before Americans settled this coast, and probably even before the Spanish.

They are very peculiar in many respects, and the rock is wonderfully adapted to the uses to which it has been put. Wherever the surface has been broken the color[94] has changed to gray, and no amount of wear or weather seems to turn it back. The indentation is so shallow as to be imperceptible to sight or touch, and yet the marks are as plain as they could be made, and can be seen as far as the rock can be distinguished from its fellows.

They are quite unusual in many ways, and the rock is perfectly suited for the purposes it's been used for. Wherever the surface has been disturbed, the color[94] has turned gray, and no amount of wear or weather seems to change it back. The indentations are so shallow that they can't be seen or felt, yet the marks are clear and can be noticed as far as the rock can be distinguished from others around it.

It is hardly likely that the work was done without some motive besides the simple love of doing it, and it was well and carefully done, too, showing much patience and doubtless consumed a good deal of time, as the tools were poor.

It’s unlikely that the work was done without some motivation beyond just enjoying it, and it was also done well and with care, demonstrating a lot of patience and probably took a significant amount of time since the tools were inadequate.

A large ledge is marked near Meadow lake in Nevada county, and in the state of Nevada the petroglyphs cover a route extending from the southeast to the northwest corner of the state, crossing the line into California in Modoc county, and leaving a string of samples clear across the Madeline plains.

A large ledge is marked near Meadow Lake in Nevada County, and in the state of Nevada, the petroglyphs cover a route extending from the southeast to the northwest corner of the state, crossing into California in Modoc County and leaving a trail of samples all across the Madeline Plains.

Eight miles below Belmont, in Nye county, Nevada, an immense rock which at some time has fallen into the canyon from the porphyry ledge above it has a patch of marks nearly 20 feet square. It is so high that a man on horseback can not reach the top.

Eight miles below Belmont, in Nye County, Nevada, there's a huge rock that has fallen into the canyon from the porphyry ledge above it, featuring a patch of marks nearly 20 feet square. It’s so tall that a person on horseback can't reach the top.

A number at Reveillé, in the same county, are also marked. On the road to Tybo every large rock is marked, one of the figures being a semicircle with a short vertical spoke within the curve. At Reno a heavy black rock a couple of feet across is[95] beautifully engraved to represent a bull’s eye of 4 rings, an arrow with a very large feather, and one which may mean a man. In a steep canyon 15 miles northeast of Reno, in Spanish Spring mountains, several cliffs are well marked, and an exposed ledge, where the Carson river has cut off the point of a hill below Big Bend, is covered with rings and snakes by the hundred. Several triangles, a well-formed square and compass, a woman with outstretched arms holding an olive branch, etc., are there.

A number at Reveillé, in the same county, are also marked. On the road to Tybo, every large rock is marked, one of the figures being a semicircle with a short vertical line inside the curve. At Reno, a heavy black rock a couple of feet across is[95] beautifully engraved to look like a bull’s eye with 4 rings, an arrow with a very large feather, and one figure that might represent a man. In a steep canyon 15 miles northeast of Reno, in the Spanish Spring mountains, several cliffs are well marked, and an exposed ledge, where the Carson River has cut off the point of a hill below Big Bend, is covered with hundreds of rings and snakes. There are also several triangles, a well-formed square and compass, and a figure of a woman with outstretched arms holding an olive branch, etc.

Humboldt county has its share, the best being on a bluff below the old Sheba mine. Ten miles south of Pioche are about 50 figures cut into the rock, many of them designed to represent mountain sheep. Eighty miles farther south, near Kane’s Spring, the most numerous and perfect specimens of this prehistoric art are found. Men on horseback engaged in the pursuit of animals are among the most numerous, best preserved, and carefully executed.

Humboldt County has its share of rock art, with the best being on a bluff below the old Sheba mine. About ten miles south of Pioche, there are around 50 figures carved into the rock, many of which seem to represent mountain sheep. Eighty miles further south, near Kane’s Spring, you can find the largest and finest examples of this prehistoric art. Images of men on horseback chasing animals are among the most common, well-preserved, and skillfully created.

The region I have gone over is of immense size, and must impress everyone with the importance of a set of symbols which extends in broken lines from Arizona far into Oregon.

The area I've covered is huge and must wow everyone with the significance of a series of symbols that stretch in uneven lines from Arizona all the way to Oregon.

Fig. 55 exhibits engravings at Reveillé, Nevada. Great numbers of incised characters of various kinds are also reported from the walls of rocks flanking Walker river, near Walker lake, Nevada. Waving lines, rings, and what appear to be vegetable forms are of frequent occurrence. The human form and footprints are also depicted.

Fig. 55 shows engravings at Reveillé, Nevada. Many different incised characters have also been found on the rock walls along the Walker River, near Walker Lake, Nevada. Wavy lines, rings, and what look like plant shapes are commonly seen. The human figure and footprints are also represented.

Fig. 55.—Petroglyphs at Reveillé, Nevada.

Fig. 56 is a copy of a drawing made by Lieut. A. G. Tassin, Twelfth U. S. Infantry, in 1877, of an ancient rock-carving at the base and in the recesses of Dead mountain and the abode of dead bad Indians according to the Mohave mythology. This drawing and its description is from a manuscript report on the Mohave Indians, in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology, prepared by Lieut. Tassin.

Fig. 56 is a copy of a drawing created by Lieut. A. G. Tassin of the 12th U.S. Infantry in 1877. It depicts an ancient rock carving located at the base and in the recesses of Dead Mountain, believed to be the home of deceased bad Indians according to Mohave mythology. This drawing and its description come from a manuscript report on the Mohave Indians, housed in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology, prepared by Lieut. Tassin.

Fig. 56.—Petroglyphs at Dead mountain, Nevada.

He explains some of the characters as follows:

He describes some of the characters like this:

(a) Evidently the two different species of mesquite bean.

(a) Clearly, the two different types of mesquite bean.

(b) Would seem to refer to the bite of the cidatus, and to the use of a certain herb for its cure.

(b) Would seem to refer to the bite of the cidatus and to the use of a particular herb for its treatment.

(c) Presumably the olla or water cooler of the Mohaves.

(c) Presumably the water cooler of the Mohaves.

The whole of this series of petroglyphs is regarded as being Shinumo or Moki. They show a general resemblance to drawings in Arizona, known to have been made by the Moki Indians. The locality is within the territory of the Shoshonean linguistic division, and the drawings are in all probability the work of one or more of the numerous tribes comprised within that division.

The entire series of these petroglyphs is believed to be Shinumo or Moki. They bear a general similarity to artwork from Arizona, which is known to have been created by the Moki Indians. This area is part of the Shoshonean linguistic division, and it's likely that the drawings were made by one or more of the many tribes that are included within that division.

NEW MEXICO.

On the north wall of Canyon de Chelly, one-fourth of a mile east of its mouth, are several groups of petroglyphs, consisting chiefly of various grotesque forms of the human figure, and also numbers of animals, circles, etc. A few of them are painted black, the greater portion consisting of rather shallow lines, which are in some places considerably weathered. Further up the canyon, in the vicinity of the cliff dwellings, are numerous small groups of pictographic characters, consisting of men and animals, waving or zigzag lines, and other odd figures.

On the north wall of Canyon de Chelly, about a quarter of a mile east of its entrance, there are several groups of petroglyphs, mainly featuring various strange shapes of human figures, as well as many animals, circles, and more. A few of these are painted black, while most are made up of fairly shallow lines, some of which have weathered significantly. Further up the canyon, near the cliff dwellings, there are many small groups of pictographic characters, including men and animals, wavy or zigzag lines, and other unusual shapes.

Lieut. James H. Simpson (a), in his Journal of a Military Reconnoissance, etc., presents a number of plates bearing copies of inscriptions on rocks in the northwestern part of New Mexico, among which are those on the so-called “Inscription rock” at El Moro, here reproduced as Fig. 57. The petroglyphs are selected from the south face of the rock. Lieut. Simpson states that most of the characters are no higher than a man’s head, and that some of them are undoubtedly of Indian origin.

Lieut. James H. Simpson (a), in his Journal of a Military Reconnaissance, etc., shows several images of inscriptions on rocks in the northwestern part of New Mexico, including those on what’s known as “Inscription Rock” at El Moro, shown here as Fig. 57. The petroglyphs are taken from the south side of the rock. Lieut. Simpson notes that most of the symbols are about the height of a man's head and that some of them are definitely of Native American origin.

Fig. 57.—Inscription rock, New Mexico.

Among the many colored etchings and paintings on rock discovered by the Pacific railroad expedition in 1853-’54, Lieut. Whipple (c) notes those at Rocky dell creek, New Mexico, which were found between the edge of the Llano Estacado and the Canadian river. The stream flows through a gorge, upon one side of which a shelving sandstone rock forms a sort of cave. The roof is covered with paintings, some evidently ancient, and beneath are innumerable carvings of footprints, animals, and symmetrical lines. He also remarks (d) that figures cut upon a rock at Arch spring, near Zuñi, present some faint similarity to those at Rocky dell creek.

Among the many colored etchings and paintings on rock discovered by the Pacific railroad expedition in 1853-’54, Lieut. Whipple (c) notes those at Rocky Dell Creek, New Mexico, which were found between the edge of the Llano Estacado and the Canadian River. The stream flows through a gorge, on one side of which a sloping sandstone rock forms a kind of cave. The ceiling is covered with paintings, some clearly ancient, and below are countless carvings of footprints, animals, and symmetrical lines. He also mentions (d) that figures carved on a rock at Arch Spring, near Zuñi, show some faint resemblance to those at Rocky Dell Creek.

Near Ojo Pescado, in the vicinity of the ruins, are petroglyphs, also reported by Lieut. Whipple (d), which are very much weather-worn and have “no trace of a modern hand about them.”

Near Ojo Pescado, close to the ruins, there are petroglyphs, also noted by Lieut. Whipple (d), that are quite weathered and show “no signs of a modern hand.”

Mr. Edwin A. Hill, of Indianapolis, in a letter, notes petroglyphs on the Denver and Rio Grande railroad, between Antonite and Espanola. Below Tres Piedras and near Espanola are rude sculptures, lining the valley on both sides of the road for a long distance, at least several miles. The canyon has a slope of about 45° and contains many bowlders, and on every available face pictographs are cut. Figures of arrows, hatchets, circles, triangles, bows, spears, turtles, etc., are outlined as if with some cutting-tool. The country had two years before been occupied by Apaches, but far greater age is attributed to the petroglyphs.

Mr. Edwin A. Hill from Indianapolis, in a letter, mentions petroglyphs along the Denver and Rio Grande railroad, between Antonito and Española. Below Tres Piedras and near Española, there are rough sculptures lining the valley on both sides of the road for several miles. The canyon has about a 45° slope and contains many boulders, with pictographs cut into every available surface. Figures of arrows, hatchets, circles, triangles, bows, spears, turtles, and more are outlined as if carved with a cutting tool. The area had been occupied by Apaches two years prior, but the petroglyphs are believed to be much older.

Other petroglyphs actually within the geographical area of New Mexico are so near the border that they are treated of in connection with those of Colorado.

Other petroglyphs located in the geographical area of New Mexico are so close to the border that they're discussed alongside those from Colorado.

Prof. E. D. Cope (a) gives a copy of figures which he found on the side of a ravine near Abiquiu, on the river Chama. They are cut in Jurassic sandstone of medium hardness, and are quite worn and overgrown with the small lichen which is abundant on the face of the rock.

Prof. E. D. Cope (a) provides a copy of the figures he discovered on the side of a ravine near Abiquiu, along the Chama River. They are carved into medium-hard Jurassic sandstone and are fairly worn down, covered with the small lichen that grows abundantly on the surface of the rock.

Mr. Gilbert Thompson, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports his observation of petroglyphs at San Antonio springs, 30 miles east of Fort Wingate, New Mexico. The human figure, in various forms, occurs, as well as numerous other characters, strikingly similar to those frequent in the country farther west occupied by the Moki Indians. The peculiarity of these figures is that the outlines are incised and that the depressions thus formed are filled with red, blue or white pigments. The interior of the figures is simply painted with one or more of the same colors.

Mr. Gilbert Thompson from the U.S. Geological Survey shares his findings on petroglyphs at San Antonio Springs, located 30 miles east of Fort Wingate, New Mexico. The human figure appears in various forms along with many other symbols that closely resemble those found in the region further west inhabited by the Moki Indians. A distinctive feature of these figures is that the outlines are carved, and the resulting depressions are filled with red, blue, or white pigments. The inside of the figures is painted with one or more of the same colors.

Figs. 58 and 59 are reproductions of drawings of petroglyphs from Ojo de Benado, south of Zuñi, New Mexico. The manuscripts which once accompanied them, and which were forwarded to the Bureau of[98] Ethnology in the usual official manner, have become separated from the sketches, and on those there are no indications of the collectors’ names.

Figs. 58 and 59 show reproductions of drawings of petroglyphs from Ojo de Benado, south of Zuñi, New Mexico. The manuscripts that originally came with them, which were sent to the Bureau of[98] Ethnology in the usual official way, have been lost, and there are no names of the collectors indicated on the sketches.

Fig. 58.—Petroglyphs at Ojo de Benado, New Mexico.

The characters are very like others from several localities in the territory and in the adjacent region. The type is that of the Pueblos generally.

The characters are very similar to others from various places in the area and the nearby region. They generally represent the type of the Pueblos.

Mr. Bandelier, in conversation, reported having seen and sketched a petroglyph at Nambe, in a canyon about 2 miles east of the pueblo, also another at Cueva Pintada, about 17 miles by the trail northwest of Cochiti.

Mr. Bandelier, while chatting, mentioned that he had seen and drawn a petroglyph at Nambe, in a canyon about 2 miles east of the pueblo, and another one at Cueva Pintada, about 17 miles along the trail northwest of Cochiti.

Fig. 59.—Petroglyphs at Ojo de Benado, New Mexico.

NEW YORK.

The following is extracted from Schoolcraft (c):

The following is extracted from Schoolcraft (c):

There is a pictographic Indian inscription [now obliterated] in the valley of the Hudson, above the Highlands, which from its antiquity and character appears to[99] denote the era of the introduction of firearms and gunpowder among the aboriginal tribes of that valley. This era, from the well-known historical events of the contemporaneous settlement of New Netherlands and New France, may be with general accuracy placed between the years 1609, the date of Hudson’s ascent of that stream above the Highlands, and the opening of the Indian trade with the Iroquois at the present site of Albany, by the erection of Fort Orange, in 1614. * * *

There is a pictographic Native American inscription [now erased] in the Hudson Valley, above the Highlands, which, due to its age and nature, seems to[99]indicate the time when firearms and gunpowder were introduced among the native tribes of that valley. This period, based on well-known historical events surrounding the settlements of New Netherlands and New France, can generally be dated between 1609, the year Hudson navigated that river above the Highlands, and the start of the Indian trade with the Iroquois at what is now Albany, following the construction of Fort Orange in 1614. * * *

In a map published at Amsterdam, in Holland, in 1659, the country, for some distance both above and below Esopus creek, is delineated as inhabited by the Waranawankongs, who were a totemic division or enlarged family clan of the Mohikinder. They spoke a well-characterized dialect of the Mohigan, and have left numerous geographical names on the streams and physical peculiarities of that part of the river coast quite to and above Coxsackie. The language is Algonquin.

In a map published in Amsterdam, Holland, in 1659, the area both upstream and downstream of Esopus Creek is shown as being inhabited by the Waranawankongs, a totemic division or extended family clan of the Mohikinder. They spoke a distinct dialect of Mohican and have left many geographical names on the rivers and unique features of that part of the riverbank all the way to Coxsackie. Their language is Algonquin.

Esopus itself appears to be a word derived from Seepu, the Minsi-Algonquin name for a river.

Esopus itself seems to come from Seepu, the Minsi-Algonquin name for a river.

* * * The inscription may be supposed, if the era is properly conjectured, to have been made with metallic tools. The lines are deeply and plainly impressed. It is in double lines. The plumes from the head denote a chief or man skilled in the Indian medico-magical art. The gun is held at rest in the right hand; the left appears to support a wand. [The position of the arm may be merely a gesture.]

* * * The inscription is likely made with metal tools, if the time period is guessed correctly. The lines are deeply and clearly engraved. It has double lines. The feathers from the head indicate a leader or someone skilled in Indian healing practices. The gun is held at rest in the right hand; the left seems to support a wand. [The arm's position might just be a gesture.]

The reproduction here as Fig. 60 is from a rock on the western bank of the Hudson, at Esopus landing. It is presented mainly on account of the frequent allusions to it in literature.

The reproduction shown as Fig. 60 is from a rock on the west side of the Hudson River, at Esopus landing. It's included mainly because of its frequent references in literature.

Fig. 60.—Petroglyph at Esopus, New York.

NORTH CAROLINA.

Mr. James Mooney, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports petroglyphs upon a gray gneissoid rock, a short distance east of Caney river, on the north side of the road from Asheville to Burnsville, North Carolina. The face of the surface is at an angle of 30° toward the south, and the sculptured area covers about 10 feet square. The characters consist chiefly of cup-shaped depressions, some about 2 inches deep, some being also connected. There are a few markings which appear to have been intended to represent footprints. The characters resemble, to some extent, those at Trap Rock gap, Georgia, and at the Juttaculla rock, North Carolina, on a branch of the Tuckasegee river, above Webster.

Mr. James Mooney from the Bureau of Ethnology reports petroglyphs on a gray gneissoid rock a short distance east of the Caney River, on the north side of the road from Asheville to Burnsville, North Carolina. The surface is angled at 30° toward the south, and the carved area covers about 10 square feet. The designs mainly consist of cup-shaped depressions, some about 2 inches deep, and some of them are connected. There are a few markings that seem to represent footprints. The designs are somewhat similar to those found at Trap Rock Gap, Georgia, and at the Juttaculla Rock, North Carolina, located on a branch of the Tuckasegee River, above Webster.

The above-described sculptured rock is on the property of Ellis Gardner, and is known as Gardner’s, or the “Garden rock.”

The sculptured rock mentioned above is on Ellis Gardner's property and is called Gardner's or the "Garden rock."

Mr. Mooney also reports that at Webster, North Carolina, there is one large rock bearing numerous petroglyphs, rings, cup-shaped depressions, fish-bone patterns, etc. He further states, upon the authority of Dr. J. M. Spainhour, of Lenoir, that upon a light gray rock measuring 4 feet by 30 are numerous cup-shaped petroglyphs, he having counted 215. The rock is on the Yadkin river, 4 miles below Wilkesboro, and is at times partly under water.

Mr. Mooney also reports that in Webster, North Carolina, there is a large rock covered with lots of petroglyphs, rings, cup-shaped depressions, fish-bone patterns, and more. He further states, based on information from Dr. J. M. Spainhour of Lenoir, that there are numerous cup-shaped petroglyphs on a light gray rock measuring 4 feet by 30 feet, which he counted to be 215 in total. The rock is located on the Yadkin River, 4 miles below Wilkesboro, and is sometimes partially underwater.

Dr. Hoffman, who in 1886 visited western North Carolina, gives the following account of colored pictographs found there by him.

Dr. Hoffman, who visited western North Carolina in 1886, provides the following description of colored pictographs he found there.

“The locality known as ‘Paint rock’ is situated on the east or right bank of the French Broad river, about 100 yards above the Tennessee and North Carolina state line. The limestone cliff, which terminates abruptly near the river, measures about 100 feet in height and covers[100] an area from side to side of exposure of at least 100 yards. The accompanying view (Fig. 61), taken from across the river, presents the wall of limestone rock and the position of the petroglyph, which is delineated in proper proportion nearly in the center of the illustration.

“The area known as ‘Paint Rock’ is located on the east or right bank of the French Broad River, about 100 yards above the Tennessee and North Carolina state line. The limestone cliff, which drops sharply near the river, stands about 100 feet tall and spans an area of at least 100 yards wide. The accompanying view (Fig. 61), taken from across the river, shows the limestone rock wall and the position of the petroglyph, which is illustrated in proper proportion nearly in the center of the image.”

Fig. 61.—Paint rock, North Carolina.

“The property belongs to Mr. J. W. Chockley, who has been living in the vicinity for about fifteen years. He states that during this time the pictograph has undergone some change on account of gradual disintegration or fracture of the rock. The first knowledge of the pictograph, according to local tradition, dates back about sixty years, and no information as to its import could be learned, either from the white residents, who are few in number, or the straggling Cherokee Indians who visit the railway station at odd intervals.”

“The property belongs to Mr. J. W. Chockley, who has been living in the area for about fifteen years. He says that during this time, the pictograph has changed due to gradual wear or cracks in the rock. The first mention of the pictograph, based on local stories, goes back about sixty years, and no details about its meaning could be found, either from the few white residents or the wandering Cherokee Indians who occasionally stop by the railway station.”

The pictograph is peculiar in design, no animal forms being apparent but an indefinite number of short, straight lines at right angles to one another, as shown in Fig. 62. One-thirty-sixth actual size.

The pictograph has a unique design, with no animal shapes visible, just a number of short, straight lines intersecting at right angles, as shown in Fig. 62. One-thirty-sixth actual size.

Fig. 62.—Petroglyphs on Paint rock, North Carolina.

The characters are in dark red, probably a ferrous oxide, quantities of which are found in the neighborhood. The color appears to have[101] penetrated the softer portions of the limestone, though upon the harder surfaces it has been removed by exposure to the elements. The lowermost figure appears to resemble a rude outline of a human form, with one arm lowered and reaching forward, though this is only a suggestion.

The characters are in dark red, likely a form of iron oxide, which is commonly found in the area. The color seems to have[101] seeped into the softer parts of the limestone, but it has been worn off the harder surfaces by the weather. The bottom figure looks like a basic outline of a human shape, with one arm down and reaching out, although this is just a suggestion.

Upon the face of the rock, a few yards to the right of the above, are indistinct outlines of circles, several of which indicate central spots, and one, at least, has a line extending from the center downward for about 8 inches.

Upon the surface of the rock, a few yards to the right of the area mentioned above, there are faint outlines of circles, several of which show central points, and at least one has a line extending downward from the center for about 8 inches.

OHIO.

A large number of petroglyphs are reported from this state. It is sufficient to present the following examples extracted, with reproduced illustrations and abbreviated descriptions, from the Report of the Committee of the State Archæological Society, published in the Report of the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers.

A large number of petroglyphs have been reported in this state. It's enough to provide the following examples taken from the Report of the Committee of the State Archaeological Society, which includes reproduced illustrations and shortened descriptions, as published in the Report of the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers.

Fig. 63 is a copy of the petroglyph on the Newark Track rock.

Fig. 63 shows a reproduction of the petroglyph on the Newark Track rock.

Fig. 63.—Newark Track rock, Ohio.

It is described in the volume cited, pages 94, 95, as follows:

It is described in the referenced volume, pages 94, 95, as follows:

The inscriptions near Newark, in Licking county, Ohio, originally covered a vertical face of conglomerate rock, 50 or 60 feet in length, by 6 and 8 feet in height. This rock is soft and, therefore, the figures are easily erased * * *. About the year 1800 it became a place where white men sought to immortalize themselves by cutting their names across the old inscription * * *.

The carvings near Newark, in Licking County, Ohio, originally covered a vertical face of conglomerate rock that was 50 to 60 feet long and 6 to 8 feet high. This rock is soft, so the figures can be easily worn away * * *. Around the year 1800, it became a spot where white men tried to make their mark by scratching their names over the old carvings * * *.

On the rock faces and detached sandstone blocks of the banks of the Ohio river there are numerous groups of intaglios, but in them the style is quite different from those to which I have referred, and which are located in the interior. Those on the Ohio river resemble the symbolical records of the North American Indians, such as the Kelley Island stone, described in Schoolcraft by Capt. Eastman, the Dighton rock, the Big Indian rock of the Susquehanna, and the “God rock” of the Allegheny river. In those the supposed bird track is generally wanting. The large sculptured rock near Wellsville, which is only visible at low water of the Ohio, has among the figures one that is prominent on the Barnesville stones. This is the fore foot of the bear, with the outside toe distorted and set outward at right angles.

On the rock faces and separate sandstone blocks along the banks of the Ohio River, there are many groups of intaglios, but their style is quite different from those I've mentioned that are found inland. The ones on the Ohio River resemble the symbolic records of the North American Indians, like the Kelley Island stone described in Schoolcraft by Capt. Eastman, the Dighton rock, the Big Indian rock of the Susquehanna, and the “God rock” of the Allegheny River. In those, the supposed bird track is usually missing. The large sculpted rock near Wellsville, which is only visible at low water in the Ohio River, features a figure that is prominent on the Barnesville stones. This is the forefoot of a bear, with the outer toe twisted and pointing outward at a right angle.

Other sculptured rocks of a similar character have been found in Fairfield, Belmont, Cuyahoga, and Lorain counties.

Other sculpted rocks with a similar nature have been found in Fairfield, Belmont, Cuyahoga, and Lorain counties.

That the ancient bird-track character belonged to the mound-builders is evident from the fact that it is found among their works, constructed of soil on a large scale.

That the ancient bird-track symbol was created by the mound-builders is clear from the evidence that it appears among their large-scale earthworks.

One of these bird-track mounds occurs in the center of the large circular inclosure near Newark, Ohio, now standing in the Licking county fair grounds. Among the characters will be noticed the human hand. In one instance the hand is open, the palm facing the observer, and in the other the hand is closed, except the index finger which points downward to the base of the cliff. Of the bird-track characters there are many varieties. There is also a character resembling a cross and another bearing some resemblance to an arrow.

One of these bird-track mounds is located in the center of the large circular enclosure near Newark, Ohio, now situated in the Licking County fairgrounds. Among the symbols, you'll notice a human hand. In one case, the hand is open, with the palm facing the observer, while in another, the hand is closed, except for the index finger which points down to the base of the cliff. There are many varieties of the bird-track symbols. There’s also one that looks like a cross and another that somewhat resembles an arrow.

Fig. 64 is an illustration of the Independence stone, which is described in the same volume, pp. 98, 99, as follows:

Fig. 64 shows the Independence stone, which is described in the same volume, pp. 98, 99, like this:

Fig. 64.—Independence stone, Ohio.

Great care has been taken to obtain a correct sketch of what remains of this inscription. A very rude drawing of it was published in Schoolcraft’s great work upon the Indian tribes, in 1854.

Great effort has been made to get an accurate representation of what is left of this inscription. A very rough drawing of it was published in Schoolcraft’s extensive work on the Indian tribes in 1854.

The rock here described only contains a portion of the inscription. The balance was destroyed in quarrying. The markings on the portion of the rock preserved consist of the human foot, clothed with something like a moccasin or stocking; of the naked foot; of the open hand; of round markings one in front of the great toe, of each representation of the clothed foot; the figure of a serpent, and a peculiar character which might be taken for a rude representation of a crab or crawfish, but which bears a closer resemblance to an old-fashioned spearhead used in capturing fish.

The rock described here only has part of the inscription. The rest was destroyed during quarrying. The markings on the preserved part of the rock include a human foot covered with something like a moccasin or stocking; a bare foot; an open hand; round markings placed in front of the big toe of each depiction of the covered foot; a figure of a serpent; and a strange shape that could look like a rough drawing of a crab or crawfish, but actually resembles an old-fashioned spearhead used for catching fish.

Fig. 65 is a copy of the drawings on the Track rock, near Barnesville, Belmont county, Ohio, the description of which is in the same volume, pp. 89-93.

Fig. 65 is a reproduction of the drawings on the Track rock, near Barnesville, Belmont County, Ohio. The description can be found in the same volume, pp. 89-93.

Fig. 65.—Barnesville Track rock, Ohio.

The rude cuts of the human faces, part of the human feet, the rings, stars, serpents, and some others, are evidently works of art, as in the best of them the marks of the engraving instrument are to be seen. In all cases, whether single or in groups, the relative dimensions of the figures are preserved. The surface of this block is 8 by 11 feet.

The rough carvings of human faces, parts of human feet, rings, stars, serpents, and a few others are clearly works of art, as the traces of the engraving tool are visible in the best examples. In all instances, whether they're solitary or grouped, the proportional sizes of the figures are maintained. The surface of this block measures 8 by 11 feet.

At the south end of the petroglyphs occurs a figure of several concentric rings, a design by no means confined to Ohio. The third figure right of this resembles others in the same group, and evidently indicates the footprints of the buffalo. Human footprints are generally indicated by the pronounced toe marks, either detached as slight depressions or attached to the foot, and are thus recognized as different from bear tracks, which frequently have but slight indications of toes or perhaps claw marks, and in which also the foot is shorter or rounder. The arrow-shaped figures are no doubt intended for turkey tracks, characters common to many petroglyphs of the middle and eastern Algonquian area.

At the south end of the petroglyphs, there's a figure made up of several concentric rings, a design that isn't limited to Ohio. The third figure to the right looks similar to others in the same group and clearly represents buffalo footprints. Human footprints are usually marked by distinct toe impressions, either shown as slight dips or connected to the foot, making them easy to distinguish from bear tracks, which often show only faint signs of toes or maybe claw marks, and where the foot is also shorter or rounder. The arrow-shaped figures are surely meant to represent turkey tracks, a feature commonly found in many petroglyphs from the central and eastern Algonquian regions.

Fig. 66 gives several of the above characters enlarged from the preceding figure.

Fig. 66 shows several of the above characters in greater detail from the previous figure.

Fig. 66.—Characters from Barnesville Track rock.

In Fig. 67, referring to another block mentioned in the same report, lying 20 feet south of the one first mentioned, there is a duplication of the characters before noted—human footprints, bear and turkey tracks, and the indication of what may be intended to represent a serpent.

In Fig. 67, referring to another block discussed in the same report, located 20 feet south of the first one mentioned, there is a repetition of the previously noted features—human footprints, bear and turkey tracks, and what seems to depict a serpent.

Fig. 67.—Barnesville Track rock, No. 2.

Fig. 68, from p. 105 of the same volume, gives copies of sketches from the rocks near Wellsville, Ohio, with remarks as follows:

Fig. 68, from p. 105 of the same volume, shows copies of sketches from the rocks near Wellsville, Ohio, along with comments as follows:

Fig. 68.—Petroglyphs, Wellsville, Ohio.

On the Ohio side of the river, 1 mile above Wellsville, there is a large group of sculptures on a flat sand rock of the coal series, scarred by floating ice and flood wood. They are only visible in low water, as they are only 2 or 3 feet above the extreme low stage of the river. * * * They are made in double outline and not by a single deep channel. The outlines are a series of dots made with a round-pointed instrument, seldom more than half an inch deep.

On the Ohio side of the river, 1 mile above Wellsville, there's a large group of sculptures on a flat sandstone rock from the coal series, marked by floating ice and flood debris. You can only see them in low water, as they sit just 2 or 3 feet above the river's lowest level. * * * They are created in a double outline rather than a single deep channel. The outlines are a series of dots made with a rounded tool, rarely deeper than half an inch.

The upper design is a rattlesnake with a fancy head and tail. Its length is 4½ feet, a very clumsy affair, but intended for the common yellow rattlesnake of the West. The head of the snake, which occupies a space 6 inches square, is represented in the second character, which is reduced from a tracing size of nature. It brings to mind the horned snake of the Egyptians, which was an object of worship by them.

The top design features a rattlesnake with an elaborate head and tail. It's 4½ feet long, quite an awkward shape, but meant to represent the common yellow rattlesnake found in the West. The snake's head, taking up a space of 6 inches square, is depicted in the second character, which is scaled down from a natural size tracing. It reminds us of the horned snake worshipped by the Egyptians.

The character at the left hand of the lower line may be an uncouth representation of a demon or evil spirit. The right-hand character is probably an otter carrying a vine or string in his month.

The character on the left side of the lower line might be a rough depiction of a demon or evil spirit. The character on the right is likely an otter holding a vine or string in its mouth.

It is more probable that the lines from the mouth of the animal indicate magic or supernatural power, of which many examples appear in this paper, as also of the device in the region of the animal’s heart, from which a line extends to the mouth. These characteristics connect the glyph with the Ojibwa drawings on bark.

It’s more likely that the lines coming from the animal's mouth represent magic or supernatural power, with many examples shown in this paper, as well as the feature in the area of the animal’s heart, from which a line stretches to the mouth. These traits link the glyph to the Ojibwa drawings on bark.

OREGON.

Many bowlders and rock escarpments at and near the Dalles of the Columbia river, Oregon, are covered with incised or pecked glyphs.[105] Some of them are representations of human figures, but characters of other forms predominate.

Many boulders and rock cliffs at and near the Dalles of the Columbia River, Oregon, are covered with carved or pecked symbols.[105] Some of them depict human figures, but symbols of other shapes are more common.

Mr. Albert S. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports the discovery by him, in 1878, of rock etchings 4 miles from Gaston, Oregon, and 2½ miles from the ancient settlement of the Tuálati (or Atfálati) Indians. These etchings are about 100 feet above the valley bottom on six rocks of soft sandstone, projecting from the grassy hillside of Patten’s valley, opposite Darling Smith’s farm, and are surrounded with timber on two sides.

Mr. Albert S. Gatschet, from the Bureau of Ethnology, reports that he discovered rock etchings in 1878, located 4 miles from Gaston, Oregon, and 2½ miles from the old settlement of the Tuálati (or Atfálati) Indians. These etchings are about 100 feet above the valley floor on six rocks made of soft sandstone, which stick out from the grassy hillside of Patten’s valley, across from Darling Smith’s farm, and are bordered by trees on two sides.

This sandstone ledge extends for one-eighth of a mile horizontally along the hillside, upon the projecting portions of which the inscriptions are found. These rocks differ greatly in size, and slant forward so that the inscribed portions are exposed to the frequent rains of that region. The first rock, or that one nearest the mouth of the canyon, consists of horizontal zigzag lines and a detached straight line, also horizontal. On another side of the same rock is a series of oblique parallel lines. Some of the most striking characters found upon other exposed portions of the rock appear to be human figures, i. e., circles to which radiating lines are attached, and bear indications of eyes and mouth, long vertical lines running downward as if to represent the body, and terminating in a furcation, as if intended for legs, toes, etc. To the right of one figure is an arm and three-fingered hand (similar to some of the Moki characters), bent downward from the elbow, the humerus extending at a right angle from the body. Horizontal rows of short vertical lines are placed below and between some of the figures, probably numerical marks of some kind.

This sandstone ledge stretches for an eighth of a mile horizontally along the hillside, with inscriptions found on its protruding parts. These rocks vary significantly in size and tilt forward, so the inscribed areas are exposed to the region's frequent rains. The first rock, which is closest to the canyon's mouth, features horizontal zigzag lines and a separate horizontal straight line. On another side of the same rock, there’s a series of slanted parallel lines. Some of the most eye-catching characters on other exposed parts of the rock seem to depict human figures, such as circles with radiating lines that suggest eyes and a mouth, along with long vertical lines extending downward to represent the body, ending in a split that looks like legs, toes, etc. To the right of one figure, there’s an arm and a three-fingered hand (similar to some Moki characters), angled down from the elbow, with the upper arm extending at a right angle from the body. Horizontal rows of short vertical lines are positioned below and between some of the figures, likely serving as some form of numerical markings.

Other characters occur of various forms, the most striking being an arrow pointing upward, with two horizontal lines drawn across the shaft, and with vertical lines having short oblique lines attached thereto.

Other characters appear in various shapes, the most notable being an arrow pointing up, with two horizontal lines drawn across the shaft and vertical lines with short diagonal lines attached to them.

Mr. Gatschet remarks that the Tuálati tell a trivial story to explain the origin of these pictures, the substance of which is as follows: The Tillamuk warriors living on the Pacific coast were often at variance with the several Kalapuya tribes. One day, passing through Patten’s valley to invade the country of the Tuálati, they inquired of a woman how far they were from their camp. The woman, desirous not to betray her own countrymen, said they were yet at a distance of one (or two?) days’ travel. This made them reflect over the intended invasion, and, holding a council, they decided to withdraw. In commemoration of this the inscription, with its numeration marks, was incised by the Tuálati.

Mr. Gatschet notes that the Tuálati tell a simple story to explain the origin of these pictures, which goes like this: The Tillamuk warriors living on the Pacific coast often clashed with various Kalapuya tribes. One day, while passing through Patten’s valley to invade Tuálati territory, they asked a woman how far they were from their camp. Wanting to protect her own people, she told them it was still a day (or maybe two?) away. This caused them to reconsider their planned invasion, and after holding a council, they decided to turn back. To commemorate this, the Tuálati carved the inscription with its counting marks.

Dr. Charles Rau received from Dr. James S. Denison, physician at the Klamath agency, Lake county, Oregon, a communication relative to the practice of painting figures on rocks in the territory of the Klamath Indians in Oregon. There are in that neighborhood many rocks bearing painted figures; but Dr. Rau’s (b) description refers specially[106] to a single rock, called Ktá-i Tupákshi (standing rock), situated about 50 yards north of Sprague river and 150 yards from the junction of Sprague and Williamson rivers. It is about 10 feet high, 14 feet long, and 12 or 14 feet deep. Fig. 69, drawn one-twelfth of the natural size, illustrates the character of the paintings seen on the smooth southern surface of this rock. The most frequent designs are single or concentric circles, like Fig. 69, a, which consists of a dark red circle surrounded by a white one, the center being formed by a round red spot. Fig. 69, b, painted in dark red and white colors, exhibits a somewhat Mahadeo-like shape; the straight appendage of the circle is provided on each side with short projecting lines, alternately red and white, and almost producing the effect of the so-called herring-bone ornament.

Dr. Charles Rau received a message from Dr. James S. Denison, a physician at the Klamath agency in Lake County, Oregon, about the practice of painting figures on rocks in Klamath Indian territory. There are many rocks in the area with painted figures; however, Dr. Rau’s (b) description focuses specifically[106] on a single rock known as Ktá-i Tupákshi (standing rock), located about 50 yards north of the Sprague River and 150 yards from where the Sprague and Williamson rivers meet. It stands about 10 feet high, measures 14 feet long, and is 12 or 14 feet deep. Fig. 69, drawn at one-twelfth of the natural size, shows the types of paintings found on the smooth southern surface of this rock. The most common designs are single or concentric circles, like Fig. 69, a, which has a dark red circle surrounded by a white one, with the center formed by a round red spot. Fig. 69, b, painted in dark red and white, features a somewhat Mahadeo-like shape; the straight part of the circle has short projecting lines on each side, alternating between red and white, almost creating the effect of the so-called herring-bone pattern.

Fig. 69.—Petroglyphs in Lake county, Oregon.

Fig. 69, c and d, executed in dark red, are other designs seen on the standing rock above mentioned. The colors, which, as the informant thinks, are rubbed in with grease, appear quite distinct on the dark surface of the rock.

Fig. 69, c and d, done in dark red, are other designs found on the standing rock mentioned earlier. The colors, which the informant believes are applied with grease, stand out clearly against the dark surface of the rock.

PENNSYLVANIA.

Along the river courses in northern and western Pennsylvania many rocks are found bearing traces of carvings, though, on account of the character of the geological formations, some of them are nearly obliterated.

Along the riverbanks in northern and western Pennsylvania, many rocks show signs of carvings, although, due to the type of geological formations, some of them are almost erased.

In 1875 Mr. P. W. Shafer published in a historical map of Pennsylvania several groups of pictographs. These had before appeared in a rude and crowded form in the Transactions of the Anthropological Institute of New York, 1871-’72, page 66, where the localities are mentioned as “Big” and “Little” Indian rocks, respectively. One of these rocks is in the Susquehanna river, below the dam at Safe harbor, and the drawing clearly shows its Algonquian origin. The characters are nearly all either animals or various forms of the human body. Birds, bird tracks, and serpents also occur. A part of this pictograph is presented below, Fig. 1089.

In 1875, Mr. P. W. Shafer published a historical map of Pennsylvania that included several groups of pictographs. These had previously appeared in a rough and crowded manner in the Transactions of the Anthropological Institute of New York, 1871-’72, page 66, where the locations are referred to as “Big” and “Little” Indian rocks, respectively. One of these rocks is located in the Susquehanna River, below the dam at Safe Harbor, and the drawing clearly shows its Algonquian origin. The characters are mostly animals or different forms of the human body. There are also representations of birds, bird tracks, and serpents. A part of this pictograph is shown below, Fig. 1089.

Dr. W. J. Hoffman visited this place during the autumn of 1889 and made sketches of the petroglyphs. The Algonquian type of delineation of objects is manifest.

Dr. W. J. Hoffman visited this place in the fall of 1889 and made sketches of the petroglyphs. The Algonquian style of depicting objects is evident.

The rock known as “Big Indian rock” is in the Susquehanna river, three-fourths of a mile below the mouth of Conestoga creek and about 400 yards from the eastern bank of the Susquehanna. It is one of many, but larger than any other in the immediate vicinity, measuring about 60 feet in length, 30 feet in width, and an average height of about 20 feet. The upper surface is uneven, though smoothly worn, and upon this are pecked the characters, shown in Fig. 70.

The rock called “Big Indian rock” is located in the Susquehanna River, three-quarters of a mile downstream from the mouth of Conestoga Creek and approximately 400 yards from the eastern bank of the Susquehanna. It’s one of several rocks in the area, but it’s larger than any others nearby, measuring about 60 feet long, 30 feet wide, and averaging around 20 feet in height. The top surface is uneven yet smoothly worn, and the characters shown in Fig. 70 are etched into it.

Fig. 70.—Big Indian rock, Pennsylvania.

The characters, through exposure to the elements, are becoming rather indistinct, though a few of them are pecked so deep that they still present a depression of from one-fourth to one-half an inch in depth. The most conspicuous objects consist of human figures, thunder birds, and animals resembling the panther.

The characters, due to exposure to the elements, are becoming quite faint, though a few of them are worn so deeply that they still show a depression of about a quarter to half an inch. The most noticeable images include human figures, thunderbirds, and creatures that look like panthers.

“Little Indian rock” is also situated in the Susquehanna river, one-fourth of a mile from the eastern bank and a like distance below the mouth of Conestoga creek. This rock, also of hard micaceous schist, is not so large as the one above mentioned, but bears more interesting characters, the most conspicuous being representations of the thunder bird, serpents, deer and bird tracks, etc.

“Little Indian rock” is also located in the Susquehanna River, a quarter of a mile from the eastern bank and the same distance below the mouth of Conestoga Creek. This rock, made of hard micaceous schist, isn't as large as the one mentioned earlier, but features more interesting designs, the most notable being images of the thunderbird, serpents, deer, and bird tracks, etc.

Fig. 71.—Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania.

Prof. Persifor Frazer, jr., (b) remarks upon the gradual obliteration of these pictographs, and adds:

Prof. Persifor Frazer, Jr., (b) comments on the slow disappearance of these pictographs, and adds:

In addition to these causes of obliteration it is a pity to have to record another, which is the vandalism of some visitors to the locality who have thought it an excellent[108] practical joke to cut spurious figures alongside of and sometimes over those made by the Indians. It is not unlikely, too, that the “fish pots” here, as in the case of the Bald Friar’s inscriptions, a few miles below the Maryland line, may have been constructed in great part out of fragments of rock containing these hieroglyphics, so that the parts of the connected story which they relate are separated and the record thus destroyed.

In addition to these reasons for damage, it’s unfortunate to mention another cause, which is the vandalism by some visitors to the area who thought it would be a funny practical joke to carve fake figures next to or even over the ones made by the Indigenous people. It’s also possible that the “fish pots” here, similar to the inscriptions of the Bald Friar just a few miles below the Maryland line, may have been partially made from pieces of rock that contain these hieroglyphics, resulting in the parts of the connected story being separated and the record being destroyed.

Others have cut their initials or full names in these rocks, thus for an obscure record whose unriddling would award the antiquarian, substituting one, the correct deciphering of which leads to obscurity itself.

Others have carved their initials or full names into these rocks, creating an obscure record that, if solved, would reward the historian, replacing one mystery with another, where the true understanding ultimately leads back to obscurity itself.

At McCalls ferry, on the Susquehanna river, in Lancaster county, and on the right shore near the water’s edge, is a gray gneissoid flat rock, bearing petroglyphs that have been pecked upon the surface. It is irregular in shape, measuring about 3½ by 4 feet in superficial area, upon which is a circle covering nearly the entire surface, in the middle of which is a smaller circle with a central point. On one side of the inner space, between the outer and inner circles, are a number of characters resembling human figures and others of unintelligible form. The petroglyph is represented in Fig. 72.

At McCall's Ferry on the Susquehanna River in Lancaster County, there’s a gray gneissoid flat rock near the water's edge on the right shore, featuring petroglyphs that have been carved into its surface. The rock is irregularly shaped, measuring about 3½ by 4 feet in total area, with a large circle that nearly covers the entire surface, and a smaller circle with a central point inside it. On one side of the inner space, between the outer and inner circles, there are several characters that look like human figures and others that are unrecognizable. The petroglyph is shown in Fig. 72.

Fig. 72.—Petroglyph at McCalls ferry, Pennsylvania.

The resemblance between these drawings and those on Dighton rock is to be noted, as well as that between both of them and some in Ohio. All those localities are within the area formerly occupied by tribes of the Algonquian stock.

The similarity between these drawings and those on Dighton Rock is worth noting, as well as the connection between both of them and some found in Ohio. All these locations are within the area that was once occupied by tribes of the Algonquian stock.

Near Washington, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, on “Mill stream,” one-fourth of a mile above its junction with the Susquehanna river, is a large bowlder of gray sandstone (Fig. 73), the exposed portion of which bears several deeply incised lines which appear to have served as topographic indicators, as several others of like kind occur farther downstream. The longest incision is about 28 inches in length, the next one parallel to it, about 14 inches, while the third character is V-shaped, one arm of which is about 10 inches in length and the other 12. The apex of this character points in a southeast direction.

Near Washington, Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, on “Mill Stream,” a quarter-mile upstream from where it meets the Susquehanna River, there's a large boulder of gray sandstone (Fig. 73). The visible part of the boulder has several deep grooves that seem to have been used as topographic markers, similar to others found further downstream. The longest groove is about 28 inches long, the next one parallel to it is about 14 inches, and the third has a V-shape, with one side measuring about 10 inches and the other 12. The point of this V points southeast.

Fig. 73.—Petroglyph near Washington, Pennsylvania.

One-eighth of a mile farther down is another bowlder, also near the water, which bears shorter lines than the preceding, but in general pointing almost southeast and northwest.

One-eighth of a mile further down is another boulder, also near the water, which has shorter lines than the previous one, but generally points almost southeast and northwest.

The workmanship is similar to that at Conowingo, Maryland, at the site of the Bald Friar rocks. The marks appear to have been chipped to a considerable depth and then rubbed with sand and some hard substance so as to present a smooth and even surface, removing all or nearly all of the pecked surface.

The craftsmanship is similar to that found at Conowingo, Maryland, at the location of the Bald Friar rocks. The markings seem to have been chipped deep and then polished with sand and some hard material to create a smooth, even surface, eliminating almost all of the rough, pecked texture.

Mr. P. W. Shafer, on the same historical map of Pennsylvania before mentioned, presents also a group of pictures copied from the originals on the Alleghany river, in Venango county, 5 miles south of Franklin, on what is known as the Indian God rock. There are but six characters furnished in his copy, three of which are variations of the human form, while the others are undetermined.

Mr. P. W. Shafer, on the same historical map of Pennsylvania mentioned earlier, also includes a set of pictures copied from the originals found on the Allegheny River, in Venango County, 5 miles south of Franklin, on what is called the Indian God rock. His copy features just six characters, three of which are variations of the human form, while the others are unclear.

This rock was visited in 1886 by Dr. Hoffman, who made a number of drawings of objects represented, of which only those in Fig. 74 are here reproduced. The face of the bowlder bearing the original petroglyphs has been much disfigured by visitors who, in endeavoring to display their skill by pecking upon the surface names, dates, and other[110] designs, have so injured it that it is difficult to trace the original characters.

This rock was visited in 1886 by Dr. Hoffman, who made several drawings of the objects shown, of which only those in Fig. 74 are reproduced here. The side of the boulder with the original petroglyphs has been significantly damaged by visitors who, trying to showcase their skills, have pecked names, dates, and other[110] designs into the surface, making it hard to see the original characters.

Fig. 74.—Petroglyphs on “Indian God rock.”

Fig. 74, a, represents, apparently, a panther. Above and beneath it are markings resembling wolf tracks, while farther down is a turkey track, and in the left-hand lower corner is a human form, such as is usually found upon rocks in the areas represented by Shoshonian tribes.

Fig. 74, a, seems to show a panther. Above and below it are marks that look like wolf tracks, while further down is a turkey track, and in the lower left corner is a human figure, similar to those typically found on rocks in regions inhabited by Shoshonian tribes.

The design at b is much mutilated and eroded, and may originally have been a character like a, the first of this series.

The design at b is heavily damaged and worn down, and it may have originally been a character similar to a, the first one in this series.

The characters at c and d are evidently human faces, the former representing that of the sun, the latter being very much like a mask. That at e is found upon other Algonquian rocks, notably those called “Bald Friar,” Maryland, in the Susquehanna river, immediately below the state line of Pennsylvania.

The figures at c and d clearly depict human faces, with the former symbolizing the sun and the latter resembling a mask. The figure at e appears on other Algonquian rocks, especially those known as “Bald Friar” in Maryland, along the Susquehanna River, just below the Pennsylvania state line.

The bowlder upon which these petroglyphs are engraved lies at the water’s edge, and during each freshet the lower half of the surface and sometimes even more is under water. At these times floating logs, impelled according to the curve in the river immediately above, are directed toward this rock, which may explain the worn surface and the eroded condition of the sculpture.

The boulder where these petroglyphs are carved sits at the edge of the water, and during each flood, the lower half of the surface and sometimes even more is submerged. During these times, floating logs, pushed along by the curve in the river just upstream, are directed toward this rock, which might explain the worn surface and the eroded condition of the carving.

Mr. J. Sutton Wall, of Monongahela city, describes in correspondence a rock bearing pictographs opposite the town of Millsboro, in Fayette county, Pennsylvania. This rock is about 390 feet above the level of the Monongahela river, and belongs to the Waynesburg stratum of sandstone. It is detached and rests somewhat below its true horizon. It is about 6 feet in thickness, and has vertical sides; only two figures are carved on the sides, the principal inscriptions being on the top, and all are now considerably worn. Mr. Wall mentions the outlines of animals and some other figures formed by grooves or channels cut from an inch to a mere trace in depth. No indications of tool marks were[111] discovered. The footprints are carved depressions. The character marked z, near the lower left-hand corner, is a circular cavity 7 inches deep. A copy of the inscription made in 1882 by Mr. Wall and Mr. William Arison is reproduced as Fig. 75.

Mr. J. Sutton Wall, from Monongahela City, describes in a letter a rock with pictographs located across from the town of Millsboro in Fayette County, Pennsylvania. This rock sits about 390 feet above the Monongahela River and is part of the Waynesburg sandstone layer. It is detached and sits slightly below its natural position. The rock is roughly 6 feet thick and has vertical sides; there are only two figures carved on the sides, with most of the main inscriptions on the top, and all are now quite worn down. Mr. Wall notes that the outlines of animals and some other figures are created by grooves or channels that vary from an inch deep to barely noticeable. No evidence of tool marks was[111] found. The footprints are carved indentations. The character marked z, in the lower left-hand corner, is a circular cavity that is 7 inches deep. A copy of the inscription made in 1882 by Mr. Wall and Mr. William Arison is shown as Fig. 75.

Fig. 75.—Petroglyph at Millsboro, Pennsylvania.

Again the resemblance between these drawings, those on Dighton rock, and some of those in Ohio, introduced above, is to be noted, and the fact that all these localities are within the area formerly occupied by tribes of the Algonquian stock.

Again, it's important to note the similarities between these drawings, those on Dighton Rock, and some found in Ohio, as mentioned earlier, as well as the fact that all these locations were once inhabited by tribes of Algonquian heritage.

Mr. Wall also contributes a group of glyphs on what is known as the “Geneva Picture rock,” in the Monongahela valley, near Geneva. These are footprints and other characters similar to those from Hamilton farm, West Virginia, which are shown in Fig. 1088.

Mr. Wall also adds a set of symbols on what’s called the “Geneva Picture rock” in the Monongahela valley, near Geneva. These include footprints and other marks that are similar to those from Hamilton farm, West Virginia, which are shown in Fig. 1088.

Mr. L. W. Brown, of Redstone, Fayette county, Pennsylvania, mentions a rock near Layton, in that county, which measures about 15 by 25 feet in area, upon the surface of which occur a number of petroglyphs consisting of the human figure, animals, and footprints, some[112] of which are difficult to trace. From a rough sketch reproduced as Fig. 76, made by Mr. Brown, these appear to be Algonquian in type.

Mr. L. W. Brown, from Redstone, Fayette County, Pennsylvania, talks about a rock near Layton in that county, which is about 15 by 25 feet in size. On the surface of this rock, there are several petroglyphs that include human figures, animals, and footprints, some[112] of which are hard to make out. Based on a rough sketch provided as Fig. 76, created by Mr. Brown, these seem to be of Algonquian origin.

Fig. 76.—Petroglyphs near Layton, Pennsylvania.

Mr. Brown also submitted for examination two pieces of chocolate-colored, smooth, fine grained slate, of hard texture, bearing upon the several sides outlines of incised figures. The specimens were found in Indian graves in Fayette county, Pennsylvania. The outline of the[113] incisions, although they are not strictly petroglyphs, are reproduced in Figs. 77 and 78.

Mr. Brown also submitted for examination two pieces of smooth, chocolate-colored slate with a fine grain and hard texture, featuring outlines of carved figures on several sides. These specimens were discovered in Indian graves in Fayette County, Pennsylvania. The outlines of the incisions, while not strictly petroglyphs, are shown in Figs. 77 and 78.

Fig. 77.—Glyphs in Fayette county, Pennsylvania.

The designs are made in delicate lines, as if scratched with a sharply pointed piece of quartz, or possibly metal. The character d on Fig. 78 is the representation of a fish, which has been accentuated by additional cutting since found. The characters resemble the Algonquian type, many of them being frequently found among those tribes living along the Great Lakes.

The designs are crafted with fine lines, almost as if they were etched with a sharp piece of quartz or perhaps metal. The character d in Fig. 78 represents a fish, which has been emphasized by further carving since it was discovered. The characters look similar to those of the Algonquian style, with many commonly found among the tribes living around the Great Lakes.

Fig. 78.—Glyphs in Fayette county, Pennsylvania.

RHODE ISLAND.

In C. C. Rafn’s Antiq. Amer. (c), is the following account:

In C. C. Rafn’s Antiq. Amer. (c), there's the following account:

Portsmouth rocks.—The rocks, for there are several of them, are situated on the western side of the island of Rhode Island, in the town of Portsmouth, on the shore, about 7 miles from Newport, taking the western road, and 4 miles from Bristol ferry. * * * They are partially, if not entirely, covered by water at high tide; and such was the state of the tide and the lateness of the hour when the location was ascertained, that I was unable to make a thorough examination of them. I saw sufficient, however, to satisfy me that they were formerly well covered with characters, although a large portion of them have become obliterated by the action of air and moisture, and probably still more by the attrition of masses of stone against them in violent storms and gales, and by the ruthless ravages of that most destructive power of all, the hand of man.

Portsmouth rocks.—The rocks, since there are several, are located on the western side of Rhode Island, in the town of Portsmouth, along the shore, about 7 miles from Newport via the western road, and 4 miles from Bristol ferry. * * * They are partially, if not completely, submerged at high tide; and given the state of the tide and the late hour when I found the location, I couldn't thoroughly examine them. However, I saw enough to convince me that they were once covered with inscriptions, although many have been worn away by air and moisture, and likely even more by rocks colliding with them during fierce storms and gales, as well as by the relentless damage caused by human activity.

Tiverton rocks [op. cit. d].—Their situation may be thus known: by tracing along the east side of the map of Rhode Island until you strike Tiverton, and then following along to the southwest extremity of that town, the Indian name Puncoteast, also the English names Almy and High Hill, will be seen. The inscriptions are on masses of Graywacke. * * * We can only state they were occupied with some kind of characters.

Tiverton rocks [op. cit. d].—You can find their location by following the eastern edge of the Rhode Island map until you get to Tiverton, and then going towards the southwestern tip of the town. You'll see the Indian name Puncoteast, along with the English names Almy and High Hill. The markings are on blocks of Graywacke. * * * We can only say that they were covered with some kind of symbols.

These two inscriptions are pictured, op. cit., Table XIII.

These two inscriptions are shown, op. cit., Table XIII.

SOUTH DAKOTA.

Mr. T. H. Lewis (c), gives a description of Fig. 79 as follows:

Mr. T. H. Lewis (c) describes Fig. 79 like this:

This bowlder is on a high terrace on the west side of the Minnesota river, 1½ miles south of Browns valley, and is in Roberts county, South Dakota. It is oblong in form, being 3½ feet in length, 2 feet in width, and is firmly imbedded in the ground.

This boulder is on a high terrace on the west side of the Minnesota River, 1.5 miles south of Browns Valley, and is located in Roberts County, South Dakota. It is elongated, measuring 3.5 feet long and 2 feet wide, and is firmly embedded in the ground.

Of the characters a and b are undoubtedly tortoises; c is probably intended to represent a bird track; d represents a man, and is similar to the one at Browns valley, Minnesota, [Fig. 51, supra;] e is a nondescript of unusual form; f is apparently intended to represent a headless bird, in that respect greatly resembling certain earthen effigies in the regions to the southeast.

Of the characters a and b, they are definitely tortoises; c likely represents a bird track; d depicts a man and is similar to the one found in Browns Valley, Minnesota, [Fig. 51, supra;] e is an unusual, undefined shape; f seems to represent a headless bird, which resembles certain clay figures from the areas to the southeast.

The figures are about one-fourth of an inch in depth and very smooth, excepting along their edges, which roughness is caused by a slight unevenness of the surface of the bowlder.

The figures are about a quarter of an inch deep and very smooth, except for their edges, where the roughness is due to a slight unevenness in the surface of the boulder.

The same authority, op. cit., describes Fig. 79, g.

The same source, op. cit., describes Fig. 79, g.

Fig. 79.—Petroglyphs in Roberts county, South Dakota.

This bowlder, 4 miles northwest of Browns valley, Minnesota, is in Roberts county, South Dakota.

This boulder, 4 miles northwest of Browns Valley, Minnesota, is in Roberts County, South Dakota.

The figures here represented are roughly pecked into the stone, and were never finished; for the grooves that form the pictograph on other bowlders in this region have been rubbed until they are perfectly smooth. The face of the bowlder upon which these occur is about 2 feet long and 1½ feet in width.

The figures shown here are roughly carved into the stone and were never completed; the grooves that create the pictograph on other boulders in this area have been worn down to a perfectly smooth finish. The surface of the boulder on which these figures appear is about 2 feet long and 1.5 feet wide.

TENNESSEE.

Mr. John Haywood (a) gives the following account:

Mr. John Haywood (a) shares this account:

About 2 miles below the road which crosses the Harpeth river from Nashville to Charlotte is a large mound 30 or 40 feet high. About 6 miles from it is a large rock, on the side of the river, with a perpendicular face of 70 or 80 feet altitude. On it, below the top some distance and on the side, are painted the sun and moon in yellow colors, which have not faded since the white people first knew it. The figure of the sun is 6 feet in diameter; that of the moon is of the old moon. The sun and moon are also painted on a high rock on the side of the Cumberland river, in a spot which several ladders placed upon each other could not reach, and which is also inaccessible except by ropes let down the summit of the rock to the place where the painting was performed. * * * The sun is also painted on a high rock on the side of the Cumberland river, 6 or 7 miles below Clarksville; and it is said to be painted also at the junction of the Holston and French Broad rivers, above Knoxville, in East Tennessee; also on Duck river, below the bend called the Devil’s Elbow, on the west side of the river, on a bluff; and on a perpendicular flat rock facing the river, 20 feet below the top of the bluff and 60 above the water, out of which the rock rises, is the painted representation of the sun in red and yellow colors, 6 feet[115] in circumference, yellow on the upper side and a yellowish red on the lower. The colors are very fresh and unfaded. The rays, both yellow and red, are represented as darting from the center. It has been spoken of ever since the river was navigated and has been there from time immemorial. * * *

About 2 miles down the road that crosses the Harpeth River from Nashville to Charlotte, there's a large mound that's 30 to 40 feet high. Around 6 miles away, there's a big rock by the riverside, featuring a vertical face that's 70 to 80 feet tall. On it, a distance below the top and on the side, the sun and moon are painted in yellow, and those colors haven't faded since white settlers first discovered it. The sun is 6 feet in diameter, while the moon is depicted as sliver-shaped. The sun and moon are also painted on a high rock along the Cumberland River, in a spot reachable only with ropes lowered from the rock's summit. * * * The sun is further painted on a high rock near the Cumberland River, 6 or 7 miles below Clarksville; and it's said to also be painted at the junction of the Holston and French Broad rivers, just north of Knoxville in East Tennessee; as well as on Duck River, below the bend known as the Devil's Elbow, on the west side of the river, on a bluff. On a flat vertical rock facing the river, 20 feet below the top of the bluff and 60 feet above the water, there's a painted image of the sun in red and yellow, 6 feet in circumference, yellow on the top side and a yellowish-red on the bottom. The colors are very bright and haven't faded. The rays, both yellow and red, appear to be shooting out from the center. This has been known ever since the river was navigated and has existed for ages. * * *

The painting on Big Harpeth, before spoken of, is more than 80 feet from the water and 30 or 40 below the summit. All these paintings are in unfading colors, and on parts of the rock inaccessible to animals of every description except the fowls of the air. The painting is neatly executed, and was performed at an immense hazard of the operator.

The painting at Big Harpeth, mentioned earlier, is over 80 feet from the water and 30 or 40 feet below the top of the hill. All these paintings have vibrant, lasting colors, and they're located on parts of the rock that animals, except for birds, can’t reach. The painting is well done and was created at great risk to the person who made it.

Mr. W. M. Clarke, in Smithsonian Report for 1877, page 275, says:

Mr. W. M. Clarke, in the Smithsonian Report for 1877, page 275, says:

On the bluffs of the Big Harpeth many pictures of Indians, deer, buffalo, and bows and arrows are to be seen. These pictures are rudely drawn, but the coloring is as perfect now as when first put on.

On the cliffs of the Big Harpeth, you can see many images of Native Americans, deer, buffalo, and bows and arrows. These images are roughly drawn, but the colors are just as vibrant now as when they were first created.

Haywood (b) says:

Haywood (b) says:

At a gap of the mountains and near the head of Brasstown creek, which is toward the head of the Hiawassee, and among the highlands, is a large horizontal rock on which are engraved the tracks of deer, bears, horses, wolves, turkeys, and barefooted human beings of all sizes. Some of the horses’ tracks appear to have slipped forward. The direction of them is westward. Near them are signs of graves.

At a break in the mountains and close to the source of Brasstown Creek, which is toward the top of the Hiawassee, and among the highlands, there’s a large flat rock with engravings of deer, bears, horses, wolves, turkeys, and barefoot humans of all sizes. Some of the horse tracks seem to have slipped forward. They all head westward. Nearby, there are signs of graves.

He also (c) gives the following account:

He also (c) provides the following account:

On the south bank of the Holston, 5 miles above the mouth of French Broad, is a bluff of limestone opposite the mounds and a cave in it. The bluff is 100 feet in height. On it are painted in red colors, like those on the Paint rock, the sun and moon, a man, birds, fishes, etc. The paintings have in part faded within a few years. Tradition says these paintings were made by the Cherokees, who were accustomed in their journeys to rest at this place. Wherever on the rivers of Tennessee are perpendicular bluffs, on the sides, and especially if caves be near, are often found mounds near them, inclosed in intrenchments, with the sun and moon painted on the rocks, and charcoal and ashes in the smaller mounds. These tokens seem to be evincive of a connection between the mounds, the charcoal and ashes, the paintings and the caves.

On the south bank of the Holston, 5 miles upstream from where it meets the French Broad, there's a limestone bluff across from the mounds and a cave within it. The bluff stands 100 feet high. On it are painted in red, similar to those on Paint Rock, the sun and moon, a man, birds, fish, and more. The paintings have partially faded over a few years. According to tradition, these paintings were created by the Cherokees, who often stopped here during their journeys. Wherever you find steep bluffs along the rivers of Tennessee, especially if there are nearby caves, you often discover mounds close by, surrounded by fortifications, with the sun and moon painted on the rocks, along with charcoal and ashes in the smaller mounds. These signs seem to indicate a connection between the mounds, the charcoal and ashes, the paintings, and the caves.

TEXAS.

Mr. J. R. Bartlett (b) gives the following account:

Mr. J. R. Bartlett (b) provides this account:

About 30 miles from El Paso del Norte, in Texas, very near the boundary line of Mexico, there is an overhanging rock, extending for some distance, the whole surface of which is covered with rude paintings and sculptures, representing men, animals, birds, snakes, and fantastic figures. The colors used are black, red, white, and a brownish yellow. The sculptures are mere peckings with a sharp instrument just below the surface of the rock. The accompanying engravings [reproduced in Fig. 80] show the character of the figures and the taste of the designers. Hundreds of similar ones are painted on the rocks at this place. Some of them, evidently of great age, had been partly defaced to make room for more recent devices.

About 30 miles from El Paso del Norte in Texas, close to the border with Mexico, there's a large overhanging rock that extends for quite a distance. Its entire surface is covered with crude paintings and sculptures that depict men, animals, birds, snakes, and imaginative figures. The colors used are black, red, white, and a brownish yellow. The sculptures are just shallow markings made with a sharp tool right below the rock's surface. The engravings [reproduced in Fig. 80] illustrate the nature of the figures and the style of the artists. There are hundreds of similar paintings on the rocks in this area. Some of them, clearly very old, have been partially damaged to make space for newer designs.

The overhanging rock, beneath which we encamped, seemed to have been a favorite place of resort for the Indians, as it is at the present day for all passing travelers. The recess formed by this rock is about 15 feet in length by 10 in width. Its entire surface is covered with paintings, one laid on over the other, so that it is difficult to make out those which belong to the aborigines. I copied a portion of these figures, about which there can be no doubt as to the origin. They represent Indians with shields and bows, painted with a brownish earth; horses, with their riders; uncouth looking animals, and a large rattlesnake. Similar devices cover the rock in every part, but are much defaced. Near this overhanging rock is the largest and finest tank or pool of water to be found about here. It is only reached by clambering[116] on the hands and knees 15 or 20 feet up a steep rock. Over it projects a gigantic bowlder, which, resting on or wedged between other rocks, leaves a space of about 4 feet above the surface of the water. On the underside of this bowlder are fantastic designs in red paint, which could only have been made by persons lying on their backs in this cool and sheltered spot.

The overhanging rock where we set up camp seemed to be a favorite spot for the Indians, just like it is today for passing travelers. The nook created by this rock is about 15 feet long and 10 feet wide. Its entire surface is covered with paintings, layered on top of one another, making it tough to identify which ones are from the original inhabitants. I copied part of these figures, and there's no doubt about their origins. They depict Indians with shields and bows, painted with a brownish earth; horses with their riders; strange-looking animals, and a large rattlesnake. Similar designs cover every part of the rock, but they are mostly worn away. Close to this overhanging rock is the biggest and most beautiful pool of water to be found in the area. You can only get to it by crawling on your hands and knees for 15 or 20 feet up a steep rock. A massive boulder juts over it, resting on or wedged between other rocks, leaving about 4 feet of space above the surface of the water. The underside of this boulder has intricate designs in red paint, which could only have been made by people lying on their backs in this cool and sheltered spot.

Fig. 80.—Petroglyphs near El Paso, Texas.

Mr. Charles Hallock, of Washington, District of Columbia, gives information that there is a locality termed the Painted caves, “on the Rio Grande, near Devil’s river, in Crockett county, Texas, on the line of the ‘Sunset’ railroad. Here the rock is gray limestone and the petroglyphs are for the most part sculptured. They are in great variety, from a manifest antiquity to the most recent date; for these cliff caverns have been from time immemorial the refuge and resort of all sorts of wayfarers, marauders, and adventurers, who have painted, cut, and carved in every geometrical and grotesque form imaginable.”

Mr. Charles Hallock, from Washington, D.C., shares that there is a place called the Painted Caves, “on the Rio Grande, near Devil’s River, in Crockett County, Texas, along the route of the ‘Sunset’ railroad. Here, the rock is gray limestone and the petroglyphs are mostly carved. They come in a wide variety, ranging from ancient to more recent times; these cliff caves have long served as a refuge and meeting spot for all kinds of travelers, raiders, and adventurers, who have painted, etched, and carved in every geometric and bizarre shape imaginable.”

UTAH.

Carvings and paintings on rocks are found in such numbers in the southern interior of Utah that a locality there has been named Pictograph rocks.

Carvings and paintings on rocks are so numerous in the southern interior of Utah that a site there has been named Pictograph Rocks.

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, collected in 1875 a number of copies of inscriptions in Temple creek canyon, southeastern Utah, and noted their finding as follows:

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, from the U.S. Geological Survey, gathered several copies of inscriptions in Temple Creek Canyon, southeastern Utah, in 1875, and recorded their discovery as follows:

The drawings were found only on the northeast wall of the canyon, where it cuts the Vermillion cliff sandstone. The chief parts are etched, apparently by pounding with a sharp point. The outline of a figure is usually more deeply cut than the body. Other marks are produced by rubbing or scraping, and still others by laying on colors. Some, not all, of the colors are accompanied by a rubbed appearance, as though the material had been a dry chalk.

The drawings were discovered only on the northeast wall of the canyon, where it intersects with the Vermillion cliff sandstone. The main features are carved, seemingly by striking with a sharp point. The outline of a figure is typically cut deeper than the body. Other marks are created by rubbing or scraping, and some by adding colors. Some, but not all, of the colors have a rubbed look, as if the material was dry chalk.

I could discover no tools at the foot of the wall, only fragments of pottery, flints, and a metate.

I couldn't find any tools at the base of the wall, just bits of pottery, flint, and a grinding stone.

Several fallen blocks of sandstone have rubbed depressions that may have been[117] ground out in the sharpening of tools. There have been many dates of inscriptions, and each new generation has unscrupulously run its lines over the pictures already made. Upon the best protected surfaces, as well as the most exposed, there are drawings dimmed beyond restoration and others distinct. The period during which the work accumulated was longer by far than the time which has passed since the last. Some fallen blocks cover etchings on the wall, and are themselves etched.

Several fallen blocks of sandstone have worn down depressions that might have been[117] created while sharpening tools. There are numerous dates of inscriptions, and each new generation has carelessly inscribed their lines over the existing images. On both the best-protected surfaces and the most exposed ones, there are drawings that have faded beyond repair and others that are still clear. The time during which these works were created was much longer than the time that has passed since the last one. Some fallen blocks cover etchings on the wall and are also etched themselves.

Colors are preserved only where there is almost complete shelter from rain. In two places the holes worn in the rock by swaying branches impinge on etchings, but the trees themselves have disappeared. Some etchings are left high and dry by a diminishing talus (15 to 20 feet), but I saw none partly buried by an increasing talus (except in the case of the fallen block already mentioned).

Colors are only kept where there's nearly total protection from rain. In two spots, the holes created in the rock by swaying branches overlap the engravings, but the trees themselves are gone. Some engravings are left high and dry because of a shrinking slope (15 to 20 feet), but I didn’t see any that were partially covered by an expanding slope (except for the fallen block I mentioned earlier).

The painted circles are exceedingly accurate, and it seems incredible that they were made without the use of a radius.

The painted circles are incredibly precise, and it's hard to believe they were created without using a compass.

In the collection contributed by Mr. Gilbert there are at least fifteen series or groups of figures, most of which consist of the human form (from the simplest to the most complex style of drawing), animals, either singly or in long files—as if driven—bird tracks, human feet and hands, etc. There are also circles, parallel lines, and waving or undulating lines, spots, and other characters.

In the collection provided by Mr. Gilbert, there are at least fifteen series or groups of figures, most of which feature the human form (ranging from simple to more complex styles of drawing), animals, either individually or in long lines—as if being driven—bird tracks, human feet and hands, and more. There are also circles, parallel lines, wavy or undulating lines, spots, and other symbols.

Mr. Gilbert also reports the discovery, in 1883, of a great number of pictographs, chiefly in color, though some are only incised, in a canyon of the Book cliff containing Thompson’s spring, about 4 miles north of Thompson’s station, on the Denver and Colorado Railroad, Utah. He has also furnished a collection of drawings of pictographs at Black rock spring, on Beaver creek, north of Milford, Utah. A number of fallen blocks of basalt at a low escarpment are filled with etchings upon the vertical faces. The characters generally are of an “unintelligible” nature, though the human figure is drawn in complex forms. Footprints and circles abound.

Mr. Gilbert also reports the discovery, in 1883, of a large number of pictographs, mainly in color, though some are just carved, in a canyon of the Book Cliffs with Thompson’s Spring, about 4 miles north of Thompson’s Station, on the Denver and Colorado Railroad in Utah. He has also provided a collection of drawings of pictographs at Black Rock Spring, on Beaver Creek, north of Milford, Utah. Several fallen blocks of basalt at a low escarpment are covered with etchings on the vertical faces. The characters are generally “unintelligible,” although the human figure is depicted in complex forms. There are many footprints and circles.

Mr. I. C. Russell, of the U. S. Geological Survey, furnished rude drawings of pictographs at Black rock spring, Utah (see Fig. 1093). Mr. Gilbert Thompson also discovered pictographs at Fool creek canyon, Utah (see Fig. 1094).

Mr. I. C. Russell, from the U.S. Geological Survey, provided rough sketches of the pictographs at Black Rock Spring, Utah (see Fig. 1093). Mr. Gilbert Thompson also found pictographs at Fool Creek Canyon, Utah (see Fig. 1094).

Mr. Vernon Bailey, in a letter dated January 18, 1889, reports that in the vicinity of St. George “all along the sandstone cliffs are strange figures like hieroglyphics and pictures of animals cut in the rocks, but now often worn dim.”

Mr. Vernon Bailey, in a letter dated January 18, 1889, reports that in the area around St. George “all along the sandstone cliffs are strange figures like hieroglyphics and pictures of animals carved in the rocks, but now often worn faint.”

Mr. George Pope, of Provo city, Utah county, in a letter, kindly gives an account of an inscription on a rock in a canyon at the mouth of Provo river, about 7 miles from the city named. There is no paint seen, the inscription being cut. A human hand is conspicuous, being cut (probably pecked) to a depth of at least one-third of an inch, and so with representations of animals.

Mr. George Pope, from Provo city, Utah county, in a letter, kindly shares an account of an inscription on a rock in a canyon at the mouth of Provo river, about 7 miles from the city. There’s no paint visible; the inscription is carved. A human hand stands out, cut (likely pecked) to a depth of at least one-third of an inch, along with images of animals.

Dr. Rau (c) gives the design of a portion of a group carved on a cliff in the San Pete valley at the city of Manti, Utah, now reproduced as Fig. 81. He says:

Dr. Rau (c) presents the design of a section of a group carved into a cliff in the San Pete Valley at the city of Manti, Utah, now shown as Fig. 81. He states:

Fig. 81.—Petroglyphs near Manti, Utah.

A line drawn horizontally through the middle of the parallel lines connecting the concentric circles would divide the figure into two halves, each bearing a close[118] resemblance to Prof. Simpson’s fifth type of cup stones. A copy of the group in question was made and published by Lieut. J. W. Gunnison, in The Mormons or Latter-Day Saints, etc., Philadelphia, 1853, p. 63. The illustration is taken from Bancroft’s Native Races (Vol. IV, p. 717). In accordance with Lieut. Gunnison’s design, the position of the grotesque human figure is changed to the left of the concentric circle. He also says that the Mormon leaders made this aboriginal inscription subservient to their religion by giving the following translation of it: “I, Mahanti, the second king of the Lamanites, in five valleys of the mountains, make this record in the twelve hundredth year since we came out of Jerusalem. And I have three sons gone to the south country to live by hunting antelope and deer.” * * * Schoolcraft attempts (Vol. III, p. 494) something like an interpretation which appears to me fanciful and unsatisfactory.

A horizontal line drawn through the middle of the parallel lines connecting the concentric circles would split the figure into two halves, each closely resembling Prof. Simpson’s fifth type of cup stones. A copy of the group in question was created and published by Lieut. J. W. Gunnison in The Mormons or Latter-Day Saints, etc., Philadelphia, 1853, p. 63. The illustration is taken from Bancroft’s Native Races (Vol. IV, p. 717). According to Lieut. Gunnison’s design, the position of the distorted human figure is moved to the left of the concentric circle. He also mentions that the Mormon leaders adapted this ancient inscription for their religion by translating it as follows: “I, Mahanti, the second king of the Lamanites, in five valleys of the mountains, make this record in the twelve hundredth year since we came out of Jerusalem. And I have three sons who went to the south country to live by hunting antelope and deer.” * * * Schoolcraft attempts (Vol. III, p. 494) to provide an interpretation that seems to me fanciful and unsatisfactory.

The following extract is made from The Shinumos by F. S. Dellenbaugh (a).

The following extract is taken from The Shinumos by F. S. Dellenbaugh (a).

Some of the least disintegrated ruins are situated on the Colorado river, only a short distance below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river. * * * A level shelf varying from about 6 to 10 feet in width ran along for 150 feet or more. In most places the rocks above protruded as far as the edge of the lower rocks, sometimes farther, thus leaving a sort of gallery, generally 7 or 8 feet high. Walls that extended to the roof had been built along the outer edge of the natural floor, and the inclosed space being subdivided by stone partitions to suit the convenience of the builders, the whole formed a series of rather comfortable rooms or houses. The back walls of the houses—the natural rock—had on them many groups of hieroglyphics, and farther along where there was no roof rock at all the vertical faces had been inscribed with seeming great care. Some of the sheltered groups were painted in various dull colors, but most of them were chiseled.

Some of the best-preserved ruins are located on the Colorado River, just a short distance downstream from the mouth of the Dirty Devil River. * * * A level shelf that is about 6 to 10 feet wide stretched for over 150 feet. In most areas, the rocks above jutted out as far as the edge of the lower rocks, and sometimes even further, creating a sort of gallery that was usually 7 or 8 feet high. Walls that reached up to the ceiling were constructed along the outer edge of the natural floor, and the enclosed space was divided by stone partitions for the builders’ convenience, forming a series of relatively comfortable rooms or houses. The back walls of the houses—made of natural rock—were decorated with many sets of hieroglyphics, and further along, where there was no roof rock at all, the vertical surfaces were inscribed with what appeared to be great care. Some of the protected groups were painted in various muted colors, but most were carved.

The figure [82] gives a chiseled group. It is easy to see that these are signs of no low order. Considering their great age, their exposure, many of the delicate touches must be obliterated.

The figure [82] shows a finely crafted group. It’s easy to tell that these are symbols of high significance. Given their great age and exposure, many of the delicate details must be worn away.

Fig. 82.—Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.

The inscriptions on this ruin might possibly be the history of the defense of the crossing, the stationing of the garrison, the death of officers of rank, etc.

The inscriptions on this ruin could be the history of defending the crossing, the placement of the garrison, the deaths of high-ranking officers, and so on.

The following sketches of petroglyphs, with the references attached, are taken from the sketch book of Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh, before referred to.

The following sketches of petroglyphs, along with the attached references, are taken from the sketchbook of Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh, mentioned earlier.

The petroglyph, of which Fig. 83 is a copy, appears on a horizontal rock 5 miles below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river, Utah.

The petroglyph, shown in Fig. 83, is found on a flat rock 5 miles downstream from the mouth of the Dirty Devil River in Utah.

Fig. 83.—Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.

The characters in Fig. 84 from rocks near the preceding group are painted red, with the imprint of a hand (on the larger figure) in white.

The characters in Fig. 84 from rocks near the previous group are painted red, with a handprint (on the larger figure) in white.

Fig. 84.—Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.

The petroglyphs reproduced in Fig. 85 are copied from the vertical walls near the two groups immediately before mentioned.

The petroglyphs shown in Fig. 85 are taken from the vertical walls near the two groups mentioned earlier.

Fig. 85.—Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.

The characters presented in Fig. 86 are copied from a vertical surface 10 by 16 feet in area and halfway up the ascent to the geodetic point west of “Windsor castle,” Pipe Spring. The human forms are similar in general design to the greater number of such representations made by the Shinumo Indians.

The characters shown in Fig. 86 are taken from a vertical surface measuring 10 by 16 feet, located halfway up the climb to the geodetic point west of “Windsor Castle,” Pipe Spring. The human figures generally resemble most of the similar depictions created by the Shinumo Indians.

Fig. 86.—Petroglyphs at Pipe Spring, Utah.

The human forms represented in Fig. 87 are from the vicinity of Colorado river, 5 miles below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river. Mr.[120] Dellenbaugh notes that the darkest portions of the figures indicate a chiseled surface.

The human figures shown in Fig. 87 are from near the Colorado River, 5 miles downstream from where the Dirty Devil River meets it. Mr.[120] Dellenbaugh mentions that the darker parts of the figures suggest a carved surface.

Fig. 87.—Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.

Fig. 88 represents a number of petroglyphs obtained at the same locality as the one last mentioned. The greater number of the characters appear to represent snakes.

Fig. 88 shows several petroglyphs found at the same location as the previously mentioned one. Most of the symbols seem to represent snakes.

Fig. 88.—Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.

Fig. 89 shows characters from the Shinumo canyon, which, according to the draftsman’s general notes, are painted.

Fig. 89 shows characters from the Shinumo Canyon, which, according to the draftsman’s general notes, are painted.

Fig. 89.—Petroglyphs in Shinumo canyon, Utah.

VIRGINIA.

In 1886 Dr. Hoffman visited a local field 9 miles southwest of Tazewell, Tazewell county, Virginia, which can be designated as follows: The range of hills bounding the western side of the valley presents at various points low cliffs and exposures of Silurian sandstone. About 4 miles below the village, known as Knob post-office, there is a narrow ravine leading up toward a depression in the range, forming a pass to the valley beyond, near the summit of which is a large irregular exposure of rock facing west-southwest, upon the eastern extremity of which are a number of pictographs, many of which are still in good preservation. Fig. 90 is a representation. The westernmost object, i. e., the one on the extreme left, appears to be a circle about 16 inches in diameter, from the outer side of which are short radiating lines giving the whole the appearance of a sun. Beneath and to the right of this is the outline of an animal resembling a doe.

In 1886, Dr. Hoffman visited a local area 9 miles southwest of Tazewell, Tazewell County, Virginia, which can be described as follows: The range of hills on the western side of the valley features low cliffs and exposures of Silurian sandstone at various points. About 4 miles downstream from the village called Knob post-office, there's a narrow ravine that leads up to a depression in the range, creating a pass to the valley beyond. Near the top of this pass, there’s a large, irregular rock face that faces west-southwest, and on the eastern end of this rock, there are several pictographs, many of which are still well-preserved. Fig. 90 shows a representation of this. The leftmost figure, which is the westernmost, looks like a circle about 16 inches in diameter, with short radiating lines extending from its outer edge, giving it the appearance of a sun. Below and to the right of this is the outline of an animal that resembles a doe.

Fig. 90.—Petroglyphs in Tazewell county, Virginia.

Other figures, chiefly human, follow in close succession to the eastern edge of the vertical face of the rock, nearly all of which present the arms in various attitudes, i. e., extended or raised as in extreme surprise or adoration. Concentric rings appear at one point, while a thunder-bird is shown not far away. About 12 feet east of this place are several figures resembling the thunder-bird.

Other figures, mainly human, follow closely on the eastern side of the rock's vertical face, almost all showing their arms in different positions, like extended or raised as if in great surprise or worship. At one point, there are concentric rings, while a thunderbird is depicted nearby. About 12 feet east of this spot, there are several figures that look like the thunderbird.

All of the characters, with one exception, are drawn in heavy or solid[122] lines of dark red paint, presumably a ferruginous coloring material prepared in the neighborhood, which abounds in iron compounds. The exception is one object which appears to have been black, but is now so faded or eroded as to seem dark gray.

All of the characters, except for one, are outlined in thick, solid[122] lines of dark red paint, likely made from a local iron-rich pigment. The exception is one object that seems to have been black but has faded or eroded to a dark gray.

The following account of the Tazewell county, Virginia, pictographs is taken from Coale’s Life, etc., of Waters: (a)

The following account of the Tazewell County, Virginia, pictographs is taken from Coale’s Life, etc., of Waters: (a)

In August, 1871, the writer went to visit Tazewell county by way of the saltworks. Upon this place are found those strangely painted rocks which have been a wonder and a mystery to all who have seen them. The grandfather of Gen. Bowen settled the cove in 1766, one hundred and ten years ago, and the paintings were there then, and as brilliant to-day as they were when first seen by a white man. They consist of horses, elk, deer, wolves, bows and arrows, eagles, Indians, and various other devices. The mountain upon which these rocks are based is about 1,000 feet high, and they lie in a horizontal line about halfway up and are perhaps 75 feet broad upon their perpendicular face.

In August 1871, the writer visited Tazewell County through the saltworks. In this area, there are those oddly painted rocks that have amazed and puzzled everyone who has seen them. Gen. Bowen's grandfather settled the cove in 1766, which is one hundred and ten years ago, and the paintings were there then, just as vibrant today as they were when first seen by a white man. They depict horses, elk, deer, wolves, bows and arrows, eagles, Native Americans, and various other designs. The mountain where these rocks are located is about 1,000 feet high, and the paintings stretch horizontally about halfway up, measuring approximately 75 feet across their vertical face.

When it is remembered that the rock is hard, with a smooth white surface, incapable of absorbing paint, it is a mystery how the coloring has remained undimmed under the peltings of the elements for how much longer than a hundred years no one can tell. This paint is found near the rocks, and Gen. Bowen informed the writers that his grandmother used it for dyeing linsey, and it was a fadeless color.

When you consider that the rock is hard, with a smooth white surface that can’t absorb paint, it's a mystery how the color has stayed vibrant despite being battered by the elements for who knows how many years—definitely over a hundred. This paint is found near the rocks, and Gen. Bowen told the writers that his grandmother used it for dyeing linsey, and it was a color that never faded.

As there was a battle fought on a neighboring mountain, between 1740 and 1750, between the Cherokees and Shawnees for the possession of a buffalo lick, the remains of the rude fortifications being still visible, it is supposed the paintings were hieroglyphics conveying such intelligence to the red man as we now communicate to each other through newspapers.

As there was a battle fought on a nearby mountain, between 1740 and 1750, between the Cherokees and Shawnees over a buffalo lick, the remnants of the crude fortifications are still visible. It is believed that the paintings were hieroglyphics conveying messages to the Native Americans similar to how we communicate with each other through newspapers today.

It was a perilous adventure to stand upon a narrow, inclined ledge without a shrub or a root to hold to, with from 50 to 75 feet of sheer perpendicular descent below to a bed of jagged bowlders and the home of innumerable rattlesnakes, but I didn’t make it. I crawled far enough along that narrow slanting ledge with my fingers inserted in the crevices of the rocks to see most of the paintings, and then “coon’d” it back with equal care and caution.

It was a risky adventure to stand on a narrow, slanted ledge with no bushes or roots to grab onto, with a straight drop of 50 to 75 feet down to a bed of sharp boulders and the habitat of countless rattlesnakes, but I didn’t make it. I crawled far enough along that narrow slanted ledge with my fingers wedged in the cracks of the rocks to see most of the paintings, and then carefully made my way back with the same caution.

Five miles east of the last-noted locality and 7 west of Tazewell, high up against a vertical cliff of rock, is visible a lozenge-shaped group of red and black squares, known in the locality as the “Handkerchief rock,” because the general appearance of the colored markings suggests the idea of an immense bandana handkerchief spread out. The pictograph is on the same range of hills as the preceding, but neither is visible from any place near the other. The objects can not be viewed upon Handkerchief rock excepting from a point opposite to it and across the valley, as the locality is so overgrown with large trees as to obscure it from any position immediately beneath. The lozenge or diamond-shaped figure appears to cover an area about 3 feet in diameter.

Five miles east of the last mentioned spot and 7 miles west of Tazewell, high up against a steep rock cliff, you can see a diamond-shaped arrangement of red and black squares, known locally as the “Handkerchief rock,” because the overall look of the colored patterns resembles a huge bandana spread out. The pictograph is on the same range of hills as the previous one, but you can't see either from where the other is located. You can only view the images on Handkerchief rock from directly opposite it across the valley, as the area is so thick with large trees that it blocks the view from directly below. The diamond-shaped figure seems to cover an area of about 3 feet in diameter.

WASHINGTON.

Capt. Charles Bendire, U. S. Army, in a letter dated Fort Walla-walla, Washington, May 18, 1881, mentions a discovery made by Col. Henry C. Merriam, then lieutenant-colonel Second United States Infantry, as thus quoted:

Capt. Charles Bendire, U.S. Army, in a letter dated Fort Walla Walla, Washington, May 18, 1881, mentions a discovery made by Col. Henry C. Merriam, who was then lieutenant colonel of the Second United States Infantry, as follows:

While encamped at the lower end of Lake Chelan, lat. 48° N., he made a trip to the upper end of said lake, where he found a perpendicular cliff of granite with a[123] perfectly smooth surface, from 600 to 1,000 feet high, rising out of the lake. On the cliff he found Indian picture-writings, painted evidently at widely different periods, but evidently quite old. The oldest was from 25 to 30 feet above the present water level, and could at the time they were executed only be reached by canoe. The paintings are figures, black and red in color, and represent Indians with bows and arrows, elk, deer, bear, beaver, and fish, and are from 1 foot to 18 inches in size. There are either four or five rows of these figures, quite a number in each row. The Indians inhabiting this region know nothing of the origin of these pictures, and say that none of their people for the past four generations knew anything about them.

While camping at the lower end of Lake Chelan, latitude 48° N., he took a trip to the upper end of the lake, where he discovered a vertical granite cliff with a[123] perfectly smooth surface, standing between 600 to 1,000 feet tall, rising out of the lake. On the cliff, he found Native American petroglyphs, painted clearly at different times but definitely quite old. The oldest ones were located 25 to 30 feet above the current water level and could only be accessed by canoe when they were made. The images are figures, in black and red, depicting Native Americans with bows and arrows, as well as elk, deer, bears, beavers, and fish, ranging from 1 foot to 18 inches in size. There are either four or five rows of these figures, with several in each row. The Native Americans living in this area have no knowledge of the origins of these images and state that none of their people have known anything about them for the past four generations.

Since the preceding letter was written a notice of the same rock has been published, together with an illustration, by Mr. Alfred Downing, of Seattle, Washington, in “The Northwest,” VII, No. 10, October, 1889, pp. 3, 4. The description, condensed, is as follows:

Since the last letter was sent, a notice about the same rock has been published, along with an illustration, by Mr. Alfred Downing of Seattle, Washington, in “The Northwest,” VII, No. 10, October 1889, pp. 3, 4. The description, summarized, is as follows:

In that part of Washington territory until recent years known as the Moses Indian reservation lies the famous Lake Chelan, 70 miles in length with an average width of 2 miles.

In that part of the Washington territory formerly known as the Moses Indian reservation, you'll find the famous Lake Chelan, which is 70 miles long and has an average width of 2 miles.

About half a mile from its head, on the western shore and rising from the water, as an abrupt and precipitous wall of granite, stands “Pictured rock.”

About half a mile from its starting point, on the western shore and rising up from the water, is “Pictured Rock,” a steep and sheer wall of granite.

The most remarkable feature of the Chelan picture is that the figures representing Indians, bear, deer, birds, etc., are painted upon the surface of the smooth granite, nearly horizontal, but about 17 feet above the lake; the upper portion of the picture being about 2 feet higher. The figures depicted are 5 to 10 inches long.

The most striking aspect of the Chelan picture is that the figures of Indians, bears, deer, birds, and so on, are painted directly on the smooth granite surface, which is nearly flat and about 17 feet above the lake; the upper part of the picture is around 2 feet higher. The figures shown range from 5 to 10 inches in length.

The difference between high and low stage of water at any period during the year does not exceed 4 feet, and this high-water mark being well defined along the shore, it becomes self-evident that these signs were placed there ages ago, when the water was 17 feet higher than it is now. The granite bluff or walls in this instance are smooth, being weather and water worn, and afford no hold for hand or foot either from above or below, and from careful observation it would appear to be a physical impossibility for either a white or red man to show his artistic skill on those rocks unless at the ancient stage of water and with the aid of a canoe or a “dugout.”

The difference between high and low water levels at any time of the year doesn’t go beyond 4 feet. This high-water mark is clearly visible along the shore, making it obvious that these markings were made long ago, when the water was 17 feet higher than it is now. The granite cliffs in this area are smooth, shaped by weather and water, offering no grip for hands or feet from above or below. After careful observation, it seems physically impossible for either a white or a red person to showcase their artistic skill on those rocks unless during the ancient water level and with the help of a canoe or a dugout.

The paint or color used was black and red, the latter resembling venetian. How wonderfully the color has stood the test in the face of the storms to which the lake is subject is apparent; only in one or two instances does it to-day show any signs of fading or weather-wearing. The signs impressed me as intending to convey the idea of the prowess of an Indian chief in the hunt, or as being a page in the history of a tribe, the small perpendicular strokes seen in the lower portion indicating probably the number of bear, deer, or other animals slain.

The paint colors used were black and red, with the red looking similar to Venetian red. It's amazing how well the color has held up against the storms that hit the lake; only in a couple of places does it show any signs of fading or wear and tear today. The signs seemed to suggest the strength of an Indian chief during a hunt or to represent a chapter in the history of a tribe, with the small vertical marks at the bottom likely indicating the number of bears, deer, or other animals killed.

When referring, in Pacific Railroad Report, vol. I, page 411, to a locality on the Columbia river in Washington, between Yakima and Pisquouse counties, Mr. George Gibbs mentioned pecked and colored petroglyphs which he found there as follows:

When discussing, in the Pacific Railroad Report, vol. I, page 411, a location on the Columbia River in Washington, situated between Yakima and Pisquouse counties, Mr. George Gibbs noted the pecked and colored petroglyphs he discovered there as follows:

It was a perpendicular rock, on the face of which were carved sundry figures, most of them intended for men. They were slightly sunk into the sandstone and colored, some black, others red, and traces of paint remained more or less distinctly on all of them. These also, according to their [the Indians’] report, were the work of the ancient race; but from the soft nature of the rock, and the freshness of some of the paint, they were probably not of extreme antiquity.

It was a steep rock, with various figures carved into its surface, most of which depicted men. The figures were slightly recessed in the sandstone and painted, some black, others red, with traces of the paint still visible on all of them. According to the Indians, these were created by an ancient civilization; however, due to the soft nature of the rock and the freshness of some of the paint, they were probably not very old.

For another example of petroglyphs from Washington see Fig. 679.

For another example of petroglyphs from Washington, see Fig. 679.

WEST VIRGINIA.

Mr. John Haywood (d) gives the following account:

Mr. John Haywood (d) shares this account:

In the county of Kenhaway [Kanawha] about 4 miles below the Burning spring, and near the mouth of Campbell’s creek, in the state of Virginia, is a rock of great size, on which, in ancient times, the natives engraved many representations. There is the figure of almost every indigenous animal—the buffalo, the bear, the deer, the fox, the hare, and other quadrupeds of various kinds; fish of the various productions of the western waters, fowls of different descriptions, infants scalped, scalps alone, and men as large as life. The rock is in the river Kenhaway, near its northern shore, accessible only at low water unless by the aid of water craft.

In Kanawha County, about 4 miles downstream from Burning Spring and close to the mouth of Campbell’s Creek in Virginia, there’s a large rock where, in ancient times, the native people carved many images. You can find figures of nearly every local animal—the buffalo, bear, deer, fox, hare, and various other quadrupeds; fish from the many waterways in the region; birds of different kinds; scalped infants, just the scalps, and men depicted life-size. The rock is located in the Kanawha River, near the northern bank, and can only be reached at low water unless you use a boat.

The following notice of the same locality, but perhaps not of the same rock, was published by James Madison (a), bishop of Virginia, in 1804:

The following notice from the same area, though possibly not regarding the same rock, was published by James Madison (a), bishop of Virginia, in 1804:

I cannot conclude this letter without mentioning another curious specimen of Indian labour, and of their progress in one of the arts. This specimen is found within 4 miles of the place whose latitude I endeavoured to take, and within 2 of what are improperly called Burning springs, upon a rock of hard freestone, which sloping to the south, touching the margin of the river, presents a flat surface of above 12 feet in length and 9 in breadth, with a plane side to the east of 8 or 9 feet in thickness.

I can't finish this letter without mentioning another interesting example of Indian labor and their advancement in one of the arts. This example is located about 4 miles from the spot where I tried to record the latitude, and within 2 miles of what are wrongly referred to as Burning Springs. It's on a hard freestone rock that slopes south, touching the river's edge, and it has a flat surface that's over 12 feet long and 9 feet wide, with a flat side to the east that's around 8 or 9 feet thick.

Upon the upper surface of this rock, and also upon the side, we see the outlines of several figures, cut without relief, except in one instance, and somewhat larger than the life. The depth of the outline may be half an inch; its width three-quarters, nearly, in some places. In one line ascending from the part of the rock nearest the river there is a tortoise; a spread eagle, executed with great expression, particularly the head, to which is given a shallow relief, and a child, the outline of which is very well drawn. In a parallel line there are other figures, but among them that of a woman only can be traced. These are very indistinct. Upon the side of the rock there are two awkward figures which particularly caught my attention. One is that of a man with his arms uplifted, and hands spread out as if engaged in prayer. His head is made to terminate in a point, or rather, he has the appearance of something upon the head of a triangular or conical form; near to him is another similar figure suspended by a cord fastened to his heels. I recollected the story which Father Hennepin relates of one of the missionaries from Canada who was treated in a somewhat similar manner, but whether this piece of seemingly historical sculpture has reference to such an event can be only a matter of conjecture. A turkey, badly executed, with a few other figures may also be seen. The labour and the perseverance requisite to cut those rude figures in a rock so hard that steel appeared to make but little impression upon it, must have been great; much more so than making of enclosures in a loose and fertile soil.

On the upper surface of this rock, and also on the side, we see the shapes of several figures carved in, except in one case, and they're somewhat larger than life. The depth of the outline is about half an inch; its width is nearly three-quarters in some places. In one line rising from the part of the rock closest to the river, there’s a tortoise; a spread eagle, carved with great expression, especially the head, which has a shallow relief, and a child, whose outline is very well drawn. In a parallel line, there are other figures, but only the outline of a woman can be made out among them. These are very faint. On the side of the rock, there are two awkward figures that particularly caught my attention. One is a man with his arms raised and hands spread out as if he’s praying. His head tapers to a point, or he looks like he has something of a triangular or conical shape on his head; next to him is another similar figure hanging by a cord tied to his heels. I remembered the story Father Hennepin tells about one of the missionaries from Canada who was treated in a somewhat similar way, but whether this piece of seemingly historical sculpture refers to such an event is purely speculative. A poorly carved turkey, along with a few other figures, can also be seen. The effort and persistence needed to carve these rough figures into a rock so hard that steel barely made an impact must have been substantial; much more so than building enclosures in loose, fertile soil.

Another petroglyph, a copy of which is presented in Fig. 1088, is thus described in a letter from Morgantown, West Virginia:

Another petroglyph, a copy of which is shown in Fig. 1088, is described in a letter from Morgantown, West Virginia:

The famous pictured rocks on the Evansville pike, about 4 miles from this place, have been a source of wonder and speculation for more than a century, and have attracted much attention among the learned men of this country and Europe. The cliff upon which these drawings exist is of considerable size and within a short distance of the highway above mentioned. The rock is a white sandstone, which wears little from exposure to the weather, and upon its smooth surface are delineated the outlines of at least fifty [?] species of animals, birds, reptiles, and fish, embracing in the number panthers, deer, buffalo, otters, beavers, wildcats, foxes, wolves, raccoons, opossums, bears, elk, crows, eagles, turkeys, eels, various sorts of fish, large and small, snakes, etc. In the midst of this silent menagerie of specimens of the animal kingdom is the full length outline of a female form, beautiful and perfect[125] in every respect. Interspersed among the drawings of animals, etc., are imitations of the footprints of each sort, the whole space occupied being 150 feet long by 50 feet wide. To what race the artist belonged or what his purpose was in making these rude portraits must ever remain a mystery, but the work was evidently done ages ago.

The famous painted rocks on the Evansville pike, about 4 miles from here, have been a source of wonder and speculation for over a century and have drawn significant interest from scholars in both this country and Europe. The cliff where these drawings are located is quite large and only a short distance from the mentioned highway. The rock is made of white sandstone, which shows little wear from the weather, and on its smooth surface are outlined at least fifty species of animals, birds, reptiles, and fish, including panthers, deer, buffalo, otters, beavers, wildcats, foxes, wolves, raccoons, opossums, bears, elk, crows, eagles, turkeys, eels, various types of fish, large and small, snakes, and more. In the midst of this silent display of the animal kingdom is a full-length outline of a beautiful and perfectly formed female figure. Scattered among the animal drawings are imitations of footprints from each species, with the entire area measuring 150 feet long by 50 feet wide. The identity of the artist or the purpose behind these rough portraits will likely remain a mystery, but it’s clear that this work was done ages ago.

The late P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reported that he found petroglyphs in many localities along the Kanawha river, West Virginia. Engravings are numerous upon smooth rocks, covered during high water, at the prominent fords in the river, as well as in the niches or long shallow caves high in the rocky cliffs of this region. Rude representations of men, animals, and some characters deemed symbolic were found, but none were observed superior to, or essentially differing from those of modern Indians.

The late P. W. Norris from the Bureau of Ethnology reported finding petroglyphs in several locations along the Kanawha River in West Virginia. There are many engravings on smooth rocks that are submerged during high water at key fords in the river, as well as in the niches or shallow caves high up on the rocky cliffs in this area. They found rough depictions of people, animals, and some symbols that seemed significant, but none were seen as being better or fundamentally different from those created by modern Indigenous people.

On the rocky walls of Little Coal river, near the mouth of Big Horse creek, are cliffs which display many carvings. One of the rocks upon which a mass of characters appear, is 8 feet in length and 5 feet in height.

On the rocky walls of Little Coal River, near the mouth of Big Horse Creek, there are cliffs with many carvings. One of the rocks that has a lot of characters on it is 8 feet long and 5 feet high.

About 2 miles above Mount Pleasant, Mason county, on the north side of the Kanawha river, are numbers of characters, apparently totemic. These are at the foot of the hills flanking the river.

About 2 miles above Mount Pleasant, Mason County, on the north side of the Kanawha River, there are several characters that seem to be totemic. These are located at the base of the hills alongside the river.

On the cliffs near the mouth of the Kanawha river, opposite Mount Carbon, Nicholas county, are numerous pictographs. These appear to be cut into the sandstone rock.

On the cliffs by the entrance of the Kanawha River, across from Mount Carbon in Nicholas County, there are many pictographs. These seem to be carved into the sandstone rock.

Pictographs were lately seen at various points on the banks of the Kanawha river, both above and below Charleston, but since the construction of the Chesapeake and Ohio railroad some of the rocks bearing them have been destroyed. About 6 miles above Charleston there was formerly a rock lying near its water’s edge upon which, it is reported by old residents, were depicted the outline of a bear, turkey tracks, and other markings. Tradition told that this was a boat or canoe landing, used by the Indians in their travels when proceeding southward. The tribe was not designated. From an examination of the locality it was learned that this rock had been broken and used in the construction of buildings. It is said that a trail passing there led southward, and at a point 10 miles below the Kanawha river stood several large trees upon which were marks of red ocher or some similar pigment, at which point the trail spread or branched out in two directions, one leading southward into Virginia, the other southwest toward Kentucky.

Pictographs have recently been spotted at various locations along the Kanawha River, both upstream and downstream of Charleston, but some of the rocks featuring them have been destroyed since the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad was built. About 6 miles above Charleston, there used to be a rock near the water's edge that, according to longtime residents, had an outline of a bear, turkey tracks, and other markings. Tradition held that this was a landing spot for boats or canoes used by the Native Americans during their journeys southward. The specific tribe wasn’t mentioned. An examination of the area revealed that this rock had been broken and used in the construction of buildings. It’s said that a trail passed through there, leading south, and about 10 miles below the Kanawha River, several large trees showed marks made with red ocher or a similar pigment, where the trail split off in two directions—one heading south into Virginia and the other southwest toward Kentucky.

On a low escarpment of sandstone facing Little Coal river, 6 or 8 miles above its confluence with Coal river and about 18 miles south of the Kanawha river, are depicted the outlines of animals, such as the deer, panther (?), etc., and circles, delineated in dark red, but rather faint from disintegration of the surface. The characters are similar in general appearance to those in Tazewell county, Virginia, and appear as if they might have been made by the same tribe. There are no peculiarities in the topography of the surrounding region that would suggest the idea of their having served as topographic indications,[126] but they rather appear to be a record of a hunting party, and to designate the kinds of game abounding in the region.

On a low sandstone ridge overlooking the Little Coal River, about 6 or 8 miles upstream from where it meets the Coal River and roughly 18 miles south of the Kanawha River, the outlines of animals, like deer and possibly a panther, are etched in dark red. However, these designs are quite faint due to the erosion of the surface. The shapes resemble those found in Tazewell County, Virginia, suggesting they might have been created by the same tribe. There’s nothing unusual in the landscape around that would imply these markings were meant as navigational aids, but rather they seem to document a hunting party and indicate the types of game available in the area.[126]

Mr. L. V. McWhorter reports pictographs in a cave near Berlin, Lewis county, West Virginia. No details are given.

Mr. L. V. McWhorter reports cave drawings found near Berlin, Lewis County, West Virginia. No details are provided.

A petroglyph found in a rock shelter in West Virginia is also presented in Pl. XXXI.

A petroglyph discovered in a rock shelter in West Virginia is also displayed in Pl. XXXI.

WISCONSIN.

A large number of glyphs are incised on the face of a rock near Odanah, now a village of the Ojibwa Indians, 12 miles northeast from Ashland, on the south shore of lake Superior, near its western extremity. The characters were easily cut on the soft stone, so were also easily worn by the weather, and in 1887 were nearly indistinguishable. Many of them appeared to be figures of birds. An old Ojibwa Indian in the vicinity told the present writer that the site of the rock was formerly a well-known halting place and rendezvous, and that on the arrival of a party, or even of a single individual, the appropriate totemic mark or marks were cut on the rock, much as white men register their names at a hotel.

A lot of symbols are carved into a rock near Odanah, which is now a village of the Ojibwa Indians, 12 miles northeast of Ashland, on the south shore of Lake Superior, near its western edge. The characters were easily carved into the soft stone, and because of that, they were also easily worn away by the weather; by 1887, they were almost impossible to distinguish. Many of them looked like bird figures. An elderly Ojibwa man in the area told me that the location of the rock used to be a popular stop and meeting place, and when a group or even a single person arrived, they would carve the appropriate totemic symbol or symbols into the rock, similar to how white people sign their names at a hotel.

Fig. 91.—Petroglyphs in Brown’s cave, Wisconsin.

The Pictured cave of La Crosse valley, called Brown’s cave, is described by Rev. Edward Brown (a) as follows:

The Pictured Cave of La Crosse Valley, known as Brown's Cave, is described by Rev. Edward Brown (a) in this way:

This curious cavern is situated in the town of Barre, 4 miles from West Salem and 8 miles from La Crosse. * * *

This interesting cave is located in the town of Barre, 4 miles from West Salem and 8 miles from La Crosse. * * *

Before the landslide it was an open shelter cavern, 15 feet wide at the opening and 7 feet at the back end; greatest width, 16 feet; average, 13; length, 30 feet; height, 13 feet, and depth of excavation after clearing out the sand of the landslide, 5 feet. The pictures are mostly of the rudest kind, but differing in degree of skill. Except several bisons, a lynx, rabbit, otter, badger, elk, and heron, it is perhaps impossible to determine with certainty what were intended or whether they represented large or small animals, no regard being had to their relative sizes.

Before the landslide, it was an open shelter cave, 15 feet wide at the entrance and 7 feet at the back; the widest point was 16 feet, the average width was 13 feet, it was 30 feet long, 13 feet high, and after removing the sand from the landslide, it had a depth of 5 feet. The pictures are mostly very basic, but vary in skill level. Aside from several bison, a lynx, rabbit, otter, badger, elk, and heron, it’s probably impossible to say for sure what the other images were meant to depict or whether they represented large or small animals since there was no attention given to their relative sizes.

[Examples of the figures are here presented as Fig. 91.]

[Examples of the figures are presented here as Fig. 91.]

Perhaps a indicates a bison or buffalo, and is the best executed picture of the collection. Its size is 19 inches long by 15½ inches from tip of the horns to the feet.

Perhaps a represents a bison or buffalo, and it's the best-executed image in the collection. Its dimensions are 19 inches long by 15½ inches from the tip of the horns to the feet.

b represents a hunter, with a boy behind him, in the act of shooting an animal with his bow and arrow weapon. The whole representation is 25 inches long; the animal from tip of tail to end of horn or proboscis 12 inches, and from top of head to feet 7 inches; the hunter 11 inches high, the boy 4½.

b represents a hunter, with a boy behind him, in the act of shooting an animal with his bow and arrow. The entire representation is 25 inches long; the animal, from the tip of its tail to the end of its horn or proboscis, is 12 inches, and from the top of its head to its feet, it is 7 inches; the hunter is 11 inches high, and the boy is 4½ inches.

c represents a wounded animal, with the arrow or weapon near the wound. This figure is 21¾ inches from the lower extremity of the nose to the tip of the tail, 8¾ inches from fore shoulders to front feet, and 8 inches from the rump to the hind feet. The weapon is 4½ inches long by 5 inches broad from the tip of one prong or barb to that of the other.

c represents an injured animal, with the arrow or weapon next to the wound. This figure measures 21¾ inches from the tip of the nose to the end of the tail, 8¾ inches from the front shoulders to the front feet, and 8 inches from the hindquarters to the back feet. The weapon is 4½ inches long and 5 inches wide from the tip of one prong or barb to the other.

d represents a chief with eight plumes and a war club, 11 inches from top of head to the lower extremity, and 6¾ inches from the tip of the upper finger to the end of the opposite arm; the war club 6½ inches long.

d represents a chief wearing eight feather plumes and holding a war club, measuring 11 inches from the top of the head to the bottom, and 6¾ inches from the tip of the upper finger to the end of the opposite arm; the war club is 6½ inches long.

Dr. Hoffman made a visit to this cave in August, 1888, to compare the pictographic characters with others of apparently similar outline and of known signification. He found but a limited number of the figures distinct, and these only in part, owing to the rapid disintegration of the sandstone upon which they were drawn. Many names and inscriptions had been incised in the soft surface by visitors, who also, by means of the smoke of candles, added grotesque and meaningless figures over and between the original paintings, so as to seriously injure the latter.

Dr. Hoffman visited this cave in August 1888 to compare the pictographic symbols with others that seemed similar and had known meanings. He found only a few distinct figures, and even those were partially unclear due to the rapid erosion of the sandstone they were painted on. Many names and messages had been carved into the soft surface by visitors, who also added bizarre and pointless drawings over and around the original paintings using candle smoke, causing serious damage to them.

Mr. T. H. Lewis (d) describes the petroglyphs, a part of which is reproduced in Fig. 92, as follows:

Mr. T. H. Lewis (d) describes the petroglyphs, some of which are shown in Fig. 92, as follows:

Fig. 92.—Petroglyphs at Trempealeau, Wisconsin.

Last November my attention was called to some rock sculptures located about 2½ miles northwest from Trempealeau, Wisconsin. There is at the point in question an exposed ledge of the Potsdam sandstone extending nearly one-eighth of a mile along the east side of the lower mouth of the Trempealeau river, now known as the bay. Near its north end there is a projection extending out about 7 feet from the top of the ledge and overhanging the base about 10 feet. The base of the ledge is 40 feet back from the shore, and the top of the cliff at this point is 30 feet above the water. On the face of the projection, and near the top, are the sculpture figures referred to.

Last November, I learned about some rock sculptures located about 2½ miles northwest of Trempealeau, Wisconsin. There's an exposed ledge of Potsdam sandstone that stretches nearly one-eighth of a mile along the east side of the lower mouth of the Trempealeau River, now known as the bay. Near the north end, there's a projection that extends about 7 feet from the top of the ledge and overhangs the base by about 10 feet. The base of the ledge is 40 feet back from the shore, and the top of the cliff at this point rises 30 feet above the water. On the face of the projection, near the top, are the sculpture figures mentioned.

The characters designated a a are two so-called canoes, somewhat crescent-shaped, but with some variation in outline; b has the same form, but the additional upright portion overlaps it; c and d are also of the same form as a, but c is cut in the bottom of d; e probably represents a fort, and its length is 18½ inches; f is a nondescript, and it partly overlaps d; g is a nondescript four-legged animal, its length in a straight line from the end of the nose to the tip of the tail being 10½ inches; h may be intended to represent a foot, but possibly it may be a hand; it is 7½ inches in length; i is an outspread hand, a little over 13 inches long; j undoubtedly represents a foot and is 4½ inches long; k k are of the same class as a.

The characters labeled a a are two so-called canoes, somewhat crescent-shaped but with variations in their outlines; b has the same shape but the extra upright part overlaps it; c and d are similar to a, but c is cut at the bottom of d; e likely represents a fort, measuring 18½ inches long; f is an indeterminate object that partially overlaps d; g is an unidentified four-legged animal, measuring 10½ inches in a straight line from the end of its nose to the tip of its tail; h might be meant to represent a foot, but it could also be a hand; it is 7½ inches long; i is an outspread hand, a little over 13 inches long; j certainly represents a foot and is 4½ inches long; k k belong to the same category as a.

The figures are not mere outlines, but intaglio, varying in depth from a quarter of an inch to fully 1 inch. Although the surface of the rock is rough the intaglios were rubbed perfectly smooth after they had been engraved by pecking or cutting.

The figures aren't just outlines; they're intaglios, ranging in depth from a quarter inch to a full inch. Even though the rock's surface is rough, the intaglios were smoothed out perfectly after being engraved by pecking or cutting.

WYOMING.

Several pictographs in Wyoming are described by Capt. William A. Jones, U. S. Army (a). They are reproduced here as Figs. 93, 94, and 95.

Several pictographs in Wyoming are described by Capt. William A. Jones, U.S. Army (a). They are shown here as Figs. 93, 94, and 95.

Fig. 93, found in the Wind river valley, Wyoming, was interpreted by members of a Shoshoni and Banak delegation to Washington in 1880 as “an Indian killed another.” The latter is very roughly delineated in the horizontal figure, but is also represented by the line under the hand of the upright figure, meaning the same dead person. At the right is the scalp taken and the two feathers showing the dead warrior’s rank. The arm nearest the prostrate foe shows the gesture for killed; concept, to put down, flat.

Fig. 93, discovered in the Wind River Valley, Wyoming, was interpreted by members of a Shoshoni and Banak delegation to Washington in 1880 as “an Indian killed another.” The latter is only roughly outlined in the horizontal figure but is also represented by the line under the hand of the upright figure, indicating the same deceased person. To the right is the scalp taken and the two feathers signifying the dead warrior’s rank. The arm closest to the fallen foe shows the gesture for killed; concept, to lay down, flat.

Fig. 93.—Petroglyph in Wind river valley, Wyoming.

The same gesture appears in Fig. 94, from the same authority and locality. The scalp is here held forth, and the numeral (1) is indicated by the lowest stroke.

The same gesture appears in Fig. 94, from the same source and location. The scalp is presented here, and the number (1) is shown by the lowest line.

Fig. 94.—Petroglyph in Wind river valley, Wyoming.

Fig. 95, from the same locality and authority, was also interpreted by the Shoshoni and Banak. It appears from their description that a Blackfoot had attacked the habitation of some of his own people. The right-hand upper figure represents his horse, with the lance suspended from the side. The lower figure illustrates the log house built against a stream. The dots are the prints of the horse’s hoofs, while the two lines running outward from the upper inclosure show that two thrusts of the lance were made over the wall of the house, thus killing the occupant and securing two bows and five arrows, as represented in the left-hand group. The right-hand figure of that group shows the hand raised in the attitude of making the gesture for kill.

Fig. 95, from the same location and source, was also interpreted by the Shoshoni and Banak. According to their description, a Blackfoot attacked the home of some of his own people. The figure on the upper right shows his horse, with a lance hanging from the side. The lower figure depicts the log house built next to a stream. The dots represent the prints of the horse's hooves, while the two lines extending from the upper enclosure indicate that two lance thrusts were made over the wall of the house, resulting in the death of the occupant and the capture of two bows and five arrows, as shown in the left-hand group. The right-hand figure in that group shows a hand raised in the action of signaling "kill."

Fig. 95.—Petroglyphs in Wind river valley, Wyoming.

The Blackfeet, according to the interpreters, were the only Indians in the locality mentioned who constructed log houses, and therefore the drawing becomes additionally interesting, as an attempt appears to have been made to illustrate the crossing of the logs at the corners, the gesture for which (log house) is as follows:

The Blackfeet, as the interpreters noted, were the only Native Americans in the area mentioned who built log houses. This makes the drawing even more interesting since it seems to try to show how the logs were crossed at the corners. The sign for "log house" is as follows:

Both hands are held edgewise before the body, palms facing, spread the fingers, and place those of one hand into the spaces between those of the other, so that the tips of each protrude about an inch beyond.

Both hands are held sideways in front of the body, palms facing each other, fingers spread apart, and place the fingers of one hand into the spaces between the fingers of the other, so that the tips of each stick out about an inch.

Another and more important petroglyph was discovered on Little Popo-Agie, northwestern Wyoming, by members of Capt. Jones’s party in 1873. The glyphs are upon a nearly vertical wall of the yellow sandstone in the rear of Murphy’s ranch, and appear to be of some antiquity. Further remarks, with specimens of the characters, are presented below in this paper. (See Fig. 1091.)

Another, more significant petroglyph was found on Little Popo-Agie in northwestern Wyoming by members of Capt. Jones’s team in 1873. The glyphs are carved into a nearly vertical wall of yellow sandstone behind Murphy’s ranch and seem to be quite old. More details, along with examples of the characters, are provided below in this paper. (See Fig. 1091.)

Dr. William H. Corbusier, U. S. Army, in a letter to the writer, mentions the discovery of drawings on a sandstone rock near the headwaters of Sage creek, in the vicinity of Fort Washakie, Wyoming, and gives a copy which is presented as Fig. 96. Dr. Corbusier remarks that neither the Shoshoni nor the Arapaho Indians know who made the drawings. The two chief figures appear to be those of the human form,[130] with the hands and arms partly uplifted the whole being inclosed above and on either side by an irregular line.

Dr. William H. Corbusier, U.S. Army, mentioned in a letter to the author the discovery of drawings on a sandstone rock near the headwaters of Sage Creek, close to Fort Washakie, Wyoming, and he provided a copy shown as Fig. 96. Dr. Corbusier notes that neither the Shoshoni nor the Arapaho tribes know who created the drawings. The two main figures appear to be human forms, with their hands and arms partially raised, all enclosed above and on either side by an irregular line.[130]

Fig. 96.—Petroglyph near Sage creek, Wyoming.

The method of grouping, together with various accompanying appendages, as irregular lines, spirals, etc., observed in Dr. Corbusier’s drawing, show great similarity to the Algonquian type, and resemble some engravings found near the Wind river mountains, which were the work of Blackfeet (Satsika) Indians, who, in comparatively recent times, occupied portions of the country in question, and probably also sketched the designs near Fort Washakie.

The way of organizing things, along with different extra elements like irregular lines and spirals seen in Dr. Corbusier’s drawing, is very similar to the Algonquian style. It also looks a lot like some engravings found near the Wind River mountains, created by the Blackfeet (Satsika) Indians who, not long ago, lived in parts of the area in question and likely also drew the designs near Fort Washakie.

Fig. 97 is also reported from the same locality.

Fig. 97 is also noted from the same location.

Fig. 97.—Petroglyph near Sage creek, Wyoming.

SECTION 3.
MEXICO.

No adequate attention can be given in the present paper to the distribution and description of the petroglyphs of Mexico. In fact very little accurate information is accessible regarding them. The distinguished explorer, Mr. A. Bandelier, in a conversation mentioned that he had sketched but not published two petroglyphs in Sonora. One, very large and interesting, was at Cara Pintada, 3 miles southwest of Huassavas, and a smaller one was at Las Flechas, 1 mile west of Huassavas. He also sketched one in Chihuahua on the trail from Casas Grandes to the Cerro de Montezuma. From the accounts of persons met in his Mexican travels he gave it as his opinion that a large number of petroglyphs still remained in the region of the Sierra Madre.

No adequate attention can be given in the present paper to the distribution and description of the petroglyphs of Mexico. In fact, very little accurate information is available about them. The distinguished explorer, Mr. A. Bandelier, mentioned in a conversation that he had sketched but not published two petroglyphs in Sonora. One, very large and interesting, was at Cara Pintada, 3 miles southwest of Huassavas, and a smaller one was at Las Flechas, 1 mile west of Huassavas. He also sketched one in Chihuahua on the trail from Casas Grandes to the Cerro de Montezuma. Based on accounts from people he met during his travels in Mexico, he believed that a large number of petroglyphs still remain in the Sierra Madre region.

The following mention of the paintings of the ancient inhabitants of Lower California is translated from an anonymous account, in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico (a), purporting to have been written in 1790:

The following mention of the paintings created by the ancient people of Lower California is translated from an anonymous account in Documents for the History of Mexico (a), which is said to have been written in 1790:

Throughout civilized California, from south to north, and especially in the caves and smooth rocks, there remain various rude paintings. Notwithstanding their disproportion and lack of art, the representations of men, fish, bows and arrows, can be distinguished and with them different kind of strokes, something like characters. The colors of these paintings are of four kinds; yellow, a reddish color, green and black. The greater part of them are painted in high places, and from this it is inferred by some that the old tradition is true, that there were giants among the ancient Californians. Be this as it may, in the Mission of Santiago, which is at the south, was discovered on a smooth rock of great height, a row of hands stamped in red. On the high cliffs facing the shore are seen fish painted in various shapes and sizes, bows, arrows, and some unknown characters. In other parts are Indians armed with bows and arrows, and various kinds of insects, snakes, and mice, with lines and characters of other forms. On a flat rock about 2 yards in length were stamped insignia or escutcheons of rank and inscriptions of various characters.

Throughout California, from south to north, and especially in the caves and on smooth rocks, there are various primitive paintings. Despite their awkwardness and lack of skill, you can make out images of people, fish, bows, and arrows, along with different types of strokes that resemble characters. The colors of these paintings come in four types: yellow, reddish, green, and black. Most of them are painted in high places, leading some to believe the old stories that there were giants among the ancient Californians. Regardless, at the Mission of Santiago in the south, a row of red handprints was found on a tall, smooth rock. On the high cliffs facing the shore, you can see fish painted in various shapes and sizes, along with bows, arrows, and some unknown symbols. In other areas, there are images of Indians with bows and arrows, along with various insects, snakes, and mice, alongside lines and shapes of different kinds. On a flat rock about 2 yards long, there were symbols or coats of arms and inscriptions of different characters.

Towards Purmo, about 30 leagues beyond the Mission of Santiago del Sur, is a bluff 8 yards in height and on the center of it is seen an inscription which resembles Gothic letters interspersed with Hebrew and Chaldean characters [?].

Towards Purmo, about 30 leagues beyond the Mission of Santiago del Sur, there is a cliff 8 yards high, and in the center of it, there's an inscription that looks like Gothic letters mixed with Hebrew and Chaldean characters [?].

Though the Californian Indians have often been asked concerning the significance of the figures, lines, and characters, no satisfactory answer has been obtained. The most that has been established by their information is that the paintings were their predecessors, and that they are absolutely ignorant of the signification of them. It is evident that the paintings and drawings of the Californians are significant symbols and landmarks by which they intended to leave to posterity the memory, either of their establishment in this country, or of certain wars or political or natural triumphs. These pictures are not like those of the Mexicans, but might have the same purpose.

Though the Californian Indians have often been asked about the meaning of the figures, lines, and symbols, no satisfactory answer has been found. The most that has been established from their responses is that the paintings were created by their ancestors, and they have no real understanding of what they signify. It's clear that the paintings and drawings of the Californians serve as meaningful symbols and markers that were meant to preserve for future generations the memory of either their settlement in this region or certain wars or political or natural victories. These images aren't like those of the Mexicans, but they might share a similar purpose.

Several petroglyphs in Sonora are described and illustrated infra in Chapter XX on Special Comparisons. The following copies of petroglyphs are presented here as specimens and are markedly different from those in the northwestern states of Mexico, which represent the Aztec culture.

Several petroglyphs in Sonora are described and illustrated below in Chapter XX on Special Comparisons. The following replicas of petroglyphs are shown here as examples and are significantly different from those in the northwestern states of Mexico, which represent the Aztec culture.

The description of Fig. 98 is extracted from Viages de Guillelmo Dupaix (a):

The description of Fig. 98 is taken from Travels of Guillelmo Dupaix (a):

Fig. 98.—Petroglyphs in Mexico.

Going from the town of Tlalmanalco to that of Mecamecan, at a distance of a league to the east of the latter and in the confines of the estate of Señor Don José Tepatolco, is an isolated rock of granitic stone artificially cut into a conical form with a series of six steps cut in the solid rock itself on the eastern side, the summit forming a platform or horizontal section suitable for the purpose of observing the stars at all points of the compass. It is, therefore, most evident that this ancient monument or observatory was employed solely for astronomical observations, and it is further proved by various hieroglyphs cut in the south side of the cone; but the most interesting feature of this side is the figure of a man standing upright and in profile directing his gaze to the east with the arms raised, holding in the hands a tube or species of optical instrument. Beneath his feet is seen a carved frieze with six compartments or squares and other symbols of a celestial nature are engraved[133] on their surfaces, evidently the product of observation and calculation. Some of them have connection with those found symmetrically arranged in circles on the ancient Mexican calendar, exposed in this capital to general admiration. In front of the observer is a rabbit seated and confronted by two parallel rows of numerical figures; lastly two other symbols relating to the same science are seen at the back.

Going from the town of Tlalmanalco to Mecamecan, which is about a league to the east and on the outskirts of Señor Don José Tepatolco's estate, there’s a single rock of granite that has been cut into a conical shape. On the eastern side, there’s a series of six steps carved directly into the rock, and the top has a flat section that’s perfect for star-gazing in any direction. It’s clear that this ancient structure or observatory was specifically used for astronomical observations, backed up by various hieroglyphs etched into the southern side of the cone. The most striking feature on this side is the figure of a man standing upright in profile, looking east with his arms raised, holding what looks like a tube or some kind of optical instrument. Beneath him is a carved frieze with six compartments or squares, and other celestial symbols are engraved on their surfaces, clearly representing observations and calculations. Some of these symbols connect to those arranged in circles on the ancient Mexican calendar, which is on display for everyone to see in this capital. In front of the observer is a seated rabbit, facing two parallel rows of numerical figures; finally, two other symbols related to the same science are visible behind him.

Prof. Daniel G. Brinton (a), gives an account of the illustration here produced on Pl. XIV A, which may be thus condensed:

Prof. Daniel G. Brinton (a) provides a summary of the illustration shown on Pl. XIV A, which can be summarized as follows:

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIV
THE STONE OF THE GIANTS, MEXICO.

The “Stone of the Giants” at Escamela near the city of Orizaba, Mexico, has been the subject of much discussion. Father Damaso Sotomayor sees in the inscribed figures a mystical allusion to the coming of Christ to the Gentiles and to the occurrences supposed in Hebrew myth to have taken place in the Garden of Eden. This stone was examined by Capt. Dupaix in the year 1808 and is figured in the illustrations to his voluminous narrative. The figure he gives [now presented as B on Pl. XIV] is, however, so erroneous that it yields but a faint idea of the real character and meaning of the drawing. It omits the ornament on the breast and also the lines along the right of the giant’s face, which as I shall show are distinctive traits. It gives him a girdle where none is delineated, and the relative size and proportions of all the three figures are quite distorted.

The “Stone of the Giants” at Escamela near Orizaba, Mexico, has sparked a lot of discussion. Father Damaso Sotomayor interprets the inscribed figures as a mystical reference to the arrival of Christ to the Gentiles and to events believed in Hebrew mythology to have occurred in the Garden of Eden. This stone was examined by Capt. Dupaix in 1808 and is illustrated in his extensive narrative. However, the figure he presents [now shown as B on Pl. XIV] is so inaccurate that it provides only a vague sense of the true nature and significance of the drawing. It leaves out the decoration on the breast and the lines on the right side of the giant’s face, which I will demonstrate are key features. It also inaccurately depicts a girdle where none exists, and the size and proportions of all three figures are noticeably distorted.

The rock on which the inscription is found is roughly triangular in shape, presenting a nearly straight border of 30 feet on each side. It is hard and uniform in texture and of a dark color. The length or height of the principal figure is 27 feet, and the incised lines which designate the various objects are deeply and clearly cut.

The rock with the inscription is about triangular in shape, showing nearly straight edges that are 30 feet long on each side. It has a hard and consistent texture and is dark in color. The length or height of the main figure is 27 feet, and the carved lines that represent the different objects are deeply and clearly etched.

I now approach the decipherment of the inscriptions. Any one versed in the signs of the Mexican calendar will at once perceive that it contains the date of a certain year and day. On the left of the giant is seen a rabbit surrounded with ten circular depressions. These depressions are the well-known Aztec marks for numerals, and the rabbit represents one of the four astronomic signs by which they adjusted their chronologic cycles of fifty-two years. The stone bears a carefully dated record, with year and day clearly set forth. The year is represented to the left of the figure and is that numbered “ten” under the sign of the rabbit; the day of the year is number “one” under the sign of the fish.

I’m now getting into figuring out the inscriptions. Anyone familiar with the symbols of the Mexican calendar will quickly see that it includes the date of a specific year and day. To the left of the giant, there’s a rabbit surrounded by ten circular indentations. These indentations are the well-known Aztec symbols for numbers, and the rabbit signifies one of the four astronomical symbols they used to align their 52-year chronological cycles. The stone has a carefully dated record, with the year and day clearly indicated. The year is shown to the left of the figure and is labeled "ten" under the rabbit symbol; the day of the year is number "one" under the fish symbol.

These precise dates recurred once, and only once, every fifty-two years, and had recurred only once between the year of our era, 1450, and the Spanish conquest of Mexico in 1519-’20. Within the period named the year “ten rabbit” of the Aztec calendar corresponded with the year 1502 of the Gregorian calendar. It is more difficult to fix the day, but it is, I think, safe to say that, according to the most probable computations, the day, “one fish,” occurred in the first month of the year 1502, which month coincided in whole or in part with our February.

These specific dates occurred only once every fifty-two years, and they had only happened once between the year 1450 and the Spanish conquest of Mexico in 1519-’20. During that time, the year “ten rabbit” of the Aztec calendar matched up with the year 1502 of the Gregorian calendar. It’s harder to determine the exact day, but I think it’s safe to say that, based on the most likely calculations, the day “one fish” fell in the first month of the year 1502, which partially matched our February.

Such is the date on the inscription. Now, what is intimated to have occurred on that date? The clew to this is furnished by the figure of the giant. It represents an ogre of horrid mien with a death’s-head grin and formidable teeth, his hair wild and long, the locks falling down upon the neck. Suspended on the breast as an ornament is the bone of a human lower jaw, with its incisor teeth. The left leg is thrown forward as in the act of walking, and the arms are uplifted, the hands open, and the fingers extended as at the moment of seizing the prey or the victim. The lines about the umbilicus represent the knot of the girdle which supported the maxtli or breechcloth.

Such is the date on the inscription. Now, what is suggested to have happened on that date? The key to this is provided by the figure of the giant. It depicts a horrifying ogre with a skull-like grin and fearsome teeth, his hair wild and long, cascading down onto his neck. Hanging from his chest as an ornament is a human jawbone, complete with its front teeth. His left leg is forward as if he's about to take a step, and his arms are raised, hands open, fingers extended as if he's about to grab his prey or victim. The lines around the belly represent the knot of the belt that held up the maxtli or breechcloth.

There is no doubt as to which personage of the Aztec pantheon this fear-inspiring figure represents. It is Tzontemoc Mictlantecutli, “the Lord of the Realm of the Dead, He of the Falling Hair,” the dread god of death and the dead. His distinctive marks are there, the death’s-head, the falling hair, the jaw bone, the terrible aspect, the giant size.

There’s no question about which figure from the Aztec pantheon this fearsome character represents. It is Tzontemoc Mictlantecutli, “the Lord of the Realm of the Dead, He of the Falling Hair,” the terrifying god of death and the dead. His distinctive features are evident: the skull, the falling hair, the jawbone, the terrifying appearance, and his enormous size.

We possess several chronicles of the empire before Cortes destroyed it, written in the hieroglyphs which the inventive genius of the natives had devised. Taking two[134] of these chronicles, one known as the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, the other as the Codex Vaticanus, I turn to the year numbered “ten” under the sign of the rabbit and I find that both present the same record which I copy in the following figure.

We have a few records of the empire before Cortes destroyed it, written in the hieroglyphs that the creative minds of the natives developed. Looking at two of these records, one known as the Codex Telleriano-Remensis and the other as the Codex Vaticanus, I check the year marked "ten" under the rabbit symbol and see that they both show the same information, which I’ll write out in the following figure.

Fig. 99.—The Emperor Ahuitzotzin.

The figure so copied is entitled “Extract from the Vatican Codex,” which is a slight error. It is a copy from the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Kingsborough, I, Pt. 4, p. 23, year 1502, which is here reproduced as Fig. 99. The record in the Vatican Codex, Kingsborough, II, p. 130, differs in some unimportant details. It may also be noted that in the text relating to the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Kingsborough, VI, p. 141, the word Ahuitzotl is given as “the name of an aquatic animal famous in Mexican mythology.” The present opportunity is embraced to recognize the acumen displayed by Prof. Brinton in his interpretation of the petroglyph. He proceeds as follows:

The figure copied is titled “Extract from the Vatican Codex,” which is a small mistake. It's actually a copy from the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Kingsborough, I, Pt. 4, p. 23, year 1502, which is shown here as Fig. 99. The record in the Vatican Codex, Kingsborough, II, p. 130, has some minor differences. It's also worth noting that in the text about the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Kingsborough, VI, p. 141, the word Ahuitzotl is described as “the name of an aquatic animal famous in Mexican mythology.” This is a good moment to acknowledge the insight demonstrated by Prof. Brinton in his interpretation of the petroglyph. He goes on to say:

The sign of the year (the rabbit) is shown merely by his head for brevity. The ten dots, which give its number, are beside it. Immediately beneath is a curious quadruped, with what are intended as water-drops dripping from him. The animal is the hedgehog, and the figure is to be constructed iconomatically; that is, it must be read as a rebus through the medium of the Nahuatl language. In that language water is atl, in composition a, and hedgehog is uitzotl. Combine these and you get ahuitzotl, or, with the reverential termination, ahuitzotzin. This was the name of the ruler or emperor, if you allow the word, of ancient Mexico before the accession to the throne of that Montezuma whom the Spanish conquistador, Cortes, put to death.

The sign for the year (the rabbit) is shown simply by its head for simplicity. The ten dots, which indicate its number, are next to it. Directly below is an unusual four-legged creature, with what appears to be water drops dripping from it. This animal is the hedgehog, and the figure is meant to be interpreted iconomatically; that is, it should be understood as a rebus using the Nahuatl language. In that language, water is atl, in its compound form it is a, and hedgehog is uitzotl. Put these together and you get ahuitzotl, or, with a respectful ending, ahuitzotzin. This was the name of the ruler or emperor, if you will, of ancient Mexico before Montezuma, who was put to death by the Spanish conquistador, Cortes, took the throne.

Returning to the page from the chronicle, we observe that the hieroglyph of Ahuitzotzin is placed immediately over a corpse swathed in its mummy cloths, as was the custom of interment with the highest classes in Mexico. This signifies that the death of Ahuitzotzin took place in that year. Adjacent to it is the figure of his[135] successor, his name iconomatically represented by the headdress of the nobles, the tecuhtli, giving the middle syllables of “Mo-tecuh-zoma.” No doubt is left that La Piedra de los Gigantes of Escamela is a necrologic tablet commemorating the death of the Emperor Ahuitzotzin, some time in February, 1502.

Returning to the page from the chronicle, we see that the hieroglyph of Ahuitzotzin is placed directly over a corpse wrapped in mummy cloths, which was the burial custom for the highest classes in Mexico. This indicates that Ahuitzotzin died that year. Next to it is the image of his[135] successor, whose name is symbolically represented by the nobles' headdress, the tecuhtli, highlighting the middle syllables of “Mo-tecuh-zoma.” There is no doubt that La Piedra de los Gigantes of Escamela is a memorial tablet honoring the death of Emperor Ahuitzotzin, sometime in February 1502.

Mr. Eugène Boban (a) mentions manuscript copies, dating from the beginning of the century, of various sculptured stones in Mexico. These sculpturings represent native ideographic characters, among them the teocalli, the tepetl, the sign ollin, etc.

Mr. Eugène Boban (a) mentions manuscript copies from the start of the century that showcase different carved stones in Mexico. These carvings feature indigenous ideographic symbols, including the teocalli, the tepetl, the symbol ollin, and others.

On several of the plates which compose this collection are notes indicating the place where the monument, fragment, or ruin is found, from which the characters are copied; for example, one of them bears the note: “de la calle Rl de la villa de Cuernabaca.” Several others bear annotations which show that they have been copied in the cemetery, in the streets of that town, or in its environs.

On several of the plates in this collection, there are notes indicating the locations of the monuments, fragments, or ruins from which the characters are copied. For instance, one note reads: “from the royal street of the town of Cuernavaca.” Several others have annotations showing that they were copied in the cemetery, on the streets of that town, or in the surrounding area.

Aside from these notes the plates are not accompanied by any information which could give a trace of the person who drew them, or the purpose for which they were intended.

Aside from these notes, the plates don’t come with any information that could hint at who drew them or what they were meant for.

The same author (b) describes a large sculptured stone of Mexico, the designs on which have been reproduced in paintings on deerskin. After giving a detailed description of the copied MS. he speaks of the stone as follows:

The same author (b) describes a large carved stone from Mexico, the designs of which have been recreated in paintings on deerskin. After providing a detailed description of the copied manuscript, he discusses the stone as follows:

We deem it of interest to give some notes concerning the famous cylindrical stone, both sculptured and painted, known by the name Teocuauhxicalli (the sacred drinking vase of the eagles) on which are found the themes of all the designs which have been above described. This stone, buried at the time of the Spanish Conquest, was discovered in the first half of this century at the close of a series of excavations made in the soil of the Place d’Armes, Mexico. The director of the national museum, who was then M. Rafael Gondra, contented himself with taking the dimensions and making a hurried sketch of it. It was then reinterred, as the necessary funds were lacking to exhume it entirely and transport it to the museum.

We find it important to share some notes about the famous cylindrical stone, both carved and painted, known as Teocuauhxicalli (the sacred drinking vase of the eagles), which features all the themes of the designs mentioned earlier. This stone, buried during the Spanish Conquest, was unearthed in the first half of this century after a series of excavations in the soil of the Place d’Armes, Mexico. The director of the national museum at the time, M. Rafael Gondra, was only able to take measurements and make a quick sketch of it. It was then buried again, as there were not enough funds to fully excavate and transport it to the museum.

The name Teocuauhxicalli is composed of: Teotl, god; cuauhili, eagle, and xicalli, hemispherical vase formed from the half of a gourd. It may be translated by, “The vase of god and the eagles,” or, rather, “The sacred drinking cup of the eagles.”

The name Teocuauhxicalli is made up of: Teotl, god; cuauhili, eagle; and xicalli, a hemispherical vase made from half of a gourd. It can be translated as, “The vase of god and the eagles,” or more accurately, “The sacred drinking cup of the eagles.”

“The Mexican monarch Axayacatl, jealous of his predecessor Motecuhzoma I, took down the Teocuauhxicalli which was in the upper part of the Great Temple of Mexico, and replaced it by another, sculptured by his order;” so says the eminent Mexican archæologist and historian, Don Manuel Orozco y Berra, in his excellent work, Historia Antigua y de la Conquesta de Mexico (t. III, p. 348). This monument was also dedicated to the god of war, Huitzilopochtli.

“The Mexican ruler Axayacatl, envious of his predecessor Motecuhzoma I, took down the Teocuauhxicalli located in the upper part of the Great Temple of Mexico and replaced it with another one that he had ordered to be sculpted;” so says the prominent Mexican archaeologist and historian, Don Manuel Orozco y Berra, in his excellent work, Ancient History and the Conquest of Mexico (t. III, p. 348). This monument was also dedicated to the god of war, Huitzilopochtli.

According to Duran and Tezozomoc, those stones on which gods were represented were designated by the name Teocuauhxicalli; i. e., divine cuauhxicalli. They belonged to the class of painted stones, for they were covered with several colors.

According to Duran and Tezozomoc, the stones that represented gods were called Teocuauhxicalli; that is, divine cuauhxicalli. They were part of the painted stones category since they were coated with various colors.

Orozco y Berra adds the following: “It is evident that the figures sculptured and painted do not represent armed warriors preparing for combat. On the contrary, we see that they represent gods. Among them is found Huitzilopochtli (god of war) with his arms and attributes, having before him another deity or high priest who holds in his hands the emblems of the holocaust.

Orozco y Berra adds the following: “It’s clear that the figures carved and painted aren’t armed warriors gearing up for battle. Instead, they represent gods. Among them is Huitzilopochtli (the god of war) with his weapons and symbols, in front of him is another deity or high priest holding the emblems of the sacrifice.”

“The figures of the upper part are not fighting and could not have known how to fight, if we judge by their positions; the chest is turned back, the face raised toward the sky, in which appears an object which resembles the astronomical sign cipactli.

“The figures in the upper part are not engaging in a fight and wouldn’t have known how to fight, judging by their positions; the chest is turned away, the face is looking up toward the sky, where there is an object that looks like the astronomical sign cipactli.

“Everywhere on the surface of this stone are noticed symbols, birds, quadrupeds, fantastic reptiles, signs of the sun, days, months, and a quantity of objects whose character is imitated in manuscripts and rituals. There can be no doubt that we are in the presence of a monument devoted to the gods and bearing legends relative to their worship. M. the minister of Fomento, D. Vicente Rivera Palacio, in 1877 made several attempts at excavation in the Plaza Mayor of Mexico, to recover this important monument, but all search remained unfruitful.”

“Everywhere on the surface of this stone, you can see symbols, birds, four-legged animals, fantastic reptiles, signs representing the sun, days, months, and various objects whose designs are reflected in manuscripts and rituals. There’s no doubt we are looking at a monument dedicated to the gods, containing legends about their worship. M. the Minister of Fomento, D. Vicente Rivera Palacio, made several attempts to excavate this important monument in the Plaza Mayor of Mexico in 1877, but all those efforts were unsuccessful.”

This stone is supposed to be buried beneath the Place d’Armes at Mexico.

This stone is said to be buried under the Place d’Armes in Mexico.

Mexican petroglyphs are also discussed and figured by Chavero (a).

Mexican petroglyphs are also discussed and illustrated by Chavero (a).

It would seem from these and other descriptions of and allusions to petroglyphs in Mexico, that at the time of the Spanish conquest they were extant in large numbers, though now seldom found. Perhaps the Spaniards destroyed them in the same spirit which led them to burn up many of the Mexican pictographs on paper and other substances.

It seems from these and other descriptions and references to petroglyphs in Mexico that at the time of the Spanish conquest, they were present in large numbers, though now they are rarely found. Maybe the Spaniards destroyed them in the same way that they burned many of the Mexican pictographs on paper and other materials.

A number of illustrations of the Mexican pictographic writings are given below under various headings.

A number of examples of Mexican pictographic writings are provided below under different headings.

SECTION 4.
Caribbean.

The valuable paper of A. L. Pinart (a), giving a description of the petroglyphs found by him in the Greater and Lesser Antilles, is received too late for reproduction of the illustrations. He explored a number of the groups of the West Indies with varying success, but found that the island of Puerto Rico was the one which now furnishes the greatest amount of evidence of development in the pictographic art. His marks translated with condensation appear below.

The important paper by A. L. Pinart (a), which describes the petroglyphs he discovered in the Greater and Lesser Antilles, arrived too late for us to include the illustrations. He explored several groups in the West Indies with mixed results, but determined that Puerto Rico currently provides the most evidence of advancement in pictographic art. His condensed translations of the marks are listed below.

PUERTO RICO.

The first petroglyph to be mentioned is found at la Cueva del Islote, on Punta Braba, about 5 leagues east from Arecibo and on the north side of the island of Puerto Rico. The grotto is found in an immense blackish mass of igneous rock, forming a point projecting into the sea, which beats furiously against it; it communicates with the sea at the foot, and the water entering this passage, which is quite narrow, produces a terrific roaring followed soon after by veritable thunder claps. The people of the neighborhood have a superstitious fear of it, and it is only with great difficulty that anyone can be found to accompany one there. The entrance on the land side is toward the east—a yawning crevasse, filled partly with rubbish and partly by the stunted vegetation of the coast. On penetrating to the interior we find, after following a short but wide passage, a pyriform chamber 20 meters in diameter. In the ceiling a very narrow crack admits a ray of light which, reflected in the water of the sea, filling the bottom of the cave, produces a bluish twilight. Notwithstanding this twilight, we are obliged to carry torches to distinguish objects. All around us, but especially over the point where the sea enters in, are to be seen the inscriptions represented here. The incisions are very deep, and the edges are generally dulled by the blows of the hammer; in certain spots, toward the lower part of the grotto, several inscriptions are partially effaced by the action of the sea, but those of the upper part are in a remarkable state of preservation. Beneath certain principal figures of the groups are little circular basin-like depressions cut in the rock with a trench running down toward the bottom.

The first petroglyph mentioned is located at la Cueva del Islote, on Punta Braba, about 5 leagues east of Arecibo and on the north side of Puerto Rico. The cave is set in a massive black igneous rock formation that juts out into the sea, which crashes violently against it; it connects to the ocean at the bottom, and the water flowing through this narrow passage creates a loud roaring, followed shortly by actual thunderous sounds. The local people have a superstitious fear of it, and it’s hard to find anyone willing to go there with you. The entrance from the land side is to the east—a gaping crack filled partly with debris and partly with the stunted coastal plants. Once you go inside and follow a short but wide passage, you find a pear-shaped chamber that is 20 meters in diameter. A very narrow crack in the ceiling allows a beam of light to shine through, reflecting off the sea water that fills the bottom of the cave, creating a bluish twilight. Despite this twilight, we need to carry torches to see clearly. All around us, especially over the spot where the sea enters, you can see the inscriptions. The carvings are very deep, and the edges are generally worn down from hammer strikes; in some areas, especially toward the lower part of the cave, several inscriptions are partially eroded by the action of the sea, but those higher up are remarkably well-preserved. Beneath certain main figures of the groups, there are small circular basin-like depressions cut into the rock, with a trench leading down toward the bottom.

I will not attempt here to give a formal explanation of these inscriptions, but may we not regard the spot in which they are found as having served for a rendezvous for the ancient Borrinqueños where they performed their sacrifices or the ceremonies of their religion? On the other hand, the appearance of these inscriptions is very peculiar. One of them might be considered a representation of those little figurines and statuettes of stone found in Mexico, in Mixteca, and in the country to the south. In another a head is curiously decorated with a diadem of feathers, and apparently represents one presiding at a feast served in the small circular basin set before him. The most noticeable thing in this group of inscriptions is the frequency of the grinning faces in a circle, often alone, often accompanied by two others placed at the sides, which are universally met with in every inscription found in the Greater and Lesser Antilles. The same may be said of the human figure apparently swaddled in cloths like a very young infant, the head and body more or less decorated, which is also very frequently found.

I won't try to give a formal explanation of these inscriptions here, but can we consider the location where they were found as a gathering place for the ancient Borrinqueños to perform their sacrifices or religious ceremonies? On the other hand, the look of these inscriptions is quite unique. One might be seen as similar to those small figurines and statuettes of stone discovered in Mexico, in Mixteca, and further south. In another, a head is interestingly adorned with a feather diadem, and seems to represent someone presiding over a feast served in the small circular basin in front of them. The most striking feature of this group of inscriptions is the abundance of grinning faces in a circle, often alone and sometimes flanked by two others, which are commonly found in every inscription across the Greater and Lesser Antilles. The same goes for the human figure that appears to be wrapped in cloths like a very young baby, with the head and body somewhat decorated, which is also frequently encountered.

Following these petroglyphs of Islote, we present a list of others discovered at Puerto Rico, hastily describing them and giving a particular description only of those which are of the greatest interest.

Following these petroglyphs of Islote, we provide a list of others found in Puerto Rico, briefly describing them and offering a detailed description only for those that are most significant.

In the above-mentioned grotto of Cueva de los Archillas, near the village of Ciales, we observed the curious figures bearing traces of a crown and peculiar ear ornaments. In la Cueva de los Conejos, some distance from Arecibo, on the road from Utauado, we found a figure partly incised and partly painted in a dark red; it is very artistically fashioned, and represents the famous “guava,” the monster spider of the Greater Antilles, of which the natives have a great dread. It is probable that the ancient Borrinqueños also considered it with a certain awe, and we find images of the same animal in la Cueva del Templo on the coast of Haiti, at Santo Domingo. A solitary rock of a reddish color, in a field of the hacienda of Don Pedro Pavez at la Carolina, a short distance from the Rio Pedras, bears a series of grimacing faces in circles. On a granitic rock of large dimensions, superimposed on a heap of rocks of the same character, in the midst of a grove of Indian trees and at the entrance of the Cano del Indio into Rio la Ceiba, near Fajardo, on the east side, are found three swaddled human figures, the heads decorated with various ornaments. On a black rock in the Rio Arriba, one of the branches of the Rio de la Ceiba, is a petroglyph which presents but little that is of interest.

In the grotto of Cueva de los Archillas, near the village of Ciales, we saw unusual figures with signs of a crown and strange ear ornaments. In la Cueva de los Conejos, not far from Arecibo, on the road from Utauado, we discovered a figure that was partly carved and partly painted in dark red; it is quite artistically made and represents the famous "guava," the enormous spider of the Greater Antilles, which the locals fear greatly. It's likely that the ancient Borrinqueños also viewed it with some respect, as we find images of the same creature in la Cueva del Templo on the coast of Haiti, at Santo Domingo. A lone reddish rock in a field owned by Don Pedro Pavez in la Carolina, just a short distance from the Rio Pedras, has a series of grimacing faces arranged in circles. On a large granitic rock, placed on top of a pile of similar rocks, in a grove of Indian trees and at the entrance of the Cano del Indio into Rio la Ceiba, near Fajardo on the eastern side, there are three wrapped human figures, with their heads adorned with various ornaments. On a black rock in the Rio Arriba, one of the branches of the Rio de la Ceiba, there is a petroglyph that isn't particularly interesting.

On the Loma Muñoz, near the Rio Arriba above mentioned, and on the summit of the hill, stands a dark rock with smooth face protected by another mass of rock, forming a sort of shelter on which is an inscription composed of a number of incised grinning faces. At the confluence of the Rio Blanco and the Rio de la Ceiba, in the district of Fajardo, is a series of violent rapids formed by immense rocks of a granitic character, on which are cut a large number of other grimacing faces and also some swaddled figures, and other incisions which are not of interest.

On the Loma Muñoz, near the Rio Arriba mentioned earlier, and at the top of the hill, there’s a dark rock with a smooth surface protected by another large rock, creating a sort of shelter. On this rock is an inscription made up of several carved grinning faces. At the point where the Rio Blanco meets the Rio de la Ceiba, in the Fajardo area, there’s a series of violent rapids formed by huge granite rocks, which have a large number of other grimacing faces carved into them, as well as some wrapped figures and other carvings that aren't particularly noteworthy.

BAHAMA ISLANDS.

Lady Edith Blake, wife of Sir Henry Arthur Blake, formerly governor of the Bahama islands, has kindly furnished the following information and sketches (Figs. 100, 101, and 102), relating to petroglyphs in the Bahama islands. Lady Blake says:

Lady Edith Blake, the wife of Sir Henry Arthur Blake, who was the former governor of the Bahamas, has generously provided the following information and sketches (Figs. 100, 101, and 102) about petroglyphs in the Bahamas. Lady Blake states:

The carvings are on the walls of an “Indian hole,” also called Hartford cave, in the northern shore of a small island in Rum Cay, one of the Bahama group. Rum Cay measures 5 miles from north to south and about 8 or 9 from east to west. It lies 20 miles northwest of Watlings island, the San Salvador of Columbus.

The carvings are on the walls of an “Indian hole,” also known as Hartford cave, on the northern shore of a small island in Rum Cay, one of the Bahamas. Rum Cay is about 5 miles long from north to south and around 8 or 9 miles wide from east to west. It is located 20 miles northwest of Watlings Island, which is known as the San Salvador of Columbus.

The cave is situated on the seashore about a mile and a half from the western point of the island to the eastward of a bluff, close to which is a “puffing hole,” through which the waves blow when the seas roll in from the north. The cave is[138] semicircular in shape and about 20 yards in depth, and is partially filled with debris of rocks, earth, and sand.

The cave is located on the beach about a mile and a half from the island's western tip, to the east of a cliff. Near it is a “puffing hole,” where waves spray out when the seas come in from the north. The cave is[138]semicircular and around 20 yards deep, partially filled with rubble of rocks, dirt, and sand.

Fig. 100.—Petroglyphs in the Bahamas.

Like all rocks of which the Bahamas are formed, those in Hartford cave are a mixture of coral, detritus, and shell, very rough and full of cracks and indentations, and in this cave, from the constant damp of filtration and spray, the walls were coated with a deposit of lime and salt, so that it would be impossible to say if the carvings had been colored. If ever they had been, any traces of coloring must long have disappeared. Besides the markings copied there were others scattered over the walls of the cave, most of which were circles apparently resembling human faces. Unfortunately, we neglected to measure the carvings, but I should judge the circles or faces to be 10 inches or more across, while others of the figures must have been a foot and a half in length, and the markings must have been nearly half an inch in depth, cut into the face of the rock, and seemed to us such as might have been made with a sharp stone implement. Although we visited numerous caves in the various islands of the Bahamas, in no other did we find any appearance of markings or carvings on the walls, nor could we hear of any reported to have such markings.

Like all the rocks that make up the Bahamas, those in Hartford Cave are a mix of coral, debris, and shells, very rough and full of cracks and indentations. In this cave, due to the constant damp from filtration and spray, the walls were covered with a layer of lime and salt, making it impossible to tell if the carvings had been painted. If they ever were, any signs of color must have faded long ago. In addition to the carvings we copied, there were others scattered across the cave walls, most of which were circles that looked like human faces. Unfortunately, we forgot to measure the carvings, but I would estimate the circles or faces to be 10 inches or more in diameter, while some of the figures must have been a foot and a half long, with the markings about half an inch deep, carved into the rock, and they appeared to have been made with a sharp stone tool. Although we explored many caves on different islands in the Bahamas, we did not find any other cave with markings or carvings on the walls, nor did we hear of any others that had such features.

Fig. 101.—Petroglyphs in the Bahamas.

The absence of any traces of carvings in other caves whose situation was better adapted for the preservation of markings, had such ever existed, and the proof that their contents afforded that most of those caves had been known to the Lucayans and used by them as burying places or otherwise, and the close proximity of Hartford cave to the sea, taken in connection with the great number of markings on its walls, led me to think that possibly this cave had been the resort of the marauding tribes whom the Lucayans gave Columbus to understand were their enemies, and who were in the habit of making war upon them; and if so, the Caribs, or whatever tribe it may have been, had left these rock markings as mementos of their various expeditions and guides to succeeding ones.

The lack of any carvings in other caves that were better suited for preserving markings, if such markings ever existed, along with the evidence that these caves were mostly known to the Lucayans and used by them for burials or other purposes, points to the fact that Hartford cave's closeness to the sea, combined with the numerous markings on its walls, made me consider that this cave might have been a site for the raiding tribes that the Lucayans indicated were their enemies and often waged war against them. If that’s the case, the Caribs, or whichever tribe it was, might have left these rock markings as reminders of their various expeditions and guides for future ones.

Fig. 102.—Petroglyphs in the Bahamas.

The above-mentioned petroglyphs bear a remarkable similarity to those in British Guiana figured and described below, and the authorship would seem to relate to the same group of natives, the Caribs.

The petroglyphs mentioned above are strikingly similar to those in British Guiana that are illustrated and described below, and their creation seems to be linked to the same group of natives, the Caribs.

GUADELOUPE.

In the Guesde collection of antiquities, described in the Smithsonian report for 1884, p. 834, Fig. 208, here reproduced as Fig. 103, is an inscribed slab found in Guadeloupe. It weighs several tons and it is impossible to remove it. In the vicinity are to be seen many other rocks bearing inscriptions, but this is the most elaborate of the group.

In the Guesde collection of antiquities, detailed in the Smithsonian report for 1884, p. 834, Fig. 208, which is reproduced here as Fig. 103, there is an inscribed slab discovered in Guadeloupe. It weighs several tons and cannot be moved. Nearby, there are many other rocks with inscriptions, but this one is the most detailed of the group.

The inscriptions may be compared with those from Guiana presented in this work.

The inscriptions can be compared to those from Guiana shown in this work.

Fig. 103.—Petroglyph in Guadeloupe.

ARUBA.

Pinart (b) gives the following account, translated and condensed:

Pinart (b) provides the following summary, translated and shortened:

The island of Aruba forms one of the group of the islands of Curaçao, on the north coast of Venezuela. This group consists of three principal islands, Curaçao, Buen Ayre, Aruba, and some isolated rocks. It belongs to Holland.

The island of Aruba is part of the Curaçao island group, located on the north coast of Venezuela. This group includes three main islands: Curaçao, Buen Ayre, and Aruba, along with some isolated rocks. It is a territory of the Netherlands.

Aruba is the most western island of the group and is situated opposite the peninsula of Paraguana, on the mainland. The distance between the two is about 10 leagues, and from the island the shores of the continent can be seen very distinctly.

Aruba is the westernmost island of the group and is located across from the Paraguana Peninsula on the mainland. The distance between the two is about 10 leagues, and from the island, the mainland's shores can be seen very clearly.

These islands, at the time of the discovery by the Spaniards, were inhabited by an Indian race which has left numerous traces of its occupancy; pottery, stone objects, petroglyphs, etc., are met with in large numbers in Aruba and in a less quantity on Buen Ayre and Curaçao. * * * These petroglyphs are quite different in character from those which I have recently described in a brief study of the Greater and Lesser Antilles, and their appearance brings to mind those found in Orinoco, in Venezuela, in the peninsula of Paraguana, on the border of the Magdalena river, and as far as Chiriqui. They differ from these, however, in several respects, and especially in that they are almost always multi-colored. The colors usually employed are red,[140] blue, a yellowish white, and black. They are, moreover, painted and not cut in the rock. They show the same degree of variance as I have already noticed in North America—in Sonora, Arizona, and Chihuahua—between the petroglyphs which I have designated as Pimos, which are always incised, and those in the mountains which I designated as Comanche, and which are always painted and in many colors. The petroglyphs are, as has already been said, very numerous on the island of Aruba. I have personal knowledge of thirty, but, according to my friend Père van Kolwsjk, there must be more than fifty. The most important groups are as follows:

These islands, at the time the Spaniards discovered them, were inhabited by a Native American tribe that left behind many signs of their presence; pottery, stone tools, petroglyphs, and so on are found in large quantities in Aruba, with fewer on Buen Ayre and Curaçao. * * * These petroglyphs are quite different from those I recently described in a brief study of the Greater and Lesser Antilles, and their appearance is reminiscent of those found in the Orinoco region of Venezuela, in the Paraguana Peninsula, along the Magdalena River, and as far as Chiriqui. However, they differ in several ways, especially since they are almost always multi-colored. The colors typically used are red, [140] blue, a yellowish-white, and black. Additionally, they are painted rather than cut into the rock. They show the same level of variety as I have noted in North America—in Sonora, Arizona, and Chihuahua—between the petroglyphs I classified as Pimos, which are always incised, and those in the mountains I labeled as Comanche, which are always painted and in many colors. As mentioned, the petroglyphs are quite numerous on the island of Aruba. I know of thirty personally, but according to my friend Père van Kolwsjk, there must be over fifty. The main groups are as follows:

(1) Avikok. An enormous dark rock forms the summit of a wooded knob, and in this rock are two large cavities, one above the other, on the walls of which are the petroglyphs represented.

(1) Avikok. A massive dark rock sits at the top of a forested hill, and in this rock are two large hollows, one above the other, featuring the petroglyphs depicted on their surfaces.

(2) Fontein. On the border of a fresh-water lagoon, a short distance from the northeast part of the island, near the sea, is a grotto of coralline origin, whose walls are of remarkable whiteness. This grotto is composed of a principal passage, quite wide, cut off toward the lower end by a row of stalactites and stalagmites, which, joining together, form a curious grimacing figure. On the wall to the left, as we look toward the bottom of the grotto, are found some petroglyphs. They are well preserved, thanks to their situation and the shelter from inclement weather, and they show no indication of painting, being distinctly traced on the walls.

(2) Fontein. On the edge of a freshwater lagoon, not far from the northeast part of the island and close to the sea, there's a cave made of coral, with remarkably white walls. This cave has a main passage that's quite wide, which is blocked at the lower end by a row of stalactites and stalagmites that, when they join together, create a curious grimacing figure. On the left wall, as we look toward the back of the cave, there are some petroglyphs. They're well preserved because of their location and protection from bad weather, and they show no signs of paint, being clearly carved into the walls.

(3) Chiribana. On some granitic spurs of a hill of the same name are found curious petroglyphs.

(3) Chiribana. On some rocky outcrops of a hill with the same name, there are interesting petroglyphs.

(4) At Lero de Wajukan, near Avikok, and at the foot of a hill, petroglyphs are found on some blocks of granite. I notice specially the human figure which in the original is outlined in red and bears on the shoulder a hatchet of the Carib type with a haft.

(4) At Lero de Wajukan, close to Avikok, and at the base of a hill, you can find petroglyphs on some granite blocks. I'm particularly struck by the human figure, which is outlined in red and has a Carib-style hatchet with a handle resting on its shoulder.

(5) At Ayo I discovered petroglyphs with figures in blue and red.

(5) At Ayo, I found petroglyphs with figures in blue and red.

(6) At Woeboeri inscriptions are found on the wall of an immense mass of granite.

(6) At Woeboeri, inscriptions are carved into the wall of a huge granite mass.

(7) Some petroglyphs on the walls of a grotto at Karasito.

(7) Some rock carvings on the walls of a cave at Karasito.

CHAPTER III.
PETROGLYPHS IN CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA.

Some writers have endeavored to draw definite ethnic distinctions between the pre-Columbian inhabitants of North America and those farther south. The opinions and theories which have favored such discriminations have originated in error and ignorance. Until lately there has been but scanty scientific investigation of the peoples of Central and South America and but a limited exploration of the regions now or formerly occupied by them. The latest opinion of the best ethnologists is that no sufficient reason can be shown for separate racial classification of the aborigines of the three Americas. The examples of petroglyphs now presented from Central and South America, all of which are selected as typical, show remarkable similarity to some of those above illustrated and described, especially to those in California, New Mexico, and Arizona. This topic is further discussed under the heading of Special Comparison, Chapter XX, infra.

Some writers have tried to create clear ethnic distinctions between the pre-Columbian inhabitants of North America and those further south. The opinions and theories supporting such distinctions have stemmed from error and lack of knowledge. Until recently, there has been very little scientific research on the peoples of Central and South America, and the exploration of the areas they currently or previously inhabited has been limited. The current view of leading ethnologists is that there is no solid reason to classify the Indigenous peoples of the three Americas as separate races. The examples of petroglyphs presented from Central and South America, which are all chosen as typical, show a remarkable similarity to some of those illustrated and described above, particularly those in California, New Mexico, and Arizona. This topic is further discussed under the heading of Special Comparison, Chapter XX, infra.

SECTION I.
Petroglyphs in Central America.

NICARAGUA.

Dr. J. F. Bransford (a) gives the following account:

Dr. J. F. Bransford (a) provides the following description:

On a hillside on the southern end of the island of Ometepec, Nicaragua, about 1½ miles east of Point San Ramon, are many irregular blocks of basalt with marks and figures cut on them. The hillside faces east, and is about half a mile from the lake. There were similar markings on many of the shore rocks, which, in May, were partially covered with water, notwithstanding that that was about the driest season. These markings were excavated about half an inch in depth and a little more in width. Human faces and spiral lines predominated. There was also a crown, a representation of a monkey, and many irregular figures.

On a hillside on the southern end of Ometepec Island, Nicaragua, about 1½ miles east of Point San Ramon, there are many uneven blocks of basalt with marks and figures carved into them. The hillside faces east and is about half a mile from the lake. There were similar markings on many of the shoreline rocks, which, in May, were partially submerged, despite it being one of the driest seasons. These markings were about half an inch deep and a bit wider. Human faces and spiral lines were the most common designs. There was also a crown, a depiction of a monkey, and various irregular shapes.

Several illustrations from these rocks are presented, infra, in Figs. 1102 and 1103, and one is reproduced in this connection as Fig. 104.

Several illustrations from these rocks are presented below in Figs. 1102 and 1103, and one is included here as Fig. 104.

Fig. 104.—Petroglyphs in Nicaragua.

GUATEMALA.

The following extract is taken from the work of Dr. S. Habel (a):

The following extract is taken from the work of Dr. S. Habel (a):

Santa Lucia is a village in the Republic of Guatemala, in the Department of Esquintla, near the base of the Volcano del Fuego, at the commencement of the inclined plane which extends from the mountain range to the coast of the Pacific Ocean. * * *

Santa Lucia is a village in the Republic of Guatemala, in the Department of Esquintla, close to the base of the Volcano del Fuego, at the start of the slope that stretches from the mountain range down to the Pacific Ocean coast. * * *

The sculptured slabs are in the vicinity of the village. The greater number of them form an extended heap, rendering it probable that there are others hidden from view that more extended researches would reveal. * * * All the sculptures, with the exception of three statues, are in low relief, nearly all being in cavo-relievo, that is, surrounded by a raised border, the height of which indicates the elevation of the relief. The same kind of relief was practiced by the ancient Assyrians and Egyptians.

The carved stone slabs are near the village. Most of them are stacked together, suggesting that there might be more hidden away that further exploration could uncover. * * * All the carvings, except for three statues, are in low relief, with almost all being in cavo-relievo, meaning they’re surrounded by a raised border, which indicates the height of the relief. This same style of relief was used by the ancient Assyrians and Egyptians.

In seven instances the sculpture represents a person adoring a deity of a different theological conception in each case. One of these seems to represent the sun, another the moon, while in the remaining five it is impossible to define their character. All these deities are represented by a human figure, of which only the head, arms, and breast are correctly portrayed, proving that the religious conceptions had risen to anthropomorphism, while the idols of the nations of Central America and Mexico, which have previously come to our knowledge, are represented by disfigured human forms or grotesque images.

In seven instances, the sculpture depicts a person worshipping a deity from a different theological belief each time. One seems to represent the sun, another the moon, while the other five are difficult to identify. All these deities are shown as human figures, with only the head, arms, and chest accurately depicted, indicating that the religious ideas had evolved into anthropomorphism. In contrast, the idols from Central America and Mexico that we have encountered before are portrayed with distorted human forms or grotesque images.

Four of the other sculptures represent allegorical subjects; two of them the myth of the griffin, the bird of the sun.

Four of the other sculptures depict allegorical themes; two of them are based on the myth of the griffin, the sunbird.

The slabs on which the low reliefs are sculptured are of various sizes; the greater number of these, like those representing the deities, are 12 feet in length, 3 feet in width, and 2 feet in thickness. Nine feet of the upper part of these stones are occupied by the sculptures, while the lower 3 feet appear to have served as a base.

The slabs with the low reliefs are different sizes; most of them, like the ones showing the gods, are 12 feet long, 3 feet wide, and 2 feet thick. Nine feet of the top part of these stones are taken up by the sculptures, while the bottom 3 feet seem to have been used as a base.

Several illustrations of these rock sculptures are presented, infra, as Figs. 1235 and 1236. It is evident that these very large slabs received their markings when they were in the locality in which they are now found so can be classed geographically.

Several illustrations of these rock sculptures are shown below as Figs. 1235 and 1236. It’s clear that these large slabs were marked while still in the area where they currently are, so they can be classified geographically.

SECTION 2.
South America.

Alexander von Humboldt (a) gives general remarks, now condensed, upon petroglyphs in South America:

Alexander von Humboldt (a) provides some overall comments, now summarized, on petroglyphs in South America:

In the interior of South America, between the second and fourth degrees of north latitude, a forest-covered plain is inclosed by four rivers, the Orinoco, the Atabapo, the Rio Negro, and the Cassiquiare. In this district are found rocks of granite and of syenite, covered with colossal symbolical figures of crocodiles and tigers, and drawings of household utensils, and of the sun and moon. The tribes nearest to its boundaries are wandering naked savages, in the lowest stages of human existence, and far removed from any thoughts of carving hieroglyphics on rocks. One may trace in South America an entire zone, extending through more than 8° of longitude, of rocks so ornamented, viz, from the Rupuniri, Essequibo, and the mountains of Pacaraima, to the banks of the Orinoco and of the Yupura. These carvings may belong to very different epochs, for Sir Robert Schomburgk even found on the Rio Negro representations of a Spanish galiot, which must have been of a later date than the beginning of the sixteenth century; and this in a wilderness where the natives were probably as rude then as at the present time. Some miles from Encaramada[143] there rises in the middle of the savannah the rock Tepu-Mereme, or painted rock. It shows several figures of animals and symbolical outlines which resemble much those observed by us at some distance above Encaramada, near Caycara. Rocks thus marked are found between the Cassiquiare and the Atabapo and, what is particularly remarkable, 560 geographical miles farther to the east, in the solitudes of Parime. Nicholas Hortsmann found on the banks of the Rupunuri, at the spot where the river winding between the Macarana mountains forms several small cascades, and before arriving at the district immediately surrounding lake Amucu, “rocks covered with figures,” or, as he says in Portuguese, “de varias letras.” We were shown at the rock of Culimacari, on the banks of the Cassiquiare, signs which were called characters, arranged in lines, but they were only ill-shaped figures of heavenly bodies, boa-serpents, and the utensils employed in preparing manioc meal. I have never found among these painted rocks (piedras pintadas) any symmetrical arrangement or any regular even-spaced characters. I am therefore disposed to think that the word “letras,” in Hortsmann’s journal, must not be taken in the strictest sense.

In the interior of South America, between the second and fourth degrees north of the equator, a forest-covered plain is surrounded by four rivers: the Orinoco, the Atabapo, the Rio Negro, and the Cassiquiare. In this area, you can find granite and syenite rocks adorned with giant symbolic images of crocodiles and tigers, as well as drawings of household items, the sun, and the moon. The tribes living nearest to its borders are nomadic, naked people, at a very primitive stage of human development, and completely detached from any ideas of carving hieroglyphics on rocks. You can trace an entire zone in South America, spanning over 8° of longitude, with these ornate rocks, from the Rupuniri, Essequibo, and the Pacaraima mountains to the banks of the Orinoco and the Yupura. These carvings may date back to very different periods, as Sir Robert Schomburgk even discovered depictions of a Spanish galiot on the Rio Negro, which must be from after the early sixteenth century; this was in a wilderness where the natives were likely as primitive then as they are now. A few miles from Encaramada[143], there’s a rock called Tepu-Mereme, or painted rock, that rises in the middle of the savannah. It has several figures of animals and symbolic outlines similar to those we observed

Schomburgk saw and described other petroglyphs on the banks of the Essequibo, near the cascade of Warraputa. Neither promises nor threats could prevail on the Indians to give a single blow with a hammer to these rocks, the venerable monuments of the superior mental cultivation of their predecessors. They regard them as the work of the Great Spirit, and the different tribes whom we met with, though living at a great distance, were nevertheless acquainted with them. Terror was painted on the faces of my Indian companions, who appeared to expect every moment that the fire of heaven would fall on my head. I saw clearly that my endeavors to detach a portion of the rock would be fruitless, and I contented myself with bringing away a complete drawing of these memorials. Even the veneration everywhere testified by the Indians of the present day for these rude sculptures of their predecessors show that they have no idea of the execution of similar works. There is another circumstance which should be mentioned. Between Encaramada and Caycara, on the banks of the Orinoco, a number of these hieroglyphical figures are sculptured on the face of precipices at a height which could now be reached only by means of extraordinarily high scaffolding. If one asks the natives how these figures have been cut, they answer, laughing, as if it were a fact of which none but a white man could be ignorant, that “in the days of the great waters their fathers went in canoes at that height.”

Schomburgk saw and described other petroglyphs along the banks of the Essequibo, near the Warraputa waterfall. Neither promises nor threats could convince the Indigenous people to strike these rocks, the ancient monuments of their ancestors' advanced intellect. They view these as the creations of the Great Spirit, and the different tribes we encountered, despite living far away, were still familiar with them. Fear was evident on the faces of my Indian companions, who seemed to expect that any moment now, a bolt of lightning would strike me. I realized that my efforts to remove a piece of the rock would be pointless, so I settled for making a full drawing of these memorials. The profound respect that the Indigenous people of today have for these crude sculptures of their ancestors shows that they have no concept of how to create similar works. There is another detail worth mentioning. Between Encaramada and Caycara, along the Orinoco River, many of these hieroglyphic figures are carved into the faces of cliffs at a height that could now only be reached with very tall scaffolding. When asked how these figures were made, the locals laugh and respond, as if it were something only a white person wouldn't know, that "in the days of the great waters, their fathers traveled in canoes at that height."

UNITED STATES OF COLOMBIA.

Mr. W. H. Holmes (b), of the Bureau of Ethnology, gives this account of petroglyphs in the province of Chiriqui, state of Panama:

Mr. W. H. Holmes (b), from the Bureau of Ethnology, provides this account of petroglyphs in the province of Chiriqui, Panama:

Pictured rocks.—Our accounts of these objects are very meager. The only one definitely described is the “piedra pintal.” A few of the figures engraved upon it are given by Seemann, from whom the following paragraph is quoted:

Pictured rocks.—Our descriptions of these features are quite limited. The only one clearly identified is the “paint marker.” A handful of the figures carved on it are provided by Seemann, from whom the following paragraph is cited:

“At Caldera, a few leagues (north) from the town of David, lies a granite block known to the country people as the piedra pintal or painted stone. It is 15 feet high, nearly 50 feet in circumference, and flat on the top. Every part, especially the eastern side, is covered with figures. One represents a radiant sun; it is followed by a series of heads, all with some variations, scorpions, and fantastic figures. The top and the other side have signs of a circular and oval form, crossed by lines. The sculpture is ascribed to the Dorachos (or Dorasques), but to what purpose the stone was applied no historical account or tradition reveals.”

“At Caldera, a few miles north of the town of David, there’s a granite block known by the locals as the paint stone or painted stone. It stands 15 feet tall, nearly 50 feet around, and has a flat top. Every inch, especially the eastern side, is decorated with figures. One of them depicts a bright sun, followed by a series of heads that vary slightly, scorpions, and imaginative shapes. The top and the other side display signs in circular and oval forms, intersected by lines. This sculpture is attributed to the Dorachos (or Dorasques), but no historical records or traditions explain what the stone was used for.”

These inscriptions are irregularly placed and much scattered. They are thought to have been originally nearly an inch deep, but in places are almost effaced by weathering, thus giving a suggestion of great antiquity. Tracings of these figures made recently by Mr. A. L. Pinart show decided differences in detail, and Mr. McNiel gives still another transcription.

These inscriptions are haphazardly situated and quite spread out. They are believed to have originally been about an inch deep, but in some areas, they are nearly erased due to weathering, suggesting a significant age. Recent tracings of these figures by Mr. A. L. Pinart reveal notable differences in detail, and Mr. McNiel provides yet another version.

In Fig. 105 Mr. McNiel’s sketch of the southwest face of the rock is presented.

In Fig. 105, Mr. McNiel’s sketch of the southwest side of the rock is shown.

Fig. 105.—Petroglyphs in Colombia.

Other illustrations from Colombia appear as Figs. 151 and 1166, infra.

Other illustrations from Colombia appear as Figs. 151 and 1166, below.

GUIANA.

The name of Guiana has been applied to the territory between the rivers Amazon, Orinoco, Negro, and Cassiquiare. It was once divided into the French, British, Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish Guianas. The Portuguese Guiana now belongs to Brazil and Spanish Guiana is part of Venezuela. Many petroglyphs have been found in the several Guianas. They appear throughout the whole of the part belonging to Venezuela, but they are more thickly grouped in parts of the valley of the Orinoco.

The name Guiana refers to the area between the Amazon, Orinoco, Negro, and Cassiquiare rivers. It was once split into French, British, Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish Guianas. The Portuguese Guiana is now part of Brazil, and Spanish Guiana is included in Venezuela. Numerous petroglyphs have been discovered across the various Guianas. They can be found throughout the Venezuelan region, but they are more densely concentrated in certain areas of the Orinoco valley.

The subject is well discussed in the following extract from Among the Indians of Guiana, by im Thurn (a):

The topic is thoroughly covered in the following excerpt from Among the Indians of Guiana, by im Thurn (a):

The pictured rocks of Guiana are not all of one kind. In all cases various figures are rudely depicted on larger or smaller surfaces of rocks. Sometimes these figures are painted, though such cases are few and of but little moment; more generally they are graven on the rock, and these alone are of great importance. Rock sculptures may, again, be distinguished into two kinds, differing in the depth of incision, the apparent mode of execution, and, most important of all, the character of the figures represented.

The rock formations in Guiana aren't all the same. In every instance, different figures are roughly carved on larger or smaller rock surfaces. Occasionally, these figures are painted, but such cases are rare and not very significant; more commonly, they are carved into the rock, and these are the ones that really matter. Rock carvings can be categorized into two types, which differ in how deeply they are incised, the apparent technique used, and, most importantly, the nature of the figures depicted.

Painted rocks in British Guiana are mentioned by Mr. C. Barrington Brown. He says that in coming down past Amailah fall, on the Cooriebrong river, he passed “a large white sandstone rock ornamented with figures in red paint.” * * * Mr. Wallace, in his account of his Travels on the Amazons, mentions the occurrence of similar drawings in more than one place near the Amazons. * * *

Painted rocks in British Guiana are talked about by Mr. C. Barrington Brown. He states that while traveling down past Amailah falls on the Cooriebrong River, he saw “a large white sandstone rock decorated with figures in red paint.” * * * Mr. Wallace, in his account of his Travels on the Amazons, notes the presence of similar drawings in multiple locations near the Amazons. * * *

The engraved rocks must be of some antiquity; that is to say, they must certainly date from a time before the influence of Europeans was much felt in Guiana. As has already been said, the engravings are of two kinds and are probably the work of two different people; nor is there even any reason to suppose that the two kinds were produced at one and the same time.

The engraved rocks must be quite old; in other words, they definitely predate the significant influence of Europeans in Guiana. As mentioned earlier, there are two types of engravings, likely created by two different individuals; there's no reason to think that both types were made at the same time.

These two kinds of engravings may, for the sake of convenience, be distinguished as “deep” and “shallow,” respectively, according as the figures are deeply cut into the rock or are merely scratched on the surface. The former vary from one-eighth to one-half of an inch, or even more, in depth; the latter are of quite inconsiderable depth. This difference probably corresponds with a difference in the means by which they were produced. The deep engravings seem cut into the rock with an edged tool, probably of stone; the shallow figures were apparently formed by long[145] continued friction with stones and moist sand. The two kinds seem never to occur in the same place or even near to each other; in fact, a distinct line may almost be drawn between the districts in which the deep and shallow kinds occur, respectively; the deep form occurs at several spots on the Mazeruni, Essequibo, Ireng, Cotinga, Potaro, and Berbice rivers. The shallow form has as yet only been reported from the Corentyn river and its tributaries, where, however, examples occur in considerable abundance. But the two kinds differ not only in the depth of incision, in the apparent mode of their production, and in the place of their occurrence, but also—and this is the chief difference between the two—in the figures represented.

These two types of engravings can be conveniently classified as “deep” and “shallow,” depending on whether the figures are deeply carved into the rock or just scratched on the surface. The deep engravings range from one-eighth to half an inch, or even more, in depth; the shallow ones have very little depth. This difference likely relates to how they were made. The deep engravings appear to have been cut into the rock with some kind of edged tool, probably made of stone; the shallow figures seem to have been created through prolonged friction with stones and wet sand. The two types almost never appear in the same area or even close to each other; in fact, a clear line can nearly be drawn between the regions where deep and shallow types are found, respectively. The deep engravings can be seen at several locations along the Mazeruni, Essequibo, Ireng, Cotinga, Potaro, and Berbice rivers. The shallow engravings have only been reported from the Corentyn river and its tributaries, where they are found in significant numbers. However, the two types differ not only in depth, mode of production, and location but also—and this is the main difference—in the figures depicted.

Fig. 106 is a typical example of the shallow carvings.

Fig. 106 is a typical example of the shallow carvings.

Fig. 106.—Shallow carvings in Guiana.

Fig. 1104, infra, is a similar example of the deep carvings.

Fig. 1104, below, is another example of the deep carvings.

The shallow engravings seem always to occur on comparatively large and more or less smooth surfaces of rock, and rarely, if ever, as the deep figures, on detached blocks of rock, piled one on the other. The shallow figures, too, are generally much larger, always combinations of straight or curved lines in figures much more elaborate than those in the deep engravings; and these shallow pictures always represent not animals, but greater or less variations of the figure which has been described. Lastly, though I am not certain that much significance can be attributed to this, all the examples that I have seen face more or less accurately eastward.

The shallow engravings usually show up on relatively large and smooth rock surfaces, and they rarely, if ever, appear as deep figures on separate rocks stacked on top of each other. The shallow figures are typically much larger, often consisting of combinations of straight or curved lines in much more complex designs than those found in the deep engravings. Additionally, these shallow images don’t depict animals, but rather various interpretations of the previously described figure. Lastly, although I’m not sure how much importance this holds, all the examples I’ve seen face eastward to some degree.

The deep engravings, on the other hand, consist not of a single figure but of a greater or less number of rude drawings. * * * These depict the human form, monkeys, snakes, and other animals, and also very simple combinations of two or three straight[146] or curved lines in a pattern, and occasionally more elaborate combinations. The individual figures are small, averaging from 12 to 18 inches in height, but a considerable number are generally represented in a group.

The deep engravings aren't made up of a single figure but rather a greater or lesser number of rough drawings. * * * These show the human form, monkeys, snakes, and other animals, along with very simple combinations of two or three straight or curved lines in a pattern, and sometimes more complex combinations. The individual figures are small, averaging about 12 to 18 inches in height, but a significant number are usually depicted in a group.

Some of the best examples of this latter kind are at Warrapoota cataracts, about six days’ journey up the Essequibo.

Some of the best examples of this kind are at Warrapoota cataracts, about a six-day journey up the Essequibo.

* * * The commonest figures at Warrapoota are figures of men or perhaps sometimes monkeys. These are very simple and generally consist of one straight line, representing the trunk, crossed by two straight lines at right angles to the body line; one about two-thirds of the distance from the top, represents the two arms as far as the elbows, where upward lines represent the lower part of the arms; the other, which is at the lower end, represent the two legs as far as the knees, from which point downward lines represent the lower part of the legs. A round dot, or a small circle, at the top of the trunk line, forms the head; and there are a few radiating lines where the fingers, a few more where the toes, should be. Occasionally the trunk line is produced downwards as if to represent a long tail. Perhaps the tailless figures represent men, the tailed monkeys. In a few cases the trunk, instead of being indicated by one straight line, is formed by two curved lines, representing the rounded outlines of the body; and the body thus formed is bisected by a row of dots, almost invariably nine in number, which seem to represent vertebræ.

* * * The most common figures at Warrapoota are of men or sometimes monkeys. These are very simple and usually consist of one straight line representing the trunk, crossed by two straight lines at right angles to the body line; one about two-thirds of the way from the top represents the arms up to the elbows, where upward lines indicate the lower part of the arms; the other, at the lower end, represents the legs up to the knees, from which point downward lines depict the lower part of the legs. A round dot or small circle at the top of the trunk line forms the head, with a few radiating lines where the fingers and a few more where the toes would be. Occasionally, the trunk line extends downward as if representing a long tail. Figures without tails likely represent men, while those with tails represent monkeys. In some cases, the trunk is indicated by two curved lines, showing the rounded shape of the body; this shape is typically bisected by a row of dots, usually nine, which seem to represent vertebrae.

Most of the other figures at Warrapoota are very simple combinations of two, three, or four straight lines similar to the so-called “Greek meander pattern,” which is of such widespread occurrence. Combinations of curved and simple spiral lines also frequently occur. Many of these combinations closely resemble the figures which the Indians of the present day paint on their faces and naked bodies.

Most of the other shapes at Warrapoota are very basic combinations of two, three, or four straight lines, kind of like the “Greek meander pattern,” which is found everywhere. There are also many combinations of curved and simple spiral lines. A lot of these combinations look a lot like the designs that modern-day Indigenous people paint on their faces and bodies.

The same author (pp. 368, 369) gives the following account of the superstitious reverence entertained for the petroglyphs by the living Indians of Guiana:

The same author (pp. 368, 369) provides this account of the superstitious respect the current Indians of Guiana have for the petroglyphs:

Every time a sculptured rock or striking mountain or stone is seen, Indians avert the ill will of the spirits of such places by rubbing red peppers (Capsicum) each in his or her own eyes. * * * Though the old practitioners inflict this self-torture with the utmost stoicism, I have again and again seen that otherwise rare sight of Indians children, and even young men, sobbing under the infliction. Yet the ceremony was never omitted. Sometimes, when by a rare chance no member of the party had had the forethought to provide peppers, lime juice was used as a substitute; and once, when neither peppers nor limes were at hand, a piece of blue indigo-dyed cloth was carefully soaked, and the dye was then rubbed into the eyes.

Every time they see a sculpted rock, impressive mountain, or stone, Indians ward off the bad vibes from the spirits of those places by rubbing red peppers (Capsicum) into their eyes. * * * While the older practitioners endure this self-inflicted pain with great calmness, I have often witnessed the rare sight of Indian children and even young men crying from the pain. Still, the ceremony was never skipped. Sometimes, when no one in the group thought to bring peppers, lime juice was used instead; and once, when they had neither peppers nor limes, a piece of blue indigo-dyed cloth was soaked and the dye was rubbed into their eyes.

The same author (b) adds:

The same author (b) adds:

It may be as well briefly to sum up the few facts that can be said, with any probability, of these rock pictures in Guiana. The engravings are of two kinds, which may or may not have had different authors and different intention. They were still produced after the first arrival of Europeans, as is shown by the sculptured ship. They were, therefore, probably made by the ancestors of the Indians now in the country; for, from the writings of Raleigh and other early explorers, as well as from the statements of early colonists, it is to be gathered that the present tribes were already in Guiana at the time of the first arrival of Europeans, though not perhaps in the same relative positions as at present. The art of stone-working being destroyed by the arrival of Europeans, the practice of rock-engraving ceased. Possibly the customary figures were for a time painted instead of engraved; but this degenerated habit was also soon relinquished. As to the intention of the figures, that they had some seems certain, but what kind this was is not clear. Finally, these figures really seem to indicate some very slight connection with Mexican civilization.

It may be helpful to briefly summarize the few facts that can be confidently stated about these rock pictures in Guiana. The engravings are of two types, which may or may not have been created by different people and for different purposes. They were made after the first Europeans arrived, as shown by the carved ship. Therefore, they were likely created by the ancestors of the Indians currently in the region; from the writings of Raleigh and other early explorers, as well as statements from early colonists, it's clear that the present tribes were already in Guiana when the Europeans first arrived, though they may not have occupied the same areas as they do now. The arrival of Europeans destroyed the art of stone-working, and the practice of rock engraving came to an end. It's possible that the usual figures were temporarily painted instead of engraved, but this practice soon faded as well. Regarding the purpose of the figures, it’s clear they had some meaning, but what that meaning was is unclear. Lastly, these figures appear to show some very slight connection to Mexican civilization.

The following extract from a paper on the Indian picture-writing in[147] British Guiana, by Mr. Charles B. Brown (a), gives views and details somewhat different from the foregoing:

The following extract from a paper on Indian picture-writing in[147] British Guiana, by Mr. Charles B. Brown (a), provides perspectives and details that differ somewhat from the previous ones:

These writings or markings are visible at a greater or less distance in proportion to the depth of the furrows. In some instances they are distinctly visible upon the rocks on the banks of the river at a distance of 100 yards; in others they are so faint that they can only be seen in certain lights by reflected rays from their polished surfaces. They occur upon greenstone, granite, quartz-porphyry, gneiss, and jasperous sandstone, both in a vertical and horizontal position, at various elevations above the water. Sometimes they can only be seen during the dry season when the rivers are low, as in several instances on the Berbice and Cassikytyn rivers. In one instance, on the Corentyn river, the markings on the rock are so much above the level of the river when at its greatest height, that they could only have been made by erecting a staging against the face of the rock, unless the river was at the time much above its usual level. The widths of the furrows vary from half an inch to 1 inch, while the depth never exceeds one-fourth of an inch. * * * The furrows present the same weather-stained aspect as the rocks upon which they are cut. * * *

These writings or markings can be seen from varying distances depending on how deep the grooves are. In some cases, they're clearly visible on the rocks by the river up to 100 yards away; in others, they are so faint that you can only see them in certain lighting by the reflections off their polished surfaces. They appear on greenstone, granite, quartz-porphyry, gneiss, and jasper sandstone, in both vertical and horizontal alignments, at different heights above the water. Sometimes they are only visible during the dry season when the rivers are low, like on the Berbice and Cassikytyn rivers. In one case, on the Corentyn river, the markings on the rock are high above the river's peak level, suggesting they could only have been made by building a platform against the rock face, unless the river was significantly above its normal level at that time. The widths of the grooves range from half an inch to one inch, while the depth never exceeds a quarter of an inch. * * * The grooves have the same weathered look as the rocks they are carved into. * * *

The Indians of Guiana know nothing about the picture-writing by tradition. They scout the idea of their having been made by the hand of man, and ascribe them to the handiwork of the Makunaima, their great spirit. * * *

The Indians of Guiana know nothing about the picture-writing by tradition. They reject the idea that these were created by humans and attribute them to the work of Makunaima, their great spirit. * * *

As these figures were evidently cut with great care and at much labor by a former race of men, I conclude that they were made for some great purpose, probably a religious one, as some of the figures give indications of phallic worship.

As these figures were clearly crafted with a lot of care and effort by a previous generation of people, I believe they were created for a significant purpose, likely a religious one, since some of the figures suggest phallic worship.

VENEZUELA.

Prof. R. Hartmann (a) presented a pencil drawing of a South American rock, covered with sculptures, sketched by Mr. Anton Goering, a painter in Leipzig, which is here reproduced as Fig. 107. The rock is situated not far from San Esteban, a village in the vicinity of Puerto Cabello, in Venezuela. C. F. Appun, in Unter den Tropen, I, p. 82, remarks as follows in reference to this “Piedra de los Indios” (Indians’ stone), a large granite block lying by the side of the road:

Prof. R. Hartmann (a) presented a pencil drawing of a South American rock, adorned with sculptures, created by Mr. Anton Goering, a painter from Leipzig, which is reproduced here as Fig. 107. The rock is located near San Esteban, a village close to Puerto Cabello in Venezuela. C. F. Appun, in In the tropics, I, p. 82, comments as follows regarding this “Piedra de los Indios” (Indians’ stone), a large granite block beside the road:

Fig. 107.—Sculptured rock in Venezuela.

These drawings, cut in the stone to a depth of half an inch, mostly represent snakes and other animal forms, human heads and spiral lines, and differ from those which I afterward saw in Guiana, on the Essequibo and Rupununi, in characters[148] and forms, but their execution, like that of the latter, is rude. Though greatly weathered by the influence of rain and the atmosphere, the figures can still be perfectly distinguished and gigantic patience, such as none but Indians possess, was surely needed to carve them in the hard granite mass by means of a stone.

These carvings, etched into the stone about half an inch deep, mainly depict snakes and other animal shapes, human heads, and spiral designs. They are different from the ones I later saw in Guiana, along the Essequibo and Rupununi rivers, in style and form, but the craftsmanship, like that of the latter, is rough. Although significantly worn down by rain and the elements, the figures are still clearly recognizable, and the kind of immense patience that only indigenous people seem to have was definitely required to carve them into the tough granite using a stone tool.[148]

Dr. G. Marcano (a) gives an account translated as follows, which is connected with Fig. 108:

Dr. G. Marcano (a) provides a report translated as follows, which relates to Fig. 108:

Fig. 108.—Rock near Caïcara, Venezuela.

A tradition, the legend of the rock of Tepumereme, has been preserved by Father Gili. Some old writers, adhering to the Tamanak acceptation of the word, say indifferently tepumeremes or rocas pintadas (painted rocks). Usage has converted Tepumereme into a proper noun. At the present day it is applied exclusively to the rock situated some leagues from Encaramada, in the midst of the savanna, this rock having been the Mount Ararat of the Tamanaks.

A tradition, the story of the rock of Tepumereme, has been kept alive by Father Gili. Some old writers, sticking with the Tamanak meaning of the word, refer to it interchangeably as tepumeremes or painted rocks (painted rocks). Over time, Tepumereme has become a proper noun. Today, it specifically refers to the rock located several leagues from Encaramada, in the middle of the savanna; this rock was considered the Mount Ararat of the Tamanaks.

Supposing that it is authentic, this legend, which we will relate further on [see page 33, supra], yields no information that might aid us in interpreting hieroglyphs, and so we are reduced to describing its principal characters.

Supposing that it is genuine, this legend, which we'll discuss later [see page 33, supra], doesn't provide any information that could help us interpret hieroglyphs, so we are left with the task of describing its main characters.

Not all our pictographs correspond to the region of the Raudals, but in our ignorance of the peoples who carved them we see no harm in bringing them together so long as they all come from the banks of the Orinoco, and so long as the localities where they exist are indicated. The copies which we give of them have been very carefully made and reduced to one-tenth.

Not all our pictographs are from the Raudals area, but since we don’t know much about the people who created them, we see no issue in grouping them together as long as they all originate from the banks of the Orinoco, and as long as the locations where they are found are noted. The copies we provide have been meticulously created and scaled down to one-tenth.

The first thing that strikes one on looking at them is that, despite differences in detail, the design presents a general common character. In fact, there is question not of figures with undecided forms, but with sure lines perfectly traced and combined in one and the same style. They are geometric designs rather than objective representations. The illustration [Fig. 108] came from a rock in the vicinity of Caïcara, a town situated on the right bank of the Orinoco, close to its last great bend. It represents three jaguars, one large and two small, the former being separated from the latter by an ornamented sun placed at the level of their feet. The spotting of their hides is rendered by means of angular lines arranged in so regular a manner that one might take them to be tigers did he not know that these felines never existed in these regions. The jaguars differ in insignificant details which, however, must have a purpose, in view of the general regularity. The largest shows six radiating lines on the muzzle and a circle in one of the ears. The second shows two hooks on the lower part of the body. The third is preceded by an isolated head, which is unfinished, without ears, inclined differently from the others. Some differences are also noted in the limbs.

The first thing that stands out when you look at them is that, despite some differences in detail, the design has a generally consistent character. In fact, we’re dealing with figures that have clear forms, with confident lines that are well-defined and combined in a single style. They feature geometric designs rather than realistic representations. The illustration [Fig. 108] comes from a rock near Caïcara, a town on the right bank of the Orinoco, close to its last major bend. It shows three jaguars: one large and two smaller ones, with the larger one separated from the smaller ones by an ornate sun positioned at their feet. The spots on their hides are depicted using angular lines arranged in such a neat way that one might think they are tigers if they weren’t aware that tigers never lived in this area. The jaguars vary only in minor details, which likely have significance given the overall consistency. The largest one has six radiating lines on its muzzle and a circle in one ear. The second jaguar has two hooks on its lower body. The third one is accompanied by an isolated head that is unfinished, lacks ears, and is tilted differently from the others. There are also some differences in the limbs.

Placed in the attitude of marching, these animals seem to descend from a height and to follow the same direction. Perhaps there is question here of a mnemonic whole, and, we might add, of a totem, if we knew that that system had been employed by the Indians of the region.

Placed in a marching position, these animals appear to come down from a height and move in the same direction. Maybe this suggests a collective memory, and we could also consider it a totem if we knew that this system had been used by the local Indigenous people.

The same author (p. 205) gives a description of the petroglyphs of the rapids of Chicagua, here presented as Fig. 109.

The same author (p. 205) describes the petroglyphs of the Chicagua rapids, shown here as Fig. 109.

Fig. 109.—Petroglyphs of Chicagua rapids, Venezuela.

This interesting collection includes the most varied ideographs.

This fascinating collection features a diverse range of ideographs.

Alongside of representations analogous to the preceding there appear new characters[149] and partial groupings which we had not yet found. On running over them one passes successively from simple points to figures made up of tangled lines, to objective representations, and even to letters of the alphabet, a resemblance which, of course, is fortuitous.

Alongside representations similar to the previous ones, new characters[149] and partial groupings emerge that we hadn't discovered before. As we examine them, we move from simple dots to complex figures made of tangled lines, to realistic representations, and even to letters of the alphabet, a similarity that, of course, is coincidental.

The first group begins by three points similar to those in Fig. 19 [of Marcano, occurring in Fig. 1105 in this paper], followed by two circles with central dots, and terminates below in a plexus of broken lines. The second group, placed at the right, is composed of regular figures of great variety. Among them we note the two lowest, one of which resembles a K and the other a reversed A. A spiral, two circles, one of which has two appendices, and a figure in broken lines make up the third group. Below is seen a coiled serpent. Its head is characteristic; it is found in other pre-Columbian carvings of the Orinoco. As regards design e, we will merely call attention to the sign analogous to the E of our alphabet. It is found at times in the United States of America. [For this remark the author refers to the ideograph for pain, in Figs. 824 and 872, infra.]

The first group starts with three points similar to those in Fig. 19 [of Marcano, appearing in Fig. 1105 in this paper], followed by two circles with central dots, and ends below in a network of broken lines. The second group, positioned to the right, consists of a variety of regular shapes. Among them, we notice the two lowest, one resembling a K and the other a flipped A. A spiral, two circles (one of which has two appendages), and a figure made of broken lines form the third group. Below, there is a coiled serpent. Its head is distinctive; it appears in other pre-Columbian carvings from the Orinoco. Regarding design e, we will simply point out the sign similar to the E in our alphabet. It can sometimes be found in the United States. [For this note, the author references the ideograph for pain in Figs. 824 and 872, infra.]

Design f is an animal difficult to characterize; its head and tail may be guessed at. The body is covered with ornaments and the legs, very incomplete, are in the attitude of running. Design g represents probably a tree with an appendix of undulating lines; design h, a head surmounted by a complicated headgear. This is the first distinctly human representation that we have found in the country. The strange combinations of designs j, k, and l exhibit the dots at the end of the lines which we have already spoken of. Design m resembles an M; design n shows a circle with plane face.

Design f is a creature that's hard to define; you can make guesses about its head and tail. Its body is adorned with decorations, and its legs, which are quite incomplete, are in a running position. Design g likely represents a tree with wavy extensions; design h depicts a head topped with intricate headwear. This is the first clear depiction of a human we've found in the area. The unusual mixes of designs j, k, and l show the dots at the ends of the lines that we've mentioned before. Design m looks like an M, while design n features a flat-faced circle.

Thus we see that the statements of some travelers concerning mysterious hieroglyphic combinations are far from being realized. As regards the exaggerations of[150] Humboldt, they arise from the fact that he did not content himself with describing what he had seen. This is illustrated by the following sentence: “There is even seen on a grassy plain near Uruana an isolated granite rock on which, according to the account of trustworthy people, there are seen at a height of 80 feet deeply carved images which appear arranged in rows and represent the sun, the moon, and different species of animals, especially crocodiles and boas.” Elsewhere he speaks of kitchen and household utensils and of a number of objects which he can only have seen with the eyes of his imagination.

Thus we see that the claims of some travelers about mysterious hieroglyphic combinations are far from true. Regarding the exaggerations of[150] Humboldt, they come from the fact that he didn't just describe what he had actually seen. This is shown in the following sentence: “There is even an isolated granite rock on a grassy plain near Uruana where, according to reliable sources, at a height of 80 feet, there are deeply carved images that appear to be arranged in rows and represent the sun, the moon, and various species of animals, especially crocodiles and boas.” In other places, he talks about kitchen and household utensils and a number of objects that he must have only imagined seeing.

Other illustrations of pictographs in Venezuela are presented as Figs. 152, 153, 1105 and 1106, infra.

Other examples of pictographs in Venezuela are shown as Figs. 152, 153, 1105 and 1106, below.

BRAZIL.

Remarks of general applicability to this region are made by Mr. J. Whitfield (a), an abstract of which follows:

Remarks of general relevance to this area are made by Mr. J. Whitfield (a), a summary of which follows:

The rock inscriptions were visited in August, 1865. Several similar inscriptions are said to exist in the interior of the province of Ceará, as well as in the provinces of Pernambuco and Piauhy, especially in the Sertaōs, that is, in the thinly-wooded parts of the interior, but no mention is ever made of their having been seen near the coast.

The rock inscriptions were visited in August 1865. Several similar inscriptions are said to exist in the interior of the province of Ceará, as well as in the provinces of Pernambuco and Piauhy, especially in the Sertaōs, which are the sparsely wooded areas of the interior. However, there is never any mention of them being seen near the coast.

In the margin and bed only of the river are the rocks inscribed. On the margin they extend in some instances to 15 or 20 yards. Except in the rainy season the stream is dry. The rock is a silicious schist of excessively hard and flinty texture. The marks have the appearance of having been made with a blunt, heavy tool, such as might be made with an almost worn-out mason’s hammer. The situation is about midway between Serra Grande or Ibiapaba and Serra Merioca, about 70 miles from the coast and 40 west of the town Sobral. The native population attribute all the “Letreiros” (inscriptions), as they do everything else of which they have no information, to the Dutch, as records of hidden wealth. The Dutch, however, only occupied the country for a few years in the early part of the seventeenth century. Along the coast numerous forts, the works of the Dutch, still remain; but there are no authentic records of their ever having established themselves in the interior of the country, and less probability still of their amusing themselves with inscribing puzzling hieroglyphics, which must have been a work of time, on the rocks of the far interior, for the admiration of wandering Indians.

In the margins and along the banks of the river, you'll find rocks with inscriptions. These extend in some places up to 15 or 20 yards. Generally, the stream is dry except during the rainy season. The rock is a very hard and flinty silicious schist. The markings look like they were made with a blunt, heavy tool, similar to a nearly worn-out mason’s hammer. This location is roughly halfway between Serra Grande or Ibiapaba and Serra Merioca, about 70 miles from the coast and 40 miles west of the town of Sobral. The local people attribute all the “Signage” (inscriptions), as they do with anything else they don't understand, to the Dutch, thinking they indicate hidden treasure. However, the Dutch only controlled the area for a few years in the early seventeenth century. Along the coast, there are still many forts built by the Dutch, but there are no reliable records showing they ever settled in the interior of the country. It's even less likely that they would spend time inscribing puzzling hieroglyphics on the rocks far in the interior for the amusement of wandering Indians.

Mr. Franz Keller (a) narrates as follows regarding Fig. 110:

Mr. Franz Keller (a) tells the following about Fig. 110:

Fig. 110.—Petroglyphs on the Cachoeira do Ribeirão, Brazil.

I found a “written rock” covered with spiral lines and concentric rings, evenly carved in the black gneiss-like material, and similar to those of the Caldeirão. Looking about for more, I discovered a perfect inscription, whose straight orderly lines can hardly be thought the result of lazy Indians’ “hours of idleness.” These characters were incised on a very hard smooth block 3 feet 4 inches in length, and 3¼ feet in height and breadth. It lay at an angle of 45°, only 8 feet above low water, and close to the water’s edge of the second smaller rapid, the Cachoeira do Ribeirão. The transverse section of the characters is not very deep, and their surface is as worn as that of the inscription farther down. In some places they are almost effaced by time and are to be seen distinctly only with a favorable light. A dark brown coat of glaze, found everywhere on the surface of the stones, laved at times by the water, covers the block so uniformly well on the concave glyphs as on the parts untouched by instrument, that many ages must have elapsed since some patient Indian spent long hours in cutting them out with his quartz chisel. As the lines of the inscription run almost perfectly horizontally, and as the figures near the Caldeirão and the Cachoeira and the Cachoeira das Lages are so little above low-water mark, the present position of the block seems to have been the original one. * * * On the rocky shores of the Araguaya, that huge tributary of the Tocantino, there are similar rude outlines of animals near a rapid called Martirios, from the first Portuguese explorers[151] fancying they recognized the instruments of the Passion in the clumsy representation.

I found a “written rock” covered in spiral lines and concentric rings, perfectly carved into the black gneiss-like material, similar to those of the Caldeirão. While looking for more, I discovered a clear inscription, with straight, orderly lines that hardly seem like the result of lazy Indians’ “hours of idleness.” These characters were carved into a very hard, smooth block measuring 3 feet 4 inches long and 3¼ feet high and wide. It lay at a 45° angle, just 8 feet above low water, and close to the water’s edge of the second smaller rapid, the Cachoeira do Ribeirão. The cross-section of the characters isn't very deep, and their surface is as worn as the inscription further down. In some spots, they are almost worn away by time and can be clearly seen only in favorable light. A dark brown glaze, found all over the surface of the stones and occasionally washed by water, covers the block so uniformly on the concave glyphs as well as on the areas untouched by tools that many ages must have passed since some diligent Indian spent long hours carving them with his quartz chisel. Since the lines of the inscription are almost perfectly horizontal, and the figures near the Caldeirão and the Cachoeira and the Cachoeira das Lages are just slightly above low-water mark, the current position of the block seems to be its original one. * * * On the rocky shores of the Araguaya, a major tributary of the Tocantino, there are similar crude outlines of animals near a rapid called Martirios, named by the first Portuguese explorers who fancied they recognized the instruments of the Passion in the rough depiction.

Dr. Ladisláu Netto (a) gives the illustration, reproduced as Fig. 111, of an inscription discovered by Domingos S. Ferreira Penna on the rock called Itamaraca, on the Rio Xingu. Dr. Netto’s description is translated as follows:

Dr. Ladisláu Netto (a) provides the illustration, shown as Fig. 111, of an inscription found by Domingos S. Ferreira Penna on the rock known as Itamaraca, along the Rio Xingu. Dr. Netto’s description is translated as follows:

Fig. 111.—The rock Itamaraca, Brazil.

This whole inscription seems to represent one idea, figuring a collection of villages of vast proportions, inclosed by fortifications on two sides, at which it seems most accessible. On these same sides this collection of villages has external constructions or means of security, a kind of meanders or symbolic figures, which perhaps signify difficulties besetting the communication of the inhabitants with the surrounding fields.

This entire inscription appears to convey a single concept, depicting a large group of villages surrounded by fortifications on two sides, where it's likely most vulnerable. On these same sides, this group of villages has external structures or security measures, resembling meanders or symbolic shapes, which might represent the challenges faced by residents in connecting with the nearby fields.

In the lower part of the left-hand side there is a group of figures which seem to represent residences of chiefs, war houses, or redoubts, built near the principal entrance to the villages or to the city for its defense. There are found three figures of saurians, one with a large tail, on the side of the redoubts or fortified houses, as if representing the population, and two with small tails, which seem strange, and which walk toward the first.

In the lower part of the left side, there's a group of figures that appear to represent the homes of chiefs, military buildings, or forts, constructed close to the main entrances of the villages or city for protection. There are three figures of reptiles, one with a large tail, next to the forts or fortified houses, as if symbolizing the local population, and two with small tails that look unusual and are walking toward the first one.

This inscription is evidently the most perfect and the most notable of those found till now in all America [?], not only by its perfect condition and dimensions, but also by the mode in which a series of ideas has here been brought together.

This inscription is clearly the most complete and the most remarkable of those discovered so far in all of America, not only because of its excellent condition and size, but also due to the way a series of ideas has been presented together.

The same author, on p. 552, furnishes copies of inscriptions carved on stones in the valley of the Rio Negro, and remarks: “In this series there are notable the two crowned personages [represented here in Fig. 112], one of whom holds a staff in the right hand, and below and under them there are two figures of capibars (sea-hogs) facing each other, and whose representation in black color resembles some figures from the inscriptions of North America.”

The same author, on p. 552, provides copies of inscriptions carved on stones in the valley of the Rio Negro, and notes: “In this collection, two crowned figures stand out [represented here in Fig. 112], one of which holds a staff in the right hand. Below them, there are two figures of capybaras (water pigs) facing each other, and their depiction in black resembles some figures found in the inscriptions of North America.”

Fig. 112.—Petroglyphs on the Rio Negro, Brazil.

The following account is in Dr. E. R. Heath’s (a) Exploration of the River Beni:

The following account is in Dr. E. R. Heath’s (a) Exploration of the River Beni:

Hieroglyphics were found on rocks at the falls and rapids of the rivers Madeira and Mamoré. * * * By accident we found some at the rapids at the foot of Caldierão do Inferno. Designs d and b are figures on the same rock side by side. a is another face of the same rock 10 feet across. e and f are on the upper surface of a rock, and c on one of its sides near the bottom; g is upon a rock 15 feet above the surface of the river. Many more were on the other rocks, but our time did not permit further copying. Mr. T. M. Fetterman, my companion, and myself sketched as fast as possible.

Hieroglyphics were discovered on the rocks at the waterfalls and rapids of the Madeira and Mamoré rivers. * * * We accidentally found some at the rapids at the base of Caldierão do Inferno. Designs d and b are images on the same rock, side by side. a is another face of the same rock, 10 feet wide. e and f are on the upper surface of a rock, and c is on one of its sides near the bottom; g is on a rock 15 feet above the river's surface. Many more were on the other rocks, but we didn't have enough time to copy them all. Mr. T. M. Fetterman, my companion, and I sketched as quickly as possible.

Fig. 113 is a reproduction of the illustration given.

Fig. 113 is a copy of the illustration provided.

Fig. 113.—Petroglyphs at the Caldierão do Inferno, Brazil.

The moment we arrived at the falls of Girão we searched for stone carvings, finding a few, and several repetitions of circles similar to those already found. Designs a and d are on the west and east side of the same rock, which is 9 feet in length. The figure is 21 inches high, the five circles 1 foot across. The east side was almost obliterated. Designs b and c are on loose stones; b, facing west, is 16 inches long; the rock is 50 inches long and 35 wide; c is 22 inches long; the rock 70 inches long by 27 inches broad, and was 30 feet above the river at date. The rocks are basaltic,[153] dipping north at an angle of 86°. Many small stones, 1 and 2 feet in diameter, lie about, with marks on them nearly defaced.

The moment we arrived at the falls of Girão, we looked for stone carvings, finding a few, along with several repetitions of circles similar to those we had already discovered. Designs a and d are on the west and east side of the same rock, which is 9 feet long. The figure is 21 inches high, with the five circles measuring 1 foot across. The east side was nearly erased. Designs b and c are on loose stones; b, facing west, is 16 inches long; the rock is 50 inches long and 35 wide; c is 22 inches long; the rock measures 70 inches long by 27 inches wide, and was 30 feet above the river at that time. The rocks are basaltic, [153] dipping north at an angle of 86°. Many small stones, 1 and 2 feet in diameter, are scattered around, with marks on them that are almost worn away.

Fig. 114 is a reproduction of the illustration.

Fig. 114 is a reproduction of the illustration.

Fig. 114.—Petroglyphs at the falls of Girão, Brazil.

At Pederneira all the rocks on the right side at the foot of the rapids are literally covered with figures. Fig. 115 a is on a large bowlder facing the south; b has joined to its right side, c; d, e, and f are on the same stone. Most of these rocks are only a few feet above low water and are covered at least eight months each year.

At Pederneira, all the rocks on the right side at the base of the rapids are literally covered in figures. Fig. 115 a is on a large boulder facing south; b is next to its right side, c; d, e, and f are on the same stone. Most of these rocks are only a few feet above low water and are submerged for at least eight months each year.

Fig. 115.—Petroglyphs at Pederneira, Brazil.

At Araras rapids the river is very wide, [containing] two islands and a rocky ledge crossing the river from the rapid. Nearly all the rocks on the right bank are covered with figures.

At Araras rapids, the river is quite wide, featuring two islands and a rocky ledge that spans the river from the rapids. Almost all the rocks on the right bank are covered in figures.

These are reproduced in Fig. 116.

These are shown in Fig. 116.

Fig. 116.—Petroglyphs at Araras rapids, Brazil.

Having no small canoe we could not pass a small channel so as to gather copies of the figures we could see at a distance. The approaches both above and below the rapids and falls are many times as difficult to pass as the rapid or fall itself, giving rise to the division into “head,” “body,” and “tail.” Some not only have these divisions, but also have these subdivided into “head, body, and tail.” One is constantly hearing “el rabo,” “el rabo del rabo,” “el rabo del cuerpo,” or “cabeza,” and so on.

Having no small canoe, we couldn't navigate a tight channel to collect copies of the figures we could see from a distance. The approaches both above and below the rapids and falls are often much more challenging to navigate than the rapids or falls themselves, leading to the divisions of "head," "body," and "tail." Some not only have these main divisions but also have them further divided into "head, body, and tail." One constantly hears terms like "el rabo," "el rabo del rabo," "el rabo del cuerpo," or "cabeza," and so on.

Ribeiráo.—The tail of the rapid is 3 miles in length, a continuous broken current and fields of rocks. It is here, on a rock but a foot or two above the river, that the hieroglyphic shown in F. Keller’s “Amazon and Madeira” is found. As both Mr. Fetterman and myself made copies of it, unknown to the other till finished, our copies may be relied on, although differing from Keller’s. The length[155] of the upper part is 45 inches and of the lower 36 inches, with 13 inches depth of each.

Ribeiráo.—The tail of the rapid is 3 miles long, with a constant broken current and rocky fields. It's on a rock that's about a foot or two above the river where the hieroglyphic found in F. Keller’s “Amazon and Madeira” is located. Since both Mr. Fetterman and I made copies of it independently, our versions can be trusted, even though they differ from Keller’s. The upper part measures 45 inches in length and the lower part 36 inches, with a depth of 13 inches each.[155]

The copy mentioned is given here as Fig. 117.

The mentioned copy is provided here as Fig. 117.

Fig. 117.—Petroglyphs at Ribeiráo, Brazil.
Fig. 118.—Character at Madeira rapid, Brazil.

The character of the lower right-hand corner was at one time as clearly cut as we represent it, some of the edges being yet clear and distinct.

The character in the lower right-hand corner used to be defined just as we show it now, with some edges still clear and distinct.

At the rapid of Madeira there were a number of circles similar to 15 and 16 at Ribeiráo. On a ridge of rocks in the middle of the river, just above Larges rapids, are figures, and we had only time to sketch one, Fig. 118.

At the Madeira rapids, there were several circles like those in 15 and 16 at Ribeirão. On a rocky ridge in the center of the river, just above the Larges rapids, are figures, and we only had time to sketch one, Fig. 118.

At Pao Grande we had a better harvest, showing evidently a later period than the former. One could easily believe these were made at the time of the Spanish conquest, the anchors, shields, and hearts being so often found in Spanish religious rites. Without doubt these were notices for navigators, as they were only out of water and seen when that passage was dangerous. Where projecting points of rock gave a face both up and down stream the same figure was on both faces. These rocks are syenitic granite and are cut to a depth of a half inch.

At Pao Grande, we had a better harvest, clearly indicating a later period than before. One could easily think these were created around the time of the Spanish conquest, as anchors, shields, and hearts are frequently associated with Spanish religious ceremonies. It's certain these served as markers for navigators, as they were only visible when the water receded and that passage became hazardous. Where rocky outcrops were visible both upstream and downstream, the same design appeared on both sides. These rocks are syenitic granite and are carved to a depth of half an inch.

Fig. 119 is a reproduction of the copy published.

Fig. 119 is a reproduction of the published copy.

Fig. 119.—Petroglyphs at Pao Grande, Brazil.

Senhor Tristão de Alencar Araripe (a) gives a large number of descriptions with illustrations, a selection of which, with translations, is as follows:

Senhor Tristão de Alencar Araripe (a) provides many descriptions with illustrations, a selection of which, along with translations, is as follows:

In the province of Ceará district of Inhamun, on the plantation of Carrapateira, is a small hill (or mound). On the face of one of its rocks, on the eastern side, near the edge of the road, is the inscription given in Fig. 120 painted in red.

In the Ceará province, in the Inhamun district, there's a small hill (or mound) on the Carrapateira plantation. On the face of one of its rocks, on the eastern side near the edge of the road, is the inscription shown in Fig. 120, painted in red.

Fig. 120.—Petroglyph in Ceará, Brazil.

In the district of Inhamun, on the plantation of Carrapateira, in Morcego, on the top of a mound, is a semicircular stone bearing on the face toward the mound the four characters which appear in Fig. 121.

In the Inhamun district, on the Carrapateira plantation in Morcego, there's a semicircular stone on top of a mound that has four characters engraved on the side facing the mound, as shown in Fig. 121.

Fig. 121.—Petroglyph in Morcego, Brazil.

In Inhamun, on the plantation of Carrapateira, in Morcego, is a large stone mound, the stones being piled up in a form of a tower; and in the inside of this tower, on the south or southwest side, are the characters given in Fig. 122 painted in bright, cochineal color.

In Inhamun, on the Carrapateira plantation in Morcego, there’s a large stone mound shaped like a tower. Inside this tower, on the south or southwest side, the characters shown in Fig. 122 are painted in a bright cochineal color.

Fig. 122.—Petroglyphs in Morcego, Brazil.

Near the road from Cracará to Favelas, Inhamun, is a large rock, on the face of which, at the top of the western side, is the inscription [given on the upper part of Fig. 123,] all in red paint, as is also that following.

Near the road from Cracará to Favelas, Inhamun, there's a large rock, on the face of which, at the top of the western side, is the inscription [given on the upper part of Fig. 123,] all in red paint, just like the one that follows.

Fig. 123.—Petroglyphs in Inhamun, Brazil.

The under part of this rock forms a shelter, and on the roof of this shelter are all the remaining characters of the figure.

The underside of this rock provides a shelter, and on the roof of this shelter are all the remaining features of the figure.

To the right or south of the shelter containing the inscription is a stone, with the form of the figure represented in the third place in the lower row of characters, counting from left to right, on a small heap, with the rear end raised up and the sharp point toward the east, its side inclining toward the west, in such a way that it can be climbed to the end which is erect.

To the right or south of the shelter with the inscription is a stone that looks like the figure shown third in the lower row of characters, counting from left to right. It's on a small mound, with its back end raised and the pointed end facing east, leaning to the west, allowing you to climb up to the upright end.

On the same side, at the south, but beyond this, on the top of a rise, is a mound in sight, which is represented by the figure [delineated in the lower part of Fig. 123 at the extreme right,] resembling an inclosure (corral) with the 21 small lines before it.

On the same side, to the south, but further back, there’s a mound visible on the top of a hill, which is shown by the figure [shown in the lower part of Fig. 123 at the far right,] looking like an enclosure (corral) with the 21 small lines in front of it.

Fig. 124 is a copy of an inscription at Pedra Lavrada, Province of Parahiba, published loc. cit., but the description by Senhor de Alencar Araripe is very meager, amounting in substance to the following:

Fig. 124 is a copy of an inscription at Pedra Lavrada, Province of Parahiba, published loc. cit., but the description by Senhor de Alencar Araripe is quite brief, essentially summarizing as follows:

This is an inscription of vast proportions on a large rock in the town of Pedra Lavrada, which takes its name from that of the rock.

This is a massive inscription on a large rock in the town of Pedra Lavrada, which is named after the rock itself.

Fig. 124.—Petroglyphs at Pedra Lavrada, Brazil.

Other petroglyphs in Brazil are copied in Figs. 1107, 1108, 1109, 1110, 1111, 1113, 1114, and also under the heading of Cup Sculptures, Chapter V, infra.

Other petroglyphs in Brazil are shown in Figs. 1107, 1108, 1109, 1110, 1111, 1113, 1114, and also in the section on Cup Sculptures, Chapter V, below.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC.

F. P. Moreno (a), Museo de La Plata, Catamarca, gives an illustration of an inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Mendoza, reproduced as Fig. 125.

F. P. Moreno (a), Museo de La Plata, Catamarca, shows a picture of an inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Mendoza, which is displayed as Fig. 125.

Fig. 125.—Inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Argentine Republic.

PERU.

The following account is furnished by Messrs. de Rivero and Von Tschudi (a):

The following account is provided by Messrs. de Rivero and Von Tschudi (a):

Eight leagues north of Arequipa there exist a multitude of engravings on granite which represent figures of animals, flowers, and fortifications, and which doubtless tell the story of events anterior to the dynasty of the Incas.

Eight leagues north of Arequipa, there are a lot of engravings on granite that depict animals, flowers, and fortifications, which undoubtedly tell the story of events that occurred before the Inca dynasty.

The illustration presented is copied here as Fig. 126.

The illustration shown is included here as Fig. 126.

Fig. 126.—Petroglyphs near Arequipa, Peru.

The account is continued as follows:

The story continues as follows:

In the province of Castro-Vireyna, in the town of Huaytara, there is found in the ruins of a large edifice, of similar construction to the celebrated palace of old Huanuco, a mass of granite many square yards in size, with coarse engravings like those last mentioned near Arequipa. None of the most trustworthy historians allude to these inscriptions or representations, or give the smallest direct information concerning the Peruvian hieroglyphics, from which it may possibly be inferred that in the times of the Incas there was no knowledge of the art of writing in characters and that all of these sculptures are the remains of a very remote period. * * * In many parts of Peru, chiefly in situations greatly elevated above the sea are vestiges of inscriptions very much obliterated by time.

In the province of Castro-Vireyna, in the town of Huaytara, there are ruins of a large building, similar in style to the famous palace of old Huanuco, featuring a mass of granite that covers many square yards, with rough carvings like those found near Arequipa. None of the most reliable historians mention these inscriptions or images, nor do they provide any direct information about the Peruvian hieroglyphics, which suggests that during the times of the Incas, there was likely no knowledge of writing in characters and that these sculptures may date back to a very ancient period. * * * In many areas of Peru, especially in locations high above sea level, there are remnants of inscriptions that have been significantly worn away by time.

The illustration is copied here as Fig. 127.

The illustration is reproduced here as Fig. 127.

Fig. 127.—Petroglyph in Huaytara, Peru.

Charles Wiener (a), in Pérou et Bolivie, gives another statement, viz:

Charles Wiener (a), in Pérou et Bolivie, provides another account, namely:

The archeologists of Peru have only found a single point—Tiahuanaco—where there were a limited number, though very interesting, of signs on rocks or stones which seemed to all observers to be symbolic. While there are a few petroglyphs found in Peru there are a large number of inscriptions properly so called on the tissues which cover or are found in connection with remains in the graves.

The archaeologists in Peru have only discovered one specific site—Tiahuanaco—where there are a few intriguing symbols carved into rocks or stones that all observers agree appear to be symbolic. Although there are a handful of petroglyphs located in Peru, there are many inscriptions properly speaking on the materials that cover or are associated with remains found in the graves.

A number of pictographs from Peru are described and illustrated infra (see Figs. 688, 720, and 1167).

A number of pictographs from Peru are described and illustrated below (see Figs. 688, 720, and 1167).

CHILE.

Prof. Edwyn C. Reed, of Valparaiso, Chile, presented through A. P. Niblack, ensign U. S. Navy, a photograph of a large bowlder bearing numerous sculpturings. No information pertaining to the locality at which the rock is situated or details respecting the characters upon it were furnished. The photograph is reproduced in Fig. 128.

Prof. Edwyn C. Reed, from Valparaiso, Chile, presented a photograph of a large boulder covered in various carvings through A. P. Niblack, ensign U.S. Navy. No information was provided about the location of the rock or details regarding the carvings on it. The photograph is reproduced in Fig. 128.

Fig. 128.—Sculptured bowlder in Chile.

Mr. R. A. Philippi, of Santiago, a corresponding member, made a communication to the Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, session of January 19, 1876, page 38, from which the following is extracted and translated:

Mr. R. A. Philippi, from Santiago, a corresponding member, made a statement to the Berlin Society for Anthropology, session of January 19, 1876, page 38, from which the following is taken and translated:

I made a visit to the valley “Cajon de los Cipreses” in order to see the glacier giving rise to the Rio de los Cipreses, a tributary of the Cachapoal, and on that occasion had a cursory view of a rock with some pictures. I send you herewith a drawing of the rock and some of the figures cut on it. The rock, a kind of greenstone, lies at an altitude of about 5,000 feet above sea level, and the surface covered with figures, gently inclined down to the ground, may be 8 feet long and 5 or 6 feet high. The lines are about 4 mm. broad and 1 to ½ mm. deep. The carved figures on the stone are without any sort of order. When I spoke before a meeting of our faculty of physical and mathematical sciences concerning this stone which the shepherds of the region called piedra marcada, I learned that similar stones with carved figures are found in various places.

I visited the valley "Cajon de los Cipreses" to see the glacier that creates the Rio de los Cipreses, which is a tributary of the Cachapoal. During that trip, I had a brief look at a rock with some images on it. I'm sending you a drawing of the rock and some of the figures carved into it. The rock, which is a type of greenstone, is located about 5,000 feet above sea level, and the surface with the figures, which slopes gently towards the ground, is about 8 feet long and 5 or 6 feet high. The lines are about 4 mm wide and between 1 to ½ mm deep. The carved figures on the stone appear to be random. When I talked at a meeting of our faculty of physical and mathematical sciences about this stone, which the local shepherds call marked stone, I found out that similar stones with carved figures are seen in various locations.

The figure mentioned is here reproduced as Fig. 129.

The figure mentioned is shown here as Fig. 129.

Fig. 129.—Petroglyph in Cajon de los Cipreses, Chile.

CHAPTER IV.
EXTRA-LIMITAL PETROGLYPHS.

The term “extra-limital,” familiar to naturalists, refers in its present connection to the sculptures, paintings, and drawings on rocks beyond the continents of North and South America, which are now introduced for comparison and as evidence of the occurrence throughout the world of similar forms in the department of work now under examination.

The term “extra-limital,” which naturalists know well, currently refers to the sculptures, paintings, and drawings found on rocks outside of North and South America. These are being introduced as a point of comparison and as evidence that similar forms exist worldwide in the area of work being discussed.

SECTION 1.
Australia.

Mr. Edward G. Porter (a), in “The Aborigines of Australia,” says: “Their rock carvings are only outline sketches of men, fish, animals, etc., sometimes seen on the top of large flat rocks. Two localities are mentioned, one on Sydney common and another on a rock between Brisbane water and Hawkesbury river.”

Mr. Edward G. Porter (a), in “The Aborigines of Australia,” says: “Their rock carvings are just outline sketches of people, fish, animals, etc., sometimes found on the tops of large flat rocks. Two locations are mentioned, one in Sydney common and another on a rock between Brisbane Water and the Hawkesbury River.”

Much more detailed information is given by Thomas Worsnop, viz:

Much more detailed information is provided by Thomas Worsnop, namely:

At Chasm island, which lies 1½ miles from “Groote Eylandt,” in the steep sides of the chasms, were deep holes or caverns undermining the cliffs, upon the walls of which are found rude drawings, made with charcoal and something like red paint, upon the white ground of the rock. These drawings represented porpoises, turtle, kangaroos, and a human hand, and Mr. Westall found the representations of a kangaroo with a file of thirty-two persons following after it.

At Chasm Island, located 1½ miles from “Groote Eylandt,” there are deep holes or caverns in the steep sides of the chasms that undermine the cliffs. On the walls of these caverns, you can see rough drawings made with charcoal and a substance resembling red paint on the white rock surface. These drawings depict dolphins, turtles, kangaroos, and a human hand. Mr. Westall also discovered an image of a kangaroo followed by a line of thirty-two people.

In the MacDonnell ranges, 6 miles from Alice springs, in a large cave, there were paintings made by the aborigines, well defined parallel lines, intersected with footprints of the emu, kangaroo rat, and birds, with the outlines of iguana, hands of men, well sketched and almost perfect.

In the MacDonnell Ranges, 6 miles from Alice Springs, in a large cave, there were paintings created by the Aboriginal people, featuring clearly defined parallel lines intersected with footprints of the emu, kangaroo rat, and birds, along with outlines of iguanas and human hands, well drawn and nearly perfect.

The parallel lines were of deep red and yellow colors, with brown and white borders; the footprints of light red, light yellow, and black; the outlines of the animals and hands were of red, yellow, white, black, wonderfully (considering it was done by savages) displayed and blended. All the paintings were in good preservation and evidently touched up occasionally, as they looked quite fresh.

The parallel lines were deep red and yellow, with brown and white borders; the footprints were light red, light yellow, and black; the outlines of the animals and hands were in red, yellow, white, and black, beautifully (considering they were done by primitive people) presented and mixed. All the paintings were well-preserved and clearly retouched from time to time, as they appeared quite fresh.

I can only conjecture that these paintings were left as a record, a life-long charm, against the total destruction of the above animals. The paintings were seen by Mr. S. Gason, of Beltana, in the year 1873.

I can only guess that these paintings were created as a record, a lifelong charm, to protect against the complete extinction of the above animals. Mr. S. Gason, from Beltana, saw the paintings in 1873.

Very interesting groups of native drawings are to be seen in the caves of the Emily gorge in the MacDonnell ranges. Many of these drawings represent life-size objects.

Very interesting groups of native drawings can be found in the caves of the Emily Gorge in the MacDonnell Ranges. Many of these drawings depict life-size objects.

The same author, page 20, describes the petroglyph copied in Fig. 130 as follows:

The same author, page 20, describes the petroglyph shown in Fig. 130 like this:

Fig. 130.—Petroglyph on Finke river, Australia.

Mr. Arthur John Giles in the year 1873 discovered, at the junction of Sullivan’s creek with the Finke river, carvings on rocks. The sketch represents a smooth-faced rock, portion of a rock cliff about 45 feet high, composed of hard metamorphic slate. The lower portion of the sculptured face has been worn and broken away, forming a sort of cave. From the level of the creek to the lower edge of the sculptured rock is about 15 feet. The perpendicular lines are cut out, forming semicircular grooves about 1½ inches in diameter, cut in to a depth of nearly half an inch; all remaining figures are also carved into the solid rock to a depth of one-fourth of an inch.

Mr. Arthur John Giles discovered carvings on rocks in 1873 at the point where Sullivan’s Creek meets the Finke River. The sketch shows a smooth-faced rock that is part of a cliff about 45 feet high, made of hard metamorphic slate. The lower part of the carved face has been worn away, creating a sort of cave. From the creek level to the bottom edge of the carved rock is about 15 feet. The vertical lines are carved out, forming semicircular grooves about 1½ inches in diameter, cut to a depth of nearly half an inch; all other figures are also carved into the solid rock to a depth of one-fourth of an inch.

The same author, page 14, gives the following description of some pictures discovered between 1831 and 1840 by Capt. Stokes on Depuch island, one of the Forestier group in Dampier archipelago, on the western coast of Australia:

The same author, page 14, provides the following description of some pictures found between 1831 and 1840 by Capt. Stokes on Depuch Island, part of the Forestier group in the Dampier Archipelago, along the western coast of Australia:

Depuch island would seem to be their favorite resort, and we found several of their huts still standing. The natives are doubtless attracted to the place partly by the reservoirs of water they find among the rocks after rain; partly that they may enjoy the pleasure of delineating the various objects that attract their attention on the smooth surface of the rocks. This they do by removing the hard red outer coating and baring to view the natural color of the greenstone, according to the outline[163] they have traced. Much ability is displayed in many of these representations, the subject of which could be discovered at a glance. The number of specimens are immense, so that the natives must have been in the habit of amusing themselves in this innocent manner for a long period of time.

Depuch Island seems to be their favorite getaway, and we found several of their huts still standing. The locals are likely drawn to the area partly because of the water sources they find among the rocks after it rains; partly so they can enjoy depicting various objects that catch their eye on the smooth surfaces of the rocks. They do this by removing the hard red outer layer to reveal the natural color of the greenstone, following the outlines they have traced. A lot of skill is shown in many of these representations, and the subjects can be identified at a glance. The number of examples is huge, so the locals must have been enjoying this innocent pastime for a long time.

These savages of Australia, who have adorned the rocks of Depuch island with their drawings, have in one thing proved themselves superior to the Egyptian and the Etruscan, whose works have elicited so much admiration and afforded food to so many speculations, namely, there is not in them to be observed the slightest trace of indecency.

These people of Australia, who have decorated the rocks of Depuch Island with their drawings, have shown themselves to be superior in one way to the Egyptians and Etruscans, whose works have sparked so much admiration and inspired countless theories: there is not a hint of indecency in their art.

Fig. 131.—Petroglyphs in Depuch island, Australia.

Fig. 131 shows a number of the characters drawn on these rocks. They are supposed to represent objects as follows:

Fig. 131 shows several characters etched on these rocks. They are believed to represent objects as follows:

a, a goose or duck; b, a beetle; c, a fish, with a quarter moon over, considered to have some reference to fishing by moonlight; d, a native, armed with spear and wommera or throwing stick, probably relating his adventures, which is usually done by song and accompanied with great action and flourishing of weapons, particularly when boasting of his powers; e, a duck and a gull; f, a native in a hut, with portion of the matting with which they cover their habitations; g, shark and pilot fish; h, a corroboreeo or native dance; i, a native dog; j, a crab; k, a kangaroo; l, appears to be a bird of prey, having seized upon a kangaroo rat.

a, a goose or duck; b, a beetle; c, a fish, with a quarter moon above, thought to relate to fishing by moonlight; d, an Indigenous person, armed with a spear and wommera or throwing stick, probably recounting his adventures, often done through song and accompanied by expressive gestures and weapon flourishes, especially when boasting about his skills; e, a duck and a gull; f, an Indigenous person in a hut, with a piece of the matting they use to cover their homes; g, shark and pilot fish; h, a corroboree or traditional Indigenous dance; i, an Indigenous dog; j, a crab; k, a kangaroo; l, appears to be a bird of prey, having caught a kangaroo rat.

The same author, page 5, describes another locality as follows:

The same author, page 5, describes another location as follows:

In New South Wales, in the neighborhood of Botany bay and port Jackson, the figures of animals, of shields and weapons, and even of men, have been found carved upon the rocks, roughly, indeed, but sufficiently well to ascertain very fully what was the object intended. Fish were often represented, and in one place the form of a large lizard was sketched out with tolerable accuracy. On top of one of the hills the figure of a man, in the attitude usually assumed by them when they begin to dance, was executed in a still superior style.

In New South Wales, around Botany Bay and Port Jackson, carvings of animals, shields, weapons, and even human figures have been found on the rocks. They’re rough but clear enough to understand what the artists intended. Fish are frequently depicted, and there’s even a fairly accurate outline of a large lizard in one spot. At the top of one of the hills, there’s a more detailed carving of a man in the pose typically taken when they start to dance.

The figure last mentioned was probably the god Daramūlŭn, see Howitt, Australian Customs of Initiation (a).

The last figure mentioned was likely the god Daramūlŭn, see Howitt, Australian Customs of Initiation (a).

A special account of the aboriginal rock carvings at the head of Bantry bay is furnished by R. Etheridge, jr. (a), as follows, the illustration referred to being presented here as Fig. 132:

A unique description of the indigenous rock carvings at the head of Bantry Bay is provided by R. Etheridge, Jr. (a), as follows, with the illustration mentioned shown here as Fig. 132:

Fig. 132.—Petroglyphs at Bantry bay, Australia.

Of the numerous traces of aboriginal rock carvings to be seen on the shores of Port Jackson, none probably equal in extent or completeness of detail those on the heights at the head and on the eastern side of Bantry bay, Middle harbor, Australia.

Of the many signs of native rock carvings visible along the shores of Port Jackson, none likely match the size or detail of those on the heights at the head and on the eastern side of Bantry Bay, Middle Harbor, Australia.

The table of sandstone over which the carvings are scattered measures 2 chains in one direction by 3 in the contrary, and has a gentle slope of 7 degrees to the southwest. The high road as now laid out passes over a portion of them. * * *

The sandstone table that the carvings are spread across measures 2 chains in one direction and 3 in the other, with a gentle slope of 7 degrees to the southwest. The main road, as currently planned, goes over part of them. * * *

The figures are represented in their present state in outline by a continuous indentation or groove from 1 to 1½ inches broad by half an inch to 1 inch in depth. Some are single subjects scattered promiscuously over the surface; others form small groups, illustrating compound subjects, but all appear to have been executed about one and the same time. * * *

The figures are shown in their current form outlined by a continuous indentation or groove that is 1 to 1½ inches wide and half an inch to 1 inch deep. Some are single subjects placed randomly across the surface; others are small groups depicting combined subjects, but all seem to have been created around the same time. * * *

An advance on the other sculptures existing at this place seems to be made in the originals of the designs a and b, from the fact that an attempt was apparently made to represent a compound idea in the form of a single combat between two warriors. The figures are quite contiguous to one another. The individual marked a seems to be holding in his right hand a body similar to that represented as c, and the position in which it is held would lend color to the belief in its shield-like nature. In the opposite hand are a bundle of rods which have been suggested to be spears, and this explanation for the want of a better may be accepted. On the other hand, we are confronted with the fact that these weapons of offense and defense are held in the wrong hands, unless the holder be regarded as sinistral; otherwise it must be conceived that the warrior’s back is presented to the observer, which is contrary to the other evidence existing in the carving. The opponent, marked as b, with legs astride and arms outstretched much in the position of an aboriginal when throwing the boomerang, is equally definitive. I conceive it quite possible that the position of[165] the boomerang close to the right hand conveys the idea that this man has just thrown the missile at the subject of a, allowing, of course, for the want of a knowledge of perspective on the part of the aboriginal artist. * * *

An advancement over the other sculptures in this location appears to be made in the original designs a and b, as it seems an effort was made to depict a complex idea through a single combat between two warriors. The figures are positioned closely together. The figure marked a appears to be holding something in his right hand that's similar to what’s represented as c, and the way it's held suggests it has a shield-like quality. In his other hand, he has a bundle of rods that some suggest might be spears, and we'll accept this explanation for lack of a better one. However, it’s also important to note that these offensive and defensive weapons are held in the incorrect hands, unless the person is left-handed; otherwise, we must assume the warrior's back is facing the viewer, which contradicts other evidence in the carving. The opponent, marked as b, with legs apart and arms outstretched much like an indigenous person throwing a boomerang, is equally clear. I think it’s quite possible that the position of [165] the boomerang near his right hand indicates that this man has just thrown it at the figure a, allowing for the artist's lack of perspective knowledge. * * *

In several other figures the head is a mere rounded outline, but in b it is presented with a rather bird-like appearance. Another peculiarity is the great angularity given to the kneecap: this is visible both in a and b. It is further exemplified in the elbow of the left arms of both a and b.

In several other figures, the head is just a simple rounded shape, but in b, it looks somewhat bird-like. Another unique feature is the sharp angles on the kneecap, which can be seen in both a and b. This is also noticeable in the elbow of the left arms in both a and b.

SECTION 2.
Oceania.

The term “Oceanica” is used here without geographic precision, to include several islands not mentioned in other sections of the present work, in different parts of the globe, where specially interesting petroglyphs have been found and made known in publications. Although more such localities are known than are now mentioned, the pictographs from them are not of sufficient importance to justify description or illustration, but it may be remarked that they show the universality of the pictographic practice.

The term “Oceanica” is used here without geographic precision to encompass several islands not referenced in other sections of this work, located in different parts of the world, where particularly interesting petroglyphs have been discovered and published. While there are more such locations known than are currently mentioned, the pictographs from these places are not significant enough to warrant description or illustration. However, it's worth noting that they demonstrate the widespread nature of the pictographic practice.

NEW ZEALAND.

Dr. Julius von Haast (a) published notes, condensed as follows, descriptive of the illustration produced here as Fig. 133:

Dr. Julius von Haast (a) published notes, summarized as follows, describing the illustration shown here as Fig. 133:

The most remarkable petroglyphs found in New Zealand are situated about 1 mile on the western side of the Weka Pass road in a rock shelter, which is washed out of a vertical wall of rock lining a small valley for about 300 feet on its right or southern side. The whole length of the rock below the shelter has been used for painting, and it is evident that some order has been followed in the arrangement of the subjects and figures. The paint consists of kokowai (red oxide of iron), of which the present aborigines of New Zealand make still extensive use, and of some fatty substance, such as fish oil, or perhaps some oily bird fat. It has been well fixed upon the somewhat porous rock and no amount of rubbing will get it off.

The most remarkable petroglyphs in New Zealand are located about a mile on the western side of the Weka Pass road in a rock shelter that is carved out of a vertical rock wall lining a small valley for about 300 feet on its southern side. The entire length of the rock beneath the shelter has been used for painting, and it’s clear that there’s been some organization in the arrangement of the subjects and figures. The paint is made of kokowai (red oxide of iron), which the current indigenous people of New Zealand still use extensively, along with a fatty substance, like fish oil or possibly some type of bird fat. It has adhered well to the somewhat porous rock, and no amount of rubbing will remove it.

Some of the principal objects evidently belong to the animal kingdom, and represent animals which either do not occur in New Zealand or are only of a mythical or fabulous character. The paintings occur over a face of about 65 feet, and the upper end of some reaches 8 feet above the floor, the average height, however, being 4 to 5 feet. They are all of considerable size, most of them measuring several feet, and one of them even having a length of 15 feet.

Some of the main objects clearly belong to the animal kingdom and depict animals that either don't exist in New Zealand or are purely mythical or legendary. The paintings cover an area of about 65 feet, with the upper end of some reaching 8 feet above the floor, while the average height is around 4 to 5 feet. They're all quite large, with most measuring several feet, and one even stretching to 15 feet in length.

Beginning at the eastern end in the left-hand corner is the representation a of what might be taken for a sperm whale with its mouth wide open diving downward. This figure is 3 feet long. Five feet from it is another figure c, which might also represent a whale or some fabulous two-headed marine monster. This painting is 3 feet 4 inches long. Below it, a little to the right in d, we have the representation of a large snake possessing a swollen head and a long protruding tongue. This figure is nearly 3 feet long, and shows numerous windings.

Beginning at the eastern end in the left corner is the image a of what looks like a sperm whale with its mouth wide open diving down. This figure is 3 feet long. Five feet away from it is another figure c, which might also represent a whale or some mythical two-headed sea monster. This painting is 3 feet 4 inches long. Below it, slightly to the right in d, we have the image of a large snake with a swollen head and a long sticking-out tongue. This figure is nearly 3 feet long and shows many twists and turns.

It is difficult to conceive how the natives in a country without snakes could not only have traditions about them but actually be able to picture them, unless they had received amongst them immigrants from tropical countries who had landed on the coasts of New Zealand.

It’s hard to imagine how the locals in a country without snakes could not only have stories about them but also be able to visualize them, unless they had immigrants from tropical countries who arrived on the shores of New Zealand.

Between the two fishes or whales is b, which might represent a fishhook, and below the snake d a sword e with a curved blade.

Between the two fish or whales is b, which might symbolize a fishhook, and below the snake d is a sword e with a curved blade.

Advancing toward the right is a group which is of special interest, the figure i, which is nearly a foot long, having all the appearance of a long-necked bird carrying the head as the cassowary and emu do, and as the moa has done. If this design should represent the moa, I might suggest that it was either a conventional way of drawing that bird or that it was already extinct when this representation was painted according to tradition; in which latter case k might represent the taniwha or gigantic fabulous lizard which is said to have watched the moa. h is doubtless a quadruped, probably a dog, which was a contemporary of the moa and was used also as food by the moa hunters. j is evidently a weapon, probably an adz or tomahawk, and might, being close to the supposed bird, indicate the manner in which the latter was killed during the chase. The post, with the two branches near the top l, finds a counterpart in the remnant of a similar figure g between the figures c and i. They might represent some of the means by which the moa was caught or indicate that it existed in open country between the forest. m, under which the rock in the central portion has scaled off, is like f, one of the designs which resemble ancient oriental writing.

Moving to the right, there's a group that stands out, particularly the figure i, nearly a foot long, resembling a long-necked bird that carries its head like a cassowary or emu, and similar to how the moa used to. If this depiction represents the moa, it could either be a stylized way of drawing that bird, or it may already have been extinct when this was painted, according to tradition; in that case, k could represent the taniwha or a giant mythical lizard that is said to have watched over the moa. h is clearly a four-legged animal, likely a dog, which coexisted with the moa and was also eaten by the moa hunters. j clearly represents a weapon, probably an adze or tomahawk, and given its proximity to the supposed bird, it might indicate how it was killed during the hunt. The post with the two branches near the top, l, finds a similar design in the remnant of figure g between c and i. They could represent some methods of capturing the moa or suggest that it lived in open areas between forests. m, where the rock in the central part has chipped away, resembles f, one of the designs that looks like ancient oriental writing.

Fig. 133.—Petroglyph in New Zealand.

Approaching the middle portion of the wall we find here a well-shaped group of paintings, the center of which n has all the appearance of a hat ornamented on the crown. The rim of this broad-brimmed relic measures 2 feet across. The expert of ancient customs and habits of the Malayan and South Indian countries might perhaps be able to throw some light upon this and the surrounding figures, o to r.

Approaching the middle part of the wall, we find a nicely shaped group of paintings, the center of which looks like a hat decorated on the top. The rim of this wide-brimmed artifact measures 2 feet across. An expert on the ancient customs and habits of the Malayan and South Indian regions might be able to shed some light on this and the surrounding figures.

From q, which is altogether 3 feet high, evidently issues fire or smoke; it therefore might represent a tree on fire, a lamp or an altar with incense offering. * * * The figure o is particularly well painted, and the outlines are clearly defined, but I[167] can make no suggestion as to its meaning. In s we have, doubtless, the picture of a human being who is running away from q, the object from the top of which issues fire or smoke. I am strengthened in my conviction that it is meant for a man by observing a similar figure running away from the monster aa. p, which has been placed below that group, might be compared to a pair of spectacles, but is probably a letter or an imitation of such a sign.

From q, which stands 3 feet tall, there clearly comes fire or smoke; it may represent a burning tree, a lamp, or an altar with an incense offering. * * * The figure o is especially well painted, and the outlines are distinct, but I[167] cannot suggest its meaning. In s, we undoubtedly see the image of a person who is running away from q, the source of the fire or smoke. I am further convinced it represents a man by noticing a similar figure fleeing from the monster aa. p, placed below that group, might look like a pair of glasses, but it's likely a letter or a representation of such a symbol.

A little more to the right a figure 6 feet long is very prominent. It is probably the representation of a right whale in the act of spouting. Above it, in v, the figure of a mantis is easily recognizable, whilst u and the characters to the right below the supposed right whale again resemble cyphers or letters. w and y, although in many respects different, belong doubtless to the same group, and represent large lizards or crocodiles. * * * w is 4 feet long; it is unfortunately deficient in its lower portion, but it is still sufficiently preserved to show that besides four legs it possesses two other lower appendages, of which one is forked and the other has the appearance of a trident. I wish also to draw attention to the unusual form of the head. y is a similar animal 3 feet long, but it has eight legs, and head and tail are well defined. The head is well rounded off, and both animals represent, without doubt, some fabulous animal, such as the taniwha, which is generally described as a huge crocodile, of which the ancient legends give so many accounts.

A little more to the right, there's a figure that's about 6 feet long and stands out prominently. It's likely a depiction of a right whale spouting water. Above it, in v, you can easily recognize the figure of a mantis, while u and the characters to the right below the supposed right whale also look like symbols or letters. w and y, although somewhat different, clearly belong to the same group and represent large lizards or crocodiles. * * * w is 4 feet long; it unfortunately lacks its lower section, but it’s still well enough preserved to show that besides four legs, it has two other lower appendages—one of which is forked and the other resembles a trident. I also want to point out the unusual shape of the head. y is a similar creature, 3 feet long, but it has eight legs, and its head and tail are well defined. The head is nicely rounded, and both animals definitely represent some mythical creature, like the taniwha, which is typically described as a massive crocodile, often mentioned in ancient legends.

aa, a huge snake-like animal 15 feet long, is probably a representation of the tuna tuoro, a mythical monster. It is evident that the tuna tuoro is in the act of swallowing a man, who tries to save himself by running away from it.

aa, a giant snake-like creature 15 feet long, likely symbolizes the tuna tuoro, a legendary monster. It's clear that the tuna tuoro is in the process of swallowing a man, who is desperately attempting to escape from it.

KEI ISLANDS.

Mr. A. Langen (a) made a report on the Kei islands and their Ghost grottoes, with a plate now reproduced as Fig. 134. He says:

Mr. A. Langen (a) submitted a report on the Kei islands and their Ghost grottos, with an illustration now shown as Fig. 134. He states:

The group of the small Kei islands, more correctly Arue islands [southwest from New Guinea], is a sea bottom raised by volcanic forces and covered with corals and shells. The corals appear but at a few points. They are in the main covered with a layer of shells cemented together, whose cement is so hard and firm that it offers resistance to the influence of time even after the shell has been weathered away.

The small Kei islands, also known as the Arue islands [southwest of New Guinea], are a seabed that has been lifted by volcanic activity and is covered with corals and shells. Corals are only present in a few areas. For the most part, they are topped with a layer of shells that are cemented together, and this cement is so strong and solid that it withstands the effects of time, even after the shells have eroded away.

Fig. 134.—Petroglyphs in Kei islands.

On the whole, all the figures in similar genre are represented in thousands of specimens. [They may be divided into three series, the first including letters a to k; the second, letters l to t; the third, letters u to cc.] Many are effaced and unrecognizable, only letter k, series 1; letters n, o, s, t, series 2; and letters cc, series 3, stand isolated and seem to have a peculiar meaning. The popular legend ascribes the greatest age to the characters of series 1 and series 2, and it is said that the signs record a terrible fight in which the islanders lost many dead, but yet remained victors. It is stated that the signs were produced by the ghosts of the fallen. The signs of series 3 are said to be the work of a woman named Tewaheru, who was able to converse with ghosts as well as with the living. But, when on one occasion she helped a living man to recover his dead wife by betraying to him the secret of making the spirit return to the body, she is said to have been destroyed by the ghosts and changed into a blackbird, whose call even at this day indicates death. Since that time no medium is said to exist between the living and the dead, nor do any new signs appear on the rock.

Overall, all the figures in similar genres are found in thousands of examples. [They can be categorized into three series: the first includes letters a to k; the second includes letters l to t; and the third includes letters u to cc.] Many are worn away and unrecognizable, with only letter k from series 1; letters n, o, s, t from series 2; and letter cc from series 3 standing out and seeming to hold a unique significance. The common belief is that the characters from series 1 and series 2 are the oldest, and it's said that these signs document a fierce battle in which the islanders suffered many losses but were still victorious. According to lore, the signs were made by the spirits of the slain. The signs in series 3 are attributed to a woman named Tewaheru, who could communicate with both spirits and the living. However, on one occasion, when she helped a living man bring back his deceased wife by revealing the secret to making the spirit return to the body, she was said to have been punished by the spirits and transformed into a blackbird, whose call even today signifies death. Since then, it's believed that no medium exists between the living and the dead, and no new signs have appeared on the rock.

Investigation in place showed me that the color of series 3 consists of ocher made up with water. The very oldest drawings seem to have been made with water color, as the color has nowhere penetrated into the rock. Most of the figures are painted on overhanging rocks in such a way as to be protected as much as possible against wind and weather; whether they bear any relation to the signs on the rocks of Papua, and what that relation may be, I am not yet able to judge.

Investigation on-site showed me that the color of series 3 is ocher mixed with water. The oldest drawings appear to have been created with watercolor, since the color hasn’t seeped into the rock at all. Most of the figures are painted on overhanging rocks to protect them from wind and weather as much as possible; I can't yet determine whether they are related to the symbols on the rocks in Papua, or what that connection might be.

It may safely be assumed that the caves as abodes of spirits were sacred, but did not serve as places of burial. The lead rings and pieces of copper gongs found in small number before some of the caves seem to be derived from sacrifices offered to the spirits. At the present day no more sacrifices are offered there, and the islanders knew nothing of the existence of these things.

It can be safely assumed that the caves, as homes for spirits, were sacred, but they were not used as burial sites. The lead rings and fragments of copper gongs found in small quantities in front of some of the caves likely came from sacrifices made to the spirits. Nowadays, no more sacrifices are offered there, and the islanders are unaware of the existence of these items.

EASTER ISLAND.

In this island carved human figures of colossal size have been frequently noticed in various publications, with and without illustrations, but apart from those statues ancient stone houses remain in which have been found large stone slabs bearing painted figures. Paymaster William J. Thompson, U. S. Navy (a) says of the Orongo houses, that the “smooth slabs lining the walls and ceilings were ornamented with mythological figures and rude designs painted in white, red, and black pigments.” The figures partake of the form of fish and bird-like animals, the exaggerated outlines clearly indicating mythologic beings, the type of which does not exist in nature. Fig. 135 is presented here, extracted by permission from the work above cited, and it may be of interest to know that nearly all, if not all, of the original specimens are now deposited in the U. S. National Museum.

On this island, massive human figures have often been seen in various publications, with and without illustrations. Besides those statues, there are ancient stone houses that contain large stone slabs with painted figures. Paymaster William J. Thompson, U.S. Navy (a), remarks about the Orongo houses that the “smooth slabs lining the walls and ceilings were decorated with mythological figures and crude designs painted in white, red, and black pigments.” The figures take the shape of fish and bird-like creatures, with exaggerated outlines clearly representing mythical beings that do not exist in nature. Fig. 135 is included here, used with permission from the cited work, and it's worth noting that nearly all, if not all, of the original specimens are now held at the U.S. National Museum.

Fig. 135.—Petroglyphs in Easter island.

While the curious carvings on the wooden tablets which are discussed in the work of Paymaster Thompson are not petroglyphs, it seems proper to mention them in this connection. Fig. 136 is taken from Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft, in Wien (a), and shows one of the tablets, which does not appear to be presented in this exact form in the work before mentioned.

While the intriguing carvings on the wooden tablets mentioned in Paymaster Thompson's work aren't petroglyphs, it's appropriate to bring them up here. Fig. 136 is taken from Communications of the Anthropological Society in Vienna (a), and displays one of the tablets, which doesn't seem to be shown in this exact form in the previously mentioned work.

Fig. 136.—Tablet from Easter island.

The following remarks by Prof. de Lacouperie (b) are quoted on account of the eminence of his authority, though the subject is still under discussion:

The following comments by Prof. de Lacouperie (b) are cited because of his respected authority, even though the topic is still being debated:

The character of eastern India, the Vengi-Châlukya, was also carried to north Celebes islands. The people have not remained at the level required for the practical use of a phonetic writing. It is no more used as an alphabet. Curiously enough, it is employed as pictorial ornaments on the MSS. they now write in a pictographic style of the lowest scale. This I have seen on the facsimile (Bilderschriften des Ostindischen Archipels, Pl. I, 1, 11) published by Dr. A. B. Meyer, of Dresden, in his splendid album on the writings of this region.

The character of eastern India, the Vengi-Chalukya, was also brought to the North Celebes islands. The local people haven't advanced to the point where they can practically use a phonetic writing system. It’s no longer used as an alphabet. Interestingly, it’s used as decorative elements on manuscripts. They now write in a very basic pictographic style. I’ve seen this in the facsimile (Illustrated texts of the East Indies, Pl. I, 1, 11) published by Dr. A. B. Meyer from Dresden, in his impressive album on the writings of this region.

In the Easter island, or Vaihu, some fourteen inscriptions have been found incised on wooden boards, perhaps of driftwood. The characters are peculiar. Most of them display strange shapes, in which, with a little imagination, forms of men, fishes, trees, birds, and many other things have been fancied. A curious characteristic is that the upper part of the signs are shaped somewhat like the head of the herronia or albatross. A pictorial tendency is obvious in all of these. Some persons in Europe have taken them for hieroglyphics, and have ventured to find a connection with the flora and fauna of the island. The knowledge of this writing is now lost; and it is not sure that the few priests and other men of the last generation who boasted of being able to read them could do so thoroughly. Anyhow, in 1770, some chiefs were still able to write down their names on a deed of gift when the island was taken in the name of Carlos III of Spain.

On Easter Island, or Vaihu, about fourteen inscriptions have been found carved on wooden boards, possibly made from driftwood. The characters are unusual. Most of them have strange shapes that, with a bit of imagination, resemble men, fish, trees, birds, and many other things. A curious feature is that the top part of the signs looks somewhat like the head of a heron or albatross. There’s a clear pictorial style in all of these. Some people in Europe have mistaken them for hieroglyphics and have tried to find a link with the island’s plants and animals. The knowledge of this writing is now lost; it's uncertain if the few priests and other men from the last generation who claimed they could read them were actually able to do so completely. However, in 1770, some chiefs could still write their names on a deed of gift when the island was taken in the name of Carlos III of Spain.

In examining carefully the characters I was struck by the forked heads of many of them, which reminded me of the forked matras of the Vengi-Châlukya inscriptions. A closer comparison with Pls. i to viii of the Elements of South Indian Paleography (A. C. Burnell, Elements of South Indian Paleography, from the fourth to the seventeenth century A. D., being An Introduction to the Study of South Indian Inscriptions and MSS., 2d edit., London and Mangalore, 1878; Pls. i, vii, viii are specially interesting for the forked matras) soon showed me that I was on the right track, and a further study of the Vaihu characters, and their analysis by comparing the small differences (vocalic notation) existing between several of them, convinced me that they are nothing else than a decayed form of the above writing of southern India returning to the hieroglyphical stage. With this clue, the inscriptions[171] of Easter island are no more a sealed text. They can easily be read after a little training. Their language is Polynesian, and I can say that the vocabulary of the Samoan dialect has proved very useful to me for the purpose.

In closely examining the characters, I was struck by the split heads of many of them, which reminded me of the split symbols in the Vengi-Chalukya inscriptions. A closer look at Plates i to viii of the Elements of South Indian Paleography (A. C. Burnell, Elements of South Indian Paleography, from the fourth to the seventeenth century A.D., being An Introduction to the Study of South Indian Inscriptions and MSS., 2nd edition, London and Mangalore, 1878; Plates i, vii, viii are especially interesting for the split symbols) quickly showed me that I was on the right track. Further study of the Vaihu characters and their analysis by comparing the small differences (vocalic notation) between them convinced me that they are simply a degraded form of the writing from southern India reverting to a hieroglyphic stage. With this insight, the inscriptions[171] of Easter Island are no longer a mystery. They can be easily read after a bit of training. Their language is Polynesian, and I can say that the vocabulary of the Samoan dialect has been very helpful to me for this purpose.

SECTION 3.
EU.

In the more settled and civilized parts of Europe petroglyphs are now rarely found. This is, perhaps, accounted for in part by the many occasions for use of the inscribed rocks or by their demolition during the long period after the glyphs upon them had ceased to have their original interest and significance and before their value as now understood had become recognized. Yet from time to time such glyphs have been noticed, and they have been copied and described in publications.

In the more developed and civilized areas of Europe, petroglyphs are now rarely seen. This might be partly explained by the many times the inscribed rocks were used or destroyed during the long period after the glyphs lost their original meaning and before their current value was recognized. Still, from time to time, these glyphs have been spotted, and they have been documented and described in publications.

But few of the petroglyphs in the civilized portions of Europe not familiar by publication have that kind of interest which requires their reproduction in the present paper. It may be sufficient to state in general terms that Europe is no exception to the rest of the world in the presence of petroglyphs.

But few of the petroglyphs in the developed areas of Europe that are not widely known through publications have the kind of significance that warrants their inclusion in this paper. It’s enough to say that Europe is just like the rest of the world when it comes to having petroglyphs.

A number of these extant in the British islands and in the Scandinavian peninsula, besides the few examples presented in this chapter, are described and illustrated in other parts of this work, and brief accounts of others recently noted in France, Spain, and Italy are also furnished.

A number of these still exist in the British Isles and the Scandinavian peninsula, in addition to the few examples shown in this chapter, and they are described and illustrated in other sections of this work. There are also brief descriptions of others recently noted in France, Spain, and Italy.

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

Nearly all of the petroglyphs found in the British islands, accounts of which have been published, belong to the class of cup sculptures discussed in Chapter V, infra, but several inscriptions showing characters not limited to that category are mentioned in “Archaic Rock Inscriptions,” (a) from which the following condensed extract referring to a cairn in county Meath, Ireland, is taken:

Nearly all the petroglyphs found in the British Isles that have been published belong to the category of cup sculptures discussed in Chapter V, below, but several inscriptions featuring characters outside that category are mentioned in “Archaic Rock Inscriptions,” (a), from which the following shortened extract about a cairn in County Meath, Ireland, is taken:

The ornamentation may be thus described: Small circles, with or without a central dot; two or many more concentric circles; a small circle with a central dot, surrounded by a spiral line; the single spiral; the double spiral, or two spirals starting from different centers; rows of small lozenges or ovals; stars of six to thirteen rays; wheels of nine rays; flower ornaments, sometimes inclosed in a circle or wide oval; wave-like lines; groups of lunette-shaped lines; pothooks; small squares attached to each other side by side, so as to form a reticulated pattern; small attached concentric circles; large and small hollows; a cup hollow surrounded by one or more circles; lozenges crossed from angle to angle (these and the squares produced by scrapings); an ornament like the spine of a fish with ribs attached, or the fiber system of some leaf; short equiarmed crosses, starting sometimes from a dot and small circle; a circle with rays round it, and the whole contained in a circle; a series of compressed semicircles like the letters ∩ ∩ ∩ inverted; vertical lines far apart, with ribs sloping downwards from them like twigs; an ornament like the fiber system of a broad leaf, with the stem attached; rude concentric circles with short rays extending from part of the outer one; an ornament very like the simple Greek fret, with dots in the[172] center of the loop; five zigzag lines and two parallel lines, on each of which, and pointing toward each other, is a series of cones ornamented by lines radiating from the apex, crossed by others parallel to the base—this design has been produced by scraping, and I propose to call it the Patella ornament, as it strikingly resembles the large species of that shell so common on our coasts, and which shell Mr. Conwell discovered in numbers in some of the cists, in connection with fragments of pottery and human bones; a semicircle with three or four straight lines proceeding from it, but not touching it; a dot with several lines radiating from it; combinations of short straight lines arranged either at right angles to or sloping from a central line; an S-shaped curve, each loop inclosing concentric circles; and a vast number of other combinations of the circle, spiral, line, and dot, which can not be described in writing.

The decoration can be described this way: Small circles, with or without a central dot; two or more concentric circles; a small circle with a dot in the center, surrounded by a spiral line; a single spiral; a double spiral, or two spirals that start from different centers; rows of small diamonds or ovals; stars with six to thirteen points; wheels with nine points; floral decorations, sometimes enclosed in a circle or wide oval; wavy lines; groups of crescent-shaped lines; hooks; small squares connected side by side to create a reticulated pattern; small nested concentric circles; large and small depressions; a cup shape surrounded by one or more circles; diamonds crossed from corner to corner (along with the squares made by scraping); an ornament resembling a fish's spine with attached ribs, or the vein pattern of some leaves; short equal-armed crosses, sometimes starting from a dot and a small circle; a circle with rays around it, all contained within another circle; a series of compressed semicircles like inverted letters ∩ ∩ ∩; vertical lines spaced far apart, with sloping ribs coming down from them like twigs; an ornament resembling the vein system of a broad leaf, with an attached stem; rough concentric circles with short rays extending from part of the outer one; an ornament very similar to the simple Greek key, with dots in the center of the loop; five zigzag lines and two parallel lines, each with a series of cones pointing toward each other, decorated with lines radiating from the tip, crossed by others parallel to the base—this design has been created by scraping, and I propose to call it the Patella ornament, as it closely resembles the large species of that shell commonly found on our coasts, and which Mr. Conwell discovered in large numbers in some of the cists, along with fragments of pottery and human bones; a semicircle with three or four straight lines extending from it, but not touching it; a dot with several lines radiating from it; combinations of short straight lines arranged either at right angles to or sloping from a central line; an S-shaped curve, each loop enclosing concentric circles; and an endless variety of other combinations of circles, spirals, lines, and dots that can't be captured in writing.

Some of the ancient “Turf-Monuments” of England are to be classed as petroglyphs. The following extracts from the work of Rev. W. A. Plenderleath (b) give sufficient information on these curious pictures:

Some of the old "Turf-Monuments" of England can be categorized as petroglyphs. The following excerpts from the work of Rev. W. A. Plenderleath (b) provide enough information about these intriguing images:

Although all the White Horses, except one, are in Wiltshire, that one exception is the great sire and prototype of them all, which is at Uffington, just 2½ miles outside the Wiltshire Boundary and within that of Berkshire. * * * The one mediæval document in which the White Horse is mentioned is a cartulary of the Abbey of Abingdon, which must have been written either in the reign of Henry II or soon after, and which runs as follows: “It was then customary amongst the English that any monks who wished might receive money or landed estates and both use and devolve them according to their pleasure. Hence two monks of the monastery at Abingdon, named Leofric and Godric Cild, appear to have obtained by inheritance manors situated upon the banks of the Thames; one of them, Godric, becoming possessed of Spersholt, near the place commonly known as the White Horse Hill, and the other that of Whitchurch, during the time that Aldhelm was abbot of this place.”

Although all the White Horses, except for one, are in Wiltshire, that one exception is the great sire and prototype of them all, which is at Uffington, just 2½ miles outside the Wiltshire Boundary and within Berkshire. * * * The only medieval document mentioning the White Horse is a cartulary of the Abbey of Abingdon, which must have been written either during the reign of Henry II or soon after, and it states: “It was then customary among the English that any monks who wished could receive money or land and use and pass them on as they pleased. As a result, two monks from the monastery at Abingdon, named Leofric and Godric Cild, seem to have inherited manors located along the banks of the Thames; one of them, Godric, became the owner of Spersholt, near the place commonly known as White Horse Hill, and the other of Whitchurch, during the time that Aldhelm was abbot here.”

This Aldhelm appears to have been abbot from 1072 to 1084, and from the terms in which the White Horse Hill is mentioned the name was evidently an old one at that time.

This Aldhelm seems to have been the abbot from 1072 to 1084, and from the way White Horse Hill is referenced, it's clear that the name was already well-established by then.

Now it was only two hundred years before this time, viz, in 871, that a very famous victory had been gained by King Alfred over the Danes close to this very spot. “Four days after the battle of Reading,” says Asser, “King Æthelred, and Alfred, his brother, fought against the whole army of the pagans at Ashdown. * * * And the flower of the pagan youths were there slain, so that neither before nor since was ever such destruction known since the Saxons first gained Britain by their arms.” And it was in memory of this victory that, we are informed by local tradition, Alfred caused his men, the day after the battle, to cut out the White Horse, the standard of Hengist, on the hillside just under the castle. The name Hengist, or Hengst, itself means Stone Horse in the ancient language of the Saxons, and Bishop Nicholson, in his “English Atlas,” goes so far as to suppose the names of Hengist and Horsa to have been not proper at all, but simply emblematical.

Now it was only two hundred years before this time, specifically in 871, that a famous victory was won by King Alfred against the Danes right near this spot. “Four days after the battle of Reading,” Asser states, “King Æthelred and his brother Alfred fought against the entire army of the pagans at Ashdown. * * * And the elite of the pagan youths were slain there, such that neither before nor after has there been such destruction since the Saxons first took Britain by their arms.” It was in honor of this victory that, according to local tradition, Alfred had his men carve out the White Horse, the standard of Hengist, on the hillside just below the castle the day after the battle. The name Hengist, or Hengst, itself means Stone Horse in the old Saxon language, and Bishop Nicholson, in his “English Atlas,” even suggests that the names Hengist and Horsa were not actual names but simply symbolic.

The Uffington horse measures 355 feet from the nose to the tail and 120 feet from the ear to the hoof. It faces to sinister, as do also those depicted upon all British coins. The slope of the portion of the hill upon which it is cut is 39°, but the declivity is very considerably greater beneath the figures. The exposure is southwest.

The Uffington horse is 355 feet long from the nose to the tail and 120 feet from the ear to the hoof. It faces left, just like those shown on all British coins. The angle of the hill section where it's carved is 39°, but the drop is much steeper beneath the figures. It is oriented southwest.

The author then describes the White Horse on Bratton Hill, near Westbury, Wilts, now obliterated, the dimensions of which were, extreme length, 100 feet; height, nearly the same; from toe to chest, 54 feet, and gives accounts of several other White Horses, the antiquity[173] of which is not so well established. He then (c) treats of the Red Horse in the lordship of Tysoe, in Warwickshire, as follows:

The author then talks about the White Horse on Bratton Hill, near Westbury, Wilts, which is now gone. Its dimensions were 100 feet in length and nearly the same in height, with a measurement of 54 feet from toe to chest. He also shares stories about several other White Horses, whose age isn't as well known. He then discusses the Red Horse in the lordship of Tysoe, in Warwickshire, as follows:

This is traditionally reported to have been cut in 1461, in memory of the exploits of Richard, Earl of Warwick, who was for many years one of the most prominent figures in the Wars of the Roses. The earl had in the early part of the year found himself, with a force of forty thousand men, opposed to Queen Margaret, with sixty thousand, at a place called Towton, near Tadcaster. Overborne by numbers, the battle was going against him, when, dismounting from his horse, he plunged his sword up to the hilt in the animal’s side, crying aloud that he would henceforth fight shoulder to shoulder with his men. Thereupon the soldiers, animated by their leader’s example, rushed forward with such impetuosity that the enemy gave way and flew precipitately. No less than twenty-eight thousand Lancastrians are said to have fallen in this battle and in the pursuit which followed, for the commands of Prince Edward were to give no quarter. It was to this victory that the latter owed his elevation to the throne, which took place immediately afterwards.

This is traditionally reported to have been cut in 1461, in memory of the exploits of Richard, Earl of Warwick, who was for many years one of the most prominent figures in the Wars of the Roses. Earlier that year, he found himself, with an army of forty thousand men, up against Queen Margaret, who had sixty thousand, at a place called Towton, near Tadcaster. Outnumbered, the battle was going against him, when he dismounted from his horse, plunged his sword into the animal’s side, and shouted that he would now fight side by side with his men. Inspired by their leader’s bravery, the soldiers charged forward with such ferocity that the enemy retreated in a panic. It's said that twenty-eight thousand Lancastrians were killed in this battle and during the following pursuit, as Prince Edward's orders were to give no mercy. It was this victory that led to his rise to the throne, which happened immediately afterward.

The Red Horse used to be scoured every year, upon Palm Sunday, at the expense of certain neighboring landowners who held their land by that tenure, and the scouring is said to have been as largely attended and to have been the occasion of as great festivity as that of the older horse in the adjoining county of Berks. The figure is about 54 feet in extreme length by about 31 in extreme height.

The Red Horse was scrubbed every year on Palm Sunday, funded by a few local landowners who held their land by that tradition. This event was reportedly very popular and as festive as the older horse celebration in the nearby county of Berks. The figure is about 54 feet long and around 31 feet high.

The best known of Turf-Monuments other than horses is the Giant, on Trendle Hill, near Cerne Abbas, in Dorsetshire. This the same author (d) describes as follows:

The most famous Turf-Monument besides horses is the Giant, located on Trendle Hill, near Cerne Abbas, in Dorset. The same author (d) describes it as follows:

This is a figure roughly representing a man, undraped, and with a club in his right hand; the height is 180 feet, and the outlines are marked out by a trench 2 feet wide and of about the same depth. It covers nearly an acre of ground. Hutchin imagines this figure to represent the Saxon god, Heil, and places its date as anterior to A. D. 600. * * * Britton, on the other hand, tells us that “vulgar tradition makes this figure commemorate the destruction of a giant who, having feasted on some sheep in Blackmoor and laid himself to sleep on this hill, was pinioned down like another Gulliver and killed by the enraged peasants, who immediately traced his dimensions for the information of posterity.” There were formerly discernible some markings between the legs of the figure rather above the level of the ankles, which the country folk took for the numerals 748, and imagined to indicate the date. We need, perhaps, scarcely remark that Arabic numerals were unknown in Europe until at least six centuries later than this period.

This is a figure that roughly represents a man, bare, holding a club in his right hand; it's 180 feet tall, and its outline is defined by a trench 2 feet wide and about the same depth. It covers almost an acre of land. Hutchin thinks this figure represents the Saxon god, Heil, and dates it before A.D. 600. * * * Britton, on the other hand, tells us that “local legend claims this figure marks the defeat of a giant who, after feasting on some sheep in Blackmoor, fell asleep on this hill, was pinned down like another Gulliver, and killed by angry peasants, who then traced his dimensions for future generations.” There used to be some markings visible between the legs of the figure, just above the ankles, which the locals interpreted as the numbers 748, believing they indicated the date. We might note that Arabic numerals were unknown in Europe until at least six centuries after this time.

SWEDEN.

Mr. Paul B. Du Chaillu (a) gives the following (condensed) account describing, among many more “rock tracings,” as he calls them, those reproduced as Figs. 137 and 138:

Mr. Paul B. Du Chaillu (a) provides the following (shortened) description detailing, among many other “rock tracings,” those shown as Figs. 137 and 138:

There are found in Sweden large pictures engraved on the rocks which are of great antiquity, long before the Roman period.

There are large pictures carved into the rocks in Sweden that are very old, dating back long before the Roman era.

These are of different kinds and sizes, the most numerous being the drawings of ships or boats, canoe-shaped and alike at both ends (with figures of men and animals), and of fleets fighting against each other or making an attack upon the shore. The hero of the fight, or the champion, is generally depicted as much larger than the other combatants, who probably were of one people, though of different tribes, for their arms are similar and all seem without clothing, though in some cases they are represented as wearing a helmet or shield.

These come in various types and sizes, with the most common being drawings of ships or boats, which are canoe-shaped and similar at both ends (featuring figures of men and animals), and of fleets battling each other or launching an attack on the shore. The hero of the fight, or the champion, is usually shown as significantly larger than the other fighters, who were likely from the same people but different tribes, since their weapons are alike and they all appear to be without clothing, although in some instances, they are depicted wearing helmets or shields.

On some rocks are representations of cattle, horses, reindeer, turtles, ostriches, and camels, the latter showing that in earlier times these people were acquainted with more southern climes. The greatest number and the largest and most complicated in detail of the tracings occur, especially in the present Sweden, in Bohuslän, “the ancient Viken of the Sagas,” on the coast of the peninsula washed by the Cattegat. They are also found in Norway, especially in Smaalenene, a province contiguous to that of Bohuslän, but become more scarce in the north, though found on the Trondhjem fjord.

On some rocks, there are images of cattle, horses, reindeer, turtles, ostriches, and camels, showing that people in earlier times were familiar with warmer regions. The highest number and the most detailed tracings are found, especially in present-day Sweden, in Bohuslän, “the ancient Viken of the Sagas,” along the coast of the peninsula that faces the Cattegat. They can also be found in Norway, particularly in Smaalenene, a province next to Bohuslän, but they become less common in the north, although they are present along the Trondhjem fjord.

Fig. 137.—Petroglyph in Bohuslän, Sweden.

Fig. 137 is a copy of a petroglyph in Tanum parish, Bohuslän, Sweden. The large figure is doubtless a champion or commander, the exaggerated size of which is to be noted in connection with that of the Zulu chiefs in Fig. 142, infra, from South Africa, and Fig. 1024, infra, from North America. There are numerous small holes and footprints between the chief and the attacking force. Height, 20 feet; width, 15 feet.

Fig. 137 is a replica of a petroglyph found in Tanum parish, Bohuslän, Sweden. The large figure is clearly meant to depict a champion or leader, with its exaggerated size being noteworthy alongside the Zulu chiefs shown in Fig. 142, below, from South Africa, and Fig. 1024, below, from North America. There are several small holes and footprints between the leader and the attacking group. Height, 20 feet; width, 15 feet.

In Bohuslän the tracings are cut in the quartz, which is the geological formation of the coast. They are mostly upon slightly inclined rocks, which are generally 200 or 300 feet or more above the present level of the sea, and which have been polished by the action of the ice. The width of the lines in the same representation varies from 1 to 2 inches and even more, and their depth is often only a third or fourth of an inch, and at times so shallow as to be barely perceptible. Those tracings, which have for hundreds, perhaps for thousands, of years been laid bare to the ravages of the northern climate, are now most difficult to decipher, while those which have been protected by earth are as fresh as if they had been cut to-day. Many seem to[175] have been cut near the middle or base of the hills, which were covered with vegetation, and were in the course of time concealed by the detritus from above.

In Bohuslän, the carvings are etched into the quartz, which is the geological makeup of the coast. They are mostly found on slightly sloped rocks, usually 200 to 300 feet or more above the current sea level, and these rocks have been smoothed by the movement of ice. The lines vary in width from 1 to 2 inches or even wider, and their depth is often only about a third or a fourth of an inch, sometimes so shallow that they are barely noticeable. These carvings, which have been exposed to the harsh northern climate for hundreds, possibly thousands, of years, are now very hard to read, while those that have been covered by soil remain as crisp as if they were made today. Many appear to have been carved near the middle or bottom of the hills, which were once covered in vegetation and over time became hidden by debris above.

Fig. 138 is from the same author (b) and locality. Height, 29 feet; width, 17 feet. The large birds and footprints and a chief designated by his size will be noticed, and also a character in the middle of the extreme upper part of the illustration which may be compared with the largest human form in Fig. 983, infra, from Tule valley, California.

Fig. 138 is from the same author (b) and location. Height, 29 feet; width, 17 feet. You'll notice the large birds and footprints, along with a chief marked by his size. There's also a figure in the center of the extreme upper part of the illustration that can be compared with the largest human form in Fig. 983, infra, from Tule Valley, California.

Fig. 138.—Petroglyph in Bohuslän, Sweden.

FRANCE.

Perrier du Carne (a), gives the following account (translated and condensed) of signs carved on the dolmen of Trou-aux-Anglais, in Épone:

Perrier du Carne (a) provides this account (translated and condensed) of the symbols carved on the dolmen of Trou-aux-Anglais, in Épone:

This dolmen, situated in the commune of Épone, in a place called Le Bois de la Garenne, was constructed beneath the ground; it was concealed from view and it is to this circumstance, no doubt, that its preservation is due. Nothing indicates that it has been surmounted by a tumulus; in any case this tumulus had long since disappeared,[176] and the ground was entirely leveled when the digging was commenced some years ago. * * *

This dolmen, located in the town of Épone, in an area called Le Bois de la Garenne, was built underground; it was hidden from sight, and this is probably why it has been preserved. There’s no sign that it was covered by a burial mound; in any case, that mound had long vanished,[176] and the ground was completely flattened when excavation began a few years ago. * * *

The characters (Fig. 139) are carved in intaglio on the farthest stone of the entrance, on the left side. The whole of the inscription measures 1m, 10 in height and 82 centimeters in width, and may be divided into two groups, an upper and a lower one.

The characters (Fig. 139) are carved in intaglio on the outermost stone of the entrance, on the left side. The entire inscription is 1m tall and 82 centimeters wide, and can be divided into two sections: an upper part and a lower part.

Fig. 139.—Petroglyph in Épone, France.

The upper character represents a rectangular figure divided into three transverse sections; in the third section and almost in the center is a cupule.

The upper character shows a rectangular shape split into three horizontal sections; in the third section, nearly at the center, there is a small cup.

The lower character is more complicated and more difficult to describe. The first, or left-hand portion, represents a stone hatchet with a shaft; there is no doubt as to this, in my mind, as the outlines are perfectly clear, the design of the hatchet being very distinct. This hatchet measures 0m, 108 in length and 38mm in width to the edge of the blade. These are precisely the most common dimensions of the hatchets of our country. As to the remainder of the character, I think an interpretation of it difficult and premature.

The lower character is more complex and harder to describe. The first part, or the left side, looks like a stone hatchet with a handle; I'm completely convinced of this because the outlines are very clear, and the design of the hatchet is quite distinct. This hatchet measures 0m, 108 in length and 38mm in width at the blade's edge. These are exactly the most common dimensions of hatchets in our country. As for the rest of the character, I believe trying to interpret it is both challenging and premature.

On the whole, the result of an examination of these inscriptions leaves the impression that the author did not seek to cover a stone with ornamentation, for these outlines have nothing whatever of the ornamental, but that he wished to represent to his people, by intelligible symbols, some particular idea.

Overall, examining these inscriptions gives the impression that the author didn’t aim to decorate a stone with embellishments, as these outlines lack any ornamental qualities. Instead, he seemed to want to convey a specific idea to his people using clear symbols.

É. Cartailhac (a) begins an account of petroglyphs in the Department of Morbihan, in the old province of Brittany, translated and condensed as follows:

É. Cartailhac (a) starts a description of petroglyphs in the Morbihan region, part of the ancient province of Brittany, summarized and paraphrased as follows:

It is hardly possible to give a description of the designs in the covered way of Gavr’ inis. They are various linear combinations, the lines being straight, curved, undulating, isolated, or parallel, ramified like a fern, segments of concentric circles, limited or not, and decorating certain compartments with close winding spirals, recalling vividly the figures produced by the lines on the skin in the hollow of the hand and on the tips of the fingers.

It’s almost impossible to describe the designs in the covered area of Gavr’inis. They consist of different combinations of lines that are straight, curved, wavy, isolated, or parallel, branching out like ferns, segments of concentric circles, either limited or not, and embellishing certain sections with tightly wound spirals that vividly remind one of the patterns made by lines on the skin in the palm of the hand and on the fingertips.

In the midst of accumulated and very oddly grouped lines, which no doubt are merely decorative, there are found signs which must have had a meaning, and some figures easy to determine.

In the middle of a bunch of oddly arranged lines, which are probably just for decoration, there are signs that must have meant something, along with some figures that are easy to identify.

The hatchet, the stone hatchet and no other, the large hatchet of Tumiac, of Mané-er-Hroèg, and of Mont Saint Michel, is represented in intaglio or in relief, real size. A single pillar of Gavr’ inis bears eighteen of them. Less numerous groups are seen on some other blocks of the same covered way.

The hatchet, specifically the stone hatchet and none other, the large hatchet from Tumiac, Mané-er-Hroèg, and Mont Saint Michel, is shown either in intaglio or in relief, at actual size. One pillar at Gavr’ inis has eighteen of them. Smaller groups can be found on a few other blocks along the same covered pathway.

On a little block placed under the ceiling in order to wedge up one of the covering slabs, is seen the image of a hatchet with handle, conformable to a type found in the marsh of Ehenside in Cumberland, England. On many other monuments the presence of the same figures of hatchets, with handles or without, has been observed. The most curious slab is certainly that of Mané-er-Hroèg. It had been broken, and its three pieces had been thrown in disorder before the threshold of the crypt. One of its faces, very well smoothed off, bears a cartouche in the form of a stirrup, filled with enigmatic signs and surrounded above and below by a dozen hatchets with handles, all engraved.

On a small block placed under the ceiling to prop up one of the covering slabs, there's an image of a hatchet with a handle, similar to a type found in the marsh of Ehenside in Cumberland, England. The same shapes of hatchets, with or without handles, have been seen on many other monuments. The most interesting slab is definitely that of Mané-er-Hroèg. It had been broken, and its three pieces had been scattered in a disordered way before the entrance of the crypt. One of its surfaces is very well smoothed and features a cartouche shaped like a stirrup, filled with mysterious symbols and surrounded above and below by about a dozen hatchets with handles, all engraved.

One other sign, the imprint of the naked foot, is to be noted, found only once on this slab. Two human footprints are traced on one of the pillars of the crypt of the Petit-Mont in Arzon. They are said to be divided off, by a slight relief, from the rest of the granite frame on which they are sculptured, and which contains other drawings. Similar figures, engraved on rock or on tombstones, are cited from abroad, in lands far apart. In Sweden, the prints of naked or sandaled feet are[177] common among the rock sculptures of the age of bronze which represent the curious scenes of the life of the people of that period. It is proper to note that these Scandinavian and Morbihan sculptures are not synchronous; the idea of an immediate influence of one people on the other can not be entertained. One might, however, maintain the identity of origin.

One other sign to note is the imprint of a bare foot, found only once on this slab. Two human footprints are marked on one of the pillars of the crypt of the Petit-Mont in Arzon. They are described as being slightly raised from the surrounding granite frame on which they are carved, which includes other drawings. Similar figures, carved on rocks or tombstones, have been seen in distant lands. In Sweden, imprints of bare or sandaled feet are common among the rock carvings from the Bronze Age that depict various scenes from the lives of people from that time. It’s important to mention that these Scandinavian and Morbihan sculptures are not from the same period; the idea of a direct influence of one culture on the other is not plausible. However, one could argue that they share a common origin.

The other inscriptions of Brittany are enigmatic in every respect. But they probably had a conventional value, a determined meaning. There is first of all a sort of complicated cartouche, plainly defined, having the appearance of a buckler or heraldic shield. Among the isolated signs it is proper to note a figure of the shape of the letter U with the ends spread wide apart and curved in opposite directions. It recalls, with some aid from the imagination, the character which on the Scandinavian rocks represents more plainly ships and barks.

The other inscriptions in Brittany are mysterious in every way. However, they likely held a conventional value and specific meaning. First, there's a complex cartouche, clearly outlined, resembling a shield or heraldic emblem. Among the individual symbols, one should highlight a shape like the letter U, with its ends widely spread and curved in opposite directions. With a bit of imagination, it brings to mind the symbol found on Scandinavian rocks that more clearly represents ships and boats.

The sculpturing of hands and feet is to be remarked in connection with similar characters on the rocks in America, many illustrations of which appear in the present work.

The way hands and feet are shaped is worth noting in relation to similar features found on rocks in America, many examples of which are included in this work.

B. Souché (a) in 1879 described and illustrated curious characters on the walls of the crypt of the tumulus of Lisières (Deux-Sèvres), France, some of which in execution markedly resemble several found in the United States and figured in this work.

B. Souché (a) in 1879 described and illustrated interesting symbols on the walls of the crypt of the tumulus of Lisières (Deux-Sèvres), France, some of which clearly resemble several found in the United States and shown in this work.

SPAIN.

Mr. T. Jagor (a) communicated a brochure in reference to the Cueva de Altamira, transmitted to him by Prof. Vilanova in Madrid: “Short notes on some prehistoric objects of the province of Santander,” in which Don Marcelino de Sautuola describes the wall pictures and other finds in the cave discovered by him at Altamira. Mr. Jagor remarks as follows on the subject:

Mr. T. Jagor (a) shared a brochure about the Cueva de Altamira that Prof. Vilanova sent to him from Madrid: “Short notes on some prehistoric objects from the province of Santander,” in which Don Marcelino de Sautuola describes the wall paintings and other discoveries in the cave he found at Altamira. Mr. Jagor comments on the topic as follows:

The reproductions of the large wall pictures discovered in that cave displayed, in part, so excellent technique that the question arose how much of this excellence is to be attributed to the prehistoric artist, and how much to his modern copyist. Mr. Vilanova, who visited the cave soon after its discovery, and who regards the wall pictures as prehistoric, being about equal in age to the Danish Kjökken-möddings, states that the pictures given are pretty faithful imitations of the originals. The published drawings are all found on the ceiling of the first cave; on the walls of the subsequent caves are seen sketches of those pictures, which the artist afterwards completed. The outlines of all the drawings have been cut in the wall with coarse instruments, and nearly all the bone implements found in the cave show scratches, which render it probable that they were used for this purpose. The colors used consist merely of various kinds of ocher found in the province, without further preparation. Finally Mr. Vilanova reports that in the cave farthest back there was found, in his presence, an almost perfect specimen of Ursus spelæus.

The reproductions of the large wall paintings found in that cave displayed such impressive technique that it raised the question of how much of this skill belongs to the prehistoric artist and how much to the modern copyist. Mr. Vilanova, who visited the cave shortly after its discovery and believes the wall paintings are prehistoric, roughly equal in age to the Danish kitchen middens, states that the pictures presented are quite accurate imitations of the originals. All the published drawings are located on the ceiling of the first cave; on the walls of the later caves, sketches of those pictures can be seen, which the artist later finished. The outlines of all the drawings have been carved into the wall with rough tools, and almost all the bone tools found in the cave have scratches, suggesting they were used for this purpose. The colors used are just different types of ocher found in the region, without any additional preparation. Lastly, Mr. Vilanova reports that in the innermost cave, he witnessed the discovery of an almost perfect specimen of Ursus spelæus.

Don Manuel de Góngora y Martinez (a) gives the account translated as follows:

Don Manuel de Góngora y Martinez (a) provides the account translated as follows:

The inscriptions of Fuencaliente are of great interest and importance. About one league east of the town, on a spur of the Sierra de Quintana, at the site of the Piedra Escritá, there is an almost inaccessible place, the home of wild beasts and mountain goats. Beyond the river de los Batanes and the river de las Piedras, looking toward sunset and toward the town, the artisans of a remote age cut skillfully and symmetrically with the point of the pickax into the flank of the rock and of the mountain, which is of fine flint, leaving a facade or frontispiece 6 yards in height[178] and twice as wide, and excavating there two contiguous caves, which are wide at the mouth and end in a point, making two triangular niches polished on their four faces. On the two outer fronts to the left and right appear more than 60 symbols or hieroglyphs, written in a simple and rustic way with the index finger of a rude hand, and with a reddish bituminous pigment. The niches, about a yard and a half in height, 1 yard deep, and half a yard at the mouth, are covered by the exceedingly hard and immense rock of the mountain. There is formed, as it were, a vestibule or esplanade before the monument, and it is defended by a rampart made of the rocks torn from the niches, strengthened with juniper, oaks, and cork trees. The half-moon, the sun, an ax, a bow and arrows, an ear of corn, a heart, a tree, two human figures, and a head with a crown stand out among those signs, the foreshadowings of primitive writing.

The inscriptions of Fuencaliente are very interesting and significant. About a league east of the town, on a ridge of the Sierra de Quintana, at the site called Piedra Escrita, there’s a nearly inaccessible area, home to wild animals and mountain goats. Across the river de los Batanes and the river de las Piedras, looking toward the sunset and the town, craftsmen from a distant time skillfully carved into the rock and mountain—made of fine flint—using a pickaxe, creating a facade or front that is 6 yards high[178] and twice as wide. They also excavated two adjacent caves, wide at the entrance and tapering to a point, forming two triangular niches polished on all four sides. On the two outer faces to the left and right, there are over 60 symbols or hieroglyphs, drawn simply and roughly with a finger, using a reddish bituminous pigment. The niches are about a yard and a half tall, 1 yard deep, and half a yard wide at the entrance, covered by the incredibly tough and huge rock of the mountain. This creates, in a way, a vestibule or open space in front of the monument, which is protected by a rampart made from the rocks taken from the niches, reinforced with juniper, oaks, and cork trees. Notable among these signs are the half-moon, the sun, an ax, a bow and arrows, an ear of corn, a heart, a tree, two human figures, and a head with a crown, which hint at early forms of writing.

The inscription on the first triangular face of the second cave is reproduced here as the left-hand group of the upper part of Fig. 1108, infra, and that “on the outer plane to the right, which already turns pyramidally to the north,” is reproduced as the right-hand group of the same figure. They are inserted at that place for convenient comparison with other characters on the figure mentioned and with those in Figs. 1097 and 1107.

The inscription on the first triangular face of the second cave is shown here as the left group in the upper part of Fig. 1108, below, and the one “on the outer plane to the right, which already angles pyramidally to the north,” is shown as the right group of the same figure. They are included there for easy comparison with other characters in the mentioned figure and with those in Figs. 1097 and 1107.

ITALY.

Mr. Moggridge (in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Gr. Br. and I., VIII, p. 65) observes that one of the designs, q, reported by Dr. Von Haast from New Zealand (see Fig. 133), was the same as one which had been seen on rocks 6,900 feet above the sea in the northwest corner of Italy. He adds:

Mr. Moggridge (in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Gr. Br. and I., VIII, p. 65) points out that one of the designs, q, reported by Dr. Von Haast from New Zealand (see Fig. 133), was the same as one that had been found on rocks 6,900 feet above sea level in the northwest corner of Italy. He adds:

The inscriptions are not in colors, as are those given in Dr. Von Haast’s paper, but are made by the repeated dots of a sharp pointed instrument. It is probable that if we knew how to read them they might convey important information, since the same signs occur in different combinations, just as the letters of our alphabet recur in different combinations to form words. Without the whole of these figures we can not say whether the same probability applies to them.

The inscriptions aren't in color like those shown in Dr. Von Haast's paper; instead, they're created by repeated dots from a sharp-pointed tool. It's likely that if we knew how to interpret them, they could convey important information, as the same signs appear in various combinations, similar to how the letters of our alphabet come together to form words. Without having all of these figures, we can't determine if the same likelihood applies to them.

SECTION 4.
AFRICA.

The following examples are selected from the large number of petroglyphs known to have been discovered in Africa apart from those in Egypt, which are more immediately connected with the first use of syllabaries and alphabets, with symbolism and with gesture signs, under which headings some examples of the Egyptian hieroglyphics appear in this work.

The following examples are taken from the many petroglyphs found in Africa, excluding those in Egypt, which are more directly related to the early use of syllabaries and alphabets, as well as symbolism and gesture signs, under which some examples of Egyptian hieroglyphics are included in this work.

ALGERIA.

In the Revue Géographique Internationale (a) is a communication upon the rock inscriptions at Tyout (Fig. 140) and Moghar (Fig. 141) translated, with some condensation, as follows:

In the International Geographic Review (a), there’s a piece discussing the rock inscriptions at Tyout (Fig. 140) and Moghar (Fig. 141), summarized as follows:

Fig. 140.—Petroglyphs at Tyout, Algeria.

On the last military expedition made in the Sahara Gen. Colonieu made a careful restoration of the inscriptions on the rocks, whose existence was discovered at Tyout and Moghar. At Tyout these inscriptions are engraved on red or Vosgian sandstone,[179] and at Moghar on a hard compact calcareous stone. At Moghar the designs are more complicated than those at Tyout. An attempt has been made to render ideas by more learned processes; to the simplicity of the line, the artlessness of the poses which are seen at Tyout, there are added at Moghar academic attitudes difficult to render, and which must be intended to represent some custom or ceremony in use among the peoples who then inhabited this country. The costume at Moghar is also more complicated. The ornaments of the head recall those of Indians, and the woman’s dress is composed of a waist and a short skirt fastened by a girdle with flowing ends. All this is very decent and elegant for the period. The infant at the side is swaddled. The large crouching figure is the face view of a man who seems to be bearing his wife on his shoulders. At the right of this group is a giraffe or large antelope. In the composition above may be distinguished a solitary individual in a crouching attitude, seen in front, the arms crossed in the attitude of prayer or astonishment. The animals which figure in the designs at Moghar are cattle and partridges. The little quadruped seated on its haunches may be a gerboise (kind of rat), very common in these parts.

On the last military expedition in the Sahara, Gen. Colonieu carefully restored the inscriptions on the rocks found at Tyout and Moghar. At Tyout, these inscriptions are carved into red or Vosgian sandstone,[179] while at Moghar, they are on a hard, compact limestone. The designs at Moghar are more intricate than those at Tyout. There's an effort to convey ideas through more sophisticated methods; the simplicity of the lines and the natural poses seen at Tyout are enhanced at Moghar with formal attitudes that are challenging to depict, likely intended to represent some customs or ceremonies of the people who lived there at that time. The clothing at Moghar is also more elaborate. The headgear resembles that of Native Americans, and the woman's outfit consists of a waist and a short skirt secured by a belt with flowing ends. Everything looks quite modest and stylish for the era. The infant beside her is swaddled. The large crouching figure shows a man seemingly carrying his wife on his shoulders. To the right of this group is a giraffe or a large antelope. In the composition above, you can spot a solitary figure in a crouched position, facing forward with arms crossed in a gesture of prayer or surprise. The animals depicted in the designs at Moghar include cattle and partridges. The small quadruped sitting on its haunches could be a gerboise (a type of rat), which is very common in that region.

In the inscriptions at Tyout we easily recognize the elephant, long since extinct in these regions, but neither horse nor camel is seen, probably not having been yet imported into the Sahara country.

In the inscriptions at Tyout, we can clearly see the elephant, which has long been extinct in these areas, but there’s no sign of horses or camels, likely because they hadn't been imported into the Sahara yet.

Fig. 141.—Petroglyphs at Moghar, Algeria.

EGYPT.

While the picture-writings of Egypt are too voluminous for present discussion and fortunately are thoroughly presented in accessible publications, it seems necessary to mention the work of the late Mrs. A. B. Edwards (a). She gives a good account of the petroglyphs on the rocks bounding the ancient river bed of the Nile below Philæ, which show their employment in a manner similar to that in parts of North America:

While the ancient Egyptian picture writings are too extensive for us to cover right now and are well-documented in accessible publications, it's worth mentioning the work of the late Mrs. A. B. Edwards (a). She provides a solid description of the petroglyphs on the rocks along the ancient Nile riverbed below Philæ, illustrating their use in a way that's similar to some areas in North America:

These inscriptions, together with others found in the adjacent quarries, range over a period of between three and four thousand years, beginning with the early reigns[180] of the ancient empire and ending with the Ptolemies and Cæsars. Some are mere autographs. Others run to a considerable length. Many are headed with figures of gods and worshippers. These, however, are for the most part mere graffiti, ill drawn and carelessly sculptured. The records they illustrate are chiefly votive. The passer-by adores the gods of the cataract, implores their protection, registers his name, and states the object of his journey. The votaries are of various ranks, periods, and nationalities; but the formula in most instances is pretty much the same. Now it is a citizen of Thebes performing the pilgrimage to Philæ, or a general at the head of his troops returning from a foray in Ethiopia, or a tributary prince doing homage to Rameses the Great and associating his suzerain with the divinities of the place.

These inscriptions, along with others found in the nearby quarries, cover a span of about three to four thousand years, starting from the early reigns[180] of the ancient empire and ending with the Ptolemies and Caesars. Some are just signatures. Others are quite lengthy. Many have images of gods and worshippers at the top. However, most of these are just graffiti, poorly drawn and carelessly crafted. The records they document are mainly votive. Passers-by worship the gods of the cataract, ask for their protection, write down their names, and explain the purpose of their journey. The worshippers come from different ranks, time periods, and nationalities, but the formula is mostly the same. Sometimes it's a citizen of Thebes making a pilgrimage to Philæ, or a general leading his troops back from a raid in Ethiopia, or a tributary prince paying homage to Rameses the Great and linking his overlord with the local deities.

SOUTH AFRICA.

Dr. Richard Andree, in Zeichen bei den Naturvölkern (a), presents well-considered remarks, thus translated:

Dr. Richard Andree, in Signs among indigenous peoples (a), shares thoughtful insights, translated as follows:

The Hottentots and the Bantu peoples of South Africa produce no drawings, though the latter accomplish something in indifferent sculptures. The draftsmen and painters of South Africa are the Bushmen, who in this way, as well as by many other striking ethnic traits, testify to their independent ethnic position. The extraordinary multitude of figures of men and animals drawn by this people within its whole area, now greatly reduced, from the cape at the south to the lands and deserts north of the Orange river, and which they still draw at this day in gaudy colors, testify to an uncommonly firm hand, a keenly observing eye, and a very effective characterization. The Bushman artist mostly selects the surfaces of the countless rock bowlders, the walls of caves, or rock walls protected by overhanging crags, to serve as the canvas whereon to practice his art. He either painted his figures with colors or chiseled them with a hard sharp stone on the rock wall, so that they appear in intaglio. The number of these figures may be judged from the fact that Fritsch at Hopetown found “thousands” of them, often twenty or more on one block; Hubner, at “Gestoppte Fontein,” in Transvaal, saw two hundred to three hundred together, carved in a soft slate. The earth colors employed are red, ochre, white, black, mixed with fat or also with blood. What instrument (brush?) is employed in applying the colors has not yet been ascertained, since, so far as I know, no Bushman artist has yet been observed at his work. As regards the paintings[181] themselves, various classes may be distinguished, but in all cases the subjects are representations of figures; ornaments and plants are excluded. First of all, there are fights and hunting scenes, in which white men (boers) play a part, demonstrating the modern origin of these paintings. Next there are representations of animals, both of domestic animals (cattle, dogs) and of game, especially the various antelope species, giraffes, ostriches, elephants, rhinoceroses, monkeys, etc. A special class consists of representations of obscene nature, and, by way of exception, there has been drawn in one instance a ship or a palm tree.

The Hottentots and the Bantu people of South Africa don’t create any drawings, although the Bantu do make some basic sculptures. The real artists in South Africa are the Bushmen, who, along with many other notable ethnic characteristics, demonstrate their distinct ethnic identity through their art. The immense number of figures depicting people and animals created by this group across their now significantly reduced territory, stretching from the Cape in the south to the lands and deserts north of the Orange River, and which they still paint today in vibrant colors, showcase a remarkably skilled hand, a sharp eye for detail, and effective characterization. The Bushman artist typically uses the surfaces of countless rock boulders, cave walls, or rock faces sheltered by overhanging ledges as his canvas. He either paints his figures with colors or carves them into the rock with a hard, sharp stone, so they appear as engravings. The number of these figures can be estimated from the fact that Fritsch found “thousands” at Hopetown, often twenty or more on a single rock; Hubner, at “Gestoppte Fontein” in Transvaal, saw between two hundred to three hundred carved onto soft slate. The earth colors used include red, ochre, white, black, mixed with fat or sometimes blood. The specific tool (perhaps a brush?) used to apply the colors hasn’t been determined yet, as, to my knowledge, no Bushman artist has been seen at work. Regarding the paintings[181], various categories can be identified, but all consist of figure representations; designs and plants are not included. Firstly, there are scenes of combat and hunting, including white men (Boers), indicating the modern origins of these artworks. Then, there are depictions of animals, including domestic animals (cattle, dogs) and game, especially various species of antelope, giraffes, ostriches, elephants, rhinoceroses, monkeys, etc. There is also a specific category featuring obscene imagery, and, as an exception, a ship or a palm tree has been depicted once.

Dr. Emil Holub (a) says:

Dr. Emil Holub says:

The Bushmen, who are regarded as the lowest type of Africans, in one thing excel all the other South African tribes whose acquaintance I made between the south coast and 10° south latitude. They draw heads of gazelles, elephants, and hippopotami astonishingly well. They sketch them in their caves and paint them with ochre or chisel them out in rocks with stone implements, and on the tops of mountains we may see representations of all the animals which have lived in those parts in former times. In many spots where hippopotami are now unknown I found beautiful sketches of these animals, and in some cases fights between other native races and Bushmen are represented.

The Bushmen, often seen as the least developed among Africans, actually stand out in one aspect compared to all the other South African tribes I encountered between the southern coast and 10° south latitude. They create incredibly detailed drawings of gazelles, elephants, and hippos. They illustrate these animals in their caves, using ochre for painting or carving them into rocks with stone tools. On mountain tops, we can find depictions of all the creatures that once lived in that region. In many areas where hippos are now absent, I discovered beautiful sketches of these animals, and in some instances, there are portrayals of battles between other native groups and the Bushmen.

G. Weitzecker (a) gives a report of a large painting, in a cave at Thaba Phatsoua district of Léribé, here presented as Fig. 142, containing eighteen characters, with the addition of eight boys’ heads. It represents the flight of Bushman women before some Zulu Kaffirs (Matebele). The description, translated, is as follows:

G. Weitzecker (a) provides a report about a large painting found in a cave in the Thaba Phatsoua area of Léribé, shown here as Fig. 142. The painting features eighteen characters and includes eight boys' heads. It depicts Bushman women fleeing from some Zulu Kaffirs (Matebele). The translated description is as follows:

Fig. 142.—Petroglyph in Léribé, South Africa.

As usual, the Bushmen are represented as dwarfs and painted in bright color as contrasted with the Kaffirs, who are painted large and of dark color. The scene is full of life, a true artistic conception, and in the details there are many important things to be noted. For this reason I add a sketch of it, with the figures numbered, in order to be able to send you some brief annotations.

As usual, the Bushmen are depicted as short and painted in bright colors, while the Kaffirs are shown as tall and in dark colors. The scene is lively, a genuine artistic vision, and there are many important details to notice. For this reason, I include a sketch of it, with the figures numbered, so I can send you some brief notes.

I will premise that as far as the women are concerned, in the small figures, no mistaken notion should be entertained in regard to the anterior appendages which catch, or rather strike, the eye in some of them. There is question simply of the pudendal coverings of the Bushman women, consisting of a strip of skin, and flapping in the wind.

I want to clarify that regarding the women in the small figures, no incorrect idea should be entertained about the front coverings that catch—or rather, strike—the eye in some of them. It’s simply about the genital coverings of the Bushman women, made up of a strip of skin that flaps in the wind.

a seems to represent a woman in an advanced interesting condition, who in her headlong flight has lost even her mantle. She holds in her hand a mogope (disproportionate); that is to say, a gourd dipper, such as are found, I believe, among all the south African tribes.

a seems to represent a woman in a fascinating and intense situation, who in her frantic escape has even lost her cloak. She holds a gourd dipper in her hand, which is somewhat oversized; that is to say, a gourd dipper like those found, I believe, among all the South African tribes.

b. This figure, besides the mogope which she holds in her left hand, carries away in her flight, steadying it on her head with her right hand, a nkho (sesuto), a baked earthenware vessel, in which drinks are kept, and of which the ethnographic museum now contains some specimens. This woman, too, has lost all her clothing except the pudendal covering, and she looks pregnant. The attitudes of flight, while maintaining equilibrium, I deem very fine.

b. This figure, in addition to the mogope she holds in her left hand, is flying away while balancing a nkho (sesuto), a baked clay pot used for drinks, on her head with her right hand. The ethnographic museum now has some examples of these vessels. This woman has lost all her clothing except for a modest covering and appears to be pregnant. I think her poses of flight, while keeping her balance, are quite impressive.

c, f, g, h, l, m, and perhaps j. Women carrying their babies on their backs, as is the practice of the natives, in the so-called thari; that is, a sheepskin so prepared that they can fasten it to their bodies and hold it secure, even while bent to the ground or running.

c, f, g, h, l, m, and maybe j. Women carrying their babies on their backs, as the locals do, in what's called a thari; a sheepskin made in such a way that they can strap it to their bodies and keep it secure, even while bending down or running.

l and m. Women with twins. It may be worthy of note that the painter has placed them last, hampered as they are with a double weight.

l and m. Women with twins. It might be interesting to point out that the artist has positioned them at the end, burdened as they are with a double load.

c. Apparently a woman who has fallen in her flight. Figures e and i represent men, who by their stature might be thought to be Bushmen, as also by their color, which, so far as I remember, is not the same as that of the men coming up after them, being rather similar to that of the women. In that case e would stoop to raise[182] the woman c who has fallen, and i would point the way to the others. Otherwise, if there is question of Matebeles, which is rendered plausible by the fact that n (which evidently represents an enemy) is not larger in stature than those two, then e would stoop to snatch the baby of the fallen woman, and i would strive to catch up with the two women g and h, who flee before it.

c. It seems there's a woman who has fallen during her escape. Figures e and i depict men who, because of their size, might be considered Bushmen, as well as by their skin color, which, as far as I remember, is different from that of the men following them and is more similar to that of the women. In this scenario, e would bend down to help the fallen woman c, while i would indicate the direction for the others. Conversely, if we are talking about Matebeles, which seems likely since n (which clearly represents an enemy) is not taller than those two, then e would bend down to grab the baby of the fallen woman, and i would try to catch up with the two women g and h, who are fleeing ahead of him.

j. I can not explain this unless as a diffusion of color, which has transformed into something unrecognizable the figure of the child carried by its mother, who has fallen, like b.

j. I can’t explain this except as a spread of color, which has turned the figure of the child held by its mother into something unrecognizable, just like b.

k seems to be a woman resigned to her fate, who touches her neck with the left hand, unless, indeed, the line which I take to be the arm is the sketch of the thari with the baby.

k seems to be a woman who has accepted her fate, touching her neck with her left hand, unless the line I think is her arm is actually the outline of the thari with the baby.

l. A woman who runs toward the looker-on.

l. A woman who runs toward the observer.

m represents a woman who has sat down, perhaps in order to place her twins better in the thari, while behind her n arrives, preparing to spear her. With n the band of enemies begins plainly, o seeming to be the leader, who, standing still, gives the signal. But this figure must have been altered by the water, which by diluting the color of the body has made it appear as a garment.

m represents a woman who has taken a seat, possibly to adjust her twins more comfortably in the thari, while behind her n approaches, ready to attack her. With n, the group of enemies clearly emerges, with o appearing to be the leader, who stands still and gives the signal. However, this figure must have been distorted by the water, which, by washing out the color of the body, makes it look like a piece of clothing.

p and q. These admirable portraits of impetuosity and menace are a pictorial translation of the saying “having long legs so as to run fast.”

p and q. These impressive images of boldness and threat visually capture the saying "having long legs to run fast."

r. A fine type of an attitude in the poise of running.

r. A great example of an attitude in the way of running.

The author’s discussion respecting the difference in size between the male human figures mentioned as indicating their respective tribes would have been needless had he considered the frequent expedient of representing chiefs or prominent warriors by figures of much larger stature than that of common soldiers or subjects. This device is common in the Egyptian glyphs, and examples of it also appear in the present work. (See Figs. 138, 139, and 1024.)

The author's discussion about the size difference between the male figures representing their tribes would have been unnecessary if he had thought about the common practice of depicting chiefs or notable warriors as much larger than regular soldiers or subjects. This technique is often seen in Egyptian glyphs, and examples of it are also present in this work. (See Figs. 138, 139, and 1024.)

The same author, loc. cit., gives a brief account of two petroglyphs found by him near Leribo, in Basutoland, South Africa. They were on a large hollow rock overlooking a plain where the bushmen might spy game. The rock was all covered with pictures to a man’s height. Many of them were entirely or almost entirely spoiled, both by the hands of herdsmen and by water running down the walls in time of rain. Some of them, however, are still very well preserved. They are shown on Fig. 143.

The same author, loc. cit., provides a brief overview of two petroglyphs he discovered near Leribo in Basutoland, South Africa. They were on a large hollow rock that overlooked a plain where the Bushmen could spot game. The rock was covered in pictures up to a man's height. Many of these have been mostly or completely damaged, both by herdsmen and by rainwater running down the walls over time. However, some are still very well preserved. They are displayed in Fig. 143.

Fig. 143.—Petroglyphs in Basutoland, South Africa.

The left hand character represents a man milking an animal; the latter, judging by the back part, especially by the legs, was at first taken for an elephant; but the fore parts, especially the fore legs, evidently are those of a bovine creature or of an elk (eland). The enormous proportions of the back part are probably due to diffusion of colors,[183] through the action of water running down the rock. The right hand character represents the sketch of an elk (eland), on which and under which are depicted four monkeys, admirable for fidelity of expression. The legs, with one exception, are not finished.

The left-hand figure shows a man milking an animal; based on the back part, particularly the legs, it was initially thought to be an elephant. However, the front half, especially the front legs, clearly belong to a cow or an elk (eland). The huge size of the back part is likely due to the blending of colors, [183] caused by water running down the rock. The right-hand figure depicts an elk (eland), with four monkeys drawn above and below it, notable for their realistic expressions. The legs, with one exception, are not fully detailed.

CANARY ISLANDS.

These islands are considered in connection with the continent of Africa.

These islands are considered in relation to the continent of Africa.

Fig. 144.—Petroglyphs in the Canary islands.

S. Berthelot (a) gives an account, referring to Figs. 144 and 145, from which the following is extracted and translated:

S. Berthelot (a) provides a description, referencing Figs. 144 and 145, from which the following is taken and translated:

A site very little frequented, designated by the name of Los Letreros, appears to have been inhabited in very ancient times by one of the aboriginal tribes established on the Island of Fer, one of the Canary islands. At a distance of about three-quarters of a league from the coast all the land sloping and broken by volcanic mounds extends in undulations to the edge of the cliffs which flank the coast. It is on this desert site, called Los Letreros, that inscriptions are found engraved on an ancient flow of basaltic lava, with a smooth surface, over an extent of more than 400 meters. On all this surface, at various distances and without any relation to each[184] other, but placed where the lava presents the smoothest spots, rendered shining and glassy by the light varnish left by the volcanic matter in cooling, are the various groups of characters.

A rarely visited place called Los Letreros seems to have been inhabited a long time ago by one of the indigenous tribes that lived on the Island of Fer, one of the Canary Islands. About three-quarters of a league from the coast, the land slopes and is broken up by volcanic mounds, extending in waves to the cliffs that border the coast. It is in this deserted area, known as Los Letreros, where inscriptions are found carved into an ancient flow of basaltic lava, featuring a smooth surface, stretching over more than 400 meters. Across this surface, at various intervals and without any connection to each other, but positioned where the lava shows its smoothest sections, made shiny and glassy by the light sheen left by the volcanic material as it cooled, are various groups of characters.[184]

When we examine closely these different signs or characters so deeply engraved [pecked] on the rock, doubtless by means of some hard stone (obsidian or basalt), the first thing observed is that several identical signs are reproduced several times in the same group. These are, first, round and oval characters, more or less perfect, sometimes simple and isolated, again agglomerated in one group. These characters so often reproduced are again seen in juxtaposition or united, sometimes to others which are similar, sometimes to different ones, and even inclosed in others similar to them; for example, a in Fig. 144.

When we closely examine these various signs or symbols deeply carved into the rock, likely using a hard stone like obsidian or basalt, the first thing we notice is that several identical signs appear multiple times within the same group. These include round and oval shapes that are somewhat perfect, sometimes simple and standalone, and other times clustered together in one group. These frequently reproduced symbols are also found next to or combined with others that are similar, sometimes with different ones, and even enclosed within similar shapes; for example, a in Fig. 144.

Round or more or less oval characters reappear several times in b.

Round or roughly oval shapes come up several times in b.

Others, which are not met with more than once or twice among the groups of signs, also present notable variations; examples in c.

Others, which appear only once or twice among the sets of signs, also show significant variations; examples in c.

Of these are formed composite groups d, which belong, however, to the system of round signs.

Of these, composite groups d are formed, which still belong to the system of round signs.

Other analogous but not identical signs appear to assume rather the ovoid form than the round, and seem to have been so traced as not to be confounded with the round symbols. Some of them resemble leaves or fruit.

Other similar but distinct signs seem to take on more of an oval shape rather than a round one, and appear to have been drawn in a way that makes them not confused with the round symbols. Some of them look like leaves or fruit.

Another system of simple characters is the straight line, which can be represented by a stroke of the pen, isolated or repeated as if in numeration, and sometimes accompanied by other signs.

Another system of simple characters is the straight line, which can be shown with a pen stroke, either alone or repeated like in counting, and sometimes paired with other symbols.

Other peculiar signs shown in e, which are not repeated, figure in the different groups of characters which the author has reproduced.

Other unique signs displayed in e, which are not repeated, appear in the various groups of characters that the author has reproduced.

We notice further, in f, a small number of signs which bear a certain analogy to each other, and several of which are accompanied by other and more simple characters.

We also see in f a few signs that are somewhat similar to each other, and several of these are paired with other, simpler characters.

Several others still more complicated are in eccentric shapes which it is attempted to present in g.

Several others, which are even more complex, come in unusual shapes that are attempted to be presented in g.

Including the common oval characters often repeated and those consisting of a simple stroke similar to the strokes made by school children, all the various engraved characters scarcely exceed 400.

Including the usual oval shapes that are often repeated and those that are just simple strokes like those made by school children, all the different engraved characters barely go beyond 400.

Fig. 145 gives a view of a series of different groups of signs in the length of the whole lava flow. The copyist has expressed by dots those symbols which were confused, partly defaced by the weather, or destroyed by fissures in the rock.

Fig. 145 shows a view of various groups of signs along the entire lava flow. The copyist has indicated with dots the symbols that were unclear, partly worn away by the weather, or damaged by cracks in the rock.

Fig. 145.—Petroglyphs in Canary Islands.

The same author (b) gives an account of several strange characters found engraved on a rock of the grotto of Belmaco, in the island of La Palma, one of the Canaries. He says:

The same author (b) describes several strange symbols carved into a rock in the Belmaco cave on the island of La Palma, one of the Canary Islands. He states:

These drawings, presented that they may be compared with those of Fer Island (Los Letreros), show some fifteen signs, some of which are repeated several times and others partly effaced by weather, or at least feebly traced. But what seems most remarkable is that six or seven[185] signs are recognized as exactly similar to those of Letreros, of the island of Fer, and almost all the others are analogous, for we recognize at once in comparing them the same style of bizarre writing, formed of hieroglyphic characters, mainly rude arabesques.

These drawings, shown for comparison with those from Fer Island (Los Letreros), display about fifteen signs, some of which are repeated several times while others have faded due to the weather or are only faintly visible. However, what stands out the most is that six or seven[185] signs are exactly the same as those from Letreros on Fer Island, and nearly all the other signs are similar. In comparing them, we can immediately see the same style of quirky writing, made up of hieroglyphic characters, primarily rough arabesques.

SECTION 5.
ASIA.

A considerable number of petroglyphs found in Asia are described and illustrated under other headings of this work. The following are presented here for geographic grouping:

A significant number of petroglyphs found in Asia are described and illustrated under different sections of this work. The following are presented here for geographic grouping:

CHINA.

Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie (c) says:

Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie (c) says:

It is apparently to the art of the aboriginal non-Chinese that the following inscription [not copied] belongs, should it be proved to be primitive; and it is the only precise mention I have ever found of the kind in my researches.

It seems that the following inscription [not copied] belongs to the art of the indigenous non-Chinese people, if it is proven to be primitive; and this is the only specific reference I have ever encountered in my research.

Outside of Li-tch’eng (in N. Shangtang), at some 500 li on the west towards the north, is a stone cliff mountain, on the upper parts of which may be seen marks and lines representing animals and horses. They are numerous and well drawn, like a picture.

Outside of Li-tch’eng (in N. Shangtang), about 500 li to the northwest, there's a stone cliff mountain where marks and lines of animals and horses can be seen on the upper parts. They are numerous and well-drawn, resembling a picture.

JAPAN.

Prof. Edward S. Morse (a) kindly furnishes the illustration, reduced from a drawing made by a Japanese gentleman, Mr. Morishima, which is here reproduced (1/30 original size) as Fig. 145 a:

Prof. Edward S. Morse (a) generously provides the illustration, which has been scaled down from a drawing created by a Japanese gentleman, Mr. Morishima. This is reproduced here (1/30 of the original size) as Fig. 145 a:

Fig. 145 a.—Petroglyph in Yezo, Japan.

Prof. Morse in a letter gives further information as follows: “The inscriptions are cut in a rough way on the side of the cliff on the northwestern side of the bay of Otaru. Otaru is a little town on the western coast of Yezo. The cliffs are of soft, white tufa about 100 feet high, and the inscriptions were cut possibly with stone axes, and were 1 inch in width and from ¼ to ½ of an inch in depth. They are about 4 feet from the ground.”

Prof. Morse in a letter provides more information as follows: “The inscriptions are roughly carved on the side of the cliff on the northwestern side of Otaru Bay. Otaru is a small town on the western coast of Yezo. The cliffs are made of soft, white tufa and stand about 100 feet high. The inscriptions were probably made with stone axes and are 1 inch wide and from ¼ to ½ inch deep. They are located about 4 feet off the ground.”

Prof. John Milne (a) remarks upon the same petroglyph, of which he gives a rude copy, as follows:

Prof. John Milne (a) comments on the same petroglyph, for which he provides a rough copy, as follows:

So far as I could learn the Japanese are quite unable to recognize any of the characters, and they regard them as being the work of the Ainos.

As far as I could tell, the Japanese can't recognize any of the characters, and they see them as the work of the Ainos.

I may remark that several of the characters are like the runic m. It has been suggested[186] that they have a resemblance to old Chinese. A second suggestion was that they might be drawings of the insignia of rank carried by certain priests; a third idea was that they were phallic; a fourth that they were rough representations of men and animals, the runic m being a bird; and a fifth that they were the handicraft of some gentleman desirous of imposing upon the credulity of wandering archæologists.

I should point out that several of the characters resemble the runic m. It's been suggested[186] that they look similar to ancient Chinese. A second idea is that they might be drawings of the rank insignia of certain priests; a third thought is that they could be phallic symbols; a fourth is that they are rough depictions of men and animals, with the runic m representing a bird; and a fifth is that they could be the work of someone trying to fool gullible wandering archaeologists.

I myself am inclined to think that they were the work of the peoples who have left so many traces of themselves in the shape of kitchen middens and various implements in this locality. In this case they may be Aino.

I personally believe that they were created by the people who have left so many signs of their presence in the form of kitchen waste and various tools in this area. They could be Aino.

Another illustration from Japan is presented in Pl. LII.

Another example from Japan is shown in Pl. LII.

INDIA.

Mr. Rivett-Carnac, in Archæologic Notes on Ancient Sculpturings on Rocks in Kumaon, India (a), gives a description of the glyphs copied in Fig. 146:

Mr. Rivett-Carnac, in Archæologic Notes on Ancient Sculpturings on Rocks in Kumaon, India (a), provides a description of the glyphs shown in Fig. 146:

Fig. 146.—Petroglyphs at Chandeshwar, India.

At a point about two miles and a half south of Dwara-Hath, and twelve miles north of the military station of Ranikhet in Kumaon, the bridle-road leading from the plains through Naini Tal and Ranikhet to Baijnath, and thence on to the celebrated shrine of Bidranath, is carried through a narrow gorge at the mouth of which is a temple sacred to Mahadeo, ... which is locally known by the name of Chandeshwar.

At a spot roughly two and a half miles south of Dwara-Hath and twelve miles north of the military station at Ranikhet in Kumaon, the bridle-path that leads from the plains through Naini Tal and Ranikhet to Baijnath—and then on to the famous shrine of Bidranath—goes through a narrow gorge. At the entrance of this gorge is a temple dedicated to Mahadeo, which is locally referred to as Chandeshwar.

About two hundred yards south of the temple, toward the middle of the defile, rises a rock at an angle of forty-five degrees presenting a surface upon which, in a space measuring fourteen feet in height by twelve in breadth, more than two hundred cups are sculptured. They vary from an inch and a half to six inches in diameter and from half an inch to an inch in depth, and are arranged in groups composed of approximately parallel rows.

About two hundred yards south of the temple, in the middle of the narrow pass, there’s a rock that rises at a 45-degree angle. It has a surface area of fourteen feet high by twelve feet wide, and on it, more than two hundred cups are carved. The cups vary in size from one and a half inches to six inches in diameter and from half an inch to an inch in depth, arranged in groups of roughly parallel rows.

The cups are mostly of the simple types and only exceptionally surrounded by single rings or connected by grooves.

The cups are mostly simple designs and are only occasionally surrounded by single rings or linked by grooves.

SIBERIA.

N. S. Shtukin (a) referring to certain picture-writings on the cliffs of the Yenesei river, in the Quarterly Isvestia of the Imperial Geographical Society for 1882, says: “These are figured, but are not particularly remarkable, except as being the work of invaders from the far south, perhaps Persians. Camels and pheasants are among the animals represented.”

N. S. Shtukin (a) discusses some pictographs on the cliffs of the Yenesei River in the Quarterly Isvestia of the Imperial Geographical Society from 1882, saying: “These images are depicted, but they aren’t especially noteworthy, other than being created by invaders from the distant south, possibly Persians. Camels and pheasants are included among the animals depicted.”

Philip John von Strahlenberg, in An Historico-Geographical Description of the North and Eastern Parts of Europe and Asia, etc., reported inscriptions relating to the chase, on the banks of the river Yenesei. He says of one: “It takes its characteristic features from the natural history of the region; and we may suppose it to embrace rude representations of the Siberian hare, the cabarda or musk deer and other known quadrupeds.”

Philip John von Strahlenberg, in An Historico-Geographical Description of the North and Eastern Parts of Europe and Asia, etc., reported inscriptions related to hunting on the banks of the Yenesei River. He mentions one: “It takes its distinct characteristics from the natural history of the area; and we can assume it includes crude representations of the Siberian hare, the cabarda or musk deer, and other recognizable mammals.”

He also furnishes a transcript of inscriptions found by him on a precipitous rock on the river Irtish. This rock, which is 36 feet high, is isolated. It has four sides, one of which faces the water and has a number of tombs or sepulchral caves beneath. All of the four faces[187] have rude representations of the human form, and other unintelligible characters are drawn in red colors in a durable kind of pigment, which[188] is found to be almost indestructible and is much used for rock inscriptions.

He also provides a record of the inscriptions he discovered on a steep rock by the Irtish River. This rock, which stands 36 feet tall, is isolated. It has four sides, one of which faces the water and contains several tombs or burial caves below. All four faces[187] feature crude depictions of the human form, along with other unclear symbols painted in red using a durable pigment, which[188] is nearly indestructible and commonly used for rock inscriptions.

Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie, op. cit., makes the following remarks:

Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie, op. cit., makes the following remarks:

Symbolical marks, incised or drawn graffitti, not properly speaking inscriptions, have been found in Siberia, but they are not the expected primitive remains of ancient writings. Some are purely Tartar, being written in Mongolian and Kalmuck; others, obviously the work of common people, may be Arabic, while some others found on the left bank of the Jenissei river are much more interesting. They seem to me to be badly written in Syriac, from right to left horizontally, before the time of the adaptation of this writing to the Uigur and Mongol. The characters are still separated one from the other. On one of these graffitti found at the same place several Chinese characters, as written by common people, are recognizable.

Symbolic marks, like carved or drawn graffiti, which aren't really inscriptions, have been discovered in Siberia, but they aren't the primitive remains of ancient writings that you'd expect. Some of them are purely Tartar, written in Mongolian and Kalmuck; others, clearly created by everyday people, might be Arabic, while some found on the left bank of the Yenisei River are much more intriguing. They appear to be poorly written in Syriac, written from right to left horizontally, before this script was adapted for Uigur and Mongol. The characters are still spaced apart from each other. On one of these graffiti found in the same area, several Chinese characters, as written by ordinary people, can be recognized.

Some hieroglyphical graffitti have been discovered on rocks above Tomsk, on the right bank of the Tom river, in Siberia. They are incised at a height of more than 20 feet. They are very rude, and somewhat like the famous Livre de Sauvages of merry fame in palæography. Quadrupeds, men, heads, all roughly drawn, and some indistinct lines, are all that can be seen. It looks more like the pictorial figures which can be used as a means of notation by ignorant people at any moment than like an historical beginning of some writing. There is not the slightest appearance of any sort of regularity or conventional arrangement in them.

Some graffiti in hieroglyphs have been found on rocks above Tomsk, on the right bank of the Tom River in Siberia. They are carved at a height of over 20 feet. They are quite crude and somewhat reminiscent of the famous Book of Savages, well-known in paleography. There are roughly drawn quadrupeds, men, and heads, along with some indistinct lines. It resembles pictorial figures that could serve as a way for uneducated people to take notes rather than indicating an early form of writing. There’s no sign of any regularity or standard arrangement in them.

The last we have to speak of are quite peculiar and altogether different from the others. The signs are painted in red. They are made of straight lines, disposed like drawings of lattices and window shades, and also like the tree characters of the Arabs and like the runes. They are met with near the Irtisch river, on a rock over the stream Smolank.

The last things we need to talk about are pretty unusual and completely different from the others. The signs are painted in red. They consist of straight lines arranged like lattice designs and window shades, as well as resembling Arabic characters and runes. They can be found near the Irtisch River, on a rock above the Smolank stream.

Figs. 513, 721, 722, and 723, infra, have relation to this geographic region.

Figs. 513, 721, 722, and 723, below, are related to this geographic area.

It is to be remarked that some of the Siberian and Tartar characters, especially those reproduced by Schoolcraft, I, Pls. 65 and 66, have a strong resemblance to the drawings of the Ojibwa, some of which are figured and described in the present work, and this coincidence is more suggestive from the reason that the totem or dodaim, which often is the subject of those drawings, is a designation which is used by both the Ojibwa and the Tartar with substantially the same sound and significance.

It’s worth noting that some of the Siberian and Tartar characters, particularly those shown by Schoolcraft, I, Pls. 65 and 66, look a lot like the drawings of the Ojibwa. Some of these Ojibwa drawings are featured and explained in this work, and this similarity is even more intriguing because the totem or dodaim, which is often the focus of those drawings, is a term that both the Ojibwa and the Tartars use with basically the same pronunciation and meaning.

CHAPTER V.
Cup sculptures

The simplest form of rock inscription is almost ubiquitous. In Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and Oceanica, shallow, round, cup-like depressions are found, sometimes in rows, sometimes singly, sometimes surrounded by a ring or rings, but often quite plain. The cup-markers often arranged their sculpturings in regularly spaced rows, not infrequently surrounding them with one or more clearly cut rings; sometimes, again, they associated them with concentric circles or spirals. Occasionally the sculptors demonstrated the artificial character of their work by carving it in spots beyond the reach of atmospheric influences, such as the interiors of stone cists or of dwellings. It must, however, be noted that, although there is thus established a distinction between those markings which are natural and those which are artificial, it is possible that there may have been some distant connection between the two, and that the depressions worn by wind and rain may have suggested the idea of the devices, now called cup-markings, to those who first sculptured them.

The simplest form of rock carvings is almost everywhere. In Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and Oceania, shallow, round, cup-like depressions are found, sometimes in rows, sometimes alone, and occasionally surrounded by one or more rings, but often quite plain. The cup-markers frequently arranged their designs in evenly spaced rows, often surrounding them with one or more clearly defined rings; sometimes, they also included concentric circles or spirals. Occasionally, the sculptors showed the artificial nature of their work by carving in places protected from the elements, like inside stone cists or dwellings. However, it should be noted that while there is a clear distinction between natural markings and artificial ones, there may have been some distant connection between the two, and the depressions created by wind and rain might have inspired the idea of the designs we now call cup-markings to the first sculptors.

Vast numbers of these cup stones are found in the British islands, often connected with other petroglyphs. In the county of Northumberland alone there are 53 stones charged with 350 sculptures, among which are many cup depressions. So also in Germany, France, Denmark, and indeed everywhere in Europe, but these forms took their greatest development in India.

A large number of these cup stones can be found across the British islands, often associated with other petroglyphs. In Northumberland alone, there are 53 stones featuring 350 sculptures, many of which include cup depressions. Similarly, in Germany, France, Denmark, and really all over Europe, but these forms reached their greatest development in India.

The leading work relating to this kind of sculpture is that of Prof. J. Y. Simpson (a), afterward known as Sir James Simpson, who reduces the forms of the cup sculptures to seven elementary types, here reproduced in Fig. 147. His classification is as follows:

The main work related to this type of sculpture is by Prof. J. Y. Simpson (a), later known as Sir James Simpson, who categorizes the shapes of the cup sculptures into seven basic types, shown in Fig. 147. His classification is as follows:

Fig. 147.—Types of cup sculptures.

First type. Single cups.—They are the simplest type of these ancient stone-cuttings. Their diameter varies from 1 inch to 3 inches and more, while they are often only half an inch deep, but rarely deeper than an inch or an inch and a half. They commonly appear in different sizes on the same stone or rock, and although they sometimes form the only sculptures on a surface they are more frequently associated with figures of a different character. They are in general scattered without order over the surface, but occasionally four or five or more of them are placed in more or less regular groups, exhibiting a constellation-like arrangement.

First type. Single cups.—These are the simplest version of these ancient stone carvings. Their diameter ranges from 1 inch to over 3 inches, typically being only half an inch deep, but rarely going deeper than an inch or an inch and a half. They often appear in various sizes on the same stone or rock, and while they sometimes stand as the only carvings on a surface, they more often appear alongside figures of different styles. Generally, they are scattered randomly across the surface, but occasionally four, five, or more are arranged in somewhat regular groups, resembling a constellation.

Second type. Cups surrounded by a single ring.—The incised rings are usually much shallower than the cups and mostly surround cups of comparatively large size. The ring is either complete or broken, and in the latter case it is often traversed by a radial groove which runs from the central cup through and even beyond the ring.

Second type. Cups surrounded by a single ring.—The carved rings are usually much shallower than the cups and mostly surround cups of relatively large size. The ring is either complete or broken, and when it's broken, it's often marked by a groove that runs from the center of the cup through and even beyond the ring.

Third type. Cups surrounded by a series of concentric complete rings.—In this complete annular form the central cup is generally more deeply cut than the surrounding rings, but not always.

Third type. Cups surrounded by a series of concentric complete rings.—In this complete annular form, the central cup is usually cut deeper than the surrounding rings, but not always.

Fourth type. Cups surrounded by a series of concentric, but incomplete rings having a straight radial groove.—This type constitutes perhaps the most common form of the circular carvings. The rings generally touch the radial line at both extremities, but sometimes they terminate on each side of it without touching it. The radial groove occasionally extends considerably beyond the outer circle, and in most cases[191] it runs in a more or less downward direction on the stone or rock. Sometimes it runs on and unites into a common line with other ducts or grooves coming from other circles, till thus several series of concentric rings are conjoined into a larger or smaller cluster, united together by the extension of their radial branch-like grooves.

Fourth type. Cups surrounded by a series of concentric, but incomplete rings having a straight radial groove.—This type is probably the most common form of circular carvings. The rings usually meet the radial line at both ends, but at times they stop short on either side without touching it. The radial groove sometimes stretches far beyond the outer circle, and in most instances[191] it runs somewhat downward on the stone or rock. Occasionally, it connects and merges into a shared line with other ducts or grooves from different circles, creating multiple series of concentric rings that come together into a larger or smaller cluster, linked by the extension of their radial branch-like grooves.

Fifth type. Cups surrounded by concentric rings and flexed lines.—The number of inclosing or concentric rings is generally fewer in this type than in the two last preceding types, and seldom exceeds two or three in number.

Fifth type. Cups surrounded by concentric rings and curved lines.—The number of enclosing or concentric rings is usually less in this type than in the last two types, and rarely exceeds two or three.

Sixth type. Concentric rings without a central cup.—In many cases the concentric rings of the types already described appear without a central cup or depression, which is most frequently wanting in the complete concentric circles of the third type.

Sixth type. Concentric rings without a central cup.—In many instances, the concentric rings from the previously described types appear without a central cup or depression, which is most often missing in the complete concentric circles of the third type.

Seventh type. Concentric circular lines of the form of a spiral or volute.—The central beginning of the spiral line is usually, but not always, marked by a cup-like excavation.

Seventh type. Concentric circular lines shaped like a spiral or curl.—The central starting point of the spiral line is typically, but not always, indicated by a cup-like indentation.

It often occurs that two, three, or more of these various types are found on the same stone or rock, a fact indicating that they are intimately allied to each other.

It often happens that two, three, or more of these different types are found on the same stone or rock, which shows that they are closely related to one another.

Prof. Simpson presents what he calls “the chief deviations from the principal types” reproduced here as Fig. 148.

Prof. Simpson presents what he refers to as “the main deviations from the primary types,” shown here as Fig. 148.

Fig. 148.—Variants of cup sculptures.

The first four designs represent cups connected by grooves, which is a noticeable and frequently occurring feature. In Fig. 149 views of sculptured rock surfaces at Auchnabreach, Argyleshire, Scotland, are given. Simple cups, cups surrounded by one ring or by concentric rings, with radial grooves and spirals, appear here promiscuously mingled. Fig. 150 exhibits isolated as well as connected cups, a cup surrounded by a ring, and concentric rings with radial grooves, on a standing stone (menhir), belonging to a group of seven at Ballymenach, in the parish of Kilmichael-Glassary, in Argyleshire, Scotland.

The first four designs show cups linked by grooves, which is a noticeable and common feature. In Fig. 149, you can see images of sculpted rock surfaces at Auchnabreach, Argyleshire, Scotland. Here, simple cups, cups surrounded by one ring or by concentric rings, with radial grooves and spirals, are randomly mixed together. Fig. 150 displays both isolated and connected cups, a cup surrounded by a ring, and concentric rings with radial grooves on a standing stone (menhir) that is part of a group of seven at Ballymenach, in the parish of Kilmichael-Glassary, in Argyleshire, Scotland.

Fig. 149.—Cup sculptures at Auchnabreach, Scotland.
Fig. 150.—Cup sculptures at Ballymenach, Scotland.

Dr. Berthold Seeman remarks concerning the characters in Fig. 105, supra, copied from a rock in Chiriqui, Panama, that he discovers in it a great resemblance to those of Northumberland, Scotland, and other parts of Great Britain. He says, as quoted by Dr. Rau (d):

Dr. Berthold Seeman notes about the characters in Fig. 105, above, taken from a rock in Chiriqui, Panama, that he finds a strong similarity to those from Northumberland, Scotland, and other regions of Great Britain. He states, as quoted by Dr. Rau (d):

It is singular that, thousands of miles away, in a remote corner of tropical America, we should find the concentric rings and several other characters typically identical with those engraved on the British rocks.

It’s remarkable that, thousands of miles away, in a remote area of tropical America, we find the concentric rings and several other features that are usually identical to those carved on the British rocks.

The characters in Chiriqui are, like those of Great Britain, incised on large stones, the surface of which has not previously undergone any smoothing process. The incised stones occur in a district of Veraguas (Chiriqui or Alanje), which is now thinly inhabited, but which, judging from the numerous tombs, was once densely peopled.

The characters in Chiriqui are, like those in Great Britain, carved into large stones that haven't been smoothed out before. These carved stones can be found in a part of Veraguas (Chiriqui or Alanje), which is now sparsely populated, but based on the many tombs, it was once home to a large population.

From information received during my two visits to Chiriqui and from what has been published since I first drew attention to this subject, I am led to believe that there are a great many inscribed rocks in that district. But I myself have seen only one, the now famous piedra pintal (i. e., painted stone), which is found on a plain at Caldera, a few leagues from the town of David. It is 15 feet high, nearly 50 feet in circumference, and rather flat on the top. Every part, especially the eastern side, is covered with incised characters about an inch or half an inch deep. The first figure on the left hand side represents a radiant sun, followed by a series of heads or what appear to be heads, all with some variation. It is these heads, particularly the appendages (perhaps intended for hair?), which show a certain resemblance to one of the most curious characters found on the British rocks, and calling[194] to mind the so-called “Ogham characters.” These “heads” are succeeded by scorpion-like or branched and other fantastic figures. The top of the stone and the other sides are covered with a great number of concentric rings and ovals, crossed by lines. It is especially these which bear so striking a resemblance to the Northumbrian characters.

From what I've learned during my two visits to Chiriqui and from the information published since I first brought attention to this topic, I believe that there are many inscribed rocks in that area. However, I've only seen one myself, the now-famous piedra pintal (meaning painted stone), which is located on a plain in Caldera, a few leagues from the town of David. It stands 15 feet tall, nearly 50 feet around, and is fairly flat on top. Every part of it, especially the eastern side, is covered with incised characters about an inch to half an inch deep. The first figure on the left side looks like a radiant sun, followed by a series of heads or what seem to be heads, all showing some variation. These heads, particularly their appendages (maybe meant to represent hair?), resemble some of the most interesting characters found on British rocks, reminding one of the so-called “Ogham characters.” Following these “heads” are scorpion-like shapes or branched and other fantastical figures. The top of the stone and the other sides are adorned with many concentric rings and ovals crossed by lines. It is particularly these that closely resemble the Northumbrian characters.

Fig. 151.—Cup sculptures in Chiriqui.

Fig. 151 presents five selected characters from the rock mentioned: a attached to the respective numbers always refers to the Chiriqui and b to the British type of the several designs; 1a and 1b represent radiant suns; 2a and 2b show several grooves, radiating from an outer arch, resembling, as Dr. Seeman thinks, the Ogham characters; 3a and 3b show the completely closed concentric circles; 4a and 4b show how the various characters are connected by lines; 5a and 5b exhibit the groove or outlet of the circle.

Fig. 151 shows five selected characters from the mentioned rock: a associated with the respective numbers always refers to the Chiriqui type and b to the British type of several designs; 1a and 1b represent radiant suns; 2a and 2b display several grooves radiating from an outer arch, which Dr. Seeman believes resembles Ogham characters; 3a and 3b depict fully closed concentric circles; 4a and 4b illustrate how the various characters are connected by lines; 5a and 5b show the groove or outlet of the circle.

Mr. G. H. Kinahan, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 1889, p. 171, gives an account of Barnes’s Inscribed Dallâus, County Donegal, Ireland. One of his figures bears four cups joined together by lines forming a cross. The remainder of the illustrations consist of concentric rings and cups resembling others already figured in this paper.

Mr. G. H. Kinahan, in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 1889, p. 171, provides a description of Barnes’s Inscribed Dallâus in County Donegal, Ireland. One of his figures features four cups connected by lines that create a cross. The rest of the images show concentric rings and cups that look like others already shown in this paper.

Marcano (c) describes Fig. 152 as follows:

Marcano (c) describes Fig. 152 like this:

The chain of Cuchivero, situated in Venezuela between the Orinoco and the Caura, shows on its flanks small plateaus on which are numerous stones which seem to have been aligned. This chain is separated by a deep valley from that of Tiramuto, from which were copied the petroglyphs here presented. The one represents a single sun, the other two suns joined together. The rays of the former run from one circumference to the other. The other two are joined together by a central stroke, and the rays all start from the outer circumference.

The Cuchivero mountain range, located in Venezuela between the Orinoco and the Caura rivers, has small plateaus on its sides where many stones appear to be aligned. This range is divided from the Tiramuto range by a deep valley, from which the petroglyphs shown here were copied. One depicts a single sun, while the other shows two suns connected. The rays of the first sun extend from one edge to the other, while the two in the second image are linked by a central line, with all the rays originating from the outer edge.

Fig. 152.—Cup sculptures in Venezuela.

The same author (loc. cit.) thus describes Fig. 153:

The same author (loc. cit.) describes Fig. 153 this way:

These designs, taken on the little hills of the high Cuchivero, differ altogether from the preceding. a is a very regular horizontal grouping. It begins by a spiral joined to three figures similar among themselves, and similar also to the eyes of jaguars which we have often met with. There follows a sort of isolated fret; at its right is another, larger and joined to a circle different from the preceding; it has a central point, and the second circumference is interrupted. The figure terminates in a spiral like the one at the beginning of the line, and which, being turned in the opposite direction, serves as its pendant.

These designs, found on the small hills of the high Cuchivero, are completely different from the previous ones. a features a very regular horizontal arrangement. It starts with a spiral connected to three similar figures, which also resemble the eyes of jaguars that we have often encountered. Next, there’s a kind of isolated pattern; to its right is another, larger one that connects to a different circle. This shape has a central point, and the second circle is broken. The figure ends with a spiral like the one at the beginning of the line, and since it’s turned in the opposite direction, it acts as its counterpart.

Fig. 153.—Cup sculptures in Venezuela.

b is formed of two horizontal rows one above the other. We there find first of all two frets united by a vertical stroke ending in a hook. The characters which follow, resembling those of a, are distinct in each row, but on closer inspection they are seen to have a peculiar correspondence.

b is made up of two horizontal rows stacked on top of each other. In the first row, we find two frets connected by a vertical line that ends in a hook. The characters that come next, which look similar to those in a, are different in each row, but if you look more closely, you'll notice they have a unique correspondence.

Dr. Ladisláu Netto (b) gives copies of carvings on the rocks in Brazil on the banks of the Rio Negro, from Moura to the city of Manaus, and remarks upon the characters reproduced here as Fig. 154, that they represent the figure of the multiple concentric circles joined together two by two, as were found[196] on several other rocks in the same region, and as they appear in many inscriptions of Central America and at various points of North America.

Dr. Ladisláu Netto (b) provides copies of rock carvings in Brazil along the banks of the Rio Negro, from Moura to the city of Manaus, and notes that the characters shown here as Fig. 154 represent the image of multiple concentric circles connected in pairs, similar to those found[196] on several other rocks in the same area, and that they also appear in many inscriptions throughout Central America and at various locations in North America.

Fig. 154.—Cup sculptures in Brazil.

Senhor Araripe (b) gives the following account:

Senhor Araripe (b) shares the following account:

In Banabuiu, Brazil, about three-quarters of a league from the plantation of Caza-nova, on the road to Castelo, is a stone resting upon another, at the height of a man, which the inhabitants call Pedra-furada (pierced stone) having on its western face the inscription in Fig. 155.

In Banabuiu, Brazil, roughly three-quarters of a league from the Caza-nova plantation, along the road to Castelo, there's a stone resting on another stone, about the height of a man. The locals refer to it as Pedra Furada (pierced stone), which has an inscription on its western face shown in Fig. 155.

The characters have been much effaced by the rubbing of cattle against them; the stone has also cracked. Some fragments lying at the foot of it bear on their upper faces round holes made by a sharp tool, and resembling those shown in this figure.

The characters have been worn down from cattle rubbing against them; the stone has also cracked. Some fragments at the base have round holes on their upper surfaces made by a sharp tool, similar to those shown in this figure.

Fig. 155.—Cup sculptures in Brazil.

Cup stones, called by the French pierres à ecuelles and pierres à cupules and by the Germans Schalensteine, are found throughout Hindustan, on the banks of the Indus, at the foot of the Himalayas, in the valley of Cashmere, and on the many cromlechs around Nagpoor. At this very day one may see the Hindu women carrying the water of the Ganges all the way to the mountains of the Punjab, to pour into the cupules and thus obtain from the divinity the boon of motherhood earnestly desired.

Cup stones, known in French as pierres à ecuelles and pierres à cupules and in German as Schalensteine, can be found all over Hindustan, along the banks of the Indus, at the base of the Himalayas, in the Kashmir Valley, and among the various cromlechs around Nagpoor. Even today, you can see Hindu women carrying water from the Ganges all the way to the mountains of Punjab to pour into the cupules and seek the divinity's blessing for the much-desired gift of motherhood.

The cup sculptures often become imposing by their number and combination. In the Kamaon mountains there are numerous blocks that support small basins. One of them is mentioned as being 13 feet in length by 9 in breadth and 7 in height, and showing five rows of cupules. At Chandeswar (see Fig. 146) the rocks themselves are covered with these signs. They present two different types. One of the most frequent groups shows a simple round cavity; in the others, the cupels are encircled by a sort of ring carved in intaglio and encircling figures. One of these figures recalls the swastika, the sacred sign of the Aryans. The present Hindus are absolutely ignorant of the origin of these sculptures; they are fain to attribute them to the Goalas, a mysterious race of shepherd kings who preceded the great invasions which imprinted an indelible stamp on the Indies as well as on Europe. These cupels are correlated with the worship of Mahadeo, one of the many names given to Siva, the third god of the Hindu triad, whose emblem is the[197] serpent. Chandeswar is reached through a narrow gorge; at the entrance is found a temple sacred to Mahadeo. The columns and slabs bear cupules similar to those seen on the rocks.

The cup sculptures often appear imposing due to their quantity and arrangement. In the Kamaon mountains, there are many large rocks that support small basins. One of these is noted to be 13 feet long, 9 feet wide, and 7 feet high, featuring five rows of cupules. At Chandeswar (see Fig. 146), the rocks themselves are covered with these markings. They display two different types. One of the most common groups features a simple round cavity; in the other type, the cupules are surrounded by a ring carved in intaglio, along with surrounding figures. One of these figures resembles the swastika, the sacred symbol of the Aryans. Present-day Hindus have no knowledge of the origin of these sculptures; they tend to attribute them to the Goalas, a mysterious race of shepherd kings who existed before the major invasions that left a lasting impact on both India and Europe. These cupules are connected to the worship of Mahadeo, one of the many names for Siva, the third god in the Hindu trinity, whose symbol is the [197] serpent. Chandeswar can be accessed through a narrow gorge, and at the entrance, there is a temple dedicated to Mahadeo. The columns and slabs there also have cupules similar to those found on the rocks.

Some of the Mahadeo designs engraved on stone slabs in this temple (see Rivett-Carnac, loc. cit.) are represented in Fig. 156, showing a marked resemblance to and approaching identity with this class of cuttings on bowlders, rocks, and megalithic monuments in Europe.

Some of the Mahadeo designs etched on stone slabs in this temple (see Rivett-Carnac, loc. cit.) are shown in Fig. 156, revealing a strong resemblance to and almost identical features with this type of carvings on boulders, rocks, and megalithic monuments in Europe.

Fig. 156.—Cup sculptures in India.

A large number of stones with typical cup markings have been found in the United States of America. Some of those illustrated in this paper are presented in Pl. V, and Figs. 19 and 48.

A lot of stones with typical cup markings have been discovered in the United States. Some of those shown in this paper are displayed in Pl. V, and Figs. 19 and 48.

Among the many attempts, all hitherto unsatisfactory, to explain the significance of the cup stones as distributed over nearly all parts of the earth, one statement of Mr. Rivett-Carnac (b) is of value as furnishing the meaning now attached to them in India. He says:

Among the many attempts, all so far unsatisfactory, to explain the significance of the cup stones found almost everywhere on Earth, one statement from Mr. Rivett-Carnac (b) is valuable because it provides the meaning currently associated with them in India. He says:

Having seen sketches and notes on rock sculptures in India which closely resemble unexplained rock carvings in Scotland, and having myself found one of the Scotch forms cut on a bowlder in Kángrá, * * * being at Ayodhyá with a Hindu who speaks good English, I got a fakir and drew on the sand of the Gogra the figure concentric circles . I asked what that meant. The fakir at once answered, “Mahadeo.” I then drew concentric circles with line from center and got the same answer. At Delhi my old acquaintance, Mr. Shaw, told me that these two signs are chalked on stones in Kángrá by people marching in marriage processions. The meaning given to these two symbols now in India is familiarly known to the people.

Having seen sketches and notes on rock sculptures in India that closely resemble unexplained rock carvings in Scotland, and having myself found one of the Scottish designs carved on a boulder in Kángrá, being in Ayodhyá with a Hindu who speaks good English, I got a fakir and drew in the sand of the Gogra the figure concentric circles. I asked what that meant. The fakir immediately responded, “Mahadeo.” I then drew concentric circles with line from center and received the same answer. In Delhi, my old acquaintance, Mr. Shaw, told me that these two signs are chalked on stones in Kángrá by people participating in marriage processions. The meaning attributed to these two symbols is now commonly known among the people in India.

Mahadeo, more accurately Mahadiva, is the god of generation. He is worshiped by the Sawas, one of the numerous Hindu sects, under the[198] form of a phallus, often represented by a simple column, which sometimes is placed on the yoni or female organ. It is suggested that in a common form of the sculptures the inner circle represents the Mahadeo or lingam, and the outer or containing circle the yoni. No idea of obscenity occurs from this representation to the Hindus, who adore under this form the generative power in nature.

Mahadeo, more accurately Mahadiva, is the god of creation. He is worshiped by the Sawas, one of the many Hindu sects, in the form of a phallus, often depicted as a simple column, which is sometimes placed on the yoni or female organ. It is suggested that in a common form of the sculptures, the inner circle represents the Mahadeo or lingam, and the outer circle represents the yoni. This representation does not suggest any idea of obscenity to Hindus, who revere this form as a symbol of the generative power in nature.

Prof. Douglas, in the Saturday Review, November 24, 1883, furnishes some remarks on the topic now considered:

Prof. Douglas, in the Saturday Review, November 24, 1883, provides some thoughts on the topic now being discussed:

In Palestine and the country beyond Jordan some of the marks found are so large that it has been supposed that they may have been used as small presses of wine, or as mortars for pounding the gleanings of wheat. But there is an objection to these theories as accounting for the marks generally, which is fatal to them. To serve these purposes the rocks on which the marks occur should be in a horizontal position, whereas in a majority of cases all over the world the “cups” are found either on shelving rocks or on the sides of perpendicular stones. This renders worthless also the ideas which have at different times been put forward that they may have been used for some sort of gambling game, or as sun-dials. A Swiss archæologist who has lately devoted himself to the question believes that he has recognized, in the sculpturings under his observation, maps of the surrounding districts, the “cups” indicating the mountain peaks. In the same way others have thought that similar markings may have been intended as maps or plans pointing out the direction and character of old circular camps and cities in their neighborhood. But if any such resemblances have been discovered they can hardly be other than fortuitous, since it is difficult to understand how rows of cup marks, arranged at regular intervals and in large numbers, could have served as representatives either of the natural features of a country or of camps and cities. But a closer resemblance may be found in them as maps if we suppose that they were intended to represent things in the heavens rather than on earth. The round cup-like marks are reasonably suggestive of the sun, moon, and stars, and if only an occasional figure could be found representing a constellation, some color might be held to be given to the idea; but unfortunately this is not the case. Nevertheless the shape of the marks has led many to believe that they are relics of the ancient sun worship of Phœnicia, and that their existence in Europe is due to the desire of the Phœnician colonists to convert our forefathers to their faith. But there are many reasons for regarding this theory, though supported by the authority of Prof. Nilsson, as untenable. The observations of late years have brought to light cup marks and megalithic circles in parts of Europe on which a Phœnician foot never trod; and it is a curious circumstance that in those portions of the British Isles most frequented by these indefatigable traders there are fewer traces of these monuments than in the northern and inland districts, which were comparatively inaccessible to them.

In Palestine and the area beyond Jordan, some of the marks found are so large that it's been suggested they might have been used as small wine presses or as mortars for grinding leftover wheat. However, there's a major issue with these theories as explanations for the marks, which invalidates them. For these purposes, the rocks where the marks are located should be flat, but in most cases around the world, the “cups” are found on sloping rocks or the sides of vertical stones. This also discredits the ideas that have been proposed over time, suggesting they could have been used for some kind of gambling game or as sundials. A Swiss archaeologist who has recently focused on this issue believes that he has identified, in the carvings he studied, maps of the nearby areas, with the “cups” representing mountain peaks. Similarly, others have thought that these markings might have been intended as maps or plans indicating the location and layout of ancient circular camps and cities nearby. However, if any such similarities have been identified, they are likely coincidental, as it's hard to see how rows of cup marks, arranged at regular intervals and in large quantities, could effectively represent either natural features of the land or camps and cities. A closer similarity might be found if we assume they were meant to represent things in the sky rather than on the ground. The round, cup-like marks could reasonably suggest the sun, moon, and stars, and if just one symbol could be found representing a constellation, it might support this idea; but unfortunately, that is not the case. Still, the shape of the marks has led many to believe they are remnants of ancient sun worship from Phoenicia, and that their presence in Europe is due to the desire of Phoenician colonists to convert our ancestors to their beliefs. However, there are many reasons to view this theory, even though it's backed by the authority of Prof. Nilsson, as unsustainable. Recent observations have uncovered cup marks and megalithic circles in parts of Europe where Phoenicians never set foot; and it's interesting to note that in the areas of the British Isles most frequented by these relentless traders, there are fewer signs of these monuments than in the northern and more inland regions, which were relatively inaccessible to them.

The Swiss archæologist mentioned above by Prof. Douglas is Fritz Roediger (a), of whose theory the following is a translated abstract:

The Swiss archaeologist mentioned earlier by Prof. Douglas is Fritz Roediger (a), and here’s a translated summary of his theory:

What renders the deciphering of these sign stones exceedingly difficult (I purposely avoid the words “map stones” because not all are such) is their great variety in size, position, material, workmanship, and meaning. I will here speak of the latter only, inasmuch as there are stones which in their smallest and their largest form are yet frequently nothing else than boundary stones, whose origin can often not be definitely established as prehistoric, while on the other hand again we discover well-marked boundary stones, which at the same time show the outline of the piece of ground which they guard. Similarly we find prehistoric (Gallic) “Leuk” stones, differing from the meter-high communal and state boundary stones of modern times in nothing but this, that they have some indistinct grooves and one or two hooks,[199] while on the other hand we meet “Leuk” stones, which on their restricted heads, often also on the side walls, indicate their environs for (Leuk) miles around, up, down, and sidewise, while a third class of this form merely adorn crossroads, and indicate deviations by means of lines and points (waranden). Thus we find quite extensive slabs or structures that signify only some hectares, often only one, while we meet very small ones, or, at any rate, of moderate size, which, one man can move, that represent very large districts, some presenting only lines and grooves, others with shells of various sizes, a third kind with both kinds of ornaments and samples of ornaments, and again others with no sign at all, but yet respected as stones of special meaning by the population, and called “hot stone,” “pointed stone,” “heath stone,” “child’s stone,” etc. Other stones have basin-like or platter-like depressions, and finally there are outcropping rocks with marks of one kind or another, holes, rents, clefts, etc. A further great difficulty hampering the deciphering of these wonderful stones is the lack of opportunities for comparison and experience. I have been markedly favored in this respect by my sojourn and wanderings in valley, mountain and alp. Western Switzerland is a very paradise for investigations of this kind, especially the lake country and the upper part of the canton of Solothurn (Soleure). A third difficulty, often insuperable, lies in the nonexistence of appropriate good maps for comparison. In this respect too we are well off in Switzerland.

What makes interpreting these sign stones extremely challenging (I intentionally avoid the term "map stones" because not all of them are) is their vast differences in size, location, material, craftsmanship, and meaning. Here, I will focus solely on the meaning, since some stones in both their smallest and largest forms are often just boundary stones, and it's difficult to trace their origins back to prehistoric times. On the other hand, we also find well-defined boundary stones that clearly outline the land they mark. Similarly, there are prehistoric (Gallic) "Leuk" stones that differ from the modern communal and state boundary stones only in that they feature some vague grooves and one or two hooks. We also encounter "Leuk" stones that, on their limited tops, often on the side faces too, indicate their surroundings for (Leuk) miles in every direction, while a third type merely decorates crossroads, showing deviations through lines and points (waranden). Thus, we find large slabs or structures that indicate only a few hectares, often just one, while we also come across very small ones, or reasonably sized stones that one person can move, symbolizing vast areas. Some contain just lines and grooves, others have shells of various sizes, a third category boasts both kinds of decorations and examples of ornaments, while still others bear no markings yet are regarded as stones of special significance by the local people, referred to as “hot stone,” “pointed stone,” “heath stone,” “child’s stone,” etc. There are also stones with basin-like or platter-like depressions, and finally, there are outcropping rocks marked by various signs, holes, cracks, clefts, etc. An additional major challenge in deciphering these intriguing stones is the lack of opportunities for comparison and experiential grounding. I have been particularly fortunate in this regard due to my travels and expeditions in valleys, mountains, and alpine regions. Western Switzerland is a true paradise for research of this kind, especially the lake area and the upper part of the canton of Solothurn (Soleure). A further significant challenge, often insurmountable, is the absence of good, suitable maps for comparison. In this area too, we are quite fortunate in Switzerland.

According to my observations in this field, now continued nearly 12 years, prehistoric man had: (1) His land or province survey; (2) his circle, district, and communal surveys, in reference to which (3) the Alpine surveys deserve special mention, in cantons which down to the present day know nothing of such surveys; (4) private and special surveys. Thus it seems that my observations lend full confirmation to the oldest historic or traditional statements concerning the tenure of land of the Kelto-Germans or Germano-Kelts.

According to my observations in this field, which have continued for nearly 12 years, prehistoric man had: (1) his land or province surveyed; (2) surveys of his circle, district, and community; (3) special mention should be made of the Alpine surveys, in regions that, even today, lack such surveys; (4) private and specific surveys. Thus, it seems that my observations fully confirm the oldest historic or traditional statements regarding land tenure among the Kelto-Germans or Germano-Kelts.

Among the Ojibwa concentric circles, according to Schoolcraft (d), constituted the symbol of time. It would be dangerous to explain the many markings of this character by the suggested symbolism, which also recalls that of Egypt in relation to the circle-figure. Inquiries have often been made whether the North American Indians have any superstitious or religious practices connected with the markings under consideration, e. g., in relation to the desire for offspring, which undoubtedly is connected with the sculpturing of cup depressions and furrows in the eastern hemisphere. No evidence is yet produced of any such correspondence of practice or tradition relating to it. In the absence of any extrinsic explanation the prosaic and disappointing suggestion intrudes that circular concentric rings are easy to draw and that the act of drawing them suggests the accentuation of depressions or hollows within their curves. Much stress is laid upon the fact that the characters are found in so many parts of the earth, with the implication that all the sculptors used them with the same significance, thus affording ground for the hypothesis that anciently one race of people penetrated all the regions designated. But in such an implication the history of the character formed by two intersecting straight lines is forgotten. The cross is as common as the cup-stone, and has, or anciently had, a different signification among the different people who used it, beginning as a mark and ending as a symbol. Therefore, it may readily be imagined that the rings in question, which are drawn[200] nearly as easily as the cross, were at one time favorite but probably meaningless designs, perhaps, in popular expression, “instinctive” commencements of the artistic practice, as was the earliest delineation of the cross-figure. Afterward the rings, if employed as symbols or emblems, would naturally have a different meaning applied to them in each region where they now appear.

Among the Ojibwa, concentric circles, according to Schoolcraft (d), represented the symbol of time. It would be risky to explain the various markings with the suggested symbolism, which also echoes the Egyptian circular figures. There have been many inquiries about whether North American Indians have any superstitious or religious practices related to these markings, like in connection to the desire for children, which is undoubtedly linked to the carving of cup depressions and furrows in the eastern hemisphere. However, there is no evidence yet to show any such relationship in practice or tradition surrounding this. In the absence of any outside explanation, the mundane and disappointing thought comes up that circular concentric rings are easy to draw and that the act of drawing them emphasizes the depressions or hollows within their curves. A lot of emphasis is placed on the fact that these characters are found in so many parts of the world, suggesting that all the creators used them with the same meaning, leading to the hypothesis that an ancient race of people spread across all the regions mentioned. But in that implication, the history of the character formed by two intersecting straight lines is overlooked. The cross is as common as the cup-stone, and has, or once had, a different meaning among the various people who used it, starting as a mark and evolving into a symbol. Therefore, it's easy to imagine that the rings in question, which are drawn[200] almost as simply as the cross, were once popular but likely meaningless designs, perhaps regarded in popular expression as “instinctive” beginnings of artistic practice, similar to the earliest drawing of the cross-figure. Later on, if the rings were used as symbols or emblems, they would naturally take on different meanings in each region where they now occur.

It must, however, be noted that the figures under discussion can be and often are the result of conventionalization. A striking remark is made by Mr. John Murdoch (a), of the Smithsonian Institution, that south of Bering strait the design of the “circle and dot,” which may be regarded as the root of the cup sculpture, is the conventionalized representation of a flower, and is very frequently seen as an ornamental device.

It should be noted that the figures being discussed can be, and often are, the result of conventionalization. A remarkable comment is made by Mr. John Murdoch (a) from the Smithsonian Institution, who states that south of Bering Strait, the “circle and dot” design, which can be seen as the basis of cup sculpture, is a conventionalized representation of a flower and is often used as an ornamental feature.

An elucidation of some of the most common forms of cup sculptures is given, without qualification and also without authority, but with the serene consciousness of certainty, by the Rev. Charles Rogers, “D.D., LL. D., F. S. A., Scot., etc.,” as follows:

An explanation of some of the most common types of cup sculptures is provided, without qualification and also without authority, but with a calm sense of certainty, by Rev. Charles Rogers, “D.D., LL.D., FSA, Scot., etc.,” as follows:

The sculptures are sacred books, which the awe-inspired worshipper was required to revere and, probably, to salute with reverence. A single circle represented the sun, two circles in union the sun and moon—Baal and Ashtaroth. The wavy groove passing across the circle pointed to the course of water from the clouds, as discharged upon the earth. Groups of pit marks pointed to the stars or, more probably, to the oaks of the primeval temples.

The sculptures are like sacred books that the amazed worshipper had to respect and probably greet with reverence. A single circle symbolized the sun, while two circles together represented the sun and moon—Baal and Ashtaroth. The wavy line crossing the circle indicated the path of water coming from the clouds to the earth. Clusters of pit marks pointed to the stars or, more likely, to the ancient oaks of the original temples.

CHAPTER VI.
PICTOGRAMS USUALLY.

In leaving the geographic distribution of petroglyphs to examine the comprehensive theme of pictographs in general, the first and correct impression is that the mist of the archaic and unknown is also left and that the glow of current significance is reached. The pictographs of the American Indians are seldom if ever cryptographs, though very often conventional and sometimes, for special reasons, preconcerted, as are their signals. They are intended to be understood without a key, and nearly all of those illustrated below in the present work are accompanied by an interpretation. As the art is in actual daily use it is free from the superstition pending from remote antiquity.

In shifting from the geographic distribution of petroglyphs to explore the broader theme of pictographs, the first and most accurate impression is that while the mystery of the ancient and unknown is left behind, we reach the clarity of present significance. The pictographs of Native Americans are rarely, if ever, cryptic, though they are often conventional and sometimes pre-arranged for specific reasons, like their signals. They are meant to be understood without a key, and nearly all of those illustrated below in this work come with an interpretation. Since the art is used in everyday life, it is free from the superstitions of ancient times.

It will be noticed that a large proportion of the pictographs to be now presented, which are not petroglyphs, are Micmac, Abnaki, Dakota, and Ojibwa, although it is admitted that as many more could be obtained from other tribes, such as the Zuñi and the Navajo. The reason for the omission of details regarding the latter is that they are already published, or are in the course of publication, by Mrs. Stevenson, Dr. Matthews, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Fewkes, and other writers, who have specially devoted themselves to the peoples mentioned and the region occupied by them.

It will be noticed that a large number of the pictographs being presented now, which are not petroglyphs, are from the Micmac, Abnaki, Dakota, and Ojibwa tribes. However, it is acknowledged that just as many could be gathered from other tribes, like the Zuñi and the Navajo. The reason for not including details about the latter is that they are already published or are in the process of being published by Mrs. Stevenson, Dr. Matthews, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Fewkes, and other writers who have specifically focused on these peoples and the areas they inhabit.

The present writer obtained a valuable collection of birch-bark pictographs immemorially and still made by the Passamaquoddy and Penobscot tribes of Abnaki in Maine, showing a similarity in the use of picture-writing between the members of the widespread Algonquian stock in the regions west of the great lakes and those on the northeastern seaboard. He also learned that the same art was common to the less known Montagnais and Nascapees in the wooded regions north of the St. Lawrence. This correlation of the pictographic practice, in manner and extent, was before inferentially asserted, but no satisfactory evidence of it had been furnished until the researches of the Bureau of Ethnology, in 1887 and 1888, made by the writer, brought into direct comparison the pictography of the Ojibwa with that of the Micmacs and the Abnaki. Many of the Indians of the last-named tribes still use marks and devices on birch bark in the ordinary affairs of life, especially as notices of departure and direction and for warning and guidance. The religious use of original drawings among them, which is still prominent among the Ojibwa, has almost ceased, but traces of it remain.

The author collected a valuable assortment of birch-bark pictographs that have been created for ages and are still made by the Passamaquoddy and Penobscot tribes of the Abnaki in Maine. These pictographs show a similarity in the use of picture-writing between members of the widespread Algonquian family in the areas west of the Great Lakes and those along the northeastern coast. The author also discovered that the same art was common among the lesser-known Montagnais and Nascapees in the wooded areas north of the St. Lawrence. This connection in pictographic practices, in terms of style and scope, had been suggested before, but no solid evidence existed until the research conducted by the Bureau of Ethnology in 1887 and 1888, led by the author, which compared the pictography of the Ojibwa with that of the Micmacs and the Abnaki. Many members of the latter tribes still use symbols and designs on birch bark in their daily lives, particularly for communication about departures, directions, and for warnings and guidance. The religious use of original drawings among them, which remains significant among the Ojibwa, has almost disappeared, but some remnants still exist.

The most interesting of all the accounts regarding the pictographs of the North American Indians published before the last decade was contained in the works of Henry R. Schoolcraft, issued in 1853 and subsequent years, and the most frequently quoted part of his contributions on this subject describes the pictographs of the Ojibwa. He had special facilities for obtaining accurate information with regard to all matters relating to that tribe on account of his marriage to one of its women, a granddaughter of a celebrated chief, Waub-o-jeeg and daughter of a European named Johnson. She was educated in Ireland and had sufficient intelligence to understand and describe to her husband the points of interest relating to her tribe.

The most interesting accounts about the pictographs of North American Indians published before the last decade are found in the works of Henry R. Schoolcraft, released in 1853 and later. The most frequently cited part of his contributions on this topic describes the pictographs of the Ojibwa. He had unique access to accurate information about all matters concerning that tribe due to his marriage to one of its women, who was the granddaughter of a famous chief, Waub-o-jeeg, and the daughter of a European named Johnson. She was educated in Ireland and had enough intelligence to understand and explain to her husband the points of interest regarding her tribe.

The accounts given by Mr. Schoolcraft, with numerous illustrations, convey the impression that the Ojibwa were nearly as far advanced in hieroglyphic writing as the Egyptians before their pictorial representations had become syllabic. The general character of his voluminous publications has not been such as to assure modern critics of his accuracy, and the wonderful combination of minuteness and comprehensiveness attributed by him to the Ojibwa “hieroglyphs” has of late been generally regarded with suspicion. It was considered in the Bureau of Ethnology an important duty to ascertain how much of truth existed in these remarkable accounts, and for that purpose the writer, with Dr. Hoffman as assistant, examined the most favorable points in the present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern regions of Minnesota and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be discovered.

The accounts provided by Mr. Schoolcraft, along with many illustrations, suggest that the Ojibwa were almost as advanced in hieroglyphic writing as the Egyptians were before their pictorial symbols developed into syllabic forms. However, the overall nature of his extensive publications has not instilled confidence in modern critics regarding his accuracy, and the impressive blend of detail and breadth he attributed to the Ojibwa “hieroglyphs” has recently been met with skepticism. The Bureau of Ethnology deemed it essential to determine how much truth lay in these extraordinary claims, so the writer, assisted by Dr. Hoffman, explored the best locations in the current territory of the tribe, specifically the northern areas of Minnesota and Wisconsin, to see what more could be uncovered.

The general results of the comparison of Schoolcraft’s statements with what is now found show that he told the truth in substance, but with much exaggeration and coloring. The word “coloring” is particularly appropriate, because in his copious illustrations various colors were used freely and with apparent significance, whereas, in fact, the general rule in regard to the birch-bark rolls was that they were never colored at all; indeed, the bark was not adapted to coloration. The metaphorical coloring was also flourished by him in a manner which seems absurd to any thorough student of the Indian philosophy and religions. Metaphysical concepts are attached by him to some of the devices which he calls “symbols,” which could never have been entertained by a people in the stage of culture of the Ojibwa. While some symbolism, in the wide sense of the term, may be perceived, iconography and ideography are more apparent.

The overall results of comparing Schoolcraft’s statements with what we currently find show that he was mostly truthful, but with a lot of exaggeration and embellishment. The term “embellishment” is particularly fitting because he used various colors in his abundant illustrations, giving them noticeable significance. However, in reality, the general principle regarding the birch-bark rolls was that they were never colored; in fact, the bark wasn’t suited for coloring. He also exaggerated metaphorically in a way that seems absurd to anyone who has studied Indian philosophy and religions thoroughly. He attached metaphysical ideas to some of the designs he calls “symbols,” which could never have been considered by a society at the cultural level of the Ojibwa. While some level of symbolism, in the broad sense, can be seen, its iconography and ideography are more evident.

The largest part of the bark rolls and other pictographs of the Ojibwa obtained by the Bureau, relates to the ceremonies of the Midē' and of the shamanistic orders; another division refers to the Jessakid performances, which can be classed under the head of jugglery; and a third part embraces the more current and practical uses. Examples of all of these are given, infra.

The biggest collection of bark rolls and other pictographs from the Ojibwa that the Bureau collected focuses on the ceremonies of the Midē' and the shamanistic orders. Another section covers the Jessakid performances, which fall under the category of juggling. A third part includes the more everyday and practical uses. Examples of all of these are provided below.

The difficulties sometimes attending the pursuit of ceremonial pictographs were exemplified to the writer at Odanah, Wisconsin. Very[203] few of the Ojibwa in that neighborhood, who are generally civilized and in easy circumstances, had any more than a vague knowledge that such things as inscribed bark rolls had ever existed. Three, however, were traced and one was shown. The owner, an uncompromising heathen, was called Kitche-sha-bads. “Kitche” means big, “sha” is an attempt at the French form of John, and “bads” is a bad shot at Baptiste, the whole translation, therefore, being “Big John the Baptist.” This old fellow, though by no means as enterprising or successful as some of the younger generation, had a snug house and farm and $300 in the savings bank at Ashland. One thing, however, he needed, viz, whisky. The strictest regulations prevailed on the reservation, really prohibitory to the introduction of spirits, and, indeed, there was at the nearest town, Ashland, a severe penalty for selling any form of liquor to an Indian. To obtain whisky, therefore, was the only consideration which would tempt him to allow a copy of the roll to be taken or by which he could be induced to recite or rather to chant it in the manner prescribed. He was undoubtedly accomplished in the knowledge of the Midē' rites, and the roll, which was shown in his hands, but not out of them, is substantially the same as one of those copied in the present work, which was discovered several hundred miles farther northwest among a different division of the same tribe. The shaman began rather mildly to plead that he was an old man and could not remember well unless his spirit was made good by a little whisky. This difficulty might have been obviated by a traveler’s pocket flask, but his demands increased with great rapidity. He said that the roll could only be sung at night, that he must have another old man to help him, and the old man must have whisky; then that there must be a number of young men, who would join in the chorus, and all the young men must have whisky too. These demands made it evident that he was intending to have a drunken orgy, which resulted in a cloture of the debate. And yet the idea of the old shaman was in its way correct. The ceremonial chants could be advantageously pronounced only under inspiration, which was of old obtained by a tedious form of intoxication, now expedited by alcohol.

The challenges that sometimes come with the search for ceremonial pictographs were clearly illustrated to me in Odanah, Wisconsin. Very few of the Ojibwa in that area, who are generally well-adjusted and stable, had more than a vague idea that inscribed bark rolls ever existed. However, three were located and one was shown to me. The owner, a staunch traditionalist, was named Kitche-sha-bads. “Kitche” means big, “sha” is an attempt at the French name for John, and “bads” is a rough version of Baptiste, so the full translation is “Big John the Baptist.” This old man, while not as driven or successful as some younger folks, had a cozy house, a farm, and $300 in the savings bank in Ashland. One thing he really wanted, though, was whisky. Strict rules were enforced on the reservation that practically banned the introduction of alcohol, and in Ashland, there were heavy penalties for selling liquor to an Indian. So, the only thing that could convince him to allow a copy of the roll to be taken or to chant it as required was whisky. He was undeniably knowledgeable about the Midē' rites, and the roll he held—though not actually shown—was essentially the same as one included here, found several hundred miles farther northwest among a different group of the same tribe. The shaman started off gently asking that as an old man, he needed a little whisky to help him remember. This issue could have been resolved with a traveler's pocket flask, but his requests escalated quickly. He claimed that the roll could only be sung at night, he needed another old man to assist him, and that old man needed whisky too; then he said there had to be several young men to join in, and all those young men needed whisky as well. These demands made it clear that he was aiming for a drunken party, which ended the discussion. Yet, in a way, the old shaman had a point. The ceremonial chants could really only be done well when inspired, which in the past required a lengthy form of intoxication, now made quicker with alcohol.

The fact that this work shows a large proportion of pictographs from the Siouan linguistic family, and especially from the Dakota division of that family, may be explained partly by the greater familiarity of the present writer with it than with most other Indian divisions. Yet probably more distinctive examples of evolution in ideography and in other details of picture-writing are found still extant among the Dakota than among any other North American tribe. The degree of advance made by the Dakota was well expressed by the Rev. S. D. Hinman, who was born, lived, married, and died in their midst, and, though unfortunately he committed to writing but little of his knowledge, was more thoroughly informed about that people than any other man of European descent.

The fact that this work features a significant number of pictographs from the Siouan linguistic family, particularly from the Dakota division, can partly be attributed to the author's greater familiarity with it compared to other Native American divisions. However, it’s likely that more distinctive examples of evolution in ideography and details of picture-writing still exist among the Dakota than any other North American tribe. The level of development achieved by the Dakota was well captured by Rev. S. D. Hinman, who was born, lived, married, and died among them. Although he unfortunately wrote down very little of his knowledge, he was more knowledgeable about that community than any other person of European descent.

To express his views clearly he gave to this writer in a manuscript communication his own classification of pictography (which is not in all respects approved) as follows:

To express his views clearly, he provided this writer with a manuscript outlining his own classification of pictography (which is not fully endorsed) as follows:

I. Picturing.—[This is the method called by Prof. Brinton (b) iconographic writing.] This shows a simple representation of a thing or event in picture, as of a bear, a man’s hand, a battle.

I. Picturing.—[This is the method referred to by Prof. Brinton (b) as iconographic writing.] This illustrates a straightforward depiction of an object or event through images, such as a bear, a human hand, or a battle.

II. Ideography.—This arbitrarily, though significantly, recalls an idea or abstract quality, as love or goodness.

II. Ideography.—This recalls an idea or abstract quality, like love or goodness, in a way that feels intentional, even if it's somewhat random.

III. Picture-writing.—This will, in picture and character, arbitrarily or otherwise, recite a connected story, there being a picture or character for every word, even for conjunctions and prepositions.

III. Picture-writing.—This will, through images and symbols, tell a connected story, with a picture or symbol for every word, including conjunctions and prepositions.

IV. Phonetic writing.—This gives phonetic value to every picture and spells out the words by sound, almost as in later alphabets, as if a lion should stand for the “l” sound, a bear for the “b” sound, etc., and from this last by modification came alphabets. [This is the familiar theory, which is accurate so far as it is applicable, of the initial sound, but other elements are disregarded, such as the “rebus,” for which special class Prof. Brinton, loc. cit., has invented the title of the Iconomatic method.]

IV. Phonetic writing.—This assigns a phonetic value to each symbol and represents words by their sounds, similar to later alphabets, as if a lion represented the “l” sound, a bear for the “b” sound, and so on. From this last modification, actual alphabets emerged. [This is the well-known theory, which is accurate as far as it goes regarding initial sounds, but it overlooks other elements like the “rebus,” for which Prof. Brinton, loc. cit., has coined the term Iconomatic method.]

Accepting this chronologic if not evolutionary arrangement, Mr. Hinman decided that the Dakota picture-writing had passed through stage I and was already entering upon stage II when it was first observed by the European explorers. Of III and IV he found no examples in Dakota pictography, though in sign language the Dakota had progressed further and had entered upon III.

Accepting this chronological if not evolutionary order, Mr. Hinman concluded that Dakota picture-writing had moved through stage I and was already starting stage II when it was first seen by European explorers. He found no examples of stages III and IV in Dakota pictography, though in sign language the Dakota had advanced further and had entered stage III.

As a summary of the topic it seems that pictographs other than petroglyphs which presumably are more modern than most of the latter, can be studied, not by geographic distribution, but by their ascertainable intent and use. Unless the classification of the remaining part of this work under its various headings has been defective, further discussion in this chapter is unnecessary.

As a summary of the topic, it appears that pictographs, aside from petroglyphs—which are likely more recent than many of the latter—can be examined not by where they are found but by their known purpose and use. Unless the categorization of the rest of this work under its different sections has been inadequate, there's no need for further discussion in this chapter.

CHAPTER VII.
SUBSTANCES USED TO CREATE PICTOGRAPHS.

Substances on which pictographs are made may be divided into—

Substances that pictographs are created from can be divided into—

I. The human body.
II. Natural objects other than the human body.
III. Artificial objects.

The human body.
II. Natural things besides the human body.
III. Man-made objects.

SECTION 1.
THE HUMAN BODY.

Markings on human bodies are—(1) Those expressed by painting or such coloration as is not permanent. It has been found convenient to treat this topic under the heading of “Significance of Colors,” Chap. XVIII, Sec. 3. (2) Those of intended permanence upon the skin, generally called tattoo, but including scarification. This enormous and involved topic is discussed, so far as space allows, under the heading of “Totems, Titles, and Names,” Chapter XIII, Sec. 3, where it seems to be most convenient in the general arrangement of this work. Though logically it might have been divided among several of the headings, that course would have involved much repetition or cross reference.

Markings on human bodies are—(1) Those created by painting or any temporary coloration. It has been found better to discuss this topic under “Significance of Colors,” Chap. 18, Sec. 3. (2) Those intended to be permanent on the skin, commonly known as tattoos, but also including scarification. This vast and complex topic is covered, as much as space permits, under “Totems, Titles, and Names,” Chapter XIII, Sec. 3, where it fits best in the overall layout of this work. While it could logically be divided among multiple headings, that approach would lead to a lot of repetition or cross-referencing.

SECTION 2.
NATURAL OBJECTS EXCEPT FOR THE HUMAN BODY.

Other natural objects may be divided into—(1) Stone; (2) bone; (3) skins; (4) feathers and quills; (5) gourds; (6) shells; (7) earth and sand; (8) copper; (9) wood.

Other natural objects can be categorized into—(1) stone; (2) bone; (3) skins; (4) feathers and quills; (5) gourds; (6) shells; (7) earth and sand; (8) copper; (9) wood.

STONE.

This caption comprises the pictographs upon stone surfaces or tablets which are not of the dimensions or in the position to be included under the heading of petroglyphs, as elsewhere defined. Accounts, with and without illustrations, have been published of several engraved tablets, regarding which there has been much discussion, and some examples appear, infra, under the appropriate heading. (See Chapter XXII, Sec. 1.) Other examples, in which the genuine aboriginal character of the work is undisputed, appear in the present work, and a large number of other engraved and incised stone objects could be referred to, some of which are in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, unpublished,[206] others being figured in its several reports. It is sufficient now for illustration of this subject to refer to the account accompanying Pl. LI, infra, describing and copying the Thruston tablet, which is, perhaps, the most interesting of any pictograph on stone yet discovered, the genuineness of which as Indian work has not been called in question.

This caption includes the pictographs on stone surfaces or tablets that are neither large enough nor positioned to be classified as petroglyphs, as defined elsewhere. There have been various accounts published, with and without illustrations, about several engraved tablets, which have sparked much debate. Some examples are mentioned later under the appropriate heading. (See Chapter XXII, Sec. 1.) Other examples, where the authentic Indigenous nature of the work is unquestioned, are included in this work, and many more engraved and incised stone objects could be referenced, some of which are held by the Bureau of Ethnology and remain unpublished,[206] while others appear in its various reports. For now, it's enough to refer to the description accompanying Pl. LI, which details the Thruston tablet, possibly the most intriguing pictograph on stone discovered so far, with its authenticity as Indigenous artwork remaining unquestioned.

BONE.

For instances of the use of bone, several Alaskan and Eskimo carvings figured in this work may be referred to, e. g., Figs. 334, 459-462, 534, 703, 704, 742, 771, 844, and 1228.

For examples of bone use, several carvings from Alaska and the Eskimo culture mentioned in this work can be referenced, e.g., Figs. 334, 459-462, 534, 703, 704, 742, 771, 844, and 1228.

Fig. 157.—Comanche drawing on shoulder-blade.

Fig. 157, copied from Schoolcraft (e), is taken from the shoulder-blade of a buffalo found on the plains in the Comanche country of Texas. He says:

Fig. 157, copied from Schoolcraft (e), is taken from the shoulder blade of a buffalo found on the plains in the Comanche territory of Texas. He says:

It is a symbol showing the strife for the buffalo existing between the Indian and white races. The Indian (1) presented on horseback, protected by his ornamented shield and armed with a lance, (2) kills a Spaniard (3) after a circuitous chase (6), the latter being armed with a gun. His companion (4), armed with a lance, shares the same fate.

It represents the struggle for the buffalo between the Native American and white races. The Native American (1) is shown on horseback, shielded by his decorated shield and holding a lance, (2) as he kills a Spaniard (3) after a long chase (6), with the Spaniard armed with a gun. His companion (4), also holding a lance, meets the same fate.

It may be questioned whether Mr. Schoolcraft was not too active in the search for symbols in his explanation of (6) as a circuitous chase. The device is either a lasso or a lariat, and relates to the possession or attempt to take possession of the buffalo. The design (5), however, well expresses ideographically the fact that the buffalo at the time was in contention, and therefore was the property half of the Indians and half of the whites.

It can be questioned whether Mr. Schoolcraft was too eager in looking for symbols in his explanation of (6) as a roundabout pursuit. The tool is either a lasso or a lariat, and it relates to having or trying to gain control of the buffalo. The design (5), however, clearly represents the idea that the buffalo at that time was contested, meaning it was partly the property of the Indians and partly of the whites.

SKINS.

A large number of pictographs upon the hides of animals are mentioned in the present paper. Pl. XX, with its description in the Dakota[207] Winter Counts, infra, Chap, X, Sec. 2, is one instance. Rawhide drum-heads are also used to paint upon, as by the shamans of the Ojibwa.

A lot of pictographs on animal hides are discussed in this paper. Pl. XX, with its description in the Dakota [207] Winter Counts, below, Chap. X, Sec. 2, is one example. Rawhide drumheads are also used for painting, as done by the shamans of the Ojibwa.

The use of robes made of the hides of buffalo and other large animals, painted with biographic, shamanistic, and other devices, is also mentioned in various parts of this work. A description of very early observation is now introduced, taken from John Ribault in Hakluyt (a).

The use of robes made from the hides of buffalo and other large animals, decorated with personal stories, spiritual symbols, and other designs, is noted in several sections of this work. A description of a very early observation is now included, taken from John Ribault in Hakluyt (a).

The king gaue our Captaine at his departure a plume or fanne of Hernshawes feathers died in red, and a basket made of Palmeboughes after the Indian fashion, and wrought very artificially and a great skinne painted and drawen throughout with the pictures of diuers wilde beasts so liuely drawen and pourtrayed, that nothing lacked but life.

The king gave our Captain a plume or fan made of heron feathers dyed red, a basket crafted from palm leaves in the Indian style, intricately made, and a large skin painted with pictures of various wild animals so vividly depicted that it seemed almost alive.

With the American use of pictographic robes may be compared the following account of the same use by Australian natives by Dr. Richard Andree (b).

With the American use of pictographic robes can be compared the following account of the same use by Australian natives by Dr. Richard Andree (b).

The inner side of the opossum skins worn by the blacks is also often ornamented with figures. They scratch lines into the skin, which afterward are rubbed over with fat and charcoal.

The inner side of the opossum skins worn by the Black people is often decorated with designs. They scratch lines into the skin, which are then rubbed with fat and charcoal.

FEATHERS AND QUILLS.

Edward M. Kern, in Schoolcraft (f), reports that the Sacramento tribes of California were very expert in weaving blankets of feathers, many of them having beautiful figures worked upon them.

Edward M. Kern, in Schoolcraft (f), reports that the Sacramento tribes of California were really skilled at weaving feather blankets, many of which had beautiful designs worked into them.

The feather work in Mexico, Central America, and the Hawaiian Islands is well known, often having designs properly to be considered among pictographs, though in modern times not often passing beyond ornamentation.

The feather work in Mexico, Central America, and the Hawaiian Islands is well known, often featuring designs that could be classified as pictographs, although these days, it usually only serves decorative purposes.

Worsnop (op. cit.) mentions that on grand occasions of the “Mindarie” (i. e., peace festival) the Australian natives decorate the bodies, face, legs, and feet with the down of wild fowl, stuck on with their own blood. The ceremony of taking the blood is very painful, yet they stand it without a murmur. It takes five or six men four to five hours to decorate one man. The blood is put on the body wet and the down stuck on the blood, showing, when finished, outlines of man’s head, face, feet, snakes, emu, fish, trees, birds, and other outlines representing the moon, stars, sun, and Aurora Australis, the whole meaning that they are at peace with the world.

Worsnop (op. cit.) notes that during special events of the “Mindarie” (i.e., peace festival), the Australian natives decorate their bodies, faces, legs, and feet with the down of wild birds, attached using their own blood. The process of drawing blood is very painful, but they endure it without complaint. It takes five or six men four to five hours to decorate one person. The blood is applied wet, and the down is stuck on it, creating outlines on the body that depict the head, face, feet, snakes, emus, fish, trees, birds, and other shapes representing the moon, stars, sun, and Aurora Australis, symbolizing their peace with the world.

Mr. David Boyle (a) gives an account of a piece of porcupine quill work, with an illustration, a part of which is copied in Fig. 158.

Mr. David Boyle (a) describes a piece of porcupine quill art, along with an illustration, part of which is shown in Fig. 158.

Fig. 158.—Quill pictograph.

Among the lost or almost lost arts of the Canadian Indians is that of employing porcupine quills as in the illustration. Partly on account of scarcity of material, but chiefly, it is likely, from change of habits and of taste, there are comparatively few Indian women now living who attempt to produce any fabric of this kind. * * *

Among the lost or nearly lost arts of Canadian Indigenous people is the use of porcupine quills, as shown in the illustration. This decline is partly due to the lack of materials, but mostly likely due to changes in habits and preferences. There are now relatively few Indigenous women who still try to create any fabric like this. * * *

The central figure is meant to represent the eagle or great thunder-bird, the belief in which is, or was, widely spread among the Indians over the northern part of this continent. * * *

The central figure is supposed to represent the eagle or great thunderbird, a belief that is, or was, commonly held among the Indigenous peoples in the northern part of this continent. * * *

This beautiful piece of quill work was produced from Ek-wah-satch, who resides at Baptiste lake. He informed me that it had belonged to his grandfather, who resided near Georgian bay.

This beautiful piece of quill work was made by Ek-wah-satch, who lives at Baptiste Lake. He told me that it had belonged to his grandfather, who lived near Georgian Bay.

See also Fig. 685 for another illustration of pictographic work by colored porcupine quills.

See also Fig. 685 for another example of pictographic art made with colored porcupine quills.

GOURDS.

After gourds have dried the contents are removed and small pebbles or bones placed in the empty vessel. Handles are sometimes attached. They serve as rattles in dances and in religious and shamanistic rites. The representations of natural or mythical objects, connected with the ceremonies, for which the owner may have special reverence are often depicted upon their outer surfaces. This custom prevails among the Pueblos generally, and also among many other tribes, notably those of the Siouan linguistic stock.

After the gourds have dried, the insides are taken out, and small pebbles or bones are placed inside the empty vessel. Sometimes, handles are added. They are used as rattles in dances and in religious and shamanistic rituals. The outer surfaces often feature representations of natural or mythical objects that are significant to the ceremonies, which the owner may hold in special regard. This practice is common among the Pueblos and also found in many other tribes, especially those of the Siouan language group.

Fig. 159 is a drawing of the Sci-Manzi or “Mescal Woman” of the Kiowa as it appears on a sacred gourd rattle in the mescal ceremony of that tribe, and was procured with full explanations in the winter of 1890-’91 by Mr. James Mooney of the Bureau of Ethnology.

Fig. 159 is a drawing of the Sci-Manzi or “Mescal Woman” of the Kiowa as it appears on a sacred gourd rattle used in the mescal ceremony of that tribe. It was obtained with complete explanations in the winter of 1890-’91 by Mr. James Mooney from the Bureau of Ethnology.

Fig. 159.—Pictograph on gourd.

It shows the rude semblance of a woman, with divergent rays about her head, a fan in her left hand, and a star under her feet.

It shows a coarse likeness of a woman, with rays spreading out from her head, a fan in her left hand, and a star beneath her feet.

The peculiarity of the drawing is its hermeneutic character, which is rarely ascertained by actual evidence as existing among the North American Indians. It has a double meaning, and while apparently only a fantastic figure of a woman, it conveys also to the minds of the initiated a symbolic representation of the interior of the sacred mescal lodge. Turning the rattle with the handle toward the east, the lines forming the halo about the head of the figure represent the circle of devotees within the lodge. The head itself, with the spots for eyes and mouth, represents the large consecrated mescal which is placed upon a crescent-shaped mound of earth in the center of the lodge, this mound being represented in the figure by a broad, curving line, painted yellow, forming the curve of the shoulders. Below this is a smaller crescent curve, the original surface of the gourd, which symbolizes the smaller crescent mound of ashes built up within the crescent of earth as the ceremony progresses. The horns of both crescents point toward the[209] door of the lodge on the east side which, in the figure, is toward the feet. In the chest of the body is a round globule painted red, emblematic of the fire within the horns of the crescent in the lodge. The lower part of the body is green, symbolic of the eastern ocean beyond which dwells the mescal woman who is the ruling spirit or divinity to whom prayers are addressed in the ceremony, and the star under her feet is the morning star which heralds her approach. In her left hand is a device representing the fan of eagle feathers used to shield the eyes from the glare of the fire during the ceremony.

The unique aspect of the drawing is its interpretive nature, which is rarely proven by tangible evidence among the North American Indians. It has a double meaning, and while it seems to be just a fanciful figure of a woman, it also communicates, to those who understand, a symbolic depiction of the inside of the sacred mescal lodge. By turning the rattle with the handle facing east, the lines creating the halo around the figure's head represent the circle of worshippers inside the lodge. The head itself, with spots for eyes and a mouth, represents the large consecrated mescal placed on a crescent-shaped mound of earth in the center of the lodge; this mound is depicted in the figure by a broad, curving yellow line that forms the shoulders. Below it is a smaller crescent curve, the original surface of the gourd, symbolizing the smaller crescent mound of ashes built up within the crescent of earth as the ceremony continues. The horns of both crescents point toward the [209] door of the lodge on the east side, which in the figure is positioned toward the feet. In the chest area of the body is a round red dot, representing the fire within the horns of the crescent in the lodge. The lower part of the body is green, symbolizing the eastern ocean where the mescal woman, the guiding spirit or deity to whom prayers are directed in the ceremony, resides, and the star under her feet is the morning star that signals her arrival. In her left hand is a design that represents the fan of eagle feathers used to shield the eyes from the fire's glare during the ceremony.

SHELLS.

The admirable and well illustrated paper, Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans, by Mr. W. H. Holmes, in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, and a similar paper, Burial Mounds of the Northern Section of the United States, by Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in the Fifth Annual Report of the same Bureau, render unnecessary present extended discussion under this head.

The impressive and well-illustrated paper, Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans, by Mr. W. H. Holmes, in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, and a similar paper, Burial Mounds of the Northern Section of the United States, by Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in the Fifth Annual Report of the same Bureau, make a detailed discussion on this topic unnecessary at this time.

One example, however, which is unique in character and of established authenticity, is presented here as Pl. XV.

One example, however, which is unique in character and of established authenticity, is presented here as Pl. XV.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XV
POWHATAN’S MANTLE.

Dr. Edward B. Tylor (a) gives a description of the mantle copied upon that plate, which is condensed as follows:

Dr. Edward B. Tylor (a) provides a description of the mantle shown in that plate, condensed as follows:

Among specimens illustrative of native North American arts, as yet untouched by European influence, is the deerskin mantle ornamented with shellwork, recorded to have belonged to the Virginian chief, Powhatan. Of the group of Virginian mantles in Tradescant’s collection there only now remains this shell embroidered one. It is entered as follows in the MS. catalogue of the Ashmolean Museum, in the handwriting of the keeper, Dr. Plot, the well-known antiquary, about 1685: “205 Basilica Powhatan Regis Virginiani vestis, duabus cervorum cutibus consuta, et nummis indicis vulgo cori’s dictis splendidè exornata.” He had at first written “Roanoke,” but struck his pen through this word, and wrote “cori’s” (i. e. cowries) above, thus by no means improving the accuracy of his description.

Among examples of native North American arts that had not yet been influenced by Europeans is a deerskin mantle decorated with shellwork, believed to have belonged to the Virginian chief, Powhatan. Of the collection of Virginian mantles in Tradescant's collection, this shell-embroidered one is the only one that remains. It is listed in the manuscript catalog of the Ashmolean Museum, written by the curator, Dr. Plot, a well-known antiquarian, around 1685: “205 The Basilica of Powhatan Regis in Virginia is made of two deer hides stitched together and adorned with coins commonly known as cori's.” He had initially written “Roanoke,” but crossed that out and wrote “cori’s” (i.e., cowries) above it, which did not improve the accuracy of his description.

The mantle measures about 2.2m in length by 1.6m in width. The two deerskins forming it are joined down the middle; no hair remains. The ornamental design consists of an upright human figure in the middle; divided by the seam; a pair of animals; 32 spirally-formed rounds (2 in the lowest line have lost their shells) and the remains of some work in the right lower corner. The marks where shellwork has come away plainly show the hind legs and tapering tails of both animals. It is uncertain whether the two quadrupeds represent in the conventional manner of picture-writing some real animal of the region, or some mythical composite creature such as other Algonquin tribes are apt to figure. The decorative shellwork is of a kind well known in North America. The shells used are Marginella; so far as Mr. Edgar A. Smith is able to identify them in their present weathered state, M. nivosa. They have been prepared for fastening on, in two different ways, which may be distinguished in the plate. In the animals and rounds, the shells have been perforated by grinding on one side, so that a sinew thread can be passed through the hole thus made and the mouth. In the man, the shells are ground away and rounded off at both ends into beads looking roughly ball-like at a distance.

The mantle is about 2.2m long and 1.6m wide. It's made from two deerskins that are stitched together in the middle, and there’s no hair left on them. The design features an upright human figure at the center, separated by the seam, alongside a pair of animals, 32 spiral-shaped rounds (2 in the bottom row have lost their shells), and some remnants of work in the lower right corner. The spots where the shellwork has come off clearly show the hind legs and tapered tails of both animals. It's unclear whether the two quadrupeds depict a real animal from the area in the traditional picture-writing style or a mythical creature, as other Algonquin tribes often illustrate. The decorative shellwork is a type commonly found in North America. The shells used are Marginella; as far as Mr. Edgar A. Smith can identify them in their current weathered state, they are M. nivosa. They have been prepared for attachment in two different ways, which can be seen in the plate. In the animals and rounds, the shells have been drilled on one side so that a sinew thread can be passed through the hole and the mouth. For the man, the shells are ground down and rounded at both ends to resemble roughly ball-like beads from a distance.

The artistic skill of the North American Indians was not, as a rule, directed to represent the forms of animals with such accuracy as to allow of their identification as portraitures. Instead of attempting[210] such accuracy they generally selected some prominent feature such as the claws of the bear, which were drawn with exaggeration, or the tail of the mountain lion which was portrayed of abnormal length over the animal’s back. Those animals were, therefore, recognized by those selected features in much the same manner as if there had been a written legend—“this is a bear” or “a mountain lion,” the want of iconographic accuracy being admitted. In the animals represented on the mantle no such indicating feature is obvious, and the general resemblance to the marten is the only guide to identification.

The artistic skill of North American Indians typically didn't aim to depict animals with such precision that they could be identified as portraits. Rather than striving for that level of detail, they often highlighted a distinctive feature, like the bear's claws, which were drawn with exaggeration, or the mountain lion's tail, depicted as unnaturally long across its back. People recognized these animals by those distinctive traits, similar to having a label saying, “this is a bear” or “a mountain lion,” acknowledging the lack of precise representation. In the animals shown on the mantle, there isn’t any such identifying feature, and the general resemblance to the marten is the only clue for identification.

The habitat of the marten does not include Virginia as a whole, but the animal is found in the elevated regions of that state. This local infrequency is not, however, of much significance. If regarded as a clan totem, as is probable, it may well be that the clan of Powhatan was connected with the clans of the more northern Algonquian tribes among whom the marten frequently appears as a clan totem. What is generally termed the Powhatan confederacy was a union, not apparently ancient, of a large number of tribal divisions or villages, and it is not known to which clan (probably extending through many of these tribal divisions) the head chief Powhatan belonged. There is almost nothing on record of the clan system of those Virginian Indians, but it is supposed to be similar to that of the northern and eastern members of the same linguistic family, among whom the marten clan was and still is found.

The habitat of the marten doesn’t cover all of Virginia, but this animal can be found in the higher areas of the state. However, its local scarcity isn’t very significant. If it’s seen as a clan totem, as is likely, it’s possible that the Powhatan clan was linked to the clans of the northern Algonquian tribes where the marten often serves as a clan totem. What we generally refer to as the Powhatan confederacy was a relatively recent union of many tribal divisions or villages, and it’s unclear which clan (likely spanning several of these divisions) head chief Powhatan belonged to. There’s almost no record of the clan system among those Virginian Indians, but it’s thought to be similar to that of the northern and eastern members of the same language group, where the marten clan was and still is present.

The topic of wampum which, considered as to its material, belongs to the division of shellwork, is with regard to the purposes of the present paper, discussed under the head of “Mnemonic,” Chap. IX, Sec. 3.

The topic of wampum, which is made from shells, falls under the category of shellwork. For the purposes of this paper, it is discussed under the title “Mnemonic,” Chap. IX, Sec. 3.

EARTH AND SAND.

The highly important work, The Mountain Chant, a Navajo Ceremony, in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, by Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. Army, and that of Mr. James Stevenson, Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the Navajo Indians, in the Eighth Annual Report of that Bureau, give accounts of most interesting sand paintings by the Navajo Indians, which were before unknown. These paintings were made upon the surface of the earth by means of sand, ashes, and powdered vegetable and mineral matter of various colors. They were highly elaborate, and were fashioned with care and ceremony immediately preceding the observance of specific rites, at the close of which they were obliterated with great nicety. The subject is further discussed by Dr. W. H. Corbusier, U. S. Army, in the present paper (see Chap. XIV, Sec. 5).

The important work, The Mountain Chant, a Navajo Ceremony, in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, by Dr. Washington Matthews of the U.S. Army, along with Mr. James Stevenson’s Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the Navajo Indians in the Eighth Annual Report of that Bureau, provide accounts of fascinating sand paintings by the Navajo Indians that were previously unknown. These paintings were created on the ground using sand, ashes, and crushed plant and mineral materials in various colors. They were very detailed and made with care and ritual just before specific ceremonies, after which they were carefully erased. This topic is further explored by Dr. W. H. Corbusier, U.S. Army, in this paper (see Chap. XIV, Sec. 5).

Mr. Frank Hamilton Cushing, of the Bureau of Ethnology, kindly contributes the following remarks with special reference to the Zuñi:

Mr. Frank Hamilton Cushing, from the Bureau of Ethnology, generously contributes the following comments specifically regarding the Zuñi:

A study of characteristic features in these so-called sand pictures of the Navajos would seem to indicate a Pueblo origin of the art, this notwithstanding the fact that it is to-day more highly developed or at least more extensively practiced amongst the Navajos than now, or perhaps ever, amongst the Pueblos. When, during my first[211] sojourn with the Zuñi, I found this art practice in vogue among the tribal priest magicians and members of cult societies, I named it dry or powder painting. I could see at a glance that this custom of powder painting had resulted from the effort to transfer from a vertical, smooth, and stable surface, which could be painted on, to a horizontal and unstable surface, unsuited to like treatment, such symbolic and sacramental pictographs as are painted on the walls of the kivas, temporarily, as appurtenances to the dramaturgic ceremonials of the cult societies, and as supposed aids to the magical incantations and formulæ of all the monthly, semiannual, and quadrennial observances and fasts of the tribal priests; sometimes, also, in the curative or “Betterment” ceremonials of these priests. It is noteworthy that, with the exception of the invariable “Earth terrace,” “Pathway of (earth) life,” and a few other conventional symbols of mortal or earthly things (nearly always made of scattered prayer meal), powder painting is resorted to amongst the Zuñi only in ceremonials pertaining to all the regions or inclusive of the lower region. In such cases paintings typical of the North, West, South, and East are made on the four corresponding walls of the kiva, whilst the lower region is represented by appropriately powder or paint colored sand on the floor, and the upper region either by paintings on the walls near the ceiling or on stretched skins suspended from the latter. Thus the origin of the practice of floor powder painting may be seen to have resulted from the effort to represent with more dramatic appropriateness or exactness the lower as well as the other sacramental regions, and to have been incident to the growth from the quaternary of the sextenary or septenary system of world division so characteristic of Pueblo culture. Hence it is that I attribute the art of powder or sand painting to the Pueblos, and believe that it was introduced both by imitation and by the adoption of Pueblo men amongst the Navajos. Its greater prevalence amongst them to-day is simply due to the fact that having, as a rule, no suitable vertical or wall surfaces for pictorial treatment, all their larger ceremonial paintings have to be made on the ground, and can only or best be made, of course, by this means alone.

A study of the distinctive features in these so-called sand pictures of the Navajos suggests that the art has Pueblo origins. However, it is currently more advanced or at least more widely practiced among the Navajos than it ever is or was among the Pueblos. During my first[211] stay with the Zuñi, I noticed that this art form was popular among tribal priest magicians and cult society members, and I called it dry or powder painting. It was clear to me that this powder painting tradition resulted from the desire to transfer symbolic and sacramental pictographs—typically painted on the vertical, smooth, and stable surfaces of kiva walls for various ceremonial purposes—to a horizontal and unstable surface that was not well-suited to such treatments. These pictographs serve as temporary additions to the ritual performances of the cult societies and are thought to aid in the magical chants and formulas involved in the monthly, semiannual, and quadrennial observances and fasts of the tribal priests, and sometimes also in their healing or “Betterment” ceremonies. Notably, except for the consistent “Earth terrace,” “Pathway of (earth) life,” and a few other conventional symbols of earthly things (usually made with scattered prayer meal), powder painting is primarily used among the Zuñi for ceremonies related to *all* regions or inclusive of the *lower* region. In those cases, paintings representative of the North, West, South, and East are created on the corresponding walls of the kiva, while the lower region is depicted using appropriately colored powder or sand on the floor, and the upper region is represented by paintings near the ceiling or on stretched skins hung from it. Therefore, the origin of floor powder painting can be traced to the effort to more dramatically and accurately represent the lower region alongside the other sacred areas, and it is related to the evolution from a four-part division of the world typical of Pueblo culture to a six-part or seven-part system. Thus, I attribute the art of powder or sand painting to the Pueblos and believe it was introduced to the Navajos through imitation and the influence of Pueblo people. Its greater prevalence among the Navajos today is simply due to the lack of suitable vertical or wall surfaces for painting, meaning that all their larger ceremonial artworks must be created on the ground, which is the only or best method available.

It is proper to add, as having a not inconsiderable bearing on the absence generally of screen or skin painting among the Navajos, that, with the Pueblos at least, these pictures are—must be—only temporary; for they are supposed to be spiritually shadowed, so to say, or breathed upon by the gods or god animals they represent, during the appealing incantations or calls of the rites; hence the paint substance of which they are composed is in a way incarnate, and at the end of the ceremonial must be killed and disposed of as dead if evil, eaten as medicine if good.

It’s important to note that the lack of screen or skin painting among the Navajos is significantly influenced by the Pueblos, where these images are temporary. They are believed to be spiritually infused, so to speak, or touched by the gods or spirit animals they represent during the ritual chants or calls of the ceremonies. Therefore, the paint used is almost like a living entity, and at the end of the ceremony, it must be destroyed and treated as dead if it’s considered evil, or consumed as medicine if it’s deemed good.

Further light is thrown on this practice of the Zuñi in making use of these suppositively vivified paintings by their kindred practice of painting not only fetiches of stone, etc., and sometimes of larger idols, then of washing the paint off for use as above described, but also of powder painting in relief; that is, of modeling effigies in sand, sometimes huge in size, of hero or animal gods, sacramental mountains, etc., powder painting them in common with the rest of the pictures, and afterwards removing the paint for medicinal or further ceremonial use.

Further insight into the Zuñi's use of these supposedly animated paintings comes from their similar practice of creating not just stone fetishes and sometimes larger idols, but also washing off the paint for the previously mentioned purposes. They also engage in powder painting in relief; this involves shaping effigies in sand, which can be quite large, representing hero or animal gods, sacred mountains, and so on. They powder paint these along with the other artworks and later remove the paint for medicinal or additional ceremonial uses.

The construction of the effigies in high relief last above mentioned should be compared with the effigy mounds mentioned below in this section.

The construction of the aforementioned high-relief effigies should be compared with the effigy mounds mentioned later in this section.

In connection with the ceremonial use, for temporary dry painting on the ground, of colored earth and sand and also that of sacred corn meal, a remarkable parallel is found in India. Mr. Edward Carpenter (a) mentions that the Devadásis, who are popularly called Nautch girls, as a part of their duty, ornament the floor of the Hindu temples with quaint figures drawn in rice flour.

In relation to the ceremonial use of colored earth and sand for temporary dry painting on the ground, as well as the use of sacred cornmeal, there's an interesting similarity found in India. Mr. Edward Carpenter (a) notes that the Devadásis, commonly known as Nautch girls, as part of their role, decorate the floors of Hindu temples with unique figures made from rice flour.

The well known mounds or tumuli more or less distinctly representing animal forms and sometimes called effigy mounds, found chiefly in Wisconsin and Illinois, come in this category, but it is not possible to properly discuss them and also give space to the many other topics in this paper, the facts and authorities upon which are less known or less accessible. A large amount of information is published by Rev. S. D. Peet (a). Other articles are by Mr. T. H. Lewis in Science, September 7, 1888, and No. 318, 1889. One upon the Serpent mound of Ohio, by Prof. F. W. Putnam (a), is of special interest. It may be suggested as a summation that there is not sufficient evidence of the erection of this class of effigy mounds merely for burial purposes. They seldom exceeded 6 feet in height and varied in expanse from 30 to 300 feet. The animals most frequently recognizable in the constructions are lizards, birds, and several more or less distinct quadrupeds; serpents and turtles also are identified. The species of fauna represented are those now or lately found in the same region. There is a strong probability that the forms of the mounds in question were determined by totemic superstitions or tribal habitudes.

The well-known mounds or tumuli, which often resemble animal shapes and are sometimes referred to as effigy mounds, are mainly found in Wisconsin and Illinois. However, it's difficult to discuss them properly while also covering the many other topics in this paper, which are less known or less accessible. A lot of information has been published by Rev. S. D. Peet (a). Additional articles by Mr. T. H. Lewis appeared in Science on September 7, 1888, and in issue No. 318 in 1889. One article about the Serpent mound in Ohio, by Prof. F. W. Putnam (a), is especially noteworthy. It can be summarized that there isn’t enough evidence to suggest that this type of effigy mound was constructed solely for burial purposes. They typically didn't exceed 6 feet in height and ranged in size from 30 to 300 feet. The animals most commonly depicted in these mounds include lizards, birds, and various identifiable quadrupeds, as well as serpents and turtles. The species represented are those currently or recently found in the same area. There’s a strong likelihood that the shapes of these mounds were influenced by totemic beliefs or tribal customs.

In England the pictographs styled “turf monuments” are sometimes made by cutting the natural turf and filling with chalk the part of the surface thus laid bare. Sometimes the color depends wholly upon the limestone, granite, or other rock exposed by removing the turf. Rev. W. C. Plenderleath (a) gives a full account of this variety of pictograph.

In England, the pictographs known as “turf monuments” are sometimes created by cutting the natural grass and filling the exposed area with chalk. At times, the color completely depends on the limestone, granite, or other rock that’s revealed after removing the grass. Rev. W. C. Plenderleath (a) provides a detailed explanation of this type of pictograph.

COPPER.

This is the only metal on which it is probable that the North American Indians made designs. To present comparisons of pictures by other peoples on that or other metals or alloys would be to enter into a field, the most interesting part of which is classed as numismatic, and which would be a departure from the present heading. That virgin copper was used for diverse purposes, generally ornamental, by the North American Indians, is now established, and there is a presentation of the subject in Prof. Cyrus Thomas’s (a) Burial Mounds. The most distinct and at the same time surprising account of a true pictographic record on copper is given by W. W. Warren (a), an excellent authority, and is condensed as follows:

This is the only metal that the North American Indians likely used to create designs. Comparing images made by other cultures on this or other metals or alloys would lead us into numismatics, which is fascinating but strays from our current topic. It's now clear that North American Indians utilized virgin copper for various purposes, mostly ornamental, and this is discussed in Prof. Cyrus Thomas’s (a) Burial Mounds. The most notable and surprising description of an authentic pictographic record on copper comes from W. W. Warren (a), a reliable source, and can be summarized as follows:

The Ojibwa of the Crane family hold in their possession a circular plate of virgin copper, on which are rudely marked indentations and hieroglyphics denoting the number of generations of the family who have passed away since they first pitched their lodges at Shang-a-waum-ik-ong and took possession of the adjacent country, including the island of La Pointe.

The Ojibwa from the Crane family own a round plate made of pure copper, which has rough marks and symbols showing how many generations of their family have died since they first set up their lodges at Shang-a-waum-ik-ong and claimed the surrounding land, including La Pointe Island.

When I witnessed this curious family register in 1843 it was exhibited to my father. The old chief kept it carefully buried in the ground and seldom displayed it. On this occasion he brought it to view only at the entreaty of my mother whose maternal uncle he was.

When I saw this intriguing family record in 1843, it was shown to my father. The old chief had kept it carefully buried in the ground and rarely took it out. On this occasion, he only revealed it at the request of my mother, who was his niece.

On this plate of copper were marked eight deep indentations, denoting the number of his ancestors who had passed away since they first lighted their fire at Shang-a-waum-ik-ong. They had all lived to a good old age.

On this copper plate were eight deep indents, marking the number of his ancestors who had died since they first lit their fire at Shang-a-waum-ik-ong. They had all lived to a ripe old age.

By the rude figure of a man with a hat on its head, placed opposite one of these indentations, was denoted the period when the white race first made its appearance among them. This mark occurred in the third generation, leaving five generations which had passed away since that important era in their history.

By the rough shape of a man wearing a hat, positioned across from one of these indentations, it signified the time when the white race first appeared among them. This mark happened in the third generation, with five generations having passed since that significant period in their history.

Mr. I. W. Powell (a), Indian superintendent, in the report of the deputy superintendent-general of Indian affairs of Canada for 1879, gives an account of some tribes of the northwest coast, especially the Indians called in the report Newittees, a tribe now known as the Naqómqilis of the Wakashan family, who treasure pieces of copper peculiarly shaped and marked. The shape is that of one face of a truncated pyramid with the base upward. In the broad end appear marks resembling the holes for eyes and mouth, which are common in masks of the human face. The narrower end has a rough resemblance to an ornamental collar. These copper articles were made by the Indians originally from the native copper, and in 1879 a few were held by the chiefs who used them for presentation at the potlaches or donation feasts. The value which is attached to these small pieces of copper, which are intrinsically worthless, is astounding. For one of them 1,200 blankets were paid, which would at the time and place represent $1,800. Sometimes a chief in presenting one of them, in order to show his utter disregard of wealth, would break it into three or four pieces and give them away, each fragment being perhaps repurchased at an exorbitant sum. This competition in extravagance for display, under the guise of charity and humility, has had parallels in the silver-brick and flour-barrel auctions in parts of the United States, when the actors were white citizens. Apart from such public exhibitions, the copper tokens seem to partake of the natures both of fiat money and of talismans.

Mr. I. W. Powell (a), Indian superintendent, in the report of the deputy superintendent-general of Indian affairs of Canada for 1879, describes some tribes from the northwest coast, particularly the Indians referred to in the report as Newittees, now known as the Naqómqilis of the Wakashan family, who value uniquely shaped and marked pieces of copper. The shape resembles one face of a truncated pyramid with the base facing up. On the broad end, there are marks that look like holes for eyes and a mouth, which are common in human face masks. The narrower end somewhat resembles an ornamental collar. These copper items were originally made by the Indians from native copper, and in 1879, a few were owned by the chiefs, who used them for presentation at potlaches or donation feasts. The significance attached to these small pieces of copper, which have no real value, is astonishing. For one of them, 1,200 blankets were paid, which at that time and place would be equivalent to $1,800. Sometimes, a chief would present one to show his complete disregard for wealth by breaking it into three or four pieces and giving them away, with each fragment potentially being bought back at an inflated price. This competition in extravagance for display, masked as charity and humility, has parallels in the silver-brick and flour-barrel auctions in parts of the United States when the participants were white citizens. Besides such public displays, the copper tokens appear to serve as both fiat money and talismans.

WOOD.

This division comprises:

This division includes:

(1) The living tree, of the use of which for pictographic purposes there are many descriptions and illustrations in this paper. In addition to them may be noted the remark made by Bishop De Schweinitz (a) in the Life and Times of Zeisberger, that in 1750 there were numerous tree carvings at a place on the eastern shore of Cayuga lake, the meaning of which was known to and interpreted by the Cayuga Indians.

(1) The living tree, which is described and illustrated for pictographic uses throughout this paper. Additionally, we can reference a comment made by Bishop De Schweinitz (a) in the Life and Times of Zeisberger, stating that in 1750 there were many tree carvings at a location on the eastern shore of Cayuga Lake, the meanings of which were understood and interpreted by the Cayuga Indians.

This mode of record or notice is so readily suggested that it is found throughout the world, e. g., the “hieroglyph” in New Guinea, described by D’Albertis (a), being a drawing in black on a white tree.

This way of recording or notifying is so easily proposed that it can be found all over the globe, for example, the “hieroglyph” in New Guinea, described by D’Albertis (a), which is a drawing in black on a white tree.

(2) Bark.—The Abnaki and Ojibwa have been and yet continue to be in the habit of incising pictographic characters and mnemonic marks upon birch bark. Many descriptions and illustrations of this style are given in this paper, and admirable colored illustrations of it also appear in Pl. XIX of the Seventh Ann. Rept. Bureau of Ethnology. The lines appear sometimes to have been traced on the inner surface of young bark with a sharply pointed instrument, probably bone, but in other examples the drawings are made by simple puncturing. The[214] strips of bark, varying from an inch to several feet in length, roll up after drying, and are by heating straightened out for examination.

(2) Bark.—The Abnaki and Ojibwa have historically incised pictographic characters and mnemonic symbols onto birch bark, and they continue to do so today. This paper includes many descriptions and illustrations of this style, with excellent colored illustrations also shown in Pl. XIX of the Seventh Ann. Rept. Bureau of Ethnology. The lines appear to have been traced on the inner surface of young bark using a sharply pointed tool, likely made of bone, but in other cases, the drawings are created by simple puncturing. The [214] strips of bark, which can range from an inch to several feet long, roll up after drying and can be straightened by heating for examination.

Another mode of drawing on birch bark which appears to be peculiar to the Abnaki is by scratching the exterior surface, thus displaying a difference in color between the outermost and the second layer of the rind, which difference forms the figure. The lower character in Pl. XVI shows this mode of picturing. It is an exact copy of part of an old bark record made by the Abnaki of Maine.

Another way of drawing on birch bark that seems to be unique to the Abnaki is by scratching the outer surface, revealing a contrast in color between the top layer and the second layer of the bark, which creates the image. The lower example in Pl. XVI illustrates this technique. It’s a precise reproduction of a section of an old bark record created by the Abnaki of Maine.

They also use the mode of incision, many examples of which appear in the present work, but their mode of scratching produced a much more picturesque effect, as is shown also in Fig. 659, than the mere linear drawing.

They also use the method of incision, with many examples shown in this work, but their scratching technique created a much more visually appealing effect, as illustrated in Fig. 659, compared to simple linear drawing.

(3) Manufactured wood.—The Indians of the northwest coast generally employ wood as the material on which their pictographs are to be made. Totem posts, boats, boat paddles, the boards constituting the front wall of a house, and wooden masks, are among the objects used.

(3) Manufactured wood.—The Indigenous people of the northwest coast typically use wood as the medium for their pictographs. Totem poles, boats, boat paddles, the boards that make up the front wall of a house, and wooden masks are some of the items used.

Many drawings among the Indians of the interior parts of the United States are also found upon pipestems made of wood, usually ash. Among the Arikara boat paddles are used upon which marks of personal distinction are reproduced, as shown in Fig. 578.

Many drawings by the Indigenous people of the interior United States can also be found on pipestems made of wood, typically ash. Among the Arikara, there are boat paddles that display marks of personal distinction, as shown in Fig. 578.

Mortuary records are also drawn upon slabs of wood. (See Figs. 728 and 729). Mnemonic devices, notices of departure, distress, etc., are also drawn upon slips of wood.

Mortuary records are also written on wooden slabs. (See Figs. 728 and 729.) Mnemonic devices, notices of departure, distress, etc., are also recorded on slips of wood.

The examples of the use of wood for pictographs which are illustrated and described in this paper are too numerous for recapitulation; to them, however, may be added the following from Wilkes’s (a) Exploring Expedition, referring to Fig. 160.

The examples of using wood for pictographs shown and described in this paper are too many to recap; however, we can add the following from Wilkes’s (a) Exploring Expedition, referring to Fig. 160.

Fig. 160.—Pictographs on wood, Washington.

Near an encampment on Chickeeles river, near Puget Sound, Washington, were found some rudely carved painted planks, of which Mr. Eld made a drawing. These planks were placed upright and nothing could be learned of their origin. The colors were exceedingly bright, of a kind of red pigment.

Near a camp along the Chickeeles River, close to Puget Sound, Washington, some roughly carved painted planks were discovered, which Mr. Eld sketched. These planks stood upright, and nothing could be determined about their origins. The colors were extremely bright, made from a type of red pigment.

Mr. James O. Pattie (a) gives an account of a wooden passport given to him in 1824 by a Pawnee chief. He describes it, without illustration, as a small piece of wood curiously painted with characters something like “hieroglyphics.” The chief told Mr. Pattie’s party if they saw any of his warriors to give them the stick, in which case they would be kindly treated, which promise was fulfilled a few days later when the party met a large band of the same tribe on the warpath.

Mr. James O. Pattie (a) shares the story of a wooden passport he received in 1824 from a Pawnee chief. He describes it, without any pictures, as a small piece of wood intricately painted with symbols that resembled “hieroglyphics.” The chief told Mr. Pattie’s group that if they encountered any of his warriors, they should give them the stick, which would ensure they were treated kindly. This promise was kept a few days later when the group met a large band from the same tribe who were on the warpath.

SECTION 3.
Synthetic Objects.

Artificial objects may be classified, so far as is important for the present work, into, I, fictile fabrics and, II, textile fabrics.

Artificial objects can be classified, as it's relevant for this work, into: I. clay-based materials and II. fabric materials.

FICTILE FABRICS.

A large number of articles of pottery bearing pictographs are figured in the illustrated collections by Mr. James Stevenson in the Second Annual Report, and by Mr. Stevenson and Mr. William H. Holmes in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Pipes on which totemic designs and property marks appear are also common.

A lot of pottery pieces with pictographs are shown in the illustrated collections by Mr. James Stevenson in the Second Annual Report, and by Mr. Stevenson and Mr. William H. Holmes in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Pipes featuring totemic designs and property marks are also common.

The art of pottery was at first limited to vessel-making. In the earlier stages of culture, vases were confined to simple use as receptacles, but as culture ripened they were advanced to ceremonial and religious offices and received devices and representations in color and in relief connected with the cult to which they were devoted. Among some tribes large burial vases were fashioned to contain or cover the dead. An infinite variety of objects, such as pipes, whistles, rattles, toys, beads, trowels, calendars, masks, and figurines, were made of pottery. Clays of varying degrees of purity were used, and sometimes these were tempered with powdered quartz, shell, or like materials. The vessels were frequently built by coiling. The surface was smoothed by the hands or the modeling implement or was polished with a stone or other smoothing tool. Much attention was given to surface embellishment. The finger nails and various pointed tools were used to scarify and indent, and elaborate figures and designs were incised. Stamps with systematically worked designs were sometimes applied to the soft clay. Cords and woven fabrics were also employed to give diversity to the surface. With the more advanced tribes, though these simple processes were still resorted to, engraving, modeling in relief and in the round, and painting in colors were employed.

The art of pottery initially focused on making vessels. In the early stages of culture, vases were mainly used as simple containers, but as culture evolved, they began to be used for ceremonial and religious purposes, adorned with designs and colorful decorations related to the deities they were dedicated to. In some tribes, large burial vases were created to hold or cover the deceased. A wide range of objects, like pipes, whistles, rattles, toys, beads, trowels, calendars, masks, and figurines, were made from pottery. Clays of different purity levels were used, and these were sometimes mixed with powdered quartz, shell, or similar materials. The vessels were often made by coiling. The surface was smoothed by hand or with a modeling tool, and polished with a stone or another smoothing implement. Great care was taken with surface decoration. Fingernails and various pointed tools were used to create patterns and indentations, and intricate figures and designs were carved. Stamps with precisely crafted designs were sometimes pressed into the soft clay. Cords and woven fabrics were also used to add variety to the surface. With more advanced tribes, while these simple methods were still used, engraving, relief modeling, and colorful painting became common.

TEXTILE FABRICS.

Textile fabrics include those products of art in which the elements of their construction are filamental and mainly combined by using their flexibility. The processes employed are called wattling, interlacing, plaiting, netting, weaving, sewing, and embroidery. The materials generally used by primitive people were pliable vegetal growths, such as twigs, leaves, roots, canes, rushes, and grasses, and the hair, quills, feathers, and tendons of animals.

Textile fabrics are artistic products made from materials that are long and flexible. They are typically created by using techniques like wattling, interlacing, plaiting, netting, weaving, sewing, and embroidery. Early human societies usually used flexible plant materials like twigs, leaves, roots, canes, rushes, and grasses, along with animal hair, quills, feathers, and tendons.

Unlike works in stone and clay, textile articles are seldom long preserved. Still, from historic accounts and a study of the many beautiful articles produced by existing Indian tribes, a fair knowledge of the range and general character of native fabrics may be obtained. In many cases buried articles of that character have been preserved by the impregnation of the engirding earths with preservative salts, and[216] also some fabrics which had been wrapped about buried utensils, or ornaments of copper remained without serious decay. Charring has also been a means of preserving cloth, and much has been learned of the weaving done by ancient workers through impressions upon pottery which had been made by applying the texture while the clay was still soft. The weaving appliances were simple, but the results in plain and figured fabrics, in tapestry, in lace-like embroideries, and in feather-work are admirable.

Unlike stone and clay works, textile items rarely last long. However, by looking at historical accounts and examining the many beautiful pieces made by current Indian tribes, we can gain a good understanding of the variety and general characteristics of indigenous fabrics. In some cases, buried textile items have been preserved due to the surrounding soil being infused with preservative salts, and[216] some fabrics that were wrapped around buried utensils or copper ornaments showed little decay. Charring has also helped preserve cloth, allowing us to learn a lot about the weaving techniques used by ancient artisans from the impressions left on pottery by pressing the fabric into the soft clay. The weaving tools were basic, but the outcomes in plain and patterned fabrics, tapestries, lace-like embroideries, and feather work are impressive.

This subject is discussed by Mr. W. H. Holmes in his paper, A Study of the Textile Art, etc., in the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, in a manner so comprehensive as to embrace the field of pictography in its relation to woven articles.

This topic is covered by Mr. W. H. Holmes in his paper, A Study of the Textile Art, etc., in the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, in a way that thoroughly includes the area of pictography as it relates to woven materials.

Several examples of this application also appear in the present work. See Figs. 821, 976 and 1167. In addition the following are now presented.

Several examples of this application also appear in this work. See Figs. 821, 976 and 1167. Additionally, the following are now presented.

Some of the California tribes are expert workers in grass and roots in the manufacture of baskets, upon which designs other than for mere ornamentation are frequently worked. The Yokuts, at Tule river Agency, in the southeastern part of the State, sometimes incorporate various human forms in which the arms are suspended at the sides of the body with the hands directed outward to either side. Above the head is a heavy horizontal line.

Some of the California tribes are skilled in working with grass and roots to make baskets, which often feature designs that serve purposes beyond just decoration. The Yokuts, located at the Tule River Agency in the southeastern part of the state, sometimes include various human figures where the arms hang at the sides of the body with hands facing outward. Above the head, there’s a thick horizontal line.

Fig. 161.—Haida basketry hat.

The following is extracted from Prof. O. T. Mason’s (a) paper on basket work, describing Fig. 161:

The following is extracted from Prof. O. T. Mason’s (a) paper on basket work, describing Fig. 161:

a is a rain hat of twined basketry in spruce root from Haida Indians. This figure is the upper view and shows the ornamentation in red and black paint. The device in this instance is the epitomized form of a bird, perhaps a duck. Omitting the red cross on the top the beak, jaws, and nostrils are shown; the eyes at the sides near the top, and just behind them the ears. The wings, feet, and tail, inclosing a human face, are shown on the margin. The Haida, as well as other coast Indians from Cape Flattery to Mount Saint Elias, cover everything of use with totemic devices in painting and carving.

a is a rain hat made of woven spruce root basketry from the Haida Indians. This image shows the top view and displays the decoration in red and black paint. In this case, the design represents a stylized bird, possibly a duck. Without the red cross on top, you can see the beak, jaws, and nostrils, with the eyes positioned on the sides near the top and the ears just behind them. The wings, feet, and tail, surrounding a human face, are illustrated on the edge. The Haida, along with other coastal Indigenous peoples from Cape Flattery to Mount Saint Elias, adorn everything useful with totemic designs in both painting and carving.

b shows the conical shape of a. The painted ornamentation on these hats is laid on in black and red in the conventional manner of ornamentation in vogue among the Haidas and used in the reproduction of their various totems on all of their houses, wood and slate carvings, and implements.

b shows the cone shape of a. The painted designs on these hats are applied in black and red, following the traditional style popular among the Haidas, and are used in reproducing their various totems on all their homes, wood and slate carvings, and tools.

Fig. 162.—Tsimshian blanket.

Mr. Niblack (b) says, describing Fig. 162:

Mr. Niblack (b) describes Fig. 162 as follows:

The Chilkat and cedar-bark blankets are important factors in all ceremonial dances and functions. Other forms of ceremonial blankets or mantles are made from Hudson Bay Company blankets, with totemic figures worked on them in a variety of ways. The usual method is to cut out the totemic figure in red cloth and sew it on to the garment (ornamenting it with borders of beads and buttons) by the method known as appliqué work; another method is to sew pieces of bright abalone or pearl shell or pearl buttons on to the garment in the totemic patterns. The illustration is a drawing of a vestment which hangs down the back, representing the totem or crest of the wearer.

The Chilkat and cedar-bark blankets play a vital role in all ceremonial dances and events. Other types of ceremonial blankets or capes are made from Hudson Bay Company blankets, featuring totemic designs applied in various ways. The most common technique involves cutting out the totemic figure from red cloth and stitching it onto the garment (decorating it with bead and button borders) using a method called appliqué. Another approach is to sew pieces of bright abalone or pearl shell or pearl buttons onto the garment in totemic patterns. The illustration shows a vestment that hangs down the back, representing the totem or crest of the wearer.

This specimen is mentioned as the workmanship of the Tsimshian Indians, at Point Simpson, British Columbia, and represents the halibut.

This piece is noted as the work of the Tsimshian Indians from Point Simpson, British Columbia, and it depicts a halibut.

CHAPTER VIII.
INSTRUMENTS AND MATERIALS USED TO CREATE PICTOGRAPHS.

So far as appears on ancient pictographic works the kind of instruments and materials with which they were made can be inferred only from its aspect, though microscopic examination and chemical analysis have sometimes been successfully applied. A few examples relating to the topic are given as follows, though other descriptions appear elsewhere in this treatise.

As seen in ancient pictographic works, the types of instruments and materials used to create them can only be inferred from their appearance, although microscopic examination and chemical analysis have sometimes been successfully used. A few examples related to this topic are provided below, though other descriptions can be found elsewhere in this treatise.

SECTION 1.
Carving tools.

This title, as here used, is intended to include cutting, pecking, scratching, and rubbing. The Hidatsa, when scratching upon stone or rocks, as well as upon pieces of wood, employ a sharply pointed piece of hard stone, usually a fragment of quartz. The present writer successfully imitated the Micmac scratchings at Kejimkoojik lake, Nova Scotia, by using a stone arrow point upon the slate rocks.

This title, as used here, is meant to cover cutting, pecking, scratching, and rubbing. The Hidatsa, when scratching on stone or rocks, as well as on pieces of wood, use a sharply pointed piece of hard stone, usually a fragment of quartz. The author successfully replicated the Micmac scratchings at Kejimkoojik Lake, Nova Scotia, by using a stone arrowhead on the slate rocks.

The bow-drill was largely used by the Innuit of Alaska in carving bone and ivory. Their present method of cutting figures and other characters is by a small steel blade, thick, though sharply pointed, resembling a graver.

The bow-drill was commonly used by the Inuit of Alaska for carving bone and ivory. Their current technique for cutting figures and other designs involves a small, thick steel blade that is sharply pointed, similar to a graver.

Many petroglyphs, e. g., those at Conowingo, Maryland, at Machiasport, Maine, and in Owens valley, California, present every evidence of having been deepened if not altogether fashioned by rubbing, either with a piece of wood and sand or with pointed stone.

Many petroglyphs, such as those at Conowingo, Maryland, Machiasport, Maine, and Owens Valley, California, clearly show signs of having been deepened, if not entirely created, by rubbing, either with a piece of wood and sand or with a pointed stone.

To incise or indent lines upon birch bark the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and other Algonquian tribes used a sharply pointed piece of bone, though they now prefer an iron nail. Examples of scratching upon the outer surface of bark are mentioned elsewhere.

To carve or mark lines on birch bark, the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and other Algonquian tribes used a sharp piece of bone, but they now prefer using an iron nail. There are other references to scratching on the outer surface of bark mentioned elsewhere.

Several examples of producing characters on stone by pecking with another stone are mentioned in this paper, and Mr. J. D. McGuire (a), of Ellicott City, Maryland, has been remarkably successful in forming petroglyphs with the ordinary Indian stone hammer. Some of the results established by him are published in The American Anthropologist.

Several examples of creating characters on stone by pecking with another stone are mentioned in this paper, and Mr. J. D. McGuire (a), from Ellicott City, Maryland, has been very successful in forming petroglyphs using a standard Indian stone hammer. Some of his findings are published in The American Anthropologist.

SECTION 2.
Drawing tools.

Drawings upon small slabs of wood, found among the Ojibwa, were made with a piece of red-hot wire or thin iron rod hammered to a point. Such figures are blackened by being burned in.

Drawings on small pieces of wood, found among the Ojibwa, were created using a red-hot wire or a thin iron rod that was sharpened to a point. These figures are darkened by being burned in.

When in haste or when better materials are not at hand, the Hidatsa sometimes drew upon a piece of wood or the shoulder-blade of a buffalo with a piece of charcoal from the fire or with a piece of red chalk or red ocher, with which nearly every warrior is at all times supplied.

When they're in a hurry or don't have better materials available, the Hidatsa would sometimes use a piece of wood or the shoulder blade of a buffalo with some charcoal from the fire or a bit of red chalk or red ocher, which almost every warrior carries at all times.

Mr. A. W. Howitt, in Manuscript Notes on Australian Pictographs, says:

Mr. A. W. Howitt, in Manuscript Notes on Australian Pictographs, says:

Not having any process such as is used by some of the savage tribes to soften skins, the harshness of these rugs is remedied by marking upon them lines and patterns, which being partly cut through the skin give to it a certain amount of suppleness. In former times, before the white man enabled the black fellow to supplement his meager stock of implements with those of civilization, a Kumai made use of the sharp edge of a mussel shell (unio) to cut these patterns. At the present time the sharpened edge of the bowl of a metal spoon is used, partly because it forms a convenient instrument, partly, perhaps, because its bowl bears a resemblance in shape to the familiar ancestral tool.

Not having a technique like those used by some primitive tribes to soften animal skins, the stiffness of these rugs is improved by drawing lines and patterns on them. These designs are partially cut into the skin, giving it some flexibility. In the past, before white people helped Indigenous people expand their limited tools with modern ones, a Kumai would use the sharp edge of a mussel shell (unio) to create these patterns. Nowadays, they use the sharpened edge of a metal spoon's bowl, partly because it’s a convenient tool, and maybe because its shape is similar to the traditional tool.

SECTION 3.
Coloring agent and its uses.

Painting upon robes or skins is executed by means of thin strips of wood or sometimes of bone. Tufts of antelope hair are also used, by tying them to sticks to make a brush, but this is evidently a modern innovation. Pieces of wood, one end of which is chewed so as to produce a loose fibrous brush, are also used at times, as has been specially observed among the Teton Dakota.

Painting on robes or skins is done using thin strips of wood or sometimes bone. Bundles of antelope hair are also used by tying them to sticks to create a brush, but this is clearly a more modern development. Occasionally, pieces of wood are used, with one end chewed to create a loose, fibrous brush, as has been particularly noted among the Teton Dakota.

The Hidatsa and other Northwest Indians usually employ a piece of buffalo rib or a piece of hard wood having an elliptical form. This is dipped in a solution of glue, with or without color, and a tracing is made, which is subsequently filled up and deepened by a repetition of the process with the same or a stronger solution of the color.

The Hidatsa and other Northwest Indians typically use a piece of buffalo rib or a solid piece of hardwood shaped like an ellipse. This is dipped in a glue solution, colored or not, and then a design is traced on it, which is later filled in and deepened by repeating the process with the same or a stronger colored solution.

Of late years in the United States colors of civilized manufacture are readily obtained by the Indians for painting and decoration. Frequently, however, when the colors of commerce can not be obtained, the aboriginal colors are still prepared and used. The ferruginous clays of various shades of brown, red, and yellow occur in nature so widely distributed that these are the most common and leading tints. Black is generally prepared by grinding fragments of charcoal into a very fine powder. Among some tribes, as has also been found in some of the “ancient” pottery from the Arizona ruins, clay had evidently been mixed with charcoal to give better body. The black color made by some of the Innuit tribes is made with blood and charcoal intimately[220] mixed, which is afterwards applied to incisions in ivory, bone, and wood.

In recent years, people in the U.S. have been able to easily get manufactured colors for painting and decoration from the Indians. However, when commercial colors aren’t available, the traditional colors are still made and used. The natural ferruginous clays in various shades of brown, red, and yellow are so widely found that these are the most common and primary colors. Black is usually made by grinding charcoal into a very fine powder. Some tribes, similar to what has been discovered in some of the ancient pottery from the Arizona ruins, evidently mixed clay with charcoal for better texture. The black color used by some Inuit tribes is created using blood and finely mixed charcoal, which is then applied to incisions in ivory, bone, and wood.[220]

Among the Dakota, colors for dyeing porcupine quills were obtained chiefly from plants. The vegetable colors, being soluble, penetrate the substance of the quills more evenly and beautifully than the mineral colors of eastern manufacture.

Among the Dakota, dye colors for porcupine quills mostly came from plants. The plant-based dyes, being soluble, soak into the quills more evenly and attractively than the mineral dyes made in the East.

The black color of some of the Pueblo pottery is obtained by a special burning with pulverized manure, into which the vessel is placed as it is cooling after the first baking. The coloring matter—soot produced by smoke—is absorbed into the pores of the vessel, and does not wear off as readily as when colors are applied to the surface by brushes.

The black color of some Pueblo pottery comes from a unique burning process using ground-up manure, which the vessel is put in while cooling after the first bake. The coloring agent—soot from the smoke—gets absorbed into the vessel's pores, making it more durable than colors that are simply painted on the surface with brushes.

In decorating skins or robes the Arikara Indians boil the tail of the beaver, thus obtaining a viscous fluid which is thin glue. The figures are first drawn in outline with a piece of beef-rib, or some other flat bone, the edge only being used after having been dipped into the liquor. The various pigments to be employed in the drawing are then mixed with some of the same liquid, in separate vessels, when the various colors are applied to the objects by means of a sharpened piece of wood or bone. The colored mixture adheres firmly to the original tracing in glue.

In decorating animal hides or robes, the Arikara Indians boil beaver tails to create a sticky fluid that works like thin glue. They start by drawing outlines with a piece of beef rib or another flat bone, using just the edge after dipping it into the liquid. The different pigments used for the drawing are then mixed with some of the same liquid in separate containers, and the colors are applied to the objects using a sharpened piece of wood or bone. The colored mixture sticks well to the original glue tracing.

When similar colors are to be applied to wood, the surface is frequently pecked or slightly incised to receive the color more readily.

When similar colors are applied to wood, the surface is often lightly scratched or etched to absorb the color better.

Jacques Cartier, in Hakluyt (b), reports the Indian women of the Bay of Chaleur as smearing the face with coal dust and grease.

Jacques Cartier, in Hakluyt (b), mentions that the Indigenous women of the Bay of Chaleur would apply coal dust and grease to their faces.

A small pouch, discovered on the Yellowstone river in 1873, which had been dropped by some fleeing hostile Sioux, contained several fragments of black micaceous iron. The latter had almost the appearance and consistence of graphite, so soft and black was the result upon rubbing with it. It had evidently been used for decorating the face as war-paint.

A small pouch found on the Yellowstone River in 1873, which had been dropped by some fleeing hostile Sioux, contained several pieces of black micaceous iron. This material looked and felt almost like graphite; it was so soft and black that it left a mark when rubbed. It was clearly used for decorating the face as war paint.

Mr. Wm. H. Dall (a), treating of the remains found in the mammalian layers in the Amakuak cave, Unalaska, remarks:

Mr. Wm. H. Dall (a), discussing the remains discovered in the mammalian layers of the Amakuak cave in Unalaska, notes:

In the remains of a woman’s work-basket, found in the uppermost layer in a cave, were bits of this resin [from the bark of pine or spruce driftwood], evidently carefully treasured, with a little birch-bark case (the bark also derived from drift logs) containing pieces of soft hematite, graphite, and blue carbonate of copper, with which the ancient seamstress ornamented her handiwork.

In the remnants of a woman’s work-basket discovered in the top layer of a cave, there were pieces of this resin [from the bark of pine or spruce driftwood], clearly valued, along with a small birch-bark case (the bark also from drift logs) holding fragments of soft hematite, graphite, and blue carbonate of copper, which the ancient seamstress used to decorate her creations.

The same author reports (f):

The same author states (f):

The coloration of wooden articles with native pigments is of ancient origin, but all the more elaborate instances that have come to my knowledge bore marks of comparatively recent origin. The pigments used were blue carbonates of iron and copper; the green fungus, or peziza, found in decayed birch and alder wood; hematite and red chalk; white infusorial or chalky earth; black charcoal, graphite, and micaceous ore of iron. A species of red was sometimes derived from pine bark or the cambium of the ground willow.

The coloring of wooden items with natural pigments has been around since ancient times, but the more complex examples I've encountered have been of relatively recent origin. The pigments used included blue carbonates of iron and copper; green fungus, or peziza, found in rotting birch and alder wood; hematite and red chalk; white infusorial or chalky earth; black charcoal, graphite, and micaceous iron ore. A type of red was sometimes obtained from pine bark or the cambium of young willow trees.

Stephen Powers (a) states that the Shastika women “smear their faces all over daily with choke-cherry juice, which gives them a bloody, corsair aspect.”

Stephen Powers (a) says that the Shastika women “cover their faces daily with choke-cherry juice, which gives them a bloody, pirate-like look.”

Mr. A. S. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports that the Klamaths of southwestern Oregon employ a black color, lgú, made of burnt plum seeds and bulrushes, which is applied to the cheeks in the form of small round spots. This is used during dances. Red paint, for the face and body, is prepared from a resin exuding from the spruce tree, pánam. A yellow mineral paint is also employed, consisting probably of ocher or ferruginous clay. He also says that the Klamath spál, yellow mineral paint, is of light yellow color, but turns red when burned, after which it is applied in making small round dots upon the face. The white infusorial clay is applied in the form of stripes or streaks over the body. The Klamaths use charcoal, lgúm, in tattooing.

Mr. A. S. Gatschet from the Bureau of Ethnology reports that the Klamaths of southwestern Oregon use a black pigment, lgú, made from burnt plum seeds and bulrushes, which they apply to their cheeks in small round spots during dances. They prepare red paint for the face and body from a resin that comes from the spruce tree, pánam. They also use a yellow mineral pigment, likely made from ocher or iron-rich clay. He notes that the Klamath spál, or yellow mineral paint, is light yellow but turns red when burned, after which it’s used to create small round dots on the face. Additionally, they apply white infusorial clay in the form of stripes or streaks on the body. The Klamaths utilize charcoal, lgúm, for tattooing.

Mud and white clay were used by the Winnebago for the decoration of the human body and of horses. Some of the California Indians in the vicinity of Tulare river used a white coloring matter, consisting of infusorial earth, obtained there. The tribes at and near the geysers north of San Francisco bay procured vermilion from croppings of cinnabar. The same report is made with probability of truth concerning the Indians at the present site of the New Almaden mines, where tribes of the Mutsun formerly lived. Some of the black coloring matter of pictographs in Santa Barbara, California, proved on analysis to be a hydrous oxide of manganese. The Mojave pigments are ocher, clay, and charcoal mingled with oil.

Mud and white clay were used by the Winnebago to decorate both the human body and horses. Some of the California Indians near the Tulare River used a white coloring made from infusorial earth found in the area. The tribes around the geysers north of San Francisco Bay obtained vermilion from cinnabar deposits. There's reason to believe that the same was true for the Indians at what is now the New Almaden mines, where tribes of the Mutsun once lived. Some of the black coloring in pictographs from Santa Barbara, California, was found to be a hydrous oxide of manganese. The Mojave pigments were made from ocher, clay, and charcoal mixed with oil.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports regarding the Osage that one of their modes of obtaining black color for the face was by burning a quantity of small willows. When these were charred they were broken in small pieces and placed in pans, with a little water in each. The hands were then dipped into the pan and rubbed together and finally rubbed over the parts to be colored.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, from the Bureau of Ethnology, reports that the Osage had a method for creating black face paint by burning small willows. After charring them, they would break the willows into small pieces and put them in pans with a little water in each. Then, they would dip their hands into the pan, rub them together, and finally apply the mixture to the areas they wanted to color.

Dr. Hoffman reports that among the Hualpai, living on the western border of the Colorado plateau, Arizona, some persons appeared as if they had been tattooed in vertical bands from the forehead to the waist, but upon closer examination it was found that dark and light bands of the natural skin were produced in the following manner: When a deer or an antelope had been killed the blood was rubbed over the face and breast, after which the spread and curved fingers were scratched downward from the forehead over the face and breast, thus removing some of the blood; that remaining soon dried and gave the appearance of black stripes. The exposed portion of the skin retained the natural dark-tanned color, while that under the coating of coagulated blood became paler by being protected against the light and air. These persons did not wash off the marks and after a while the blood began to drop off by desquamation, leaving lighter spots and lines which for a week or two appear like tattoo marks. Similar streaks of blood have been held to have originated tattoo designs in several parts of the world to record success in hunting or in war, but such evolution does not appear to have resulted from the transient decoration in the case mentioned.

Dr. Hoffman reports that among the Hualpai, who live on the western border of the Colorado Plateau in Arizona, some individuals looked like they had been tattooed with vertical stripes from their forehead to their waist. However, upon closer inspection, it was discovered that the dark and light bands on their skin were created this way: when a deer or antelope was killed, blood was rubbed on their face and chest. Then, curved fingers were dragged down from the forehead across the face and chest, removing some of the blood. The blood that remained dried and created the appearance of black stripes. The exposed skin kept its natural dark-tanned color, while the area covered with coagulated blood became lighter because it was shielded from light and air. These individuals did not wash off the marks, and over time, the blood began to flake off, leaving lighter spots and lines that looked like tattoos for a week or two. Similar blood streaks have been believed to inspire tattoo designs in various cultures as a way to commemorate success in hunting or war, but in this case, it seems that such designs did not develop from this temporary decoration.

It is well known that the meal of maize called kunque is yet commonly used by the Zuñi for ceremonial coloration of their own persons and of objects used in their religious rites. Hoddentin is less familiarly known. It is the pollen of the tule, which is a variety of cat-tail rush growing in all the ponds of the southwestern parts of the United States. It is a yellow powder with which small buckskin bags are filled and those bags then attached to the belts of Apache warriors. They are also worn as amulets by members of the tribe. In dances for the cure of sickness the shaman applied the powder to the forehead of the patient, then to his breast in the figure of a cross; next he sprinkles it in a circle around his couch, then on the heads of the chanters and the assembled friends of the patient, and lastly upon his own head and into his own mouth.

It’s well known that the maize dish called kunque is still commonly used by the Zuñi for decorating themselves and the items used in their religious ceremonies. Hoddentin is less familiar. It’s the pollen from the tule, a type of cat-tail rush found in ponds throughout the southwestern United States. It’s a yellow powder that fills small buckskin bags, which are then attached to the belts of Apache warriors. Tribe members also wear them as amulets. During dances to heal illness, the shaman applies the powder to the patient’s forehead, then to their chest in the shape of a cross. Next, he sprinkles it in a circle around the patient’s resting place, then on the heads of the chanting group and the patient’s friends, and finally on his own head and into his mouth.

Everard F. im Thurn (c) gives the following details concerning British Guiana:

Everard F. im Thurn (c) provides the following information about British Guiana:

The dyes used by the Indians to paint their own bodies, and occasionally to draw patterns on their implements, are red faroah, purple caraweera, blue-black lana, white felspathic clay and, though very rarely, a yellow vegetable dye of unknown origin.

The dyes used by the Indigenous people to paint their bodies, and sometimes to create patterns on their tools, include red faroah, purple caraweera, blue-black lana, white felspathic clay, and, although very rarely, a yellow plant-based dye of unknown origin.

Faroah is the deep red pulp around the seed of a shrub (Bixa orellana) which grows wild on the banks of some of the rivers, and is cultivated by the Indians in their clearings. It is mixed with a large quantity of oil. When it is to be used either a mass of it is taken in the palm of the hand and rubbed over the skin or other surface to be painted, or a pattern of fine lines is drawn with it by means of a stick used as a pencil.

Faroah is the deep red pulp around the seed of a shrub (Bixa orellana) that grows wild along some rivers and is grown by the Indigenous people in their clearings. It is mixed with a lot of oil. When it's used, either a lump of it is taken in the palm of the hand and rubbed onto the skin or another surface to be painted, or a pattern of fine lines is drawn with it using a stick as a pencil.

Caraweera is a somewhat similar dye, of a more purplish red, and by no means so commonly used. It is prepared from the leaves of a yellow-flowered bignonia (B. chicka) together with some other unimportant ingredients. The dried leaves are boiled. The pot is then taken from the fire and the contents being poured into bowls are allowed to subside. The clear water left at the top is poured away and the sediment is of a beautiful purple color.

Caraweera is a dye that's somewhat similar but has a more purplish-red hue, and it's definitely not as commonly used. It's made from the leaves of a yellow-flowered bignonia (B. chicka) along with a few other minor ingredients. The dried leaves are boiled, then the pot is removed from the heat, and the mixture is poured into bowls to settle. The clear water on top is discarded, leaving behind a beautiful purple sediment.

Lana is the juice of the fruit of a small tree (Genipa americana) with which without further preparation, blue-black lines are drawn in patterns, or large surfaces are stained on the skin. The dye thus applied is for about a week indelible.

Lana is the juice from the fruit of a small tree (Genipa americana) that is used to draw blue-black lines in patterns or to stain large areas on the skin without any additional preparation. The dye applied this way lasts for about a week and is permanent during that time.

Paul Marcoy (a), in Travels in South America, says the Passés, Yuris, Barrés and Chumanas of Brazil, employ a decoction of indigo or genipa in tattooing.

Paul Marcoy (a), in Travels in South America, says that the Passés, Yuris, Barrés, and Chumanas of Brazil use a brew of indigo or genipa for tattooing.

F. S. Moreat, M. D., in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XXXII, 1862, p. 125, says that the Andaman Islanders rubbed earth on the top of the head, probably for the purpose of ornamentation.

F. S. Moreat, M. D., in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XXXII, 1862, p. 125, says that the Andaman Islanders applied earth to the top of their heads, likely for decorative purposes.

Dr. Richard Andree (b) says:

Dr. Richard Andree says:

Long before Europeans came to Australia, the Australian blacks knew a kind of pictorial representation, exhibiting scenes from their life, illustrating it with great fidelity to nature. An interesting specimen of that kind was found on a piece of bark that had served as cover of a hut on Lake Tyrrell. The black who produced this picture had had intercourse with white people, but had had no instruction whatever in drawing. The bark was blackened by smoke on the inside, and on this blackened surface the native drew the figures with his thumb nail.

Long before Europeans arrived in Australia, Indigenous Australians used a form of visual representation, depicting scenes from their lives with remarkable accuracy. A fascinating example of this was discovered on a piece of bark that had been used as a cover for a hut near Lake Tyrrell. The Indigenous artist who created this image had interacted with white people but had received no formal training in drawing. The inside of the bark was blackened by smoke, and on this charred surface, the artist used his thumbnail to create the figures.

CHAPTER IX.
MEMORY AID.

This is the most obvious and probably was the earliest use to which picture-writing was applied. The contrivance of drawing the representations of objects, to fix in the memory either the objects themselves or the concepts, facts, or other matters connected with them, is practiced early by human individuals and is found among peoples the most ancient historically or in the horizons of culture. After the adoption of the characters for purely mnemonic purposes, those at first intended to be iconographic often became converted into ideographic, emblematic, or symbolic designs, and perhaps in time so greatly conventionalized that the images of the things designed could no longer be perceived by the imagination alone.

This is the most obvious and probably the earliest way picture-writing was used. The practice of drawing representations of objects to help remember the objects themselves or the ideas, facts, or other related matters was adopted early by humans and can be seen among the oldest cultures historically and in the development of civilization. After characters were first created for memory purposes, those initially meant to be iconographic often turned into ideographic, emblematic, or symbolic designs, and over time they may have become so standardized that the images of the things they represented could no longer be imagined clearly.

It is believed, however, that this form and use of picturing were preceded by the use of material objects which afterwards were reproduced graphically in paintings, cuttings, and carvings. In the present paper many examples appear of objects known to have been so used, the graphic representations of which, made with the same purpose, are explained by knowledge of the fact. Other instances are mentioned as connected with the evolution of pictographs, and they possibly may interpret some forms of the latter which are not yet understood.

It is thought, however, that this way of picturing came after the use of physical objects that were later recreated visually in paintings, cuts, and carvings. In this paper, many examples of objects that are known to have been used in this way appear, and the graphic representations of these objects, created for the same purpose, are clarified by this understanding. Other examples are discussed in relation to the development of pictographs, and they might help explain some forms of these that are still not fully understood.

This chapter is divided into (1) knotted cords and objects tied; (2) notched or marked sticks; (3) wampum; (4) order of songs; (5) traditions; (6) treaties; (7) appointment; (8) numeration; (9) accounting.

This chapter is divided into (1) knotted cords and tied objects; (2) notched or marked sticks; (3) wampum; (4) order of songs; (5) traditions; (6) treaties; (7) appointments; (8) counting; (9) accounting.

SECTION 1.
Tangled cords and tied objects.

Dr. Hoffman reports a device among the Indians formerly inhabiting the mountain valleys north of Los Angeles, California, who brought or sent to the settlements blankets, skins, and robes for sale. The man trusted to transport and sell those articles was provided with a number of strings made of some flexible vegetable fiber, one string for each class of goods, which were attached to his belt. Every one confiding an article to the agent fixed the price, and when he disposed of it a single knot was tied to the proper cord for each real received, or a double knot for each peso. Thus any particular string indicated the kind of goods sold, as well as the whole sum realized for them, which was distributed according to the account among the former owners of the goods.

Dr. Hoffman describes a system used by the Indians who used to live in the mountain valleys north of Los Angeles, California. They would bring or send blankets, skins, and robes to the settlements for sale. The person trusted to carry and sell these items was given a number of strings made from a flexible plant fiber, with one string for each type of product, which were attached to his belt. Each person who entrusted an item to this agent set a price for it, and when he sold it, he would tie a single knot in the appropriate string for each real received, or a double knot for each peso. This way, each string indicated the type of goods sold and the total amount earned, which was then distributed among the original owners of the items based on the records kept.

Mr. George Turner (a) says that among the South Sea Islanders tying a number of knots in a piece of cord was a common way of noting and remembering things in the absence of a written language.

Mr. George Turner (a) says that among the South Sea Islanders, tying a series of knots in a piece of cord was a common method of recording and recalling things in the absence of a written language.

A peculiar and ingenious mode of expressing thoughts without pronouncing or writing them in language is still met with among the Indian shepherds in the Peruvian Cordilleras, though it is practiced merely in the accounts of the flocks. This system consists of a peculiar intertwining of various strings into a net-like braidwork, and the diverse modes of tying these strings form the record, the knots and loops signifying definite ideas and their combination the connection of these ideas. This system of mnemonic device, which was practiced by the ancient Peruvians, was called quipu, and, though a similar knot-writing is found in China, Tartary, eastern Asia, on many islands of the Pacific, and even in some parts of Africa, yet in Peru, at the time of the Incas, it was so elaborately developed as to permit its employment for official statistics of the government. Of course, as this writing gave no picture of a word and did not suggest sounds, but, like the notched stick, merely recalled ideas already existing, the writing could be understood by those only who possessed the key to it; but it is noteworthy that when the Jesuit missions began their work in Peru they were able to use the quipus for the purpose of making the Indians learn Latin prayers by heart.

A unique and clever way of expressing thoughts without speaking or writing them down is still found among the Indian shepherds in the Peruvian Andes, although it is only used for keeping track of their flocks. This method involves braiding various strings into a net-like pattern, with different ways of tying these strings creating a record; the knots and loops represent specific ideas, and their combinations connect these ideas. This mnemonic system, once used by the ancient Peruvians, was called quipu. While similar knot-writing appears in China, Tartary, Eastern Asia, many Pacific islands, and parts of Africa, it was in Peru, during the time of the Incas, that it was so intricately developed that it could be used for official government statistics. Since this form of writing didn't depict words or suggest sounds, but instead, like notched sticks, merely triggered existing ideas, it could only be understood by those who had the key to it. Interestingly, when Jesuit missionaries began their work in Peru, they were able to use quipus to help the Indigenous people memorize Latin prayers.

A more detailed account of the ancient quipu is extracted from Dr. von Tschudi’s Travels in Peru (a) with condensation as follows:

A more detailed account of the ancient quipu is taken from Dr. von Tschudi’s Travels in Peru (a) with a summary as follows:

This method consisted in the dexterous intertwining of knots on strings, so as to render them auxiliaries to the memory. The instrument was composed of one thick head or top string, to which, at certain distances, thinner ones were fastened. The top string was much thicker than these pendent strings and consisted of two doubly twisted threads, over which two single threads were wound. The branches, or pendent strings, were fastened to the top ones by a single loop; the knots were made in the pendent strings and were either single or manifold. The length of the strings was various. The transverse or top string often measures several yards, and sometimes only a foot; the branches are seldom more than 2 feet long, and in general they are much shorter.

This method involved skillfully knotting strings together to help remember things. The device had a thick main string, with thinner strings attached at certain intervals. The main string was significantly thicker than the dangling strings and was made of two twisted threads, over which two single threads were wrapped. The dangling strings were attached to the main string with a single loop; knots were tied in the dangling strings and could be either single or multiple. The lengths of the strings varied. The main string often measured several yards but sometimes was only a foot long; the dangling strings were usually no longer than 2 feet and were generally much shorter.

The strings were often of different colors, each having its own particular signification. The color for soldiers was red; for gold, yellow; for silver, white; for corn, green, etc. The quipu was especially employed for numerical and statistical tables; each single knot representing ten; each double knot stood for one hundred; each triple knot for one thousand, etc.; two single knots standing together made twenty; and two double knots, two hundred.

The strings were often different colors, each with its own specific meaning. Red was for soldiers; yellow represented gold; white was for silver; green was for corn, and so on. The quipu was mainly used for numerical and statistical information; each single knot represented ten; each double knot stood for one hundred; each triple knot represented one thousand, and so on; two single knots together made twenty; and two double knots made two hundred.

In this manner the ancient Peruvians kept the accounts of their army. On one string were numbered the soldiers armed with slings; on another the spearmen; on a third, those who carried clubs, etc. In the same manner the military reports were prepared. In every town some expert men were appointed to tie the knots of the quipu and to explain them. These men were called quipucamayocuna (literally, officers of the knots.) The appointed officers required great dexterity in unriddling the meaning of the knots. It, however, seldom happened that they had to read a quipu without some verbal commentary. Something was always required to be added if the quipu came from a distant province, to explain whether it related to the numbering of the population, to tributes, or to war, etc. This method of calculation[225] is still practiced by the shepherds of Puna. On the first branch or string they usually place the number of the bulls; on the second, that of the cows, the latter being classed into those which were milked and those which were not milked; on the next string were numbered the calves according to their ages and sizes. Then came the sheep, in several subdivisions. Next followed the number of foxes killed, the quantity of salt consumed, and, finally, the cattle that had been slaughtered. Other quipus showed the produce of the herds in milk, cheese, wool, etc. Each list was distinguished by a particular color or by some peculiarity in the twisting of the string.

In this way, the ancient Peruvians kept track of their army. One string represented soldiers equipped with slings; another had the spearmen; and a third had those carrying clubs, and so on. Military reports were prepared in the same way. In each town, skilled individuals were tasked with tying the knots of the quipu and explaining them. These individuals were known as quipucamayocuna (literally, officers of the knots). The appointed officers needed to be very skilled at interpreting the meaning of the knots. However, it was rare for them to read a quipu without some verbal explanation. There was always something that needed to be added if the quipu came from a distant area, to clarify whether it referred to population counting, taxes, or military matters, etc. This method of recording[225] is still used by the shepherds of Puna. On the first string, they usually note the number of bulls; on the second, the number of cows, with the latter divided into those that are milked and those that are not; on the next string, they number the calves based on their ages and sizes. Then come the sheep, categorized in several ways. Next is the count of foxes killed, the amount of salt used, and finally, the cattle that have been slaughtered. Other quipus recorded the production of the herds in milk, cheese, wool, etc. Each list was marked by a specific color or by some unique twist in the string.

Other accounts tell that the descendants of the Quiches still use the quipu, perhaps as modified by themselves, for numeration. They pierce beans and hang them by different colored strings, each of which represents one of the column places used in decimal arithmetic. A green string signifies 1,000; a red one, 100; a yellow, 10, and a white refers to the 9 smaller digits. Thus if 7 beans are on a green, 2 on a red, 8 on a yellow, and 6 on a white string, and the whole tied together, the bundle expresses the number 7,286.

Other accounts say that the descendants of the Quiches still use the quipu, possibly modified by themselves, for counting. They pierce beans and hang them from different colored strings, with each string representing a place value used in decimal math. A green string means 1,000; a red one means 100; a yellow string stands for 10, and a white one refers to the 9 smaller digits. So, if there are 7 beans on a green string, 2 on a red, 8 on a yellow, and 6 on a white string, all tied together, the bundle represents the number 7,286.

Before the time of their acquaintance with the quipus, the Peruvians used in the same way pebbles or maize-beans of various colors. The same practice was known in Europe in the prehistoric period. The habit of many persons in civilized countries to tie a knot in the handkerchief to recall an idea or fact to mind is a familiar example to show how naturally the action would suggest itself for the purpose, and perhaps indicates the inheritance of the practice.

Before they discovered quipus, the Peruvians used pebbles or colorful maize beans in the same way. This practice was also known in Europe during prehistoric times. A common habit in modern civilized countries is to tie a knot in a handkerchief to remember an idea or fact, which illustrates how naturally this action would come to mind for that purpose and may suggest that the practice has been passed down through generations.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVI
PERUVIAN QUIPU AND BIRCH BARK DRAWING.

Dr. Andree (b) gives an illustration of a quipu (here reproduced as part of Pl. XVI), which he represents as taken from Perez, and states that the drawing was made soon after the exhuming of the object from an ancient Peruvian grave.

Dr. Andree (b) shows an example of a quipu (reproduced here as part of Pl. XVI), which he claims was sourced from Perez, and mentions that the drawing was created shortly after the object was dug up from an ancient Peruvian grave.

Capt. Bourke (a) gives descriptions and illustrations of varieties of the izze-kloth or medicine cord of the Apache. A condensed extract of his remarks is as follows:

Capt. Bourke (a) provides descriptions and illustrations of different types of the izze-kloth or medicine cord of the Apache. A summarized version of his comments is as follows:

These cords, in their perfection, are decorated with beads and shells strung along at intervals, with pieces of the sacred green chalchihuitl, which has had such a mysterious ascendancy over the minds of the American Indians—Aztec, Peruvian, Quiche, as well as the more savage tribes like the Apache and Navajo; with petrified wood, rock crystal, eagle down, claws of the hawk or eaglet, claws of the bear, rattle of the rattlesnake, buckskin bags of hoddentin, circles of buckskin in which are inclosed pieces of twigs and branches of trees which have been struck by lightning, small fragments of the abalone shell from the Pacific coast, and much other sacred paraphernalia of a similar kind.

These cords, in their perfection, are adorned with beads and shells spaced out at intervals, along with pieces of the sacred green chalchihuitl, which has held such a mysterious influence over the minds of American Indians—Aztec, Peruvian, Quiche, as well as the more fierce tribes like the Apache and Navajo; with petrified wood, rock crystal, eagle down, claws of the hawk or eaglet, bear claws, the rattle of a rattlesnake, buckskin bags of hoddentin, circles of buckskin that contain pieces of twigs and branches of trees struck by lightning, small fragments of abalone shell from the Pacific coast, and many other sacred items of a similar nature.

That the use of these cords was reserved for the most sacred and important occasions I soon learned. They were not to be seen on occasions of no moment, but the dances for war, medicine, and summoning the spirits at once brought them out, and every medicine man of any consequence would appear with one hanging from his right shoulder over his left hip.

That the use of these cords was reserved for the most sacred and important occasions I soon learned. They were not used for trivial events, but the dances for war, healing, and summoning spirits immediately brought them out, and every significant medicine man would show up with one hanging from his right shoulder over his left hip.

These cords will protect a man while on the warpath, and many of the Apache believe firmly that a bullet will have no effect upon the warrior wearing one of them. This is not their only virtue by any means; the wearer can tell who has stolen ponies or other property from him or from his friends, can help the crops, and cure the sick. If the circle attached to one of these cords is placed upon the head it will at once relieve any ache, while the cross attached to another prevents the[226] wearer from going astray, no matter where he may be; in other words, it has some connection with cross-trails and the four cardinal points, to which the Apache pay the strictest attention.

These cords will protect a man on the warpath, and many Apache strongly believe that a bullet won’t harm a warrior wearing one. This isn’t their only benefit; the wearer can find out who has stolen ponies or other belongings from him or his friends, can help the crops, and can heal the sick. If the circle attached to one of these cords is placed on the head, it will immediately relieve any pain, while the cross attached to another keeps the wearer from going off course, no matter where he is. In other words, it’s connected to cross-trails and the four cardinal directions, which the Apache pay close attention to.

I was at first inclined to associate these cords with the quipus of the Peruvians and also with the wampum of the aborigines of the Atlantic coast, and investigation only confirms this first suspicion.

I initially thought these cords were similar to the quipus used by the Peruvians and the wampum from the Native Americans on the Atlantic coast, and my research just reinforces that initial thought.

The praying beads of the Buddhists and of many Oriental peoples, who have used them from high antiquity, are closely allied to the quipu. They are more familiar now in the shape of the rosaries of Roman Catholics. In the absence of manufactured articles, arranged on wires, the necessary materials were easily procured. Berries, nuts, pease, or beans strung in any manner answered the purpose. The abacus of the Chinese and Greeks was connected in origin with the same device.

The prayer beads used by Buddhists and many Eastern cultures, who have utilized them since ancient times, are closely related to the quipu. They are now more commonly recognized in the form of the rosaries used by Roman Catholics. Without manufactured items threaded on wires, people easily found the materials they needed. Berries, nuts, peas, or beans strung together in any way served the purpose. The abacus used by the Chinese and Greeks also originated from the same concept.

E. F. im Thurn (d) says of the Nikari-Karu Indians of Guiana:

E. F. im Thurn (d) says about the Nikari-Karu people of Guiana:

At last, after four days’ stay, we got off. The two or three people from Euwari-manakuroo who came with us gave their wives knotted strings of quippus, each knot representing one of the days they expected to be away, and the whole string thus forming a calendar to be used by the wives until the return of their husbands.

At last, after staying for four days, we finally left. The two or three people from Euwari-manakuroo who came with us gave their wives knotted strings of quippus, with each knot representing one of the days they expected to be gone. The entire string then served as a calendar for the wives until their husbands returned.

That the general idea or invention for mnemonic purposes appearing in the quipu was actually used pictorially is indicated in the illustrations of the sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa in Guatemala given by Dr. S. Habel (b). Upon these he remarks:

That the basic concept or invention for memory purposes shown in the quipu was actually used visually is suggested in the illustrations of the sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa in Guatemala provided by Dr. S. Habel (b). He comments on these:

It has been frequently affirmed that the aborigines of America had nowhere arisen high enough in civilization to have characters for writing and numeral signs, but the sculptures of Santa Lucia exhibit signs which indicate a kind of cipher-writing higher in form than mere hieroglyphics. From the mouth of most of the human beings, living or dead, emanates a staff, variously bent, to the sides of which nodes are attached. These nodes are of different sizes and shapes, and variously distributed on the sides of the staff, either singly or in twos and threes, the last named either separated or in shape of a trefoil. This manner of writing not only indicates that the person is speaking or praying, but also indicates the very words, the contents of the speech or prayer. It is quite certain that each staff, as bent and ornamented, stood for a well-known petition, which the priest could read as easily as those acquainted with a cipher dispatch can know its purport. Further, one may be allowed to conjecture that the various curves of the staves served the purpose of strength and rhythm, just as the poet chooses his various meters for the same purpose.

It has often been stated that the indigenous peoples of America never reached a level of civilization sufficient to develop their own writing systems or numerical symbols. However, the sculptures from Santa Lucia display symbols that suggest a form of cipher writing more advanced than simple hieroglyphics. From the mouths of most people, whether living or deceased, extends a staff that bends in various ways, with nodes attached along its sides. These nodes come in different sizes and shapes and are arranged in various patterns, either individually or in groups of two or three, with the latter sometimes either separated or shaped like a trefoil. This method of writing not only suggests that the individual is speaking or praying, but it also conveys the specific words and content of that speech or prayer. It’s clear that each staff, based on its bends and decorations, represented a well-known petition that the priest could read just as easily as someone familiar with a coded message can understand its meaning. Moreover, one might speculate that the different curves of the staves were meant to convey strength and rhythm, similar to how a poet selects various meters for the same effects.

The following notices of the ancient mnemonic use of knotted cords and of its survival in various parts of the world are extracted from the essay of Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie (d):

The following notices about the ancient use of knotted cords for memory aids and their survival in different parts of the world are taken from the essay by Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie (d):

The Yang tung, south of Khoten, and consequently north of Tibet, who first communicated with China in A. D. 641, had no written characters. They only cut notches in sticks and tied knots in strings for records.

The Yang tung, south of Khoten and north of Tibet, first connected with China in A.D. 641. They didn't have written characters; instead, they made notches in sticks and tied knots in strings to keep records.

The Bratyki and Buriats of Siberia are credited with the use of knotted cords.

The Bratyki and Buriats of Siberia are known for using knotted cords.

The Japanese are also reputed to have employed knots on strings or bind-weeds for records.

The Japanese are also known to have used knots on strings or bind-weeds for record-keeping.

The Li of Hainan, being unacquainted with writing, use knotted cords or notched sticks in place of bonds or agreements.

The Li people of Hainan, not familiar with writing, use knotted cords or notched sticks instead of contracts or agreements.

In the first half of the present century cord records were still generally used in the Indian archipelago and Polynesia proper. The tax-gatherers in the island of Hawaii by this means kept accounts of all the articles collected by them from the inhabitants. A rope 400 fathoms long was used as a revenue book. It was divided[227] into numerous portions corresponding to the various districts of the island; the portions were under the care of the tax-gatherers, who, with the aid of loops, knots, and tufts of different shapes, colors, and sizes, were enabled to keep an accurate account of the hogs, pigs, and pieces of sandal wood, etc., at which each person was taxed.

In the first half of this century, cord records were still commonly used in the Indonesian archipelago and Polynesia. Tax collectors in Hawaii used this method to keep track of all the items they collected from the locals. A rope 400 fathoms long served as a revenue book. It was divided[227] into several sections that represented different districts of the island; these sections were managed by the tax collectors, who used loops, knots, and tufts of various shapes, colors, and sizes to accurately record the number of hogs, pigs, pieces of sandalwood, and other items for which each person was taxed.

In Timor island, according to the Chinese records in 1618, the people had no writing. When they wanted to record something they did it with flat stones, and a thousand stones were represented by a string.

In Timor island, according to Chinese records from 1618, the people had no writing. When they wanted to record something, they used flat stones, and a thousand stones were represented by a string.

Knotted cords were originally used in Tibet, but we have no information about their system of using them. The bare statement comes from the Chinese annals.

Knotted cords were originally used in Tibet, but we don’t have any information about how they used them. The simple fact comes from the Chinese records.

The following statement regarding the same use by the Chinese is made by Ernest Faber (a). He says: “In the highest antiquity, government was carried on successfully by the use of knotted cords to preserve the memory of things. In subsequent ages, the sages substituted for these written characters. By means of these the doings of all the officers could be regulated and the affairs of all the people accurately examined.”

The following statement about the same practice by the Chinese is made by Ernest Faber (a). He says: “In ancient times, government was effectively managed using knotted cords to help remember things. Later on, the wise ones replaced these with written characters. With these, the actions of all the officials could be organized and the concerns of all the people could be accurately assessed.”

SECTION 2.
Notched or marked sticks.

The use of notches for mere numeration was frequent, but there are also instances of their special significance.

The use of notches for counting was common, but there are also cases where they had special meaning.

The Dakotas, Hidatsa, and Shoshoni have been observed to note the number of days during which they journeyed from one place to another by cutting lines or notches upon a stick.

The Dakotas, Hidatsa, and Shoshoni have been seen keeping track of the number of days they traveled from one place to another by making cuts or notches on a stick.

The coup sticks carried by Dakota warriors often bear a number of small notches, which refer to the number of the victims hit with the stick after they had been wounded or killed.

The coup sticks used by Dakota warriors often have several small notches on them, representing the number of victims struck with the stick after they were wounded or killed.

The young men and boys of the several tribes at Fort Berthold, Dakota, frequently carry a stick, upon which they cut a notch for every bird killed during a single expedition.

The young men and boys of the various tribes at Fort Berthold, Dakota, often carry a stick on which they notch for every bird they kill during a single trip.

In Seaver’s (a) life of Mary Jemison it is set forth that the war chief in each tribe of Iroquois keeps a war-post, in order to commemorate great events and preserve the chronology of them. This post is a peeled stick of timber 10 or 12 feet high, and is erected in the village. For a campaign they make, or rather the chief makes, a perpendicular red mark about 3 inches long and half an inch wide. On the opposite side from this, for a scalp taken, they make a red cross, thus Greek cross On another side, for a prisoner taken alive, they make a red cross in this manner saltire with dot with a head or dot, and by placing these significant signs in so conspicuous a situation they are enabled to ascertain with great certainty the time and circumstances of past events.

In Seaver’s (a) life of Mary Jemison, it explains that the war chief in each Iroquois tribe has a war post to commemorate significant events and keep track of their timeline. This post is a peeled stick around 10 to 12 feet tall, and it's set up in the village. For each campaign, the chief makes a vertical red mark about 3 inches long and half an inch wide. On the opposite side, for each scalp taken, they make a red cross, as shown in the image below: Greek cross On another side, for a prisoner captured alive, they create a red cross like this: saltire with dot with a head or dot. By placing these meaningful symbols in such a visible spot, they can accurately determine the timing and details of past events.

It is suggested that the device first mentioned represents the scalp severed and lifted from the head, and that the second refers to the[228] manner in which the prisoners were secured at night, pegged and tied in the style called spread-eagle.

It’s suggested that the device mentioned first represents the scalp cut off and lifted from the head, and that the second refers to the[228] way the prisoners were secured at night, pegged and tied in a position called spread-eagle.

Rev. Richard Taylor (a) notes that the Maori had neither the quipus nor wampum, but only a board shaped like a saw, which was called “he rakau wakapa-paranga,” or genealogical board. It was, in fact, a tally, having a notch for each name, and a blank space to denote where the male line failed and was succeeded by that of the female; youths were taught their genealogies by repeating the names of each ancestor to whom the notches referred.

Rev. Richard Taylor (a) notes that the Maori didn't have quipus or wampum, but instead had a board shaped like a saw, called “he rakau wakapa-paranga,” or genealogical board. It was essentially a tally with a notch for each name, and a blank space to indicate where the male line ended and the female line began; young people learned their family histories by reciting the names of each ancestor corresponding to the notches.

It is supposed that the use by bakers of notched sticks or tallies, as they are called, still exists in some civilized regions, and there is an interesting history connected with the same wooden tallies, which until lately were used in the accounts of the exchequer of Great Britain. They also appear more recently and in a different use as the Khe-mou circulated by Tartar chiefs to designate the number of men and horses required to be furnished by each camp.

It’s believed that bakers still use notched sticks or tallies in some developed areas, and there's a fascinating history linked to these wooden tallies, which were used until recently in the accounts of the British exchequer. They also appeared more recently in a different context as Khe-mou, circulated by Tartar chiefs to indicate how many men and horses each camp needed to provide.

SECTION 3.
Wampum.

Fig. 163.—Wampum strings.

Prof. Robert E. C. Stearns (a) says that wampum consisted of beads of two principal colors having a cylindrical form, a quarter of an inch, more or less, in length, the diameter or thickness being usually about half the length. The color of the wampum determined its value. The term wampum, wampon, or wampom, and wampum-peege was apparently applied to these beads when strung or otherwise connected, fastened, or woven together. The illustration given by him is now reproduced as Fig. 163.

Prof. Robert E. C. Stearns (a) explains that wampum was made up of beads in two main colors, shaped like cylinders and about a quarter of an inch long, with a diameter typically about half the length. The color of the wampum determined its value. The terms wampum, wampon, wampom, and wampum-peege seem to refer to these beads when they were strung or otherwise linked, secured, or woven together. The illustration he provided is now shown as Fig. 163.

In the Jesuit Relations, 1656, p. 3, the first present of an Iroquois chief to Jesuit missionaries at a council is described. This was a great figure of the sun, made of 6,000 beads of wampum, which explained to them that the darkness shall not influence them in the councils and the sun shall enlighten them even in the depth of night.

In the Jesuit Relations, 1656, p. 3, the first gift from an Iroquois chief to Jesuit missionaries at a council is described. It was a large figure of the sun made from 6,000 wampum beads, symbolizing that darkness would not affect them in their councils and that the sun would guide them even in the darkest hours.

Among the Iroquoian and Algonquian tribes wampum belts were generally used to record treaties. Mr. John Long (a) describes one of them:

Among the Iroquoian and Algonquian tribes, wampum belts were commonly used to record treaties. Mr. John Long (a) describes one of them:

The wampum belts given to Sir William Johnson, of immortal Indian memory, were in several rows, black on each side and white in the middle; the white being placed in the center was to express peace and that the path between them was fair and open. In the center of the belt was a figure of a diamond made of white wampum, which the Indians call the council fire.

The wampum belts given to Sir William Johnson, who is remembered in Indian history, had several rows—black on each side and white in the middle. The white wampum in the center represented peace, indicating that the path between them was clear and open. In the middle of the belt was a diamond shape made of white wampum, which the Indians refer to as the council fire.

In the Jesuit Relations, 1642, p. 53, it is said that among the northern Algonquins a present to deliver a prisoner consisted of three strings of wampum to break the three bonds by which he was supposed to be tied, one around the legs, one around the arms, and the third around the middle.

In the Jesuit Relations, 1642, p. 53, it mentions that among the northern Algonquins, a gift to release a prisoner included three strings of wampum to break the three ties that were believed to bind him: one around the legs, one around the arms, and the last around the waist.

In the same Relations, 1653, p. 19, is a good example of messages attached to separate presents of wampum, etc. This was at a council in 1653 at the Huron town, 2 leagues from Quebec:

In the same Relations, 1653, p. 19, is a good example of messages attached to separate gifts of wampum, etc. This was at a council in 1653 at the Huron town, 2 leagues from Quebec:

The first was given to dry the tears which are usually shed at the news of brave warriors massacred in combat.

The first was given to dry the tears that are often shed upon hearing about brave warriors killed in battle.

The second served as an agreeable drink, as an antidote to whatever bitterness might remain in the heart of the French on account of the death of their people.

The second acted as a pleasant drink, a remedy for any lingering bitterness that might be in the hearts of the French due to the loss of their people.

The third was to furnish a piece of bark or a covering for the dead, lest the sight of them should renew the old strife.

The third was to provide a piece of bark or a covering for the dead, so that the sight of them wouldn’t reignite the old conflicts.

The fourth was to inter them and to tread well the earth upon their graves, in order that nothing should ever come forth from their tombs which could grieve their friends and cause the spirit of revenge to arise in their minds.

The fourth was to bury them and to pack the earth tightly over their graves, so that nothing would ever emerge from their tombs to upset their friends and stir up feelings of revenge in their hearts.

The fifth was to serve as a wrapping to pack up the arms which were henceforth not to be touched.

The fifth was to act as a cover to pack up the weapons that were no longer to be handled.

The sixth was to cleanse the river, soiled with so much blood.

The sixth was to clean the river, stained with so much blood.

The last, to exhort the Hurons to agree to what Onontio, the great captain of the French, should decide upon touching the peace.

The final point is to urge the Hurons to agree to whatever Onontio, the great leader of the French, decides regarding the peace.

As a rule there was no intrinsic significance in a wampum belt, or collar, as the French sometimes called it. It was not understood except by the memory of those to whom and by whom it was delivered. This is well expressed in a dialogue reported by Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (a) in 1703:

As a general rule, a wampum belt, or collar as the French sometimes referred to it, didn't have any inherent meaning. Its significance was only clear to those who received it and those who gave it. This idea is clearly illustrated in a conversation recorded by Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (a) in 1703:

[Council of Hurons at Fort Ponchartrain, June 3, 1703.]

[Council of Hurons at Fort Ponchartrain, June 3, 1703.]

Quarante-Sols. I come on my way to tell you what I propose to do at Montreal. Here is a collar which has been sent to us by the Iroquois, and which the Ottawas have brought to us; we do not know what it signifies.

Quarantine Zones. I'm here to share what I plan to do in Montreal. Here's a collar that the Iroquois sent us, and the Ottawas brought it to us; we don't know what it means.

M. de Lamothe. How have you received this collar without knowing the purpose for which it was sent you?

M. de Lamothe. How did you get this collar without knowing why it was sent to you?

Quarante-Sols. It has already been long since we received it. I was not there, and our old men have forgotten what it said.

Quarantine Zones. It's been a while since we got it. I wasn’t there, and our elders have forgotten what it said.

M. de Lamothe. Your old men are not regarded as children to have such a short memory.

M. de Lamothe. People don’t see older men as children who have such a short memory.

Quarante-Sols. We do not accept this collar; but we are going to take it to Sonnontouan [the Seneca town] to find out what it means; because it is a serious matter not to respond to a collar; it is the custom among us. The Ottawas can tell you what it is, because our people have forgotten it.

Quarante-Sols. We won’t accept this collar; instead, we’re taking it to Sonnontouan [the Seneca town] to figure out what it means because it’s serious not to respond to a collar; that’s just how we do things. The Ottawas can explain it to you since our people have forgotten.

M. de Lamothe. The Ottawas will reply that having received it you should remember it, but since this collar is dumb and has lost its speech I am obliged to be silent myself.

M. de Lamothe. The Ottawas will say that now that you've received it, you should remember it, but since this collar is mute and has lost its voice, I have to remain silent as well.

In the Diary of the Siege of Detroit (a) it is narrated that after receiving a belt of wampum from the commanding officer the Pottawatomi chief called it the officer’s “mouth,” and said that those to whom it was sent would believe it when “they saw his mouth.”

In the Diary of the Siege of Detroit (a), it’s recorded that after getting a belt of wampum from the commanding officer, the Pottawatomi chief referred to it as the officer’s “mouth” and stated that those who received it would trust it when “they saw his mouth.”

But wampum designs, besides being mere credentials, and thus like the Australian message sticks, and also mnemonic, became, to some[230] extent, conventional. The predominance of white beads indicated peace, and purple or violet meant war.

But wampum designs, aside from being just credentials, and similar to the Australian message sticks, and also serving as memory aids, became somewhat conventional. The dominance of white beads signified peace, while purple or violet represented war.

On the authority of Sir Daniel Wilson (a) a string of black wampum sent round the settlement is still among the Indians of the Six Nations the notice of the death of a chief.

On the authority of Sir Daniel Wilson (a) a string of black wampum sent around the settlement is still among the Indians of the Six Nations as a notice of the death of a chief.

The Iroquois belts had an arrangement of wampum to signify the lakes, rivers, mountains, valleys, portages, and falls along the path of trail between them and the Algonkins, who were parties to their treaty in 1653.

The Iroquois belts had a layout of wampum to represent the lakes, rivers, mountains, valleys, portages, and waterfalls along the trail connecting them and the Algonkins, who were part of their treaty in 1653.

On the authority of a manuscript letter from St. Ange to D’Abbadie, September 9, 1764, quoted by Parkman (a), Pontiac’s great wampum belt was 6 feet long, 4 inches wide, and was wrought from end to end with the symbols of tribes and villages, 47 in number, which were leagued with him.

On the authority of a handwritten letter from St. Ange to D’Abbadie, dated September 9, 1764, quoted by Parkman (a), Pontiac’s impressive wampum belt measured 6 feet long and 4 inches wide, covered from end to end with the symbols of 47 tribes and villages that were allied with him.

In addition to becoming conventional the designs in wampum, perhaps from expertness in their workmanship, exhibited ideographs in their later development, of which the following description, taken from Rev. Peter Jones’s (a), “History of the Ojebway Indians” is an instance:

In addition to becoming standard, the designs in wampum, possibly due to skill in their crafting, displayed ideographs in their later development. The following description, taken from Rev. Peter Jones’s (a), “History of the Ojebway Indians,” is an example:

Johnson then explained the emblems contained in the wampum belt brought by Yellowhead, which, he said, they acknowledged to be the acts of their fathers. Firstly, the council fire at the Sault Ste. Marie has no emblem, because then the council was held. Secondly, the council fire at Mamtoulni has the emblem of a beautiful white fish; this signifies purity, or a clean white heart—that all our hearts ought to be white toward each other. Thirdly, the emblem of a beaver, placed at an island on Penetanguishew bay, denotes wisdom—that all the acts of our fathers were done in wisdom. Fourthly, the emblem of a white deer, placed at Lake Simcoe, signified superiority; the dish and ladles at the same place indicated abundance of game and food. Fifthly, the eagle perched on a tall pine tree at the Credit denotes watching, and swiftness in conveying messages. The eagle was to watch all the council fires between the Six Nations and the Ojebways, and being far-sighted, he might, in the event of anything happening, communicate the tidings to the distant tribes. Sixthly, the sun was hung up in the center of the belt to show that their acts were done in the face of the sun, by whom they swore that they would forever after observe the treaties made between the two parties.

Johnson then explained the symbols in the wampum belt brought by Yellowhead, which, he said, they recognized as the actions of their ancestors. First, the council fire at Sault Ste. Marie has no symbol because that’s where the council took place. Second, the council fire at Mamtoulni features the emblem of a beautiful white fish; this represents purity, or a clean heart—that all our hearts should be pure toward each other. Third, the beaver symbol, found at an island on Penetanguishene Bay, signifies wisdom—that all our ancestors’ actions were guided by wisdom. Fourth, the emblem of a white deer at Lake Simcoe represents superiority; the dish and ladles at the same location indicate an abundance of game and food. Fifth, the eagle perched on a tall pine tree at the Credit symbolizes vigilance and the quick delivery of messages. The eagle was meant to watch over all the council fires between the Six Nations and the Ojibwe, and with its keen eyesight, it could communicate news to distant tribes if anything occurred. Lastly, the sun was placed in the center of the belt to show that their actions were done in full view of the sun, by whom they vowed to honor the treaties made between the two parties from then on.

In the same work, p. 119, is a description of a wampum belt that recorded the first treaty between the Ojibwa and the Six Nations of the Iroquois confederacy. It has the figure of a dish or bowl at its middle to represent that the Ojibwa and the Six Nations were all to eat out of the same dish, meaning, ideographically, that all the game in the region should be for their common use.

In the same work, p. 119, there is a description of a wampum belt that recorded the first treaty between the Ojibwa and the Six Nations of the Iroquois confederacy. It features the image of a dish or bowl in the center to signify that the Ojibwa and the Six Nations were all meant to share the same dish, which ideographically represents that all the game in the area should be for their mutual use.

Fig. 164.—Penn wampum belt.

Mr. W. H. Holmes (c) gives an illustration of the well-known Penn wampum belt, reproduced here as Fig. 164, with remarks condensed as follows:

Mr. W. H. Holmes (c) provides an example of the famous Penn wampum belt, shown here as Fig. 164, with comments summarized as follows:

It is believed to be the original belt delivered by the Leni-Lenape sachems to William Penn at the celebrated treaty under the elm tree at Schackamaxon in 1682. Up to the year 1857 this belt remained in the keeping of the Penn family. In March, 1857, it was presented to the Pennsylvania Historical Society by Granville John Penn, a great-grandson of William Penn. Mr. Penn, in his speech on this occasion, states that there can be no doubt that this is the identical belt used at the treaty, and presents his views in the following language:

It is thought to be the original belt given by the Leni-Lenape chiefs to William Penn at the famous treaty under the elm tree at Schackamaxon in 1682. Until 1857, this belt was kept by the Penn family. In March 1857, it was donated to the Pennsylvania Historical Society by Granville John Penn, a great-grandson of William Penn. Mr. Penn, in his speech on this occasion, asserts that there is no doubt this is the same belt used at the treaty and shares his thoughts in the following words:

“In the first place, its dimensions are greater than of those used on more ordinary occasions, of which we have one still in our possession—this belt being composed of 18 strings of wampum, which is a proof that it was the record of some very important negotiation. In the next place, in the center of the belt, which is of white wampum, are delineated in dark-colored beads, in a rude, but graphic style, two figures—that of an Indian grasping with the hand of friendship the hand of a man evidently intended to be represented in the European costume wearing a hat, which can only be interpreted as having reference to the treaty of peace and friendship which was then concluded between William Penn and the Indians, and recorded by them in their own simple but descriptive mode of expressing their meaning by the employment of hieroglyphics.”

“In the first place, its size is larger than those used on more ordinary occasions, of which we still have one in our possession—this belt is made up of 18 strings of wampum, which shows that it was the record of some very important negotiations. Next, in the center of the belt, which is made of white wampum, there are dark-colored beads depicting, in a rough but vivid style, two figures—an Indian shaking hands with a man clearly intended to be depicted in European clothing wearing a hat. This can only be understood as a reference to the treaty of peace and friendship that was concluded between William Penn and the Indians, recorded by them in their own simple but descriptive way of expressing their meaning through hieroglyphics.”

SECTION 4.
Song lineup.

The Indian songs or, more accurately, chants, with which pictography is connected, have been preserved in their integrity by the use of pictured characters. They are in general connected with religious ceremonies, and are chiefly used in the initiation of neophytes to secret religious orders. Some of them, however, are used in social meetings or ceremonies of cult societies, though the distinction between social or any other general associations and those to be classified as religious is not easily defined. Religion was the real life of the tribes, permeating all their activities and institutions.

The Indian songs, or more accurately, chants associated with pictography, have been kept intact through the use of pictorial symbols. Generally, they are related to religious ceremonies and are mainly used to initiate newcomers into secret religious groups. Some of these chants, however, are also used in social gatherings or rituals of cult societies, although it's not easy to clearly distinguish between social or other general associations and those classified as religious. Religion was the central part of tribal life, influencing all their activities and institutions.

The words of these songs are invariable, even to the extent that by their use for generations many of them have become archaic and form no part of the colloquial language. Indeed, they are not always understood by the best of the shaman songsters, which fact recalls the oriental memorization of the Veda ritual through generations by the priests, who thus, without intent, preserved a language. The sounds were memorized, although the characters designating or, more correctly, recalling them, were not representations of sound, but of idea.

The lyrics of these songs remain unchanged, to the point that after being used for generations, many have become outdated and aren't part of everyday language anymore. In fact, even the most skilled shaman singers don’t always understand them, similar to how Eastern priests memorized the Veda rituals for generations, unintentionally preserving a language. The sounds were memorized, but the written characters that represented or, more accurately, evoked them, were not representations of sound, but of ideas.

Practically, the words—or sounds, understood or not, which passed[232] for words—as well as the notes, were memorized by the singers, and their memory, or that of the shaman, who acted as leader or conductor or precentor, was assisted by the charts. Exoteric interpretation of any ideographic and not merely conventional or purely arbitrary characters in the chart, which may be compared for indistinctness with the translated libretto of operas, may suggest the general subject-matter, perhaps the general course, of the chant, but can not indicate the exact words, or, indeed, any words, of the language chanted.

Basically, the words—or sounds, whether understood or not, that were taken[232] as words—along with the notes, were memorized by the singers, and their memory, or that of the shaman, who served as the leader or conductor or precentor, was supported by the charts. A straightforward interpretation of any ideographic and not just conventional or purely arbitrary symbols in the chart, which might be compared to the unclear translated libretto of operas, may hint at the general topic, perhaps the overall direction, of the chant, but cannot point out the exact words, or really, any words, of the language being chanted.

A simple mode of explaining the amount of symbolism necessarily contained in the charts of the order of songs is by likening them to the illustrated songs and ballads lately published in popular magazines, where every stanza has at least one appropriate illustration. Let it be supposed that the text was obliterated forever, indeed, the art of reading lost, the illustrations remaining, as also the memory to some persons of the words of the ballad. The illustrations, kept in their original order, would always supply the order of the stanzas and also the particular subject-matter of each particular stanza, and that subject-matter would be a reminder of the words. This is what the rolls of birchbark supply to the initiated Ojibwa. Schoolcraft pretended that there is intrinsic symbolism in the characters employed, which might imply that the words of the chants were rather interpretations of those characters than that the latter were reminders of the words. But only after the vocables of the actual songs and chants have been learned can the mnemonic characters be clearly understood. Doubtless the more ideographic and the less arbitrary the characters the more readily can they be learned and retained in the memory, and during the long period of the practical use of the mnemonic devices many exhibiting ideography and symbolism have been invented or selected.

A straightforward way to explain the level of symbolism in the charts of song orders is to compare them to illustrated songs and ballads recently published in popular magazines, where each stanza includes at least one relevant illustration. Imagine that the text has been completely erased, and even the ability to read is lost, but the illustrations remain, as well as the memory some people might have of the ballad's words. The illustrations, kept in their original order, would always indicate the sequence of the stanzas and the specific subject of each stanza, which would serve as a reminder of the lyrics. This is what the rolls of birchbark offer to the knowledgeable Ojibwa. Schoolcraft claimed there is inherent symbolism in the characters used, which might suggest that the words of the chants are more interpretations of those characters than reminders of the words. However, it's only after learning the actual songs and chants that the mnemonic characters can be fully understood. Clearly, the more ideographic and less arbitrary the characters are, the easier they can be learned and remembered. Throughout the extended use of these mnemonic devices, many showcasing ideography and symbolism have been created or chosen.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVII
ORDER OF SONGS—OJIBWA.

The ceremonial songs represented pictorially in Pl. XVII, A, B, C, and D, were obtained from Ojibwa shamans at White Earth, Minnesota, by Dr. Hoffman, and pertain to the ceremony of initiating new members into the Midē' wiwin or Grand Medicine Society. The language, now omitted, differs to some extent from that now spoken. The songs and ritual are transmitted from generation to generation, and although an Indian who now receives admission into the society may compose his own songs for use in connection with his profession, he will not adopt the modern Ojibwa words, but employs the archaic whenever practicable. To change the ancient forms would cause loss of power in the charms which such songs are alleged to possess.

The ceremonial songs shown in Pl. XVII, A, B, C, and D were collected from Ojibwa shamans at White Earth, Minnesota, by Dr. Hoffman. They are related to the initiation ceremony for new members of the Midē' wiwin or Grand Medicine Society. The language used, which is now omitted, is somewhat different from what is spoken today. The songs and rituals are passed down from generation to generation, and even though a person who is newly admitted into the society may create their own songs for their profession, they will stick to the old Ojibwa words whenever possible. Changing the ancient forms would lead to a loss of the power that these songs are believed to have.

The translation of the songs was given by the Ojibwa singers, while the remarks in smaller type further elucidate the meaning of the phrases, as afterwards explained by the shaman.

The translation of the songs was provided by the Ojibwa singers, while the notes in smaller text further clarify the meaning of the phrases, as later explained by the shaman.

The characters were all drawn upon birch bark, as is usual with the “medicine songs” of the Ojibwa, and the words suggested by the incisions were chanted. The incompleteness of some of the phrases was accounted for by the shaman by the fact that they are gradually[233] being forgotten. The ceremonies are now of infrequent occurrence, which tends to substantiate this assertion.

The characters were all etched onto birch bark, as is typical with the "medicine songs" of the Ojibwa, and the words indicated by the carvings were chanted. The shaman explained the incompleteness of some phrases by noting that they are gradually[233] being forgotten. The ceremonies are now rare, which supports this claim.

One song, as presented on a single piece of birch bark, really consists of as many songs as there are mnemonic characters. Each phrase, corresponding to a character, is repeated a number of times; the greater the number of repetitions the greater will be the power of inspiration in the singer. One song or phrase may, therefore, extend over a period of from two to ten or more minutes.

One song, as shown on a single piece of birch bark, actually consists of as many songs as there are memory characters. Each phrase, linked to a character, is repeated several times; the more times it’s repeated, the stronger the inspiration will be for the singer. Consequently, one song or phrase can last anywhere from two to ten minutes or even longer.

The song covers much more time when dancing accompanies it, as is the case with the first one presented below. The dancing generally commences after a pause, designated by a single vertical bar.

The song spans a longer duration when it's paired with dancing, like in the first one mentioned below. The dancing usually starts after a break, marked by a single vertical bar.

The following characters are taken from A, Pl. XVII, and are here reproduced separately to facilitate explanation:

The following characters are taken from A, Pl. XVII, and are presented separately here for easier explanation:

The earth, spirit that I am, I take medicine out of the earth.

The earth, spirit that I am, I take medicine from the earth.

The upper figure represents the arm reaching down toward the earth, searching for hidden remedies.

The upper figure shows the arm reaching down to the ground, looking for hidden cures.

(Because of) a spirit that I am, my son.

(Because of) a spirit that I am, my son.

The headless human figure emerging from the circle is a mysterious being, representing the power possessed by the speaker. He addresses a younger and less experienced Midē' or shaman.

The headless human figure coming out of the circle is a mysterious entity, symbolizing the power held by the speaker. He speaks to a younger and less experienced Midē' or shaman.

Bar or rest.

Bar or lounge.

The vertical line denotes a slight pause in the song, after which the chant is renewed, accompanied by dancing.

The vertical line indicates a brief pause in the song, after which the chant starts again, accompanied by dancing.

They have pity on me, that is why they call us to the Grand Medicine.

They feel sorry for me, which is why they invite us to the Grand Medicine.

The inner circle represents the speaker’s heart; the outer circle, the gathering place for shamans, while the short lines indicate the directions from which the shamans come together.

The inner circle symbolizes the speaker’s heart; the outer circle is the meeting place for shamans, while the short lines show the directions from which the shamans gather.

I want to see you, medicine man.

I want to see you, healer.

The figure of a head is represented with lines running downward (and forward) from the eyes, donating sight. The speaker is looking for the shaman, spoken to, to make his appearance within the sacred structure where the Midē' ceremonies are to take place.

The figure of a head is shown with lines running downwards (and forwards) from the eyes, indicating vision. The speaker is waiting for the shaman, who has been called upon, to appear within the sacred space where the Midē' ceremonies will occur.

My body is a spirit.

My body is a soul.

The character is intended to represent the body of a bear, with a line across the body, signifying one of the most powerful of the sacred Man'idōs or spirits, of the Midē' wiwin or “Grand Medicine Society.”

The character is meant to symbolize a bear's body, with a line running across it, representing one of the most powerful sacred Man'idōs or spirits of the Midē' wiwin or "Grand Medicine Society."

You would [know] it, it being a spirit.

You would know it, since it’s a spirit.

The figure of a head is shown with lines extending both upward and downward from the ears, denoting a knowledge of things in realm of the Man'idōs above, and of the secrets of the earth beneath.

The figure of a head is shown with lines extending both upward and downward from the ears, indicating knowledge of the things in the realm of the Man'idōs above, and of the secrets of the earth below.

As I am dressed, I am.

As I am dressed, I am.

The otter is emerging from the sacred Midē' inclosure; the otter typifies the sacred Man'idō who received instruction for the people from Mi'nabō'zho, the intermediary between the “Great Spirit” and the Ânîshinâbeg.

The otter is coming out of the sacred Midē' enclosure; the otter represents the sacred Man'idō who received teachings for the people from Mi'nabō'zho, the link between the “Great Spirit” and the Ânîshinâbeg.

That is what ails me, I fear my Midē' brothers.

That’s what’s bothering me, I worry about my Midē' brothers.

The arm reaching into a circle denotes the power of obtaining mysterious influence from Kítschi Man'idō, but the relation between the pictograph and the phrase is obscure; unless the speaker fears such power as possessed by others.

The arm reaching into a circle represents the ability to gain mysterious influence from Kítschi Man'idō, but the connection between the pictograph and the phrase is unclear; unless the speaker is afraid of such power held by others.

The following is the order of another Midē' song. The general style of the original resembles the specific class of songs which are used when digging medicines, i. e., plants or roots. The song is shown in Pl. XVII, B as the character appears on the bark.

The following is the order of another Midē' song. The general style of the original is similar to the specific type of songs used when digging for medicinal plants or roots. The song is shown in Pl. XVII, B as the character appears on the bark.

As I arise from [slumber].

As I wake up.

The speaker is shown as emerging from a double circle, his sleeping place.

The speaker is depicted as coming out of a double circle, his resting spot.

What have I unearthed?

What have I discovered?

The speaker has discovered a bear Man'idō, as shown by the two hands grasping that animal by the back.

The speaker has found a bear Man'idō, as indicated by the two hands holding onto that animal from behind.

Down is the bear.

Down is the bear.

The bear is said to have his legs cut off, by the outline of the Midē' structure, signifying he has become helpless because he is under the influence of the shamans.

The bear is said to have had its legs cut off by the outline of the Midē' structure, indicating that it has become helpless due to the influence of the shamans.

Big, I am big.

I’m big.

The speaker is great in his own estimation; his power of obtaining gifts from superior beings is shown by the arm reaching for an object received from above; he has furthermore overcome the bear Man'idō and can employ it to advantage.

The speaker sees himself as exceptional; his ability to receive gifts from higher powers is evident by the arm reaching for an object given from above; he has also defeated the bear Man'idō and can use it to his advantage.

You encourage me.

You inspire me.

Two arms are shown extended toward a circle containing spots of mī'gis, or sacred shells. The arms represent the assistance of friends of the speaker encouraging him with their assistance.

Two arms are shown reaching out toward a circle filled with mī'gis, or sacred shells. The arms symbolize the support of the speaker's friends, encouraging him with their help.

I can alight in the medicine pole.

I can land on the medicine pole.

The eagle or thunder-bird is perched upon the medicine pole erected near the shamans’ sacred structure. The speaker professes to have the power of flight equal to the thunder-bird, that he may transport himself to any desired locality.

The eagle, or thunderbird, is sitting on the medicine pole set up near the shamans' sacred site. The speaker claims to have the power of flight like the thunderbird, so he can travel to any place he wants.

The following is another example of a pictured Midē' song, and is represented in Pl. XVII, C.

The following is another example of a depicted Midē' song, shown in Pl. XVII, C.

I know you are a spirit.

I know you’re a ghost.

The figure is represented as having waving lines extending from the eyes downward toward the earth, and indicating search for secrets hidden beneath the surface of the earth. The hands extending upward indicate the person claims supernatural powers by which he is recognized as “equal to a spirit.”

The figure is shown with wavy lines extending from the eyes down toward the ground, symbolizing a quest for secrets hidden beneath the earth's surface. The hands reaching upward suggest that the person possesses supernatural powers, identifying him as “equal to a spirit.”

I lied to my son.

I deceived my son.

The signification of the phrase could not be explained by the informant, especially its relation to the character, which is an arm, reaching beyond the sky for power from Ki'tshi Man'idō. The waving line upon the arm denotes mysterious power.

The informant couldn’t explain what the phrase meant, particularly how it relates to the character, which is an arm reaching beyond the sky for power from Ki'tshi Man'idō. The wavy line on the arm signifies mysterious power.

Spirit I am, the wolf.

I am the spirit wolf.

The speaker terms himself a wolf spirit, possessing peculiar power. The animal as drawn has a line across the body signifying its spirit character.

The speaker calls himself a wolf spirit, having a unique power. The animal, as depicted, has a line across its body that signifies its spiritual nature.

At last I become a spirit.

At last, I become a spirit.

The circle denotes the spot occupied by the speaker; his hands extended are directed toward the source of his powers.

The circle marks the spot where the speaker stands; his outstretched hands point toward the source of his abilities.

I give you the mī'gis.

I give you the migis.

The upper character represents the arm reaching down giving a sacred shell, the mī'gis, the sacred emblem of the “Grand Medicine Society.” The “giving of the mī'gis” signifies its “being shot” into the body of a new member of the society to give him life and the power of communing with spirits, or Man'idōs.

The upper figure represents an arm reaching down to offer a sacred shell, the mī'gis, which is the sacred symbol of the "Grand Medicine Society." The "giving of the mī'gis" signifies its "injection" into the body of a new society member to grant him life and the ability to connect with spirits, or Man'idōs.

You are speaking to me.

You're talking to me.

An arm is extended toward a circle containing a smaller one, the latter representing the spot occupied by Midē' friends.

An arm reaches out toward a circle that has a smaller one inside it, the smaller circle representing the location of Midē' friends.

The characters next explained are taken from the last line, D, of the series given in Pl. XVII. The speaker appears to have great faith in his own powers as a Midē'.

The characters described next are taken from the last line, D, of the series shown in Pl. XVII. The speaker seems to have a lot of confidence in his abilities as a Midē'.

Spirit I am, I enter.

I am spirit, I enter.

The otter, which Man'idō, the speaker, professes to represent, is entering the sacred structure of Midē' lodge.

The otter, which Man'idō, the speaker, claims to represent, is entering the sacred structure of the Midē' lodge.

Midē' friends, do you hear me?

Midē' friends, can you hear me?

The circles denote the locality where the Midē' are supposed to be congregated. The waving lines signify hearing, when, as in this case, attached to the ears.

The circles represent the area where the Midē' are believed to gather. The wavy lines indicate hearing, especially when connected to the ears, as in this instance.

The first time I heard you.

The first time I heard you.

The speaker asserts that he heard the voices of the Man'idōs when he went through his first initiation into the society. He is still represented as the otter.

The speaker claims that he heard the voices of the Man'idōs when he went through his first initiation into the society. He is still depicted as the otter.

The spirit, he does hear (?)

The spirit, he can hear it (?)

The interpretation is vague, but could not be otherwise explained. The lines from the ears denote hearing.

The interpretation is unclear, but it couldn't be explained differently. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.

They, the Midē' friends, have paid enough.

They, the Midē' friends, have paid enough.

The arm in the attitude of giving, to Ki'tshi Man'idō, signifies that the Midē' have made presents of sufficient value to be enabled to possess the secrets, which they received in return.

The arm in the gesture of giving to Ki'tshi Man'idō represents that the Midē' have given gifts of enough worth to gain the secrets they received in return.

They have pity on me, the chief Midē'.

They feel sorry for me, the chief Midē'.

The arms of Ki'tshi Man'idō are extended to the Midē' lodge, giving assistance as besought.

The arms of Ki'tshi Man'idō are open to the Midē' lodge, offering help as requested.

The song mnemonically represented in Pl. XVIII A (reproduced from Pl. X A. of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bur. of Ethn.) is sung by the Ojibwa preceptor who has been instructing the candidate for initiation. It praises the preceptor’s efforts and the character of the knowledge he has imparted. Its delivery is made to extend over as much time as possible.

The song shown in Pl. XVIII A (taken from Pl. X A of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bur. of Ethn.) is sung by the Ojibwa teacher who has been guiding the candidate for initiation. It celebrates the teacher’s efforts and the quality of the knowledge he has shared. The performance is designed to last as long as possible.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVIII
MNEMONIC SONGS—OJIBWA.

The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas'sigĕ, and are a copy of an old birchbark scroll, which has for many years been in his possession,[237] and which was a transcript of one in the possession of his father Baiédzĭk, one of the leading Midē' at Mille Lacs, Minnesota.

The mnemonic characters were created by Sikas'sigĕ and are a reproduction of an old birchbark scroll that he has owned for many years,[237] which was a copy of one owned by his father Baiédzĭk, a prominent Midē' at Mille Lacs, Minnesota.

My arm is almost pulled out with digging medicine. It is full of medicine.

My arm feels like it's about to be yanked out from all the medicine I'm digging into. It's packed with medication.

The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously designated “medicine.”

The short zigzag lines representing magical influence, mistakenly called “medicine.”

Almost crying because the medicine is lost.

Almost crying because the medicine is gone.

The lines extending downward from the eye signify weeping; the circle beneath the figure, the place where the “medicine” is supposed to exist. The idea of “lost” signifies that some information has been forgotten through death of those who possessed it.

The lines going down from the eye represent crying; the circle below the figure indicates where the “medicine” is meant to be. The concept of “lost” means that some knowledge has been forgotten due to the death of those who held it.

Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for.

Yes, there are many remedies you might long for.

Refers to that which is yet to be taught.

Refers to what hasn’t been taught yet.

Yes, I see there is plenty of it.

Yes, I see there’s a lot of it.

The Midē' has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but reserves that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run to various medicines which he perceives or knows of.

The Midē' knows more than he has shared, but he keeps that knowledge for a later time. The lines of “sight” extend to different medicines that he sees or is aware of.

Rest.

Take a break.

When I come out the sky becomes clear.

When I step outside, the sky clears up.

When the otter-skin Midē' sack is produced the sky becomes clear, so that the ceremonies may proceed.

When the otter-skin Midē' sack is made, the sky clears up, allowing the ceremonies to take place.

The spirit has given me power to see.

The spirit has given me the ability to see.

The Midē' sits on a mountain the better to commune with the good Man'idō.

The Midē' is located on a mountain to be closer to the good Man'idō.

I brought the medicine to bring life.

I brought the medicine to restore life.

The Midē' Man'idō, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the plants—by causing the rains to fall—returns to the sky. The short line represents part of the circular line usually employed to designate the imaginary vault of the sky.

The Midē' Man'idō, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the plants—by making it rain—returns to the sky. The short line represents part of the circular line typically used to indicate the imaginary dome of the sky.

I too, see how much there is.

I also see how much there is.

His power elevates the Midē' to the rank of a Man'idō, from whose position he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.

His power raises the Midē' to the level of a Man'idō, from where he sees many secrets buried in the earth.

I am going to the medicine lodge.

I’m heading to the medicine lodge.

The vertical, left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the Midē'wigân.

The vertical figure on the left shows a leg moving toward the Midē'wigân.

I take life from the sky.

I draw life from the sky.

The Midē' is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from Ki'tshi Man'idō' the means of prolonging life. The circle at the top denotes the sacred migis or shell.

The Midē' is able to reach into the sky and get from Ki'tshi Man'idō' the way to extend life. The circle at the top represents the sacred migis or shell.

Let us talk to one another.

Let's chat.

The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midē') and the hearer (Ki'tshi Man'idō), the short lines signifying magic influences, the Midē' occupying the left hand and smaller seat.

The circles represent the positions of the speaker (Midē') and the listener (Ki'tshi Man'idō), with the short lines indicating magical influences, the Midē' sitting on the left side in the smaller seat.

The spirit is in my body, my friend.

The spirit is in my body, my friend.

The mī'gis, given by Ki'tshi Man'idō, is in contact with the Midē'’s body, and he is possessed of life and power.

The mī'gis, given by Ki'tshi Man'idō, is in touch with the Midē's body, and he is filled with life and energy.

In the order of song, Pl. XVIII, B, reproduced from Pl. IX, C, of the Seventh Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, the preceptor appears to feel satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, and therefore tells him that the Midē' Man'idō announces to him the assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises of the fulfillment of his highest desires:

In the sequence of songs, Pl. 18, B, taken from Pl. IX, C, of the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, the teacher seems confident that the student is ready for initiation, and so he tells him that the Midē' Man'idō is giving him the assurance. The teacher encourages his student with promises of realizing his greatest ambitions:

I hear the spirit speaking to us.

I hear the spirit talking to us.

The Midē'-singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns and pointer upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.

The Midē'-singer has great power, as shown by the horns and pointer on his head. The lines from the ears signify hearing.

I am going into the medicine lodge.

I’m going into the medicine lodge.

The Midē'wigân is shown with a line through it, to signify that the preceptor is going through it in imagination, as in the initiation.

The Midē'wigân is marked with a line through it to indicate that the instructor is mentally navigating it, just like during the initiation.

I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live.

I am taking medicine to stay alive.

The disks indicate the sacred objects sought for, which are successively obtained by the speaker, who represents the officiating shaman.

The disks show the sacred objects being sought, which the speaker, acting as the officiating shaman, obtains one after another.

I give you medicine, and a lodge, also.

I provide you with medicine and a place to stay, too.

The Midē', as the personator of Makwá Man'idō, is empowered to offer this privilege to the candidate.

The Midē', who represents Makwá Man'idō, has the authority to grant this privilege to the candidate.

I am flying into my lodge.

I am flying into my cabin.

Represents the thunder-bird, a deity flying into the arch of the sky, the abode of spirits or Man'idōs. The short lines cutting the curve are spirit lines.

Represents the thunderbird, a god soaring into the arch of the sky, the home of spirits or Man'idōs. The short lines crossing the curve are spirit lines.

The spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it.

The spirit has sent down medicine from the sky where we can access it.

The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that the sacred objects fall in scattered places.

The line from the sky, branching off to different spots, shows that the sacred objects land in various scattered locations.

I have the medicine in my heart.

I have the cure inside me.

The singer’s heart is filled with knowledge relating to sacred objects from the earth.

The singer's heart is full of knowledge about sacred objects from the earth.

The song depicted in Pl. XVIII C, was drawn by “Little Frenchman,” an Ojibwa Midē' of the first degree, who reproduced it from a bark record belonging to his preceptor. “Little Frenchman” had not yet received instruction in these characters, and consequently could not sing the songs, but from his familiarity with mnemonic delineations of the order of the Grand Medicine of ideas he was able to give an outline of the signification of the figures and the phraseology which they suggested to his mind. In the following description the first line pertaining to a character is the objective description, the second being the explanation.

The song shown in Pl. 18 C was created by “Little Frenchman,” an Ojibwa Midē' of the first degree, who copied it from a bark record belonging to his teacher. “Little Frenchman” hadn’t yet learned these characters, so he couldn’t sing the songs, but because he was familiar with the mnemonic drawings used in the Grand Medicine order, he was able to provide a summary of what the figures meant and the phrases they brought to his mind. In the following description, the first line for each character describes it objectively, while the second line provides the explanation.

It is furthermore to be remarked that in this chart and the one following the interpretation of characters begins at the right hand instead of the left, contrary to rule. The song is reproduced from. Pl. XXII, A, of the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology:

It is also worth noting that in this chart and the one that follows, the interpretation of characters starts on the right side instead of the left, which is the opposite of the usual rule. The song is reproduced from Pl. XXII, A, of the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology:

From the place where I sit.

From my viewpoint.

A man, seated and talking or singing.

A man, sitting and chatting or singing.

The big tree in the middle of the earth.

The big tree at the center of the world.

Tree; inclosure represents the world as visible from a given spot of observation—horizon.

Tree; enclosure represents the world as seen from a specific point of observation—horizon.

I will float down the fast running stream.

I will float down the fast-moving stream.

Stream of water; the spots indicate progress of traveler, and may be rude indications of canoes or equally rude foot tracks, the usual pictograph for traveling.

Stream of water; the marks show the traveler's progress and may be rough signs of canoes or simple footprints, the typical pictograph for travel.

The place that is feared I inhabit; the swift running stream.

The place I fear is where I live; the rushing stream.

A spirit surrounded by a line indicating the shore.

A spirit encircled by a line that marks the shore.

You who speak to me.

You who talk to me.

Two spirits communing.

Two souls connecting.

I have long horns.

I have big horns.

Horned water monster.

Horned water creature.

Rest; dancing begins with next character.

Rest; dancing begins with next character.

I, observing, follow your example.

I'm watching and following your lead.

Man listening to water monster (spirit).

Man hearing water spirit.

You are my body; you see anybody; you see my nails are worn off in grasping the stone (from which medicine is taken).

You are my body; you see anyone; you see my nails are worn down from gripping the stone (from which medicine is made).

Bear, with claws, scratching; depression shown by line under claws, where scratching has been done.

Bear, with claws, scratching; depression shown by line under claws, where scratching has been done.

You (i. e., the spirits who are there), to whom I am speaking.

You (i.e., the spirits present), to whom I am speaking.

Spirit panther.

Spirit panther.

I am floating down smoothly.

I'm floating down smoothly.

Spirit otter, swimming; outer lines are river banks.

Spirit otter, swimming; outer edges are riverbanks.

Rest.

Relax.

I have finished my drum.

I'm done with my drum.

Spirit holding drum; sound ascending.

Spirit with drum; sound rising.

My body is like unto you.

My body is like yours.

This is the mī'gis shell—the special symbol of the Midē' wiwin.

This is the mī'gis shell—the unique symbol of the Midē' wiwin.

Hear me, thou, who art talking to me.

Hear me, you, who are talking to me.

Listening, and wanting others (spirits) to hear.

Listening and wanting others (spirits) to hear.

See what I am taking.

Check out what I'm taking.

Spirit (Midē') taking “medicine root.”

Spirit (Midē') using "healing root."

See me whose head is out of the water.

See me, with my head above water.

Otters, two spirits, the left-hand one being the “speaker.”

Otters, two spirits, with the left-hand one being the “speaker.”

The Midē' song, Pl. XVIII, D, was also copied by “Little Frenchman” upon birchbark, from one in the possession of his preceptor, but upon which he had not yet received careful instruction; hence the incompleteness of some of his interpretations. It is reproduced from Pl. XXII, B, of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology.

The Midē' song, Pl. 18, D, was also copied by “Little Frenchman” onto birchbark, based on a version belonging to his teacher, but he hadn't yet received detailed guidance on it; this is why some of his interpretations are incomplete. It is reproduced from Pl. XXII, B, of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology.

I am sitting down with my pipe.

I’m sitting down with my pipe.

Man sitting, holding a pipe. He has been called upon to “make medicine.” The short lines beneath the body represent that he is seated. He holds a filled pipe which he is not yet smoking.

Man sitting, holding a pipe. He has been asked to “make medicine.” The short lines under the body show that he is seated. He holds a filled pipe that he hasn't started smoking yet.

I, me the spirit, the spirit of the owl.

I, the spirit, the spirit of the owl.

Owl, held by Midē'; arm above bird. This character appears upon the Grand Medicine chart from Red Lake, as passing from the midē' lodge to the ghost lodge.

Owl, held by Midē's arm above the bird. This character appears on the Grand Medicine chart from Red Lake, as it passes from the midē' lodge to the ghost lodge.

It stands, that which I am going after.

It stands, that which I am pursuing.

Tree; showing tracks made by bear spirit. The speaker terms himself equal with this spirit and represents himself seeking remedies.

Tree; showing tracks made by bear spirit. The speaker considers himself equal to this spirit and describes himself as searching for solutions.

I, who fly.

I, who soar.

Medicine bag, flying. The figure is that of the thunder bird (eagle) whose skin was used for a bag. The trees beneath show the bird to have ascended beyond their tops.

Medicine bag, flying. The figure is that of the thunderbird (eagle) whose skin was used for the bag. The trees below indicate that the bird has risen above their tops.

Kibinan is what I use—the magic arrow.

Kibinan is what I use—the magic arrow.

An arrow, held by hand.

A hand-held arrow.

I am coming to the earth.

I’m coming to Earth.

Otter spirit. Circle denotes the surrounding sky in which is the spirit. The earth is shown by the horizontal line above which is the Indian hut. The speaker likens himself to the otter spirit who first received the rites of the Midē' initiation.

Otter spirit. The circle represents the sky surrounding the spirit. The earth is indicated by the horizontal line above which sits the Indian hut. The speaker compares himself to the otter spirit that initially received the Midē' initiation rituals.

I am feeling for it.

I’m feeling it.

Man (spirit) seeking for hidden medicine. The circle represents a hole in the earth.

Man (spirit) searching for hidden medicine. The circle symbolizes a hole in the ground.

I am talking to it.

I'm talking to it.

Medicine bag made of an owl skin is held by shaman; latter is talking to the magic elements contained therein.

Medicine bag made of owl skin is held by the shaman; he is talking to the magical elements inside it.

They are sitting in a circle (“around in a row”).

They are sitting in a circle ("around in a row").

Midē' lodge; Midē' sitting around. The crosses represent the persons present.

Midē' lodge; Midē' hanging out. The crosses represent the people there.

You who are newly hung, and you who have reached half, and you who are now full.

You who are newly hung, and you who have reached halfway, and you who are now full.

Full moon, one half, and quarter moon.

Full moon, half moon, and quarter moon.

I am going for my dish.

I’m going to get my meal.

Footprints leading to dish (ghost society dish). The circular objects here each denotes a “feast,” usually represented by a “dish.”

Footprints leading to a dish (ghost society dish). The circular objects here each represent a "feast," typically symbolized by a "dish."

I go through the medicine lodge.

I walk through the medicine lodge.

Grand medicine lodge; tracks leading through it. The speaker, after having prepared a feast, is entitled to enter for initiation.

Grand medicine lodge; paths leading through it. The speaker, after preparing a feast, has the right to enter for initiation.

Let us commune with one another.

Let’s connect.

Two men conversing; two Midē'.

Two men talking; two Midē'.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIX
MNEMONIC SONGS—OJIBWA.

The mnemonic order of song, Pl. XIX a, is another example from Red Lake, prepared by the Ojibwa last mentioned:

The mnemonic order of the song, Pl. 19 a, is another example from Red Lake, created by the Ojibwa mentioned earlier:

“Carved images.”

“Carved figures.”

Carved images. These represent the speaker to say that he prepares fetishes for hunting, love, etc.

Carved images. These symbolize the speaker's intention to create talismans for hunting, love, and more.

I am holding my grand medicine sack.

I’m holding my big medicine bag.

Man holding “medicine bag.”

Man holding “medicinal pouch.”

“Wants a woman.” [No interpretation was ventured by “Little Frenchman.”]

“Wants a woman.” [No interpretation was offered by “Little Frenchman.”]

Hear me, great spirit.

Hear me, powerful spirit.

Lines from the ears, to denote hearing.

Lines from the ears to indicate hearing.

I am about to climb.

I’m about to climb.

Medicine tree at grand lodge. The marks on either side are bear tracks, the footprints of the bear spirit—the speaker representing him.

Medicine tree at grand lodge. The marks on either side are bear tracks, the footprints of the bear spirit—the speaker representing him.

I am entering the grand medicine lodge.

I am stepping into the big medicine lodge.

The Midē'wigân, showing footprints of the bear Man'idō which are simulated by the boastful shaman.

The Midē'wigân, showing the bear Man'idō's footprints that are mimicked by the showy shaman.

I am making my tracks on the road.

I am making my way down the road.

Footprints on the path.

Footprints on the trail.

I am resting at my home.

I'm chilling at home.

Human figure, with “voice” issuing—singing.

Human figure singing.

Pl. XIX b is a similar song, also made by “Little Frenchman,” and relates to magic remedies and his powers of incantation:

Pl. 19 b is a similar song, also created by “Little Frenchman,” and relates to magical remedies and his powers of spellcasting:

The stars.

The stars.

Stars, preceded by a mark of rest or beginning. It may be noticed that one star has eight and the other six rays, showing that their number is not significant.

Stars, marked by a sign of rest or a start. It's noticeable that one star has eight rays and the other has six, indicating that their quantity isn't important.

The wolf that runs.

The wolf that runs.

Wolf; the banded tail distinguishes it from the otter.

Wolf; the striped tail sets it apart from the otter.

See me what I have; what I have (goods given in the midē' wigwân).

See what I have; what I have (goods given in the midē' wigwân).

Man holding bow.

Guy with a bow.

See what I am about to do.

See what I'm about to do.

Arm, holding a gun.

Arm, holding a gun.

The house of the beaver.

The beaver's lodge.

Beaver, in his house.

Beaver in his home.

I, who make a noise.

I, who make a sound.

A frog, croaking, shown by “voice” lines.

A frog, croaking, displayed with “voice” lines.

My white hair.

My gray hair.

Head with hair. The signification of white hair is great age, though there is no way to ascertain this without oral statement by the singer.

Head with hair. The meaning of white hair is old age, even though there's no way to confirm this without the singer's verbal confirmation.

The house of the otter.

The otter's house.

Otter in his burrow.

Otter in his den.

Hear me, you, to whom I am talking.

Hear me, you whom I'm speaking to.

Mī'gis, spoken to by man, lines showing hearing. The sacred emblem of the Midē'wiwin is implored for aid in carrying out a desired scheme.

Mī'gis, addressed by a person, communicates through signs of listening. The sacred symbol of the Midē'wiwin is called upon for assistance in executing a planned endeavor.

I stoop as I walk.

I hunch as I walk.

An old man. Age is denoted by the act of walking with a staff.

An elderly man. His age is shown by the way he walks with a cane.

I stand by the tree.

I'm by the tree.

Standing near medicine tree. The speaker knows of valued remedies which he desires to dispose of for payment.

Standing near the medicinal tree. The speaker knows about valuable remedies that he wants to sell for payment.

I am raising a rock.

I'm lifting a rock.

Man with stone for Midē' lodge. Carrying stone to Midē' lodge, against which to place a patient.

Man with stone for Midē' lodge. Carrying stone to Midē' lodge, against which to place a patient.

I am holding my pail.

I'm holding my bucket.

Vessel of medicine; arm reaching down to it.

Vessel of medicine; arm reaching down to it.

My arrow point is of iron, and about to kill a male bear.

My arrowhead is made of iron, and it's about to take down a male bear.

Bear, above arrow. Bow—lower character.

Bear, above arrow. Bow—lower case.

I am about to speak to the sky.

I am about to talk to the sky.

Speaking to the “sky.” Power of communing with the Great Spirit, Ki'tshi Man'idō'.

Speaking to the “sky.” The power of connecting with the Great Spirit, Ki'tshi Man'idō'.

I am about to depart; I will liken myself to a bear.

I’m about to leave; I’ll compare myself to a bear.

Bear, tracks and path.

Bear, trails and path.

I am walking on the hard sand beach.

I am walking on the firm sand beach.

Body of water, and lynx. The ellipse denotes a lake.

Body of water and lynx. The ellipse represents a lake.

Another song of a similar character, reproduced from birchbark on Pl. XIX c, is explained below. It was also made by “Little Frenchman,” and relates to the searching for and preparation of objects used in sorcery.

Another song with a similar theme, reprinted from birchbark on Pl. 19 c, is explained below. It was also created by “Little Frenchman” and talks about the search for and preparation of items used in sorcery.

It is fiery, that which I give you.

It’s intense, what I’m giving you.

Vessel, with flames on top. Contains strong water wi-bīn', a magical decoction.

Vessel, with flames on top. Contains strong water wi-bīn', a magical blend.

It is growing, the tree.

The tree is growing.

Midē'wigân, with trees growing around it at four corners.

Midē'wigân, with trees growing around it at all four corners.

I cover the earth with my length.

I span the earth with my length.

Snakes; guardians of the first degree.

Snakes: primary protectors.

The bear is contained within me.

The bear is in me.

Bear spirit within the man—i. e., the speaker. This indicates that he possesses the power of the Bear Man'idō, one of the most powerful of the guardians of the Midē' society.

Bear spirit within the man—i.e., the speaker. This signifies that he holds the power of the Bear Man'idō, one of the most formidable guardians of the Midē' society.

He has Man'idō (spirit) in his mouth.

He has spirit in his mouth.

Possessing the power of curing by “sucking” bad spirits from patient’s body. This is the practice of the lower shamans, known as Jēs'sakkīd'.

Possessing the ability to heal by “sucking” out negative spirits from a patient's body. This is the practice of the lower shamans, known as Jēs'sakkīd'.

The hawk genus et sp.

The hawk species et sp.

Ki-ni-en', the hawk from which “medicine” is obtained.

Ki-ni-en', the hawk that provides “medicine.”

I, who am about to talk.

I’m about to talk.

Head of man; lines from mouth denote speech.

Head of a man; lines from the mouth indicate speech.

The interpretation now again proceeds from right to left.

The interpretation now goes from right to left again.

I am about to walk.

I'm going for a walk.

Bear spirit, talking. The lines upon the back indicate his spirit character.

Bear spirit, speaking. The lines on his back show his spirit character.

I am crawling away.

I’m crawling away.

Mī'gis shell. The sacred emblem of the Midē' society.

Mī'gis shell. The sacred symbol of the Midē' society.

Rest.

Take a break.

From this, I wish to be able to walk.

From this, I want to be able to walk.

Taking “medicine” trail (behind man). The speaker is addressing a Man'idō which he holds.

Taking the “medicine” trail (behind the man). The speaker is addressing a Man'idō that he is holding.

I am being called to go there.

I feel drawn to go there.

Sacred lodges, with spirits within.

Sacred lodges with spirits inside.

I am going.

I’m going.

Footprints, leading toward a wigwam.

Footprints leading to a wigwam.

Rest.

Take a break.

The Ojibwa chart, used in the “Song for the Metai, or for Medicine Hunting,” is taken from Tanner’s (a) Narrative and reproduced in Fig. 165. It should be noted that the Metai of Tanner’s interpretation, which follows, is the same as the Midē' in the foregoing interpretations:

The Ojibwa chart, used in the “Song for the Metai, or for Medicine Hunting,” is taken from Tanner’s (a) Narrative and reproduced in Fig. 165. It should be noted that the Metai in Tanner’s interpretation that follows is the same as the Midē' in the earlier interpretations:

Fig. 165.—Song for Medicine Hunting.

a. Now I hear it, my friends of the Metai, who are sitting about me.

a. Now I hear it, my friends from the Metai, who are gathered around me.

This and the three following are sung by the principal chief of the[247] Metai, to the beat of his bwoin ah-keek, or drum. The line from the sides of the head of the figure indicate hearing.

This and the next three are sung by the main chief of the[247] Metai, to the sound of his bwoin ah-keek, or drum. The lines from the sides of the head of the figure signify hearing.

b. Who makes this river flow? The Spirit, he makes this river flow.

b. Who makes this river flow? The Spirit does; he makes this river flow.

The second figure is intended to represent a river, and a beaver swimming down it.

The second figure is meant to show a river, with a beaver swimming in it.

c. Look at me well, my friends; examine me, and let us understand that we are all companions.

c. Take a good look at me, my friends; check me out, and let's realize that we're all in this together.

This translation is by no means literal. The words express the boastful claims of a man who sets himself up for the best and most skillful in the fraternity.

This translation is definitely not literal. The words reflect the bragging claims of a man who positions himself as the best and most skilled in the group.

d. Who maketh to walk about, the social people? A bird maketh to walk about the social people.

d. Who makes the social people walk around? A bird makes the social people walk around.

By the bird the medicine man means himself; he says that his voice has called the people together. Weej-huh nish-a-nauba, or weeja-nish-a-nau-ba seems to have the first syllable from the verb which means to accompany. The two lines drawn across, between this figure and the next, indicate that here the dancing is to commence.

By the bird, the medicine man is referring to himself; he says that his voice has gathered the people. Weej-huh nish-a-nauba, or weeja-nish-a-nau-ba, seems to have the first syllable from the verb that means to accompany. The two lines drawn across, between this figure and the next, indicate that the dancing is about to start.

e. I fly about and if anywhere I see an animal, I can shoot him.

e. I fly around, and if I spot an animal, I can take a shot at it.

This figure of a bird (probably an eagle or hawk) seems intended to indicate the wakefulness of the senses and the activity required to insure success in hunting. The figure of the moose which immediately follows, reminding the singer of the cunning and extreme shyness of that animal, the most difficult of all to kill.

This image of a bird (likely an eagle or hawk) appears to represent the alertness of the senses and the effort needed to achieve success in hunting. The image of the moose that comes next serves as a reminder to the singer of the animal's cleverness and extreme timidity, making it the toughest one to hunt.

f. I shoot your heart; I hit your heart, oh, animal—your heart—I hit your heart.

f. I shoot at your heart; I hit your heart, oh, beast—your heart—I hit your heart.

This apostrophe is mere boasting and is sung with much gesticulation and grimace.

This exclamation is just bragging and is delivered with a lot of hand movements and facial expressions.

g. I make myself look like fire.

g. I make myself look like I'm on fire.

This is a medicine man disguised in the skin of a bear. The small parallelogram under the bear signifies fire, and the shamans, by some composition of gunpowder, or other means, contrive to give the appearance of fire to the mouth and eyes of the bear skin, in which they go about the village late at night, bent on deeds of mischief, oftentimes of blood. We learn how mischievous are these superstitions when we are informed that they are the principal men of the Metai, who thus wander about the villages in the disguise of a bear, to wreak their hatred on a sleeping rival or their malice on an unsuspecting adversary. But the customs of the Indians require of anyone who may see a medicine man on one of these excursions to take his life immediately, and whoever does so is accounted guiltless.

This is a medicine man disguised in a bear's skin. The small parallelogram under the bear represents fire, and the shamans, using some mixture of gunpowder or other means, manage to create the illusion of fire in the mouth and eyes of the bear skin. They wander through the village late at night, intent on causing trouble, often involving violence. We understand how troublesome these superstitions are when we learn that the leading men of the Metai disguise themselves as bears to take revenge on a sleeping rival or to harm an unsuspecting enemy. However, tribal customs dictate that anyone who sees a medicine man during one of these outings must kill him immediately, and those who do are considered innocent.

h. I am able to call water from above, from beneath, and from around.

h. I can summon water from above, from below, and from all around.

Here the medicine man boasts of his power over the elements, and his ability to do injury or benefit. The segment of a circle with dots in it represents water and the two short lines touching the head of the figure indicate that he can draw it to him.

Here, the medicine man boasts about his control over the elements and his ability to cause harm or provide help. The segment of a circle with dots inside represents water, and the two short lines near the top of the figure suggest that he can summon it to himself.

i. I cause to look like the dead, a man I did.

i. I made a man look dead.

I cause to look like the dead, a woman I did.

I made a woman look dead, I did.

I cause to look like the dead, a child I did.

I made a child look dead.

The lines drawn across the face of this figure indicate poverty, distress, and sickness; the person is supposed to have suffered from the displeasure of the medicine man. Such is the religion of the Indians. Its boast is to put into the hands of the devout supernatural means by which he may wreak vengeance on his enemies whether weak or powerful, whether they be found among the foes of his tribe or the people of his own village. This Metai, so much valued and revered by them, seems to be only the instrument in the hands of the crafty for keeping in subjection the weak and the credulous, which may readily be supposed to be the greater part of the people.

The lines on this person's face show signs of poverty, hardship, and illness; they're believed to have endured the wrath of the medicine man. This is part of the religion of the Indigenous people. Its claim is to give devoted followers supernatural ways to take revenge on their enemies, whether they are weak or strong, whether they belong to opposing tribes or are part of their own community. This Metai, held in high regard and valued by them, appears to be just a tool for the crafty to keep the vulnerable and gullible—who are likely the majority of the population—in check.

k. I am such, I am such, my friends; any animal, any animal, my friends, I hit him right, my friends.

k. I’m like this, I’m like this, my friends; any animal, any animal, my friends, I’ll take him down, my friends.

This boast of certain success in hunting is another method by which he hopes to elevate himself in the estimation of his hearers. Having told them he has the power to put them all to death, he goes on to speak of his infallible success in hunting, which will always enable him to be a valuable friend to such as are careful to secure his good will.

This claim of guaranteed success in hunting is another way he tries to raise his status in the eyes of his listeners. After telling them he has the power to kill them all, he continues by discussing his foolproof success in hunting, which will always make him a valuable ally to those who are careful to win his favor.

The following chart for the “Song for beaver hunting and the Metai,” is taken from the same author, loc. cit., and reproduced in Fig. 166, with interpretations as follows:

The following chart for the “Song for beaver hunting and the Metai,” is taken from the same author, loc. cit., and reproduced in Fig. 166, with interpretations as follows:

Fig. 166.—Song for beaver hunting.

a. I sit down in the lodge of the Metai, the lodge of the Spirit.

a. I sit down in the lodge of the Metai, the lodge of the Spirit.

This figure is intended to represent the area of the Metai-we-gaun, or medicine lodge, which is called also the lodge of the Man'idō, and two men have taken their seats in it. The matter of the song seems to be merely introductory.

This figure represents the area of the Metai-we-gaun, or medicine lodge, also known as the lodge of the Man'idō, where two men have taken their seats. The content of the song seems to be just an introduction.

b. Two days must you sit fast, my friend; four days must you sit fast, my friend.

b. You need to sit tight for two days, my friend; you need to sit tight for four days, my friend.

The two perpendicular lines on the breast of this figure are read ne-o-gone (two days), but are understood to mean two years; so of the four lines drawn obliquely across the legs, these are four years. The heart must be given to this business for two years, and the constrained attitude of the legs indicates the rigid attention and serious consideration which the subject requires.

The two perpendicular lines on the chest of this figure represent ne-o-gone (two days), but it’s understood to mean two years; similarly, the four lines slanting across the legs indicate four years. The heart needs to be devoted to this task for two years, and the stiff posture of the legs shows the focused attention and serious thought that the subject demands.

c. Throw off, woman, thy garments, throw off.

c. Take off, woman, your clothes, take off.

The power of their medicines and the incantations of the Metai are not confined in their effect to animals of the chase, to the lives and health of men; they control also the minds of all and overcome the modesty as well as the antipathies of women. The Indians firmly believe that many a woman who has been unsuccessfully solicited by a man is not only by the power of the Metai made to yield, but even in a state of madness to tear off her garments and pursue after the man she before despised. These charms have greater power than those in the times of superstition among the English, ascribed to the fairies, and they need not, like the plant used by Puck, be applied to the person of the unfortunate being who is to be transformed; they operate at a distance through the medium of the Miz-zin-ne-neens.

The effectiveness of their medicines and the spells of the Metai goes beyond just affecting hunting animals or humans' lives and health; they also manipulate people's minds and break down women's modesty and dislikes. The Indians firmly believe that many women who have rejected a man's advances can be compelled by the Metai to give in, even crazily stripping off their clothes to chase after the man they once looked down on. These charms hold more power than those from the superstitious times of the English, which were attributed to fairies, and they don’t require the same kind of physical contact as the plant used by Puck; instead, they work from a distance through the Miz-zin-ne-neens.

d. Who makes the people walk about? It is I that calls you.

d. Who makes people move around? It's me who’s calling you.

This is in praise of the virtue of hospitality, that man being most esteemed among them who most frequently calls his neighbors to his feast.

This is in praise of the value of hospitality, as the person who is most respected is the one who often invites their neighbors to their gatherings.

e. Anything I can shoot with it (this medicine) even a dog, I can kill with it.

e. Anything I can hit with this medicine, even a dog, I can kill with it.

f. I shoot thy heart, man, thy heart.

f. I aim for your heart, man, your heart.

He means, perhaps, a buck moose by the word e-nah-ne-wah, or man.

He probably means a male moose by the word e-nah-ne-wah, or man.

g. I can kill a white loon, I can kill.

g. I can take down a white loon, I really can.

The white loon (rara avis nigroque similimo cygno) is certainly a rare and most difficult bird to kill; so we may infer that this boaster can kill anything, which is the amount of the meaning intended in that[250] part of his song recorded by the five last figures. Success in hunting they look upon as a virtue of a higher character, if we may judge from this song, than the patience under suffering or the rakishness among women, or even the hospitality recommended in the former part.

The white loon (rare bird similar to a swan) is definitely a rare and extremely difficult bird to hunt; so we can assume that this braggart can take down anything, which is the point of that[250] part of his song noted in the last five figures. Success in hunting is seen as a virtue of a higher caliber, based on this song, than patience in the face of suffering, or promiscuity with women, or even the hospitality suggested earlier.

h. My friends——

My friends—

There seems to be an attempt to delineate a man sitting with his hands raised to address his friends; but the remainder of his speech is not remembered. This is sufficient to show that the meaning of the characters in this kind of picture writing is not well settled and requires a traditional interpretation to render it intelligible.

There seems to be an effort to outline a man sitting with his hands raised to talk to his friends; however, the rest of his speech isn't recalled. This is enough to demonstrate that the meaning of the symbols in this type of picture writing isn't clearly defined and needs a traditional interpretation to make it understandable.

i. I open my wolf skin and the death struggle must follow.

i. I open my wolf skin, and the fight for survival must begin.

This is a wolf skin used as a medicine bag and he boasts that whenever he opens it something must die in consequence.

This is a wolf skin used as a medicine bag, and he claims that whenever he opens it, something has to die as a result.

Tanner’s Narrative (b) says of musical notation drawn on bark by Ojibwas:

Tanner’s Narrative (b) states that the Ojibwas created musical notation on bark:

Many of these songs are noted down by a method probably peculiar to the Indians, on birch bark, or small flat pieces of wood: the ideas being conveyed by emblematic figures, somewhat like those * * * used in communicating ordinary information.

Many of these songs are recorded using a method likely unique to the Indigenous people, on birch bark or small flat pieces of wood: the concepts being expressed through symbolic figures, somewhat like those * * * used to share regular information.

Rev. P. J. De Smet (a) gives an account of the mnemonic order of songs among the Kickapoo and Pottawatomi. He describes a stick 1½ inches broad and 8 or 10 long, upon which are arbitrary characters which they follow with the finger in singing the prayers, etc. There are five classes of these characters. The first represents the heart, the second heart and flesh (chair), the third life, the fourth their names, and the fifth their families.

Rev. P. J. De Smet (a) describes how the Kickapoo and Pottawatomi organize their songs using memory aids. He mentions a stick that is 1½ inches wide and 8 or 10 inches long, marked with symbols that they trace with their fingers while singing prayers and other songs. There are five groups of these symbols. The first symbolizes the heart, the second represents both heart and flesh (body), the third stands for life, the fourth represents their names, and the fifth symbolizes their families.

A. W. Howitt (b) says:

A. W. Howitt (b) states:

The makers of the Australian songs, or of the combined songs and dances are the poets or bards of the tribe and are held in great esteem. Their names are known to the neighboring peoples, and their songs are carried from tribe to tribe until the very meaning of the words is lost as well as the original source of the song.

The creators of the Australian songs, or the songs and dances together, are the tribe's poets or bards, and they are highly respected. People from neighboring tribes know their names, and their songs get passed around from tribe to tribe until the original meaning of the words is forgotten, along with the song's original source.

Such an instance is a song which was accompanied by a carved stick painted red, which was held by the chief singer. This traveled down the Murray river from some unknown source. The same song, accompanied by such a stick, also came into Gippsland many years ago from Melbourne and may even have been the above mentioned one on its return.

Such an example is a song that was accompanied by a carved stick painted red, which was held by the lead singer. This traveled down the Murray River from an unknown source. The same song, accompanied by that kind of stick, also made its way into Gippsland many years ago from Melbourne and might even have been the same one mentioned earlier on its way back.

SECTION 5.
Customs.

Even since the Columbian discovery some tribes have employed devices yet ruder than the rudest pictorial attempt as markers for the memory. An account of one of these is given in E. Winslow’s Relation (A. D. 1624), Col. Mass. Hist. Soc., 2d series, IX, 1822, p. 99, as follows:

Even since Columbus's discovery, some tribes have used tools even more basic than the simplest drawings as memory aids. An account of one of these is provided in E. Winslow’s Relation (A.D. 1624), Col. Mass. Hist. Soc., 2d series, IX, 1822, p. 99, as follows:

Instead of records and chronicles they take this course: Where any remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place or by some pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground about a foot deep and as much over, which, when others passing by behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which, being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men as occasion serveth therewith. And lest such holes should be filled or grown over by any accident, as[251] men pass by they will often renew the same, by which means many things of great antiquity are fresh in memory. So that as a man traveleth, if he can understand his guide, his journey will be the less tedious by reason of the many historical discourses which will be related unto him.

Instead of keeping records and chronicles, they do this: Whenever something significant happens, they make a round hole in the ground about a foot deep and wide in that spot or along a nearby path. When people walk by and see it, they ask about the reason and story behind it. Once they know, they make sure to share it with others when the opportunity arises. To prevent these holes from being filled in or covered up over time, they regularly refresh them as others pass by. This way, many important events from the past are kept alive in people's memories. So, as someone travels, if they can understand their guide, the journey becomes less tedious because of the numerous historical stories shared along the way.

In connection with this section students may usefully consult Dr. Brinton’s (f) Lenâpé and their Legends.

In relation to this section, students can helpful consult Dr. Brinton’s Lenâpé and their Legends.

As an example of a chart used in the exact repetition of traditions, Fig. 167 is presented with the following explanation by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey:

As an example of a chart used in the strict repetition of traditions, Fig. 167 is presented with the following explanation by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey:

Fig. 167.—Osage chart.

The chart accompanies a tradition chanted by members of a secret society of the Osage tribe. It was drawn by an Osage, Red Corn.

The chart goes along with a tradition sung by members of a secret society from the Osage tribe. It was created by an Osage named Red Corn.

The tree at the top represents the tree of life. By this flows a river. The tree and the river are described later in the degrees. When a woman is initiated she is required by the head of her gens to take four sips of water (symbolizing the river), then he rubs cedar on the palms of his hands, with which he rubs her from head to foot. If she belongs to a gens on the left side of a tribal circle, her chief begins on the left side of her head, making three passes, and pronouncing the sacred name three times. Then he repeats the process from her forehead down; then on the right side of her head; then at the back of her head; four times three times, or twelve passes in all.

The tree at the top represents the tree of life. A river flows from it. The tree and the river are discussed further in the degrees. When a woman is initiated, she must take four sips of water (symbolizing the river) as instructed by the head of her group. Then, he rubs cedar on the palms of his hands and uses that to rub her from head to toe. If she is part of a group on the left side of the tribal circle, her chief starts on the left side of her head, making three passes while saying the sacred name three times. He then repeats this process from her forehead down; next on the right side of her head; then at the back of her head; completing four sets of three passes, totaling twelve passes overall.

Beneath the river are the following objects: The Watse ʇuʞa, male slaying animal (?), or morning star, which is a red star. 2. Six stars called the “Elm rod” by the white people in the Indian territory. 3. The evening star. 4. The little star. Beneath these are the moon, seven stars, and sun. Under the seven stars are the peace pipe and war hatchet; the latter is close to the sun, and the former and the moon are on the same side of the chart. Four parallel lines extending across the chart, represent four heavens or upper worlds through which the ancestors of the Tsiↄu people passed before they came to this earth. The lowest heaven rests on an oak tree; the ends of the others appear to be supported by pillars or ladders. The tradition begins below the lowest heaven, on the left side of the chart, under the peace pipe. Each space on the pillar corresponds with a line of the chant; and each stanza (at the opening of the tradition) contains four lines. The first stanza precedes the arrival of the first heaven, pointing to a time when the children of the “former end” of the race were without human bodies as well as human souls. The bird hovering over the arch denotes an advance in the condition of the people; then they had human souls in the bodies of birds. Then followed the progress from the fourth to the first heaven, followed by the descent to earth. The ascent to four heavens and the descent to three, makes up the number seven.

Beneath the river are the following objects: The Watse ʇuʞa, a male slaying animal (?), or morning star, which is a red star. 2. Six stars known as the “Elm rod” by white people in the Indian territory. 3. The evening star. 4. The little star. Beneath these are the moon, seven stars, and the sun. Under the seven stars are the peace pipe and war hatchet; the latter is close to the sun, and the peace pipe and moon are on the same side of the chart. Four parallel lines running across the chart represent four heavens or upper worlds that the ancestors of the Tsiↄu people passed through before arriving on this earth. The lowest heaven rests on an oak tree; the ends of the others seem to be supported by pillars or ladders. The tradition starts below the lowest heaven, on the left side of the chart, under the peace pipe. Each space on the pillar matches a line of the chant; and each stanza (at the beginning of the tradition) has four lines. The first stanza comes before the arrival of the first heaven, indicating a time when the children of the “former end” of the race lacked both human bodies and human souls. The bird hovering over the arch symbolizes an advancement in the condition of the people; at that point, they had human souls within the bodies of birds. Then came the progression from the fourth to the first heaven, followed by the descent to earth. The ascent to four heavens and the descent to three makes up the total of seven.

When they alighted, it was on a beautiful day when the earth was covered with luxuriant vegetation. From that time the paths of the Osages separated; some marched on the right, being the war gentes, while those on the left were peace gentes, including the Tsiↄu, whose chart this is.

When they got off, it was a gorgeous day with lush greenery all around. From that moment, the paths of the Osages split; some moved to the right, being the war clans, while those on the left were the peace clans, including the Tsiↄu, whose chart this is.

Then the Tsiↄu met the black bear, called in the tradition Káxe-wáhü-san' (Crow-bone-white), in the distance. He offered to become their messenger, so they sent him to the different stars for aid. According to the chart he went to them in the following order: Morning star, sun, moon, seven stars, evening star, little star.

Then the Tsiↄu encountered the black bear, known in the tradition as Káxe-wáhü-san' (Crow-bone-white), in the distance. He volunteered to be their messenger, so they sent him to the various stars for help. According to the chart, he visited them in this order: Morning star, sun, moon, seven stars, evening star, little star.

Then the black bear went to the Waↄiñʞa-ↄüʇse, a female red bird sitting on her nest. This grandmother granted his request. She gave them human bodies, making them out of her own body.

Then the black bear went to the Waↄiñʞa-ↄüʇse, a female red bird sitting on her nest. This grandmother granted his request. She created human bodies for them, making them out of her own body.

The earth lodge at the end of the chart denotes the village of the Hañʞa uta¢anʇsi, who were a very warlike people. Buffalo skulls were on the tops of the lodges, and the bones of the animals on which they subsisted whitened on the ground. The very air was rendered offensive by the decaying bodies and offal.

The earth lodge at the end of the chart represents the village of the Hañʞa uta¢anʇsi, who were a highly aggressive group. Buffalo skulls topped the lodges, and the bones of the animals they relied on lay bleached on the ground. The air was foul from the rotting bodies and waste.

The whole of the chart was used mnemonically. Parts of it, such as the four heavens and ladders, were tattooed on the throat and chest of the old men belonging to the order.

The entire chart was used as a memory aid. Sections of it, like the four heavens and ladders, were tattooed on the neck and chest of the elderly men in the order.

The tradition relating to Minabō'zho and the sacred objects received from Kítshi Man'idō is illustrated in Fig. 168, which, represents a copy (one-third original size) of the record preserved at White Earth. This record is read from left to right and is, briefly, as follows:

The tradition about Minabō'zho and the sacred objects received from Kítshi Man'idō is shown in Fig. 168, which represents a copy (one-third original size) of the record kept at White Earth. This record is read from left to right and goes like this:

Fig. 168.—Midē' record.

a represents Minabō'zho, who says of the adjoining characters representing the members of the Midéwin: “They are the ones, they are the ones who put into my heart the life.” Minabō'zho holds in his left hand the sacred medicine bag.

a represents Minabō'zho, who says of the adjacent characters representing the members of the Midéwin: “They are the ones, they are the ones who filled my heart with life.” Minabō'zho holds the sacred medicine bag in his left hand.

b and c represent the drummers; at the sound of the drum everybody rises and becomes inspired, because the Great Spirit is then present in the lodge.

b and c are the drummers; when the drum beats, everyone stands up and feels inspired because the Great Spirit is there in the lodge.

d denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of the Midéwin. This figure holds a snake-skin “medicine bag” in her left hand.

d indicates that women also have the opportunity to become members of the Midéwin. This figure holds a snake-skin “medicine bag” in her left hand.

e represents the tortoise, the good spirit, who was the giver of some of the sacred objects used in the rite.

e represents the tortoise, the good spirit, who gave some of the sacred objects used in the ritual.

f the bear, also a benevolent spirit, but not held in so great veneration as the tortoise. His tracks are visible in the lodge.

f the bear, also a kind spirit, but not as highly regarded as the tortoise. His tracks can be seen in the lodge.

g the sacred medicine bag, Biń-ji-gú-sân, which contains life and can be used by the Midē' to prolong the life of a sick person.

g the sacred medicine bag, Biń-ji-gú-sân, which holds life and can be used by the Midē' to extend the life of a sick person.

h represents a dog given by the spirits to Minabō'zho as a companion.

h represents a dog given by the spirits to Minabō'zho as a friend.

Fig. 169 gives copies, one-third actual size, of two records in possession of different Midē' at Red lake. The characters are almost identical, and one record appears to have been copied from the other. The lower figure, however, contains an additional character. The following is an[253] incomplete interpretation of the characters, the letters applying equally to both:

Fig. 169 shows copies, one-third of the actual size, of two records held by different Midē' at Red Lake. The characters are nearly identical, and it looks like one record has been copied from the other. However, the lower figure has an extra character. Here is an[253] incomplete interpretation of the characters, with the letters applying to both:

Fig. 169.—Midē' records.

a, Esh'gibŏ'ga, the great uncle of the Unish'-in-ab'-aig, the receiver of the Midéwin.

a, Esh'gibŏ'ga, the great-uncle of the Unish'-in-ab'-aig, the recipient of the Midéwin.

b, the drum and drumsticks.

Drum & drumsticks.

c, a bar or rest, observed while chanting the words pertaining to the records.

c, a pause or break, noted while reciting the words related to the records.

d, the bin'-ji-gu'-sân, or sacred medicine bag. It consists of an otter skin, and is the mī'gis, or sacred symbol of the midē'wigân' or grand medicine lodge.

d, the bin'-ji-gu'-sân, or sacred medicine bag. It's made of otter skin and represents the mī'gis, or sacred symbol of the midē'wigân' or grand medicine lodge.

e, a Midē' shaman, the one who holds the mī'gis while chanting the Midē' song in the grand medicine lodge, f. He is inspired, as indicated by the line extending from the heart to the mouth.

e, a Midē' shaman, the one who holds the mī'gis while singing the Midē' song in the grand medicine lodge, f. He is inspired, as shown by the line extending from the heart to the mouth.

f, representation of the grand medicine lodge. This character, with slight addition, is usually employed by the southern division of the Ojibwa to denote the lodge of a jĕssakkī'd, and is ordinarily termed a “jugglery.”

f, representation of the grand medicine lodge. This character, with slight addition, is usually used by the southern division of the Ojibwa to denote the lodge of a jĕssakkī'd and is typically called a “jugglery.”

g, a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the midē'wigân', shown in the preceding character.

g, a woman, and indicates that women can also participate in the midē'wigân', as shown in the previous character.

h, a pause or rest in the chant.

h, a break or pause in the chant.

i, the sacred snake-skin bag, having the power of giving life through its skin. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head and the back of the snake.

i, the sacred snake-skin bag, has the power to give life through its skin. This ability is shown by the lines that radiate from the head and back of the snake.

j represents a woman.

j stands for a woman.

k, another illustration of the mī'gis, represented by the sacred otter.

k, another example of the mī'gis, shown by the sacred otter.

l denotes a woman who is inspired, as shown by the line extending from the heart to the mouth in the lower chart, and simply showing the heart in the upper. In the latter she is also empowered to cure with magic plants.

l represents a woman who is inspired, illustrated by the line connecting the heart to the mouth in the lower chart, while the upper chart only shows the heart. In the upper chart, she is also able to heal using magic plants.

m represents a Midē' shaman, but no explanation was obtained of the special character delineated.

m represents a Midē' shaman, but no explanation was provided about the special character described.

Fig. 170.—Minabozho.

In Fig. 170 is presented a variant of the characters shown in a of Fig. 169. The fact that this denotes the power to cure by the use of plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate form than the delineation of the bow and arrow, as well as being more in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition.

In Fig. 170, there's a variation of the characters seen in a of Fig. 169. The fact that this represents the ability to heal with plants seems to suggest an earlier and more fitting version than the depiction of the bow and arrow, and it aligns better with the overall interpretation of the tradition.

Fig. 171, two-thirds real size, is a reproduction, introduced here for comparison and explanation, of a record illustrating the alleged power of a Midē'.

Fig. 171, two-thirds real size, is a reproduction, included here for comparison and explanation, of a record showing the supposed power of a Midē'.

Fig. 171.—Midē' practicing incantation.

a, the author, is the Midē', who was called upon to take a man’s life at a distant camp. The line extending from the Midē' to i, explained below, signifies that his power extended to at least that distance.

a, the author, is the Midē', who was summoned to end a man's life at a far-off camp. The line stretching from the Midē' to i, explained below, indicates that his power reached at least that far.

b, an assistant Midē'.

b, an assistant Mide'.

c, d, e, and f represent the four degrees of the Midéwin, of which both shamans are members. The degrees are also indicated by the vertical lines above each lodge character.

c, d, e, and f represent the four levels of the Midéwin, which both shamans belong to. The levels are also shown by the vertical lines above each lodge symbol.

g is the drum used in the ceremony.

g is the drum used in the ceremony.

h is an outline of the victim. A human figure is drawn upon a piece of birchbark, over which the incantations are made, and, to insure the death of the subject, a small spot of red paint is rubbed upon the breast and a sharp instrument thrust into it.

h is a sketch of the victim. A human figure is drawn on a piece of birchbark, over which the spells are cast, and to ensure the subject's death, a small spot of red paint is rubbed on the chest and a sharp instrument is plunged into it.

i, the outer line represents a lake, while the inner one is an island, upon which the victim resides.

i, the outer line shows a lake, while the inner one represents an island, where the victim lives.

The ceremony indicated in the above description actually occurred at White Earth during the autumn of 1884, and, by a coincidence, the Indian “conjured” died the following spring of pneumonia resulting from cold contracted during the winter. This was considered as the result of the Midē'’s power, and naturally secured for him many new adherents and believers.

The ceremony mentioned above actually took place at White Earth in the fall of 1884, and coincidentally, the Indian “conjurer” died of pneumonia the following spring, which he got from the cold during the winter. This was seen as a consequence of the Midē's power, and understandably, it gained him many new followers and believers.

Fig. 172.—Jĕssakkī'd curing a woman.

Fig. 172 represents a jĕssakkī'd, named Ne-wik'-ki, curing a sick woman by sucking the demon through a bone tube. It is introduced here for comparison, though equally appropriate to Chap. XIV, sec. 3. The left-hand character represents the Midē' holding a rattle in his hand. Around his head is an additional circle, denoting quantity (literally, more than an ordinary amount of knowledge), the short line projecting to the right therefrom indicating the tube used. The right-hand character is the patient operated upon.

Fig. 172 shows a jĕssakkī'd named Ne-wik'-ki helping a sick woman by sucking the demon out using a bone tube. This is included here for comparison, but it also fits well in Chap. XIV, sec. 3. The character on the left is the Midē' holding a rattle. There’s a circle around his head, indicating that he has more than the usual amount of knowledge, with a short line extending to the right showing the tube used. The character on the right is the patient being treated.

The juggling trick of removing disease by sucking it through tubes is performed by the Midē' after fasting and is accompanied with many ceremonies.

The juggling trick of removing disease by sucking it through tubes is done by the Midē' after fasting and comes with many ceremonies.

THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS.

Sikas'sigé, one of the officiating priests of the Midē' society of the Ojibwa at White Earth, Minnesota, gives the following explanation of Fig. 173, which is a reduced copy of a pictorial representation of a tradition explaining the origin of the Indians:

Sikas'sigé, one of the officiating priests of the Midē' society of the Ojibwa at White Earth, Minnesota, gives the following explanation of Fig. 173, which is a reduced copy of a pictorial representation of a tradition explaining the origin of the Indians:

Fig. 173.—Origin of the Indians.

In the beginning, Ki'tshi Man'idō—Dzhe Man'idō, a—made the Midē' Man'idōs. He first created two men, b and c, and two women, d and e, but they had no power of thought or reason. Then Dzhe Man'idō made them reasoning beings. He then took them in his hands so that they should multiply; he paired them, and from this sprung the Indians. Then, when there were people, he placed them upon the earth; but he soon observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death, and that unless he provided them with the sacred medicine they would soon become extinct.

In the beginning, Ki'tshi Man'idō—Dzhe Man'idō, a—created the Midē' Man'idōs. He first made two men, b and c, and two women, d and e, but they didn't have the ability to think or reason. Then Dzhe Man'idō transformed them into reasoning beings. He held them in his hands so they could multiply; he paired them, and from this, the Indians emerged. Once there were people, he placed them on the earth; but he soon saw that they were vulnerable to sickness, suffering, and death, and that unless he provided them with the sacred medicine, they would soon vanish.

Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man'idō and the earth were four lesser spirits, f, g, h, and i, with whom Dzhe Man'idō decided to commune, and to impart the mysteries by which the Indians could be benefited; so he first spoke to a spirit at f, and told him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same information to g, and he in turn to h, who also communed with i. Then they all met in council and determined to call in the four wind gods at j, k, l, and m. After consulting as to what would be best for the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to ask Dzhe Man'idō to communicate the mystery of the sacred medicine to the people.

Between the position held by Dzhe Man'idō and the earth were four lesser spirits, f, g, h, and i. Dzhe Man'idō decided to connect with them and share the mysteries that could benefit the Indians. He first spoke to the spirit at f and told him everything he needed to say. That spirit then passed the information on to g, who relayed it to h, who also communicated with i. They all met in council and agreed to call in the four wind gods at j, k, l, and m. After discussing what would be best for the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits decided to ask Dzhe Man'idō to share the mystery of the sacred medicine with the people.

Dzhe Man'idō then went to the Sun Spirit (o) and asked him to go to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by the council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to the earth and lived with a woman (p) who had a little boy of her own.

Dzhe Man'idō then went to the Sun Spirit (o) and asked him to go to Earth and teach the people as the council had agreed. The Sun Spirit, taking the form of a little boy, went to Earth and lived with a woman (p) who had a little boy of her own.

This family went away in the autumn to hunt, and during the winter this woman’s son died. The parents were so much distressed that they decided to return to the village and bury the body there; so they made preparations to return, and as they traveled along they would each evening erect several poles upon which the body was placed to prevent the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead boy was thus hanging upon the poles the adopted child—who was the Sun Spirit—would play about the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his adopted father he pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said he could bring his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents expressed great surprise and desired to know how that could be accomplished.

This family went away in the fall to hunt, and during the winter, this woman's son died. The parents were so upset that they decided to return to the village and bury the body there; so they prepared to head back, and each evening as they traveled, they would set up several poles on which the body was placed to keep wild animals from eating it. As the dead boy hung on the poles, the adopted child—who was the Sun Spirit—would play around the camp and entertain himself. He finally told his adopted father that he felt sorry for him and his mother because of their grief. The adopted son said he could bring his dead brother back to life, which astonished the parents, and they wanted to know how that could happen.

The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he said, “Get the women to make a wig'iwam of bark (q), put the dead boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the ground in the middle of the wig'iwam.” On the next morning, when this had been done, the family and friends went into this lodge and seated themselves around the corpse.

The adopted boy then urged the group to hurry to the village, saying, “Have the women build a wigwam from bark (q), wrap the deceased boy in birch bark, and lay the body on the ground in the center of the wigwam.” The next morning, once this was completed, family and friends entered the lodge and sat around the body.

After they had all been sitting quietly for some time they saw, through the doorway, the approach of a bear (r), which gradually came toward the wig'iwam, entered it, and placed itself before the dead body, and said hŭ', hŭ', hŭ', hŭ', when he passed around it toward the left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so the body began quivering, which increased as the bear continued, until he had passed around four times, when the body came to life and stood up. Then the bear called to the[256] father, who was sitting in the distant right-hand corner of the wig'iwam, and addressed to him the following words:

After sitting quietly for a while, they saw a bear (r) approaching through the doorway. The bear gradually walked toward the wig'iwam, entered, and positioned itself in front of the dead body. It made a sound, hŭ', hŭ', hŭ', hŭ', while moving around the body to the left, trembling as it did so. As the bear circled, the body began to quiver, and this movement intensified with each of the four times the bear passed around. Finally, the body came to life and stood up. Then the bear called out to the[256]father, who was sitting in the far right corner of the wig'iwam, and spoke the following words:

Nōs | Ka-wi'-na | ni'-shi-nâ'-bi | wis'-si | a-ya'wi-an' | man'-i-do | nin-gi'-sis.
My father | is not | an Indian | not | you are | a spirit | son.

Be-mai'-a-mi'-nik | ni'-dzhi | man'-i-do | mi'-a-zhi'-gwa | tshi-gi'-a-we-an'.
Insomuch | my fellow | spirit | now | as you are.

Nōs | a-zhi'-gwa | a-se'-ma | tshi-a'-to-yek'. | Â'-mi-kun'-dem | mi-e'-ta
My father | now | tobacco | you shall put. | He speaks of | only

a-wi-dink' | dzhi-gŏsh'-kwi-tōt' | wen'-dzhi-bĭ-mâ'-di-zid'-o-ma' | a-ga'-wa
once | to be able to do it | why he shall live here | now

bi-mâ'-di-zid'-mi-o-ma'; | ni'-dzhi | man'-i-do | mi'-a-zhi'-gwa | tshi-gi'-we-an'.
that he scarcely lives; | my fellow | spirit | now I shall go | home.

Nōs | Ka-wi'-na | ni'-shi-nâ'-bi | wis'-si | a-ya'wi-an' | man'-i-do | nin-gi'-sis.
My father | is not | an Indian | not | you are | a spirit | son.

Be-mai'-a-mi'-nik | ni'-dzhi | man'-i-do | mi'-a-zhi'-gwa | tshi-gi'-a-we-an'.
Insomuch | my fellow | spirit | now | as you are.

Nōs | a-zhi'-gwa | a-se'-ma | tshi-a'-to-yek'. | Â'-mi-kun'-dem | mi-e'-ta
My father | now | tobacco | you shall put. | He speaks of | only

a-wi-dink' | dzhi-gŏsh'-kwi-tōt' | wen'-dzhi-bĭ-mâ'-di-zid'-o-ma' | a-ga'-wa
once | to be able to do it | why he shall live here | now

bi-mâ'-di-zid'-mi-o-ma'; | ni'-dzhi | man'-i-do | mi'-a-zhi'-gwa | tshi-gi'-we-an'.
that he scarcely lives; | my fellow | spirit | now I shall go | home.

The little bear boy (r) was the one who did this. He then remained among the Indians (s) and taught them the mysteries of the Grand Medicine (t), and after he had finished he told his adopted father that as his mission had been fulfilled, that he was to return to his kindred spirits, the Indians would have no need to fear sickness, as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would assist them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body to life but once, and he would now return to the sun from which they would feel his influence.

The little bear boy (r) was the one who did this. He then stayed with the Indians (s) and taught them the secrets of the Grand Medicine (t). Once he finished, he told his adopted father that since his mission was complete, he would return to his kindred spirits. The Indians would no longer need to fear illness, as they now had the Grand Medicine to help them live. He also mentioned that his spirit could only bring a body to life once, and now he would return to the sun, from which they would feel his influence.

This is called Kwi'-wi-sĕns' wed-di'-shi-tshi' ge'-wi-nĭp'—“Little boy, his work.”

This is called Kwi'-wi-sĕns' wed-di'-shi-tshi' ge'-wi-nĭp'—“Little boy, his work.”

From subsequent information it was learned that the line (w) denotes the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the course of initiation into the Midē'wiwin, three others must be taken before a candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they are denominated, are typified by four distinct gifts of goods, which must be remitted to the Midē' priests before the ceremony can take place.

From later information, it was learned that the line (w) represents the earth, and that, as part of the initiation process into the Midē'wiwin, three additional steps must be completed before a candidate can be accepted. These steps, referred to as rests, are symbolized by four different gifts of goods that must be given to the Midē' priests before the ceremony can occur.

The characters s and t are repetitions of the figures alluded to in the tradition (q and r) to signify that the candidate must personate the Makwa' Man'idō—bear spirit—when entering the Midē'wiwin (t); t is the Midē' Man'idō, as Ki'tshi Man'idō is termed by the Midē' priests. The device of horns, attached to the head, is a common symbol of superior power, found in connection with the figures of human and divine forms in many Midē' songs and other mnemonic records; v represents the earth’s surface, similar to that designated as w. w, x, y, and z represent the four degrees of the grand medicine.

The characters s and t are repeats of the figures mentioned in the tradition (q and r) to indicate that the candidate must embody the Makwa' Man'idō—bear spirit—when entering the Midē'wiwin (t); t is the Midē' Man'idō, as referred to by the Midē' priests. The horns attached to the head are a common symbol of greater power, seen with human and divine figures in many Midē' songs and other memory aids; v represents the earth’s surface, similar to what is referred to as w. w, x, y, and z represent the four levels of the grand medicine.

SECTION 6.
Agreements.

Fig. 174 is copy of a birchbark record which was made to commemorate a treaty of peace between the Ojibwa and Assinaboin Indians. The drawing on bark was made by an Ojibwa chief at White Earth, Minnesota.

Fig. 174 is a copy of a birchbark record created to commemorate a peace treaty between the Ojibwa and Assinaboin tribes. The drawing on the bark was made by an Ojibwa chief at White Earth, Minnesota.

Fig. 174.—Record of treaty.

The figure on the left, holding a flag, represents the Ojibwa chief, while that on the right denotes the chief acting on the part of the Assinaboins. The latter holds in his left hand the pipe which was used in the preliminaries, and smoke is seen issuing from the mouth of the Assinaboin. He also holds in his right hand the drum used as an accompaniment to the songs.

The figure on the left, holding a flag, represents the Ojibwa chief, while the one on the right represents the chief acting for the Assinaboins. The latter holds the pipe in his left hand, which was used in the preliminaries, and smoke is seen coming from the mouth of the Assinaboin. He also holds the drum in his right hand, used as an accompaniment to the songs.

The Ojibwa holds a flag used as an emblem of peace.

The Ojibwa has a flag that serves as a symbol of peace.

A considerable number of pictographic records of treaties are presented in different parts of the present work (see under the headings of Wampum, Chap. ix, Sec. 3; Notices, Chap. xi; History, Chap. xvi; Winter Counts, Chap. x, Sec. 2).

A significant number of pictorial records of treaties are included in various sections of this work (see under the headings of Wampum, Chap. ix, Sec. 3; Notices, Chap. xi; History, Chap. xvi; Winter Counts, Chap. x, Sec. 2).

SECTION 7.
Appointment.

Le Page Du Pratz (b) says in describing the council of conspiracy which resulted in the Natchez war of 1729:

Le Page Du Pratz (b) describes the council of conspiracy that led to the Natchez war of 1729:

An aged councillor advised that after all the nations had been informed of the necessity of taking this violent action, each one should receive a bundle of sticks, all containing an equal number, and which were to mark the number of days to pass before that on which they were all to strike at once; that in order to guard against any mistake it would be necessary to take care to extract one stick every day and to break it and throw it away; a man of wisdom should be charged with this duty. All the old men approved of his advice and it was adopted.

An older advisor suggested that once all the countries had been made aware of the need for this drastic action, each should get a bundle of sticks, all with the same number, which would represent the days leading up to the day when they would all act together. To avoid any errors, it would be important to remove one stick each day, break it, and dispose of it. A wise person should be assigned this task. All the elders agreed with his suggestion, and it was put into practice.

Père Nicholas Perrot (a) says:

Father Nicholas Perrot (a) says:

Celui qui, chez les Hurons, prenait la parole en cette circonstance, recevait un petit faisceau de pailles d’pied de long qui luy servoient comme de jetons, pour supputer les nombres et pour ayder la mémoire des assistans, les distribuant en divers lots, suyvant la diversité des choses. Dans l’Amérique du Sud, les Galibis de la rivière d’Amacourou et de l’Orénoque usaient du même procédé mnémotechnique, mais perfectionné. Le capitaine [Galibis] et moy, écrit le P. la Pierre (Voyage en terre-ferme et à la coste de Paria, p. 15 du Ms. orig.), eusmes un grand discours ... luy ayant demandé ce qu’il alloit faire à Barime, il me respondit qu’il alloit avertir tous les capitaines des aultres rivières, du jour qu’il en faudroit sortir pour aller donner l’attaque à leurs ennemis. Et, pour me faire comprendre la façon dont il s’y prenoit il me montra vingt petites buches liées ensemble qui se plient à la façon d’un rouleau. Les six premières estoient d’une couleur particulière; elles signifioent que, les six premiers jours, il falloit préparer du magnot [manioc] pour faire vivres. Les quatre suivantes estoient d’une aultre couleur pour marque qu’il falloit avertir les hommes. Les six d’aultre couleur et ainsi du reste, marquant par leur petites buches, faites en façon de paille, l’ordre que chaque capitaine doit faire observer à ses gens pour estre prest tous en mesme temps. La sortie devroit se faire dans vingt jours; car il n’y avoit que cest [vingt] petites buches.

Whoever spoke on behalf of the Hurons in this situation received a small bundle of long straw that served as tokens to keep track of numbers and help the memory of those present, distributing them into various groups according to the differences in matters. In South America, the Galibis of the Amacourou and Orinoco rivers used a similar mnemonic method, but it was more advanced. The captain [Galibis] and I, wrote Father la Pierre (Voyage en terre-ferme et à la coste de Paria, p. 15 of the original manuscript), had a lengthy conversation... when I asked him what he was going to do at Barime, he replied that he was going to inform all the captains from the other rivers about the day they needed to leave to launch an attack on their enemies. To help me understand how he was going to do this, he showed me twenty small logs tied together that could be bent like a scroll. The first six were a specific color; they indicated that for the first six days, they needed to prepare cassava for food. The next four were another color to signify that the men should be alerted. The six of a different color continued in this way, marking with their small logs, made like straws, the orders each captain must ensure their people follow so they are all ready at the same time. The departure was to occur in twenty days; there were only these twenty small logs.

Im Thurn (e) tells of the Indians of Guiana as follows:

Im Thurn (e) talks about the Indigenous people of Guiana like this:

When a paiwari feast is to be held, invitations are sent to the people of all neighboring settlements inhabited by Indians of the same tribe as the givers of the feast.[258] The latter prepare a number of strings, each of which is knotted as many times as there are days before the feast day. One of these strings is kept by the headman of the settlement where the feast is to be held; the others are distributed, one to the headman of each of the settlements from which guests are expected. Every day one of the knots, on each of the strings, is untied, and when the last has been untied guests and hosts know that the feast day has come.

When a paiwari feast is scheduled, invitations are sent out to people from all nearby settlements inhabited by members of the same tribe as those hosting the feast.[258] The hosts prepare several strings, each of which is knotted the same number of times as the days remaining before the feast day. One string is kept by the head of the settlement hosting the feast; the others are given to the heads of each settlement from which guests are expected. Each day, one knot on each string is untied, and when the last knot is untied, both guests and hosts know that the feast day has arrived.

Sometimes, instead of knots on a string, notches on a piece of wood are used. This system of knot-tying, the quippoo system of the Peruvians, which occurs in nearly identical form in all parts of the world, is not only used as in the above instance for calendar-keeping, but also to record items of any sort; for instance, if one Indian owes another a certain number of balls of cotton or other articles, debtor and creditor each has a corresponding string or stick, with knots or notches to the number of the owed article, and one or more of these is oblitered each time a payment is made until the debt is wiped out.

Sometimes, instead of knots on a string, notches on a piece of wood are used. This system of knot-tying, known as the quippoo system among the Peruvians, is found in nearly identical form around the world. It’s not only used for keeping calendars, as mentioned above, but also for recording all kinds of items. For example, if one person owes another a certain number of cotton balls or other goods, both the debtor and the creditor have a corresponding string or stick, marked with knots or notches representing the number of items owed. Each time a payment is made, one or more of these marks is removed until the debt is settled.

Darius (Herodot. IV, 98) did something of the kind when he took a thong and, tying sixty knots in it, gave it to the Ionian chiefs, that they might untie a knot every day and go back to their own land if he had not returned when all the knots were undone.

Darius (Herodot. IV, 98) did something similar when he took a strap and, tying sixty knots in it, gave it to the Ionian leaders so they could untie a knot each day and go back to their own land if he hadn’t returned by the time all the knots were undone.

Champlain (a) describes a mode of preparation for battle among the Canadian Algonquins which partook of the nature of a military drill as well as of an appointment of rank and order. It is in its essentials mnemonic. He describes it as follows:

Champlain (a) describes a way of getting ready for battle among the Canadian Algonquins that included aspects of both military training and a system of ranking and organization. At its core, it serves as a memory aid. He describes it like this:

Les chefs prennent des bâtons de la longueur d’un pied autant en nombre qu’ils sont et signalent par d’autres un peu plus grands, leurs chefs; puis vont dans le bois et esplanadent une place de cinq ou six pieds en quarré où le chef comme Sergent Major, met par ordre tous ces bâtons comme bon luy semble; puis appelle tous ses compagnons, qui viennent tous armez, et leur monstre le rang et ordre qu’ils deuvont tenir lors qu’ils se battront avec leurs ennemis.

Les chefs prennent des bâtons d'environ un pied, autant qu'ils sont, et signalent par d'autres un peu plus grands, leurs chefs ; puis ils vont dans les bois et délimitent une zone de cinq ou six pieds carrés où le chef, comme un sergent-major, place tous ces bâtons dans l'ordre qu'il veut. Ensuite, il appelle tous ses compagnons, qui arrivent tous armés, et leur montre le rang et l'ordre qu'ils doivent tenir lorsqu'ils se battront contre leurs ennemis.

The author adds detail with regard to alignment, breaking ranks, and resumption of array.

The author provides more details about alignment, breaking ranks, and getting back in formation.

SECTION 8.
NUMBERING.

D. W. Eakins, in Schoolcraft I, p. 273, describes the mnemonic numeration marks of the Muskoki thus:

D. W. Eakins, in Schoolcraft I, p. 273, describes the mnemonic numbering marks of the Muskoki like this:

Each perpendicular stroke stood for one, and each additional stroke marked an additional number. The ages of deceased persons or number of scalps taken by them, or war-parties which they have headed, are recorded on their grave-posts by this system of strokes. The sign of the cross represents ten. The dot and comma never stood as a sign for a day, or a moon, or a month, or a year. The chronological marks that were and are in present use are a small number of sticks made generally of cane. Another plan sometimes in use was to make small holes in a board, in which a peg was inserted to keep the days of the week.

Each vertical line represented one, and every extra line indicated an additional number. The ages of deceased individuals or the number of scalps they took, or the war parties they led, are recorded on their grave markers using this system of lines. The cross symbol stands for ten. The dot and comma were never used to represent a day, a moon, a month, or a year. The chronological markers currently in use are a small number of sticks, usually made from cane. Another method that was sometimes used involved making small holes in a board, where a peg was inserted to track the days of the week.

Capt. Bourke (b) gives the following account of an attempt at compromise between the aboriginal method of numbering days, weeks, and months, and that of the civilized intruders to whose system the Indians found it necessary to conform.

Capt. Bourke (b) shares this account of an effort to bridge the gap between the native way of counting days, weeks, and months, and the system of the civilized newcomers that the Indians felt they needed to adapt to.

The Apache scouts kept records of the time of their absence on campaign. There were several methods in vogue, the best being that of colored beads which were[259] strung on a string, six white ones to represent the days of the week, and one black, or other color, to stand for Sundays. This method gave rise to some confusion, because the Indians had been told that there were four weeks, or Sundays (“Domingos”), in each “Luna,” or moon, and yet they soon found that their own method of determining time by the appearance of the crescent moon was much the more satisfactory. Among the Zuñi I have seen little tally sticks with the marks for the days and months incised on the narrow edges, and among the Apache another method of indicating the flight of time by marking on a piece of paper along a horizontal line a number of circles or of straight lines across the horizontal datum line to represent the full days which had passed, a heavy straight line for each Sunday, and a small crescent for the beginning of each month.

The Apache scouts kept track of how long they were away on their campaigns. They used various methods, the best being a system with colored beads strung on a thread: six white beads for the days of the week and one black or another color for Sundays. This approach led to some confusion because the Indians had been told there were four weeks, or Sundays (“Domingos”), in each “Luna,” or moon. However, they soon realized that their own way of telling time by the appearance of the crescent moon was much more effective. Among the Zuñi, I’ve seen small tally sticks with marks for the days and months carved into the narrow edges. The Apache also had another method to track time by marking circles or straight lines on a piece of paper along a horizontal line to represent the full days that had passed, using a heavy line for each Sunday and a small crescent for the start of each month.

It is not necessary to discuss the obvious method of repeating strokes, dots, knots, human heads or forms, weapons, and totemic designs, to designate the number of persons or articles referred to in the pictographs where they appear.

It isn’t necessary to talk about the clear method of repeating strokes, dots, knots, human heads or shapes, weapons, and totemic designs to indicate the number of people or items represented in the pictographs where they show up.

SECTION 9.
Finance Management.

The Abnaki, in especial the Passamaquoddy division of the tribe in Maine, during late years have been engaged in civilized industries in which they have found it necessary to keep accounts. These are interesting as exhibiting the aboriginal use of ideographic devices which are only partially supplemented by the imitation of the symbols peculiar to European civilization. Several of these devices were procured by the present writer in 1888, and are illustrated and explained as follows:

The Abnaki, especially the Passamaquoddy branch of the tribe in Maine, in recent years have been involved in modern industries that require them to keep records. These are fascinating because they show the original use of symbolic devices, which are only partially enhanced by mimicking the symbols unique to European culture. A number of these devices were collected by the author in 1888 and are illustrated and explained as follows:

A deer hunter brings 3 deerskins, for which he is allowed $2 each, making $6; 30 pounds of venison, at 10 cents per pound, making $3. In payment thereof he purchases 3 pounds of powder, at 40 cents per pound; 5 pounds of pork, at 10 cents per pound; and 2 gallons of molasses, at 50 cents per gallon. The debit foots $3.30, according to the[260] Indian account, but it seems on calculation to be 30 cents in excess, an overcharge, showing the advance in civilization of the Passamaquoddy trader.

A deer hunter brings in 3 deer skins, for which he gets $2 each, totaling $6; he also brings 30 pounds of venison, at 10 cents per pound, amounting to $3. For payment, he buys 3 pounds of powder at 40 cents per pound; 5 pounds of pork at 10 cents per pound; and 2 gallons of molasses at 50 cents per gallon. The total comes to $3.30, according to the[260] Indian account, but on checking the math, it appears to be 30 cents more than it should be, indicating an overcharge, which highlights the advanced trading practices of the Passamaquoddy trader.

Fig. 175.—Shop account.

The following explanation will serve to make intelligible the characters employed, which are reproduced in Fig. 175. The hunter is shown as the first character in line a, and that he is a deer-hunter is furthermore indicated by his having a skin-stretcher upon his back, as well as the figure of a deer at which he is shooting. The three skins referred to are shown stretched upon frames in line b, the total number being also indicated by the three vertical strokes, between which and the drying frames are two circles, each with a line across it, to denote dollars, the total sum of $6 being the last group of dollar marks on line b.

The following explanation will clarify the characters used, which are shown in Fig. 175. The hunter is depicted as the first character in line a, and it's clear he's a deer hunter because he has a skin-stretcher on his back, along with the image of a deer he's aiming at. The three skins mentioned are displayed stretched on frames in line b, and the total number is signified by the three vertical lines. Between the drying frames are two circles, each with a line through it, representing dollars, with the total amount of $6 indicated by the last group of dollar signs in line b.

The 30 pounds of venison are represented in line c, the three crosses signifying 30, the T-shaped character designating a balance scale, synonymous with pound, while the venison is indicated by the drawing of the hind quarter or ham. The price is given by uniting the X, or numeral, and the T, or pound mark, making a total of $3 as completing the line c.

The 30 pounds of venison are shown in line c, with the three crosses representing 30, the T-shaped symbol indicating a balance scale, which stands for pound, while the drawing of the hind quarter or ham signifies the venison. The price is determined by combining the X, or numeral, with the T, or pound symbol, totaling $3, completing line c.

The line d refers to the purchase of 3 pounds of powder, as expressed by the three strokes, the T, or scale for pound, and the powder horn, the price of which is four Xs or 40 cents per pound, or T; and 3 pounds of powder, the next three vertical strokes succeeded by a number of spots to indicate grains of powder, which is noted as being 10 cents per pound, indicated by the cross and T, respectively. The next item, shown on line e, charges for 5 pounds of pork, the latter being indicated by the outline of a pig, the price being indicated by the X or 10, and T, scale or pound; then two short lines preceding one small oblong square or quart measure, indicates that 2 quarts of molasses, shown by the black spot, cost 5 crosses, or 50 cents per measure, the sum of the whole of the purchase being indicated by three rings with stems and three crosses, equivalent to $3.30.

The line d refers to buying 3 pounds of powder, shown by the three strokes, the T for pound, and the powder horn, which costs four Xs or 40 cents per pound, denoted by T; and 3 pounds of powder, represented by the next three vertical strokes followed by some spots to signify grains of powder, which is priced at 10 cents per pound, marked by the cross and T, respectively. The next item, shown on line e, charges for 5 pounds of pork, indicated by the outline of a pig, with the price marked by the X or 10, and T for pound; then two short lines before one small oblong square or quart measure indicate that 2 quarts of molasses, represented by the black spot, cost 5 crosses, or 50 cents per measure. The total of the entire purchase is represented by three rings with stems and three crosses, amounting to $3.30.

Another Indian, whose occupation was to furnish basket wood, brought some to the trader for which he received credit to the amount of $1.15, taking in exchange therefor pork sufficient to equal the above amount.

Another Indian, whose job was to provide basket wood, brought some to the trader and received credit of $1.15 for it, exchanging it for enough pork to match that amount.

Fig. 176.—Shop account.

In Fig. 176 the Indian is shown with a bundle of basket wood, the value of which is given in the next characters, consisting of a ring with[261] a line across to denote $1, a cross to represent 10 cents, and the five short vertical lines for an additional 5 cents, making a total of $1.15. The pork received from the trader is indicated by the outline of a pig, while the crossed lines to the right denotes that the “account” is canceled.

In Fig. 176, the Indian is depicted holding a bundle of basket wood, with its value shown in the next characters, which include a ring with[261] a line across it to represent $1, a cross for 10 cents, and five short vertical lines for an extra 5 cents, totaling $1.15. The pork received from the trader is represented by the outline of a pig, while the crossed lines to the right indicate that the “account” is canceled.

Another customer, as shown in Fig. 177, was an old woman, the descendent of an ancient name—one known before the coming of white people. She was therefore called the “Owl,” and is represented in the “account” given below. She had bought on credit 1 plug of smoking tobacco, designated by one vertical stroke for the quantity and an oblong square figure corresponding to the shape of the package, which was to be used for smoking, as indicated by the spiral lines to denote smoke. She had also purchased 2 quarts of kerosene oil, the quantity designated by the two strokes preceding the small squares to represent quart measures, and the liquid is indicated by the rude outline of a kerosene lamp. This is followed by two crosses, representing 20 cents, as the value of the amount of her purchases. This account was settled by giving one basket, as shown in the device nearly beneath the owl, half of which is marked with crossed lines, connected by a line of dots or dashes with the cancellation mark at the extreme right of the record.

Another customer, as shown in Fig. 177, was an elderly woman, a descendant of an ancient lineage—one known before the arrival of white people. She was referred to as the “Owl,” and is represented in the “account” given below. She had purchased on credit 1 plug of smoking tobacco, indicated by one vertical line for the quantity and an oblong square shape to match the package, which was to be used for smoking, as shown by the spiral lines representing smoke. She had also bought 2 quarts of kerosene oil, the quantity specified by the two lines before the small squares that represent quart measures, and the liquid is shown by a rough outline of a kerosene lamp. Following this are two crosses, representing 20 cents, which is the total value of her purchases. This account was settled by providing one basket, as illustrated in the symbol just below the owl, half of which is marked with crossed lines, connected by a line of dots or dashes with the cancellation mark at the far right of the record.

Fig. 177.—Shop account.
Fig. 178.—Book account.

Another Passamaquoddy Indian, unable to read or write, carries on business and keeps his books according to a method of his own invention. One account is reproduced in Fig. 178. It is with a very slim Indian, as will be observed from the drawing, who carries on “trucking” and owns a horse, that animal being represented in outline and connected by lines with its owner. For services he was paid $5.45, which sum is shown in the lower line of characters by five dollar-marks—i. e., rings with strokes across them—4 crosses or numerals signifying 10 cents each, and five short vertical lines for 5 cents. The date is shown in the upper line of characters, the 4 short lines in front of the horse signifying 4, the oval figure next, to the right and intended for a circle, denoting the moon—i. e., the fourth moon, or April—while the 10 short strokes signify the tenth day of the month—i. e., he was paid $5.45 in full for services to April 10.

Another Passamaquoddy Indian, who can't read or write, runs his business and keeps his records using a method he created himself. One of his accounts is shown in Fig. 178. It features a very slender Indian, as you can see from the drawing, who engages in “trucking” and owns a horse, which is outlined and connected by lines to its owner. He was paid $5.45 for his services, represented in the lower line of symbols by five dollar signs—meaning rings with lines crossed through them—4 crosses or numbers indicating 10 cents each, and five short vertical lines representing 5 cents. The date is indicated in the upper line of symbols, with the 4 short lines in front of the horse representing 4, followed by an oval shape meant to signify a circle, representing the moon—specifically, the fourth moon, or April—while the 10 short lines signify the tenth day of the month—meaning he was paid $5.45 in full for services rendered by April 10.

Fig. 179.—Book account.

Another account was with a young woman noted as very slim, and is shown in Fig. 179. The girl brought a basket to the store, for which[262] she was allowed 20 cents. She received credit for 10 cents on account of a plug of tobacco bought some time previously.

Another story involved a young woman who was very slim, as shown in Fig. 179. The girl brought a basket to the store, for which[262] she was given 20 cents. She received a credit of 10 cents for a plug of tobacco she had bought some time earlier.

In the illustration the decidedly slim form of the girl is portrayed, her hands holding out the basket which she had made. The unattached cross signifies 10 cents, which she probably received in cash, while the other cross is connected by a dotted line with the piece of plug tobacco for which she had owed 10 cents. The attachment of the plug to the unpaid dime is amusingly ideographic.

In the illustration, the noticeably slim figure of the girl is shown, her hands holding out the basket she made. The separate cross stands for 10 cents, which she likely got in cash, while the other cross is linked by a dotted line to the piece of plug tobacco she owed 10 cents for. The connection of the plug to the unpaid dime is humorously symbolic.

Another Indian, descended from the prehistoric Indians, was called “Lox,” the evil or tricksy deity, appearing as an animal having a long body and tail and short legs, which is probably a wolverine, under which form Lox is generally depicted by the Passamaquoddy. His account with the trader is given in Fig. 180, and shows that he brought 1 dozen ax handles, for which he received $1.50.

Another Indian, descended from the ancient Indians, was known as "Lox," the mischievous or tricky deity, often represented as an animal with a long body and tail and short legs, which is likely a wolverine, as typically depicted by the Passamaquoddy. His transaction with the trader is shown in Fig. 180, which indicates that he brought in 12 ax handles and received $1.50 in return.

Fig. 180.—Book account.

Beneath the figure of Lox are 2 axes, the 12 short lines denoting the number of handles delivered, while the dotted line to the right connects them with the amount received, which is designated by 1 one dollar mark and 5 crosses or dime marks.

Beneath Lox's figure are 2 axes, the 12 short lines indicating the number of handles delivered, while the dotted line to the right links them with the total amount received, which is represented by 1 dollar sign and 5 crosses or dime marks.

Dr. Hoffman found in Los Angeles, California, a number of notched sticks, which had been invented and used by the Indians at the Mission of San Gabriel. They had chief herders, who had under their charge overseers of the several classes of laborers, herders, etc. The chief herder was supplied with a stick of hard wood, measuring about 1 inch in breadth and thickness and from 20 to 24 inches long. The corners were beveled at the handle. The general form of the stick is given in the upper character of Fig. 181, with the exception that the illustration is intentionally shortened so as to show both ends.

Dr. Hoffman discovered a number of notched sticks in Los Angeles, California, which were created and used by the Indians at the Mission of San Gabriel. They had chief herders who oversaw various classes of laborers, herders, and others. The chief herder was given a stick made of hard wood, approximately 1 inch wide and thick, and about 20 to 24 inches long. The corners were rounded at the handle. The general shape of the stick is shown in the upper character of Fig. 181, except that the illustration is intentionally shortened to display both ends.

Fig. 181.—Notched sticks.

Upon each of the beveled surfaces on the handle are marks to indicate the kind of horned cattle referred to. The cross indicates that the corner of the stick upon which it is incised relates to heifers, each notch designating one head, the long transverse cut denoting ten, with an additional three cuts signifying that the herder has in charge thirteen heifers. Upon the next beveled edge appears an arrow-pointed mark, to denote in like manner which edge of the stick is to be notched for indicating the oxen. Upon the third beveled surface is one transverse cut for the record of the number of bulls in the herd, while upon the fourth bevel of the handle are two notches to note the number of cows.

On each of the beveled surfaces on the handle, there are marks showing the type of horned cattle being referred to. The cross indicates that the corner of the stick where it is carved corresponds to heifers, with each notch representing one head. A long transverse cut signifies ten, and an additional three cuts mean that the herder is in charge of thirteen heifers. On the next beveled edge, there’s an arrow-pointed mark to show which edge of the stick should be notched for indicating the oxen. The third beveled surface has one transverse cut to record the number of bulls in the herd, while the fourth bevel of the handle has two notches to indicate the number of cows.

The stick is notched at the end opposite the handle to signify that it refers only to horned cattle. That used to designate horses is sharpened from two sides only, so that the end is wedge-shaped, or exactly the reverse of the one first mentioned. The marks upon the handle would be the same, however, with this exception—that one cut would mean a stallion, two cuts a mare, the cross a gelding, and the arrow-shaped figure a colt. Sticks were also marked to denote the several kinds of stock and to record those which had been branded.

The stick is notched at the end opposite the handle to show that it only applies to horned cattle. The one used for horses is sharpened on two sides, making the end wedge-shaped, which is the exact opposite of the first stick mentioned. The markings on the handle would be the same, except that one cut would indicate a stallion, two cuts a mare, a cross a gelding, and an arrow-shaped mark a colt. Sticks were also marked to identify the different types of livestock and to keep track of those that had been branded.

Another class of sticks were also used by the overseers, copies of which were likewise preserved by the laborers and herders, to keep an account of the number of days on which labor was performed, and to record the sums of money received by the workman.

Another type of stick was also used by the overseers, and copies of these were kept by the laborers and herders to track the number of days worked and to record the amounts of money received by the workers.

The lower character of Fig. 181 represents a stick, upon the beveled edge of the handle of which is a cross to denote work. The short notches upon the corner of the stick denote days, each seventh day or week being designated by a cut extending across the stick.

The lower part of Fig. 181 shows a stick, and on the angled edge of the handle, there's a cross to signify work. The small notches on the corner of the stick represent days, with every seventh day or week marked by a cut that goes across the stick.

Upon the opposite side of the handle is a circle or a circle with a cross within it to denote the number of reals paid, each real being indicated upon the edge of the stick by a notch, while each ten reals or peso is noted by making the cut all the way across that face of the stick.

On the opposite side of the handle is a circle or a circle with a cross inside it to show the number of reals paid, each real marked on the edge of the stick by a notch, while each ten reals or peso is highlighted by cutting all the way across that side of the stick.

Mr. Dall (a) says that the Innuit frequently keep accounts by tying knots in a string or notching a stick. Capt. Bourke (c) reports:

Mr. Dall (a) says that the Inuit often keep records by tying knots in a string or notching a stick. Capt. Bourke (c) reports:

In the Mexican state of Sonora I was shown, some twenty years ago, a piece of buckskin, upon which certain Opata or Yaqui Indians—I forget exactly which tribe, but it matters very little, as they are both industrious and honest—had kept account of the days of their labor. There was a horizontal datum line as before, with complete circles to indicate full days and half circles to indicate half days, a long heavy black line for Sundays and holidays, and a crescent moon for each new month. These accounts had to be drawn up by the overseer or superintendent of the rancho at which the Indians were employed before the latter left for home each night.

In the Mexican state of Sonora, about twenty years ago, I was shown a piece of buckskin where certain Opata or Yaqui Indians—I can’t remember exactly which tribe, but it isn’t very important, since they are both hardworking and honest—had recorded their workdays. There was a horizontal line for reference, complete circles to represent full days, half circles for half days, a bold black line for Sundays and holidays, and a crescent moon for each new month. These records had to be prepared by the overseer or manager of the ranch where the Indians worked before they headed home each night.

Terrien de Lacouperie (e) says of the Sonthals of Bengal:

Terrien de Lacouperie (e) mentions the Sonthals of Bengal:

Their accounts are either notches on a stick, like those formerly used by the rustics for keeping scores at cricket matches in country villages in England, or knots on a piece of grass string, or a number of bits of straw tied together. I well remember my astonishment while trying my first case between a grasping Mahajun and a Sonthal when I ordered them to produce their accounts. * * * The Sonthal produced from his back hair, where it had been kept, I suppose, for ornament, a dirty bit of knotted grass string and threw it on the table, requesting the court to count that, as it had got too long for him. Each knot represented a rupee, a longer space between two knots represented the lapse of a year.

Their accounts are either notches on a stick, like those once used by country folks to keep score in cricket matches in rural England, or knots on a piece of grass string, or a bunch of bits of straw tied together. I clearly remember my shock when I tried my first case between a greedy Mahajun and a Sonthal, and I asked them to bring their accounts. * * * The Sonthal pulled from his back hair, where I suppose it was kept for decoration, a dirty piece of knotted grass string and tossed it on the table, asking the court to count it since it had gotten too long for him. Each knot stood for a rupee, and a longer space between two knots indicated the passing of a year.

Many modes of accounting in a pictorial manner are noted in Europe and America among people classed as civilized. Some of these are very curious, but want of space prevents their recital here. A valuable description of the survival of the system in Brittany is given by M. Armand Landrin (a), translated and condensed as follows:

Many ways of representing accounts visually are observed in Europe and America among people considered civilized. Some of these are quite intriguing, but a lack of space prevents us from detailing them here. M. Armand Landrin provides a valuable description of the continued use of the system in Brittany, which is translated and summarized as follows:

In the department of Finisterre the farmers, in keeping accounts, made bags of their old socks and coat sleeves, of different colors, each color representing one of the divisions of farm outlay or receipt, as cows, butter, milk, and corn. Each amount received was placed in coin in the appropriate bag. When any coins were taken out the same number of small stones or of peas or beans was put in to replace the coins. Other farmers substituted for the bags small sticks of different length and thickness in which they made cuts representing the receipts.

In the Finisterre region, farmers kept track of their accounts by using old socks and coat sleeves, which they turned into bags of various colors. Each color stood for a different category of farm expenses or income, like cows, butter, milk, and corn. Whenever they received money, they would put the coins into the matching bag. If they took coins out, they would replace them with an equal number of small stones, peas, or beans. Some farmers used small sticks of different lengths and thicknesses instead of bags, making notches on them to represent their earnings.

In the accounts with the laborers and farm hands the women were designated by the triangle, intended to represent the Breton head dress á grandes barbes. The kind of work performed was expressed by the tool connected with it, e. g., a horseshoe denoted the blacksmith, a scythe the mower, an ax the carpenter, a saddle the harness-maker, and a tub the cooper. The bill of a veterinary surgeon was rendered by drawing the figures of the several animals treated united in one group by a line.

In the records of the laborers and farm workers, women were identified by a triangle symbolizing the Breton head scarf á grandes barbes. The type of work done was represented by the corresponding tool, for example, a horseshoe indicated the blacksmith, a scythe represented the mower, an ax stood for the carpenter, a saddle denoted the harness-maker, and a tub symbolized the cooper. A bill from a veterinarian was illustrated by drawing the figures of the various animals treated, all connected in one group by a line.

Until quite recently the important accounts of the British exchequer were kept by wooden tallies, and some bakers in the United States yet persevere in keeping their accounts with their customers by duplicate tallies, one of which is rendered as a bill and is verified by the other.

Until very recently, the crucial records of the British treasury were maintained using wooden tallies, and some bakers in the United States still continue to keep track of their accounts with customers using duplicate tallies, one of which is issued as a bill and is confirmed by the other.

CHAPTER X.
Timeline.

It is not within the scope of the present work to examine the several systems of chronology of the American Indians, but only those pictorially exhibited. The Mexican system, much more scientific and more elaborate than that employed by the northern tribes, resembled it in the graphic record or detail of exhibit, and is highly interesting as compared with the Dakota Winter Counts. Although the principle of designating the years was wholly different, the mode of that designation was often similar, as is shown by collating the Codex Vaticanus and the Codex Telleriano Remensis with the Winter Counts of Lone Dog and Battiste Good, infra. It is also desirable to note the remarks of Prof. Brinton (e) with regard to the Chilan Balam. At the close of each of the Maya larger divisions of time (the so-called “Katum”), a “chilan” or inspired diviner uttered a prediction of the character of the year or epoch which was about to begin. This prophetic designation of the year was like a Zadkiel’s almanac, while the Dakotan method was a selection of the most important events of the past.

It’s not the purpose of this work to explore the various systems of chronology used by American Indians, but only those represented visually. The Mexican system, which is far more scientific and complex than that of the northern tribes, had similarities in its graphic records and is quite interesting when compared to the Dakota Winter Counts. Even though the way they marked the years was completely different, the method of doing so often resembled each other, as can be seen by comparing the Codex Vaticanus and the Codex Telleriano Remensis with the Winter Counts of Lone Dog and Battiste Good, as mentioned below. It’s also worth noting Prof. Brinton's comments regarding the Chilan Balam. At the end of each major time period in the Maya calendar (the so-called "Katum"), a "chilan," or inspired diviner, would make a prediction about the kind of year or era that was about to start. This prophetic way of marking the year was similar to Zadkiel’s almanac, while the Dakotan method focused on selecting the most important events from the past.

SECTION 1.
Time.

Dr. William H. Corbusier, surgeon, U. S. Army, gives the following information:

Dr. William H. Corbusier, surgeon, U.S. Army, provides the following information:

Fig. 182.—Device denoting succession of time. Dakota.

The Dakotas make use of the circle as the symbol of a cycle of time; a small one for a year and a large one for a longer period of time, as a life time, one old man. Also a round of lodges or a cycle of seventy years, as in Battiste Good’s Winter Count. The continuance of time is sometimes indicated by a line extending in a direction from right to left across the page when on paper, and the annual circles are suspended from the line at regular intervals by short lines, as in Fig. 182, upper character, and the ideograph for the year is placed beneath each one. At other times the line is not continuous, but is interrupted at regular intervals by the yearly circle, as in the lower character of Fig. 182.

The Dakotas use the circle as a symbol of the cycle of time; a small one for a year and a large one for a longer period, like a lifetime, as an old man would experience. They also represent a round of lodges or a cycle of seventy years, as seen in Battiste Good’s Winter Count. The flow of time is sometimes shown by a line that stretches from right to left across the page when on paper, with the annual circles hanging from the line at regular intervals by short lines, as illustrated in Fig. 182, upper character, with the ideograph for the year placed below each one. At other times, the line is not continuous but is broken at regular intervals by the yearly circle, as shown in the lower character of Fig. 182.

Under other headings in this paper are presented graphic expressions for divisions of time—month, day, night, morning, noon, and evening. See, for some of them, Chap. XX, Sec. 2.

Under other headings in this paper, you’ll find visual representations for different divisions of time—month, day, night, morning, noon, and evening. For more details, see Chap. XX, Sec. 2.

SECTION 2.
WINTER COUNTS.

In the preliminary paper on “Pictographs of the North American Indians,” published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 58 pages of text and 46 full-page plates were devoted to the winter counts of the Dakota Indians. The minute detail of explanation, the systematic comparison, and the synoptic presentation which seemed to be necessary need not now be repeated to establish the genuine character of the invention. This consisted in the use of events, which were in some degree historical, to form a system of chronology. The record of the events was only the device by which was accomplished the continuous designation of years, in the form of charts corresponding in part with the orderly arrangement of divisions of time termed calendars. It was first made public by the present writer in a paper entitled “A Calendar of the Dakota Nation,” which was issued in April, 1877, in Bulletin III, No. I, of the United States Geological and Geographical Survey. The title is now changed to that adopted by the Dakotas themselves, viz, Winter Counts—in the original, wan'iyetu wo'wapi.

In the preliminary paper on “Pictographs of the North American Indians,” published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 58 pages of text and 46 full-page plates focused on the winter counts of the Dakota Indians. The detailed explanations, systematic comparisons, and summary presentations that seemed essential don't need to be repeated to confirm the true nature of the invention. This involved using events that were somewhat historical to create a system of chronology. The record of these events was merely a tool for continuously marking the years, resembling charts that partially correspond to the organized divisions of time known as calendars. It was first made public by the current author in a paper titled “A Calendar of the Dakota Nation,” which was released in April 1877, in Bulletin III, No. I, of the United States Geological and Geographical Survey. The title has now been changed to the one used by the Dakotas themselves, namely Winter Counts—in the original, wan'iyetu wo'wapi.

The lithographed chart published with that paper, substantially the same as Pl. XX, Lone-Dog’s Winter Count, now much better presented than ever before, is the winter count used by, or at least known to, a large portion of the Dakota people, extending over the seventy-one years commencing with the winter of A. D. 1800-’01.

The lithographed chart published with that paper, which is basically the same as Pl. XX, Lone-Dog’s Winter Count, is now presented much better than ever before. This winter count is used by, or at least known to, a large part of the Dakota people, covering the seventy-one years starting from the winter of A. D. 1800-’01.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XX
LONE DOG’S WINTER COUNT.

The copy from which the lithograph was taken is traced on a strip of cotton cloth, in size 1 yard square, which the characters almost entirely fill, and is painted in two colors, black and red, used in the original, of which it is a facsimile. The plate is a representation of the chart as it would appear on the buffalo robe. It was photographed from the copy on linen cloth, and not directly from the buffalo robe. It was painted on the robe by Lone-Dog, an Indian belonging to the Yanktonais tribe of the Dakotas, who in the autumn of 1876 was near Fort Peck, Montana. His Dakota name is given in the ordinary English literation as Shunka-ishnala, which words correspond nearly with the vocables in Riggs’s lexicon for dog-lone. Lone-Dog claimed that, with the counsel of the old men of his tribe, he decided upon some event or circumstance which should distinguish each year as it passed, and marked what was considered to be its appropriate symbol or device upon a buffalo robe kept for the purpose. The robe was at convenient times exhibited to other Indians of the tribe, who were thus taught the meaning and use of the signs as designating the several years.

The copy used for the lithograph is traced on a piece of cotton cloth that measures 1 yard square, which is almost fully filled by the characters, and it’s painted in two colors, black and red, just like the original, making it a facsimile. The plate shows how the chart would look on a buffalo robe. It was photographed from the copy on linen cloth, not directly from the buffalo robe itself. It was created on the robe by Lone-Dog, an Indian from the Yanktonais tribe of the Dakotas, who was near Fort Peck, Montana in the autumn of 1876. His Dakota name is typically written in English as Shunka-ishnala, which is roughly equivalent to the terms for dog-lone in Riggs’s lexicon. Lone-Dog stated that, with advice from the elders of his tribe, he chose a significant event or circumstance to distinguish each year as it went by, marking what was seen as its appropriate symbol or device on a buffalo robe kept for that purpose. The robe was shown to other members of the tribe at various times, teaching them the meanings and uses of the signs that represented the different years.

It is not, however, supposed that Lone-Dog was of sufficient age in the year 1800 to enter upon the work. Either there was a predecessor from whom he received the earlier records or, when he had reached manhood,[267] he gathered the traditions from his elders and worked back, the object either then or before being to establish some system of chronology for the use of the tribe or more probably in the first instance for the use of his own band.

It is not assumed that Lone-Dog was old enough in 1800 to take on the work. Either he had a predecessor who handed down the earlier records, or when he came of age,[267] he collected the traditions from his elders and traced back the history, aiming either at that point or earlier to create a chronology system for the tribe, or more likely first for his own group.

Present knowledge of the winter-count systems shows that Lone-Dog was not their originator. They were started, at the latest, before the present generation, and have been kept up by a number of independent recorders. The idea was one specially appropriate to the Indian genius, yet the peculiar mode of record was an invention, and it is not probably a very old invention, as it has not been used beyond a definite district and people. If an invention of that character had been of great antiquity it would probably have spread by intertribal channels beyond the bands or tribes of the Dakota, where alone the copies of such charts have been found and are understood.

Current understanding of the winter-count systems indicates that Lone-Dog was not the original creator. These systems began, at the latest, before the current generation and have been maintained by several independent record keepers. The concept was particularly suited to the Native American cultural insight, but the specific method of recording was an invention, likely not very old, as it has not been used outside a specific area and group. If such an invention had been ancient, it probably would have spread through intertribal networks beyond the Dakota bands or tribes, where only copies of these charts have been discovered and are known.

The fact that Lone-Dog’s Winter Count, the only one known at the time of its first publication, begins at a date nearly coinciding with the first year of the present century, as it is called in the arbitrary computation that prevails among most of the civilized peoples, awakened a suspicion that it might be due to civilized intercourse and was not a mere coincidence. If the influence of missionaries or traders started any plan of chronology, it is remarkable that they did not suggest one in some manner resembling the system so long and widely used, and the only one they knew, of counting the numbers from an era, such as the birth of Christ, the Hegira, the Ab Urbe Conditâ, or the first Olympiad. But the chart shows nothing of this nature. The earliest character merely represents the killing of a small number of Dakotas by their enemies, an event neither so important nor interesting as many others of the seventy-one shown in the chart, more than one of which, indeed, might well have been selected as a notable fixed point before and after which simple arithmetical notation could have been used to mark the years. Instead of any plan that civilized advisers would naturally have introduced, the one actually adopted was to individualize each year by a specific recorded symbol. The ideographic record, being preserved and understood by many, could be used and referred to with ease and accuracy. Definite signs for the first appearance of the smallpox and for the first capture of wild horses were dates as satisfactory to the Dakota as the corresponding expressions A. D. 1802 and 1813 are to the Christian world, and far more certain than the chronology expressed in terms of A. M. and B. C. The arrangement of separate characters in an outward spiral starting from a central point is a clever expedient to dispense with the use of numbers for noting the years, yet allowing every date to be determined by counting backward or forward from any other known. The whole conception seems one strongly characteristic of the Indians, who in other instances have shown such expertness in ideography. The discovery of several other charts, which differ in their times of commencement and ending from[268] that of Lone-Dog and from each other, removed any inference arising from the above-mentioned coincidence in beginning with the present century. The following copies of charts, substantially the same as that of Lone-Dog, are now or have been in the possession of the present writer:

The fact that Lone-Dog’s Winter Count, the only one known when it was first published, starts at a date almost matching the first year of this century, as it's labeled in the arbitrary system that most civilized societies use, raised a suspicion that it might be due to interaction with civilized people and wasn't just a coincidence. If missionaries or traders initiated any way of keeping track of time, it's interesting that they didn't propose one that resembled the commonly used system they knew, which counts years from a significant event like the birth of Christ, the Hegira, the founding of Rome, or the first Olympics. However, the chart doesn’t indicate any of this. The earliest symbol simply represents the killing of a small number of Dakotas by their enemies, an event that isn't as significant or interesting as many others among the seventy-one events shown on the chart. In fact, several of those could have easily been chosen as noteworthy points that could be used to mark years with simple arithmetic. Instead of any method that civilized advisors might have typically introduced, the one actually used was to identify each year with a specific recorded symbol. The ideographic record, being kept and understood by many, could be easily used and referred to accurately. Clear signs for the first appearance of smallpox and for the first capture of wild horses were dates as meaningful to the Dakota as the corresponding terms A.D. 1802 and 1813 are to the Christian world, and much more certain than the chronology expressed in terms of A.M. and B.C. The arrangement of separate symbols in a spiral starting from a central point is a smart way to avoid using numbers for marking the years while still allowing every date to be calculated by counting backward or forward from any known date. This entire concept seems very typical of the Indians, who have shown great skill in ideography in other cases. The discovery of several other charts, which have different starting and ending points compared to Lone-Dog’s and each other, eliminated any conclusions drawn from the earlier-mentioned coincidence of starting in the current century. The following copies of charts, which are mostly the same as Lone-Dog’s, are now or have been in the possession of the current writer:

1. A chart made and kept by Bo-i'-de, The-Flame, a Dakota, who, in 1877, lived near Fort Sully, Dakota.

1. A chart created and maintained by Bo-i'-de, The-Flame, a Dakota, who, in 1877, lived near Fort Sully, Dakota.

The facsimile copy is on a cotton cloth about a yard square and in black and red, thus far similar to the copy of Lone-Dog’s chart, but the arrangement is different. The character for the first year mentioned appears in the lower left-hand corner, and the record proceeds toward the right to the extremity of the cloth, then crossing toward the left and again toward the right at the edge of the cloth, and so throughout, in the style called boustrophedon. It thus answers the same purpose of orderly arrangement, allowing constant additions, like the more circular spiral of Lone-Dog. This record is for the years 1786-’87 to 1876-’77, thus commencing earlier and ending later than that of Lone-Dog.

The facsimile copy is on a cotton cloth about a yard square and is printed in black and red, somewhat similar to the copy of Lone-Dog’s chart, but the layout is different. The symbol for the first year mentioned is in the lower left corner, and the record moves to the right all the way to the end of the cloth, then crosses over to the left and back to the right at the edge, continuing in this manner throughout, in a layout called boustrophedon. This method serves the same purpose of keeping things organized, allowing for constant additions, similar to the more circular spiral of Lone-Dog. This record covers the years 1786-’87 to 1876-’77, starting earlier and ending later than Lone-Dog’s record.

2. A Minneconjou chief, The-Swan, kept another record on the dressed skin of an antelope or deer, claiming that it had been preserved in his family for seventy years.

2. A Minneconjou chief, The-Swan, kept another record on the tanned skin of an antelope or deer, stating that it had been passed down in his family for seventy years.

The characters are arranged in a spiral similar to those in Lone-Dog’s chart, but more oblong in form. The course of the spiral is from left to right, not from right to left.

The characters are arranged in a spiral similar to those in Lone-Dog’s chart, but they are more oval in shape. The spiral moves from left to right, not from right to left.

3. Another chart was kindly loaned to the writer by Bvt. Maj. Joseph Bush, captain Twenty-second U. S. Infantry. It was procured by him, in 1870 at the Cheyenne Agency. This copy is one yard by three-fourths of a yard, spiral, beginning in the center, from right to left. The figures are substantially the same as those in Lone-Dog’s chart, with which it coincides in time, except that it ends at 1869-’70, but the interpretation differs from that accompanying the latter in a few particulars.

3. Another chart was generously lent to the author by Bvt. Maj. Joseph Bush, captain of the Twenty-second U.S. Infantry. He obtained it in 1870 at the Cheyenne Agency. This copy measures one yard by three-quarters of a yard, is spiral bound, and starts in the center, moving from right to left. The figures are mostly the same as those in Lone-Dog’s chart, which align in time, except that it ends in 1869-’70, but the interpretation differs in a few details from that of the latter.

4. The chart of Mato Sapa, Black-Bear. He was a Minneconjou warrior, residing in 1868 and 1869 on the Cheyenne Agency reservation, on the Missouri river, near the mouth of the Cheyenne river.

4. The chart of Mato Sapa, Black Bear. He was a Minneconjou warrior, living in 1868 and 1869 on the Cheyenne Agency reservation, along the Missouri River, near where the Cheyenne River meets it.

This copy is on a smaller scale than that of Lone-Dog, being a flat and elongated spiral, 2 feet 6 inches by 1 foot 6 inches. The spiral reads from right to left. This chart, which begins like that of Lone-Dog, ends with the years 1868-’69.

This copy is smaller than Lone-Dog's, featuring a flat and elongated spiral, measuring 2 feet 6 inches by 1 foot 6 inches. The spiral is read from right to left. This chart, which starts like Lone-Dog's, concludes with the years 1868-’69.

5. A most important and interesting Winter Count is that made by Battiste Good, a Brulé Dakota, which was kindly contributed by Dr. William H. Corbusier, surgeon U. S. Army. It begins with peculiar cyclic devices from the year A. D. 900, and in thirteen figures embraces the time to A. D. 1700, all these devices being connected with myths, and some of them showing European influence. From 1700-’01 to 1879-’80 a separate character is given for each year, with its interpretation,[269] in much the same style as shown in the other charts mentioned. Several Indians and half-breeds said that this count formerly embraced about the same number of years as the others, but that Battiste Good gathered the names of many years from the old people and placed them in chronological order as far back as he was able to learn them.

5. A very important and interesting Winter Count was created by Battiste Good, a Brulé Dakota, and generously shared by Dr. William H. Corbusier, a U.S. Army surgeon. It starts with unique cyclic symbols from the year A.D. 900 and covers the period up to A.D. 1700 with thirteen figures, all connected to myths, some showing European influence. From 1700-’01 to 1879-’80, each year is represented with its own symbol and interpretation,[269] similar to the style of the other charts mentioned. Several Native Americans and mixed-heritage individuals stated that this count used to cover about the same number of years as the others, but Battiste Good collected the names of many years from the elders and arranged them in chronological order based on what he could learn.

Another Winter Count, communicated by Dr. Corbusier, is that in the possession of American-Horse, an Oglala Dakota, at the Pine Ridge agency in 1879, who asserted that his grandfather began it, and that it is the production of his grandfather, his father, and himself.

Another Winter Count, shared by Dr. Corbusier, is the one owned by American-Horse, an Oglala Dakota, at the Pine Ridge agency in 1879. He claimed that his grandfather started it and that it is created by his grandfather, his father, and himself.

A third Winter Count is communicated by Dr. Corbusier as kept by Cloud-Shield. He was also an Oglala Dakota, at the Pine Ridge agency, but of a different band from American-Horse. The last two counts embrace nearly the same number of years, viz, from A. D. 1775 to 1878. Two dates belong to each figure, as a Dakota year covers a portion of two of the calendar years common to civilization.

A third Winter Count is shared by Dr. Corbusier, which was maintained by Cloud-Shield. He was also an Oglala Dakota from the Pine Ridge agency but belonged to a different band than American-Horse. The last two counts cover almost the same number of years, specifically from A.D. 1775 to 1878. Each figure includes two dates, as a Dakota year spans part of two calendar years used in mainstream society.

Dr. Corbusier also saw copies of a fourth Winter Count, which was kept by White-Cow-Killer, at the Pine Ridge agency. He did not obtain a copy of it, but learned most of the names given to the winters.

Dr. Corbusier also saw copies of a fourth Winter Count, which was kept by White-Cow-Killer, at the Pine Ridge agency. He didn't get a copy of it, but he learned most of the names assigned to the winters.

With reference to all the Winter Counts and to the above remarks that a Dakota year covers a portion of two calendar years, the following explanation may be necessary: The Dakota count their years by winters (which is quite natural, that season in their high levels and latitudes practically lasting more than six months), and say a man is so many snows old, or that so many snow seasons have passed since an occurrence. They have no division of time into weeks, and their months are absolutely lunar, only twelve, however, being designated, which receive their names upon the recurrence of some prominent physical phenomenon. For example, the period partly embraced by February is called the “raccoon moon;” March, the “sore-eye moon;” and April, that “in which the geese lay eggs.” As the appearance of raccoons after hibernation, the causes inducing inflamed eyes, and oviposition by geese vary with the meteorological character of each year, and as the twelve lunations reckoned do not bring back the point in the season when counting commenced, there is often dispute in the Dakota tipis toward the end of winter as to the correct current date. In careful examination of the several counts it often is left in doubt whether the event occurred in the winter months or was selected in the months immediately before or in those immediately after the winter. No regularity or accuracy is noticed in these particulars.

With reference to all the Winter Counts and to the previous remarks that a Dakota year spans parts of two calendar years, the following explanation may be needed: The Dakota count their years by winters (which makes sense, since that season lasts over six months in their high-altitude regions), and say a man is so many snows old, or that so many snow seasons have passed since an event. They don’t divide time into weeks, and their months are strictly lunar, with only twelve designated, named after notable physical happenings. For example, the period that includes February is called the “raccoon moon;” March is the “sore-eye moon;” and April is the month “in which the geese lay eggs.” Since the appearances of raccoons after hibernation, the reasons for inflamed eyes, and when geese lay eggs change with the weather each year, and because the twelve lunar cycles do not return to the point in the season when counting started, there is often disagreement in Dakota tipis towards the end of winter about the correct current date. A close examination of the various counts often leaves it unclear whether an event happened in the winter months or was noted in the months just before or right after winter. No regularity or accuracy is found in these specifics.

In considering the extent to which Lone-Dog’s chart is understood and used, it may be mentioned that every intelligent Dakota of full years to whom the writer has shown it has known what it meant, and many of them knew a large part of the years portrayed. When there was less knowledge, there was the amount that may be likened to that of an uneducated person or a child who is examined about a map of the United States, which had been shown to him before, with some explanation[270] only partially apprehended or remembered. He would tell that it was a map of the United States; would probably be able to point out with some accuracy the state or city where he lived; perhaps the capital of the country; probably the names of the states of peculiar position or shape, such as Maine, Delaware, or Florida. So the Indian examined would often point out in Lone-Dog’s chart the year in which he was born, or that in which his father died, or in which there was some occurrence that had strongly impressed him, but which had no relation whatever to the significance of the character for the year in question. It had been pointed out to him before, and he had remembered it, while forgetting the remainder of the chart.

In looking at how well Lone-Dog's chart is understood and used, it's worth noting that every knowledgeable Dakota adult I've shown it to has recognized what it represented, and many even knew a significant portion of the years displayed. When understanding was less thorough, it resembled that of an uneducated person or a child being asked about a map of the United States that they had seen before, with some explanations only somewhat grasped or recalled. They would say it was a map of the United States; they could likely identify, with some accuracy, the state or city where they lived; maybe even the capital of the country; and probably the names of states that had unique shapes or positions, like Maine, Delaware, or Florida. Similarly, the Indian being questioned would often point out on Lone-Dog's chart the year he was born, the year his father died, or a year marked by an event that made a strong impression on him, even if it had no real connection to the meaning of the character for that specific year. This information had been previously explained to him, and he remembered it while forgetting the rest of the chart.

On comparing all the Winter Counts it is found that they often correspond, but sometimes differ. In a few instances the differences are in the succession of events, but they are usually due to an omission or to the selection of another event. When a year has the same name in all of them, the bands were probably encamped together, or else the event fixed upon was of general interest; and when the name is different the bands were scattered, or nothing of general interest occurred. Many of the recent events are fresh in the memory of the people, as the warriors who strive to make their exploits a part of the tribal traditions proclaim them on all occasions of ceremony, count their coups, as the performance is called. Declarations of this kind partake of the nature of affirmations made in the invoked presence of a supposed divinity. War shirts, on which scores of the enemies killed are kept, and which are carefully transmitted from generation to generation, help to refresh their memories in regard to some of the events.

When comparing all the Winter Counts, it’s clear that they often match up, but sometimes they differ. In a few cases, the differences are in the order of events, but they usually come from missing information or the choice of a different event. When a year has the same name across all of them, it likely means the groups were camping together, or the event chosen was significant to everyone; when the names differ, the groups were probably spread out, or nothing noteworthy happened. Many of the recent events are still vivid in people's minds, as the warriors who want to make their achievements part of the tribal traditions announce them at every ceremony, counting their coups, as this act is called. These declarations are similar to affirmations made in front of a presumed divine presence. War shirts, which keep track of the number of enemies killed and are carefully passed down from one generation to the next, also help keep their memories fresh regarding some of these events.

The study of all the charts renders plain some points remaining in doubt while the Lone-Dog chart was the only example known. It became clear that there was no fixed or uniform mode of exhibiting the order of continuity of the year-characters. They were arranged spirally or lineally, or in serpentine curves, by boustrophedon or direct, starting backward from the last year shown or proceeding uniformly forward from the first year selected or remembered. Any mode that would accomplish the object of continuity with the means of regular addition seemed equally acceptable. So a theory advanced that there was some symbolism in the right-to-left circling of Lone-Dog’s chart was abandoned, especially when an obvious reproduction of that very chart was made by an Indian with the spiral reversed. It was also obvious that when copies were made, some of them probably from memory, there was no attempt at Chinese accuracy. It was enough to give the graphic or ideographic character, and frequently the character is better defined on one of the charts than on the others for the corresponding year. One interpretation would often throw light on the others. It also appeared that, while different events were selected by the recorders of the different systems, there was sometimes a selection of the same event for the same year and sometimes for the next, such[271] as would be natural in the progress of a famine or epidemic, or as an event gradually became known over a vast territory.

The analysis of all the charts clarifies some lingering questions that arose when the Lone-Dog chart was the only known example. It became evident that there wasn't a consistent or standard way to display the order of the yearly characters. They were organized in spiral or linear formats, or in serpentine curves, either going from right to left or directly from left to right, starting from the last year shown or moving forward from the first year chosen or remembered. Any method that achieved the goal of continuity through regular additions seemed acceptable. Therefore, the theory suggesting a specific symbolism in the right-to-left circling of the Lone-Dog chart was discarded, especially after an Indian created an obvious reproduction of that same chart with the spiral reversed. It was also clear that when copies were made—some likely from memory—there was no effort for Chinese-level accuracy. It was sufficient to convey the graphic or ideographic character, and often the character was better defined on one chart than on others for the corresponding year. One interpretation could frequently shed light on the others. It also became apparent that while different events were chosen by the recorders of the various systems, sometimes the same event was recorded for the same year or the next, typical in situations like a famine or epidemic, or as an event gradually became recognized across a wide area.

A test of the mode of selecting events for designating the Winter Counts may be found in a suggestion made by the present writer in his account of Lone-Dog’s chart, published in 1877, as follows:

A trial of how events are chosen for the Winter Counts can be seen in a suggestion made by the author in his description of Lone-Dog's chart, published in 1877, as follows:

The year 1876 has furnished good store of events for the recorder’s choice, and it will be interesting to learn whether he has selected as the distinguishing event the victory over Custer, or, as of still greater interest, the general seizure of ponies, whereat the tribes, imitating Rachel, weep and will not be comforted, because they are not.

The year 1876 has provided plenty of events for the recorder to choose from, and it will be interesting to see if he picked the victory over Custer as the key event, or, even more intriguingly, the widespread theft of ponies, which has caused the tribes to weep like Rachel, refusing to be comforted, because they truly cannot be.

It now appears that two of the Counts made for 1876 and observed by the writer several years later have selected the event of the seizure of the ponies, and that none of them make any allusion to the defeat of Custer.

It now seems that two of the Counts created for 1876, which the writer noted several years later, have focused on the incident of the pony seizure, and that none of them mention Custer's defeat.

After examination of all the charts it is obvious that the design is not narrative, that the noting of events is being subordinated to the marking of the years by them, and that the pictographic serial arrangements of sometimes trivial though generally notorious incidents having been selected with special adaptation for use as a calendar. That in a few instances small personal events, such as the birth of the recorder or the death of members of his family, are set forth, may be regarded as interpolations in or unauthorized additions to the charts. If they had exhibited a complete national or tribal history for the years embraced in them, their discovery would have been in some respects more valuable, but they are interesting to anthropologists because they show an attempt before unsuspected among the northern tribes of American Indians to form a system of chronology.

After looking at all the charts, it’s clear that the design isn’t narrative. Instead of focusing on events, it prioritizes marking the years, and the pictorial arrangements of incidents—some trivial but generally well-known—have been chosen specifically for use as a calendar. A few small personal events, like the record keeper’s birth or the deaths of family members, seem to be added in as afterthoughts. If they had provided a complete history of the nation or tribe for the years they cover, their discovery would have been more valuable in some ways. However, they are still interesting to anthropologists because they show an unexpected effort among northern tribes of American Indians to create a chronological system.

While, as before mentioned, it is not now necessary to recapitulate the large amount of matter before published concerning the Winter Counts of the Dakota, it has been decided to present in an abbreviated form the characters and interpretations of the Lone-Dog chart as being the system which was first discovered, and the publication of which occasioned the discovery of all the other charts mentioned. The Winter Count of Battiste Good has not hitherto been published, and it possesses special importance and interest apart from its chronology, for which reason it is inserted in the present paper, see infra.

While it’s not necessary to go over all the information previously published about the Winter Counts of the Dakota, we’ve decided to present a summary of the characters and interpretations of the Lone-Dog chart, since it was the first system discovered and its publication led to the discovery of all the other charts mentioned. The Winter Count of Battiste Good hasn’t been published before, and it holds special significance and interest beyond its chronological details; for this reason, it is included in this paper, see below.

The several charts of The-Flame, The-Swan, American-Horse, and Cloud-Shield, published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, are omitted, but selections from all of them are presented under the headings of Ideography, Tribal and Personal Designations, Religion, Customs, History, Biography, Conventionalizing, Comparison, and in short are interspersed through the present paper where they appropriately belong.

The various charts of The-Flame, The-Swan, American-Horse, and Cloud-Shield, published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, are not included, but selections from all of them are provided under the sections of Ideography, Tribal and Personal Designations, Religion, Customs, History, Biography, Conventionalizing, Comparison, and are included throughout this paper where they fit best.

The reader of the Lone-Dog and Battiste Good charts may find it convenient to note the following brief account of the tribal names frequently mentioned:

The reader of the Lone-Dog and Battiste Good charts may find it helpful to keep in mind the following brief overview of the tribal names often mentioned:

The great linguistic stock or family which embraces not only the Sioux or Dakota proper, but the Missouri, Omaha, Ponka, Osage, Kansa, Oto, Assinaboin, Gros Ventre or Minnitari, Crow, Iowa, Mandan, and some others, has been frequently styled the Dakota family. Maj. J. W. Powell, the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, from consideration of priority, has lately adopted the name Siouan for the family, and for the grand division of it popularly called Sioux has used the term Dakota, which the people claim for themselves.

The large language family that includes not just the Sioux or Dakota, but also the Missouri, Omaha, Ponka, Osage, Kansa, Oto, Assinaboin, Gros Ventre or Minnitari, Crow, Iowa, Mandan, and a few others, is often referred to as the Dakota family. Maj. J. W. Powell, the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, has recently decided to call this family Siouan, and for the major division commonly known as Sioux, he has used the term Dakota, which is the name the people identify with.

The word “Dakota” is translated in Riggs’s dictionary of that language as “leagued” or “allied.” The title Sioux, which is indignantly repudiated by the people, is either the last syllable or the last two syllables, according to pronunciation, of “Nadowesioux,” which is the French plural of the Algonkin name for the Dakotas “Nadowessi,” “hated foe.” The Ojibwa called the Dakota “Nadowessi,” which is their word meaning rattlesnake, or, as others translate, adder, with a contemptuous or diminutive termination; the plural is Nadowessiwak or Nadawessyak. The French gave the name their own form of the plural and the voyagers and trappers cut it down to “Sioux.”

The word “Dakota” is translated in Riggs’s dictionary of that language as “leagued” or “allied.” The title Sioux, which the people strongly reject, comes from the last syllable or the last two syllables, depending on how you pronounce it, of “Nadowesioux,” which is the French plural of the Algonkin name for the Dakotas “Nadowessi,” meaning “hated foe.” The Ojibwa referred to the Dakota as “Nadowessi,” which means rattlesnake or, as others interpret it, adder, with a dismissive or diminutive ending; the plural form is Nadowessiwak or Nadawessyak. The French adapted the name to their own plural form, and the explorers and trappers shortened it to “Sioux.”

The more important of the tribes and organized bands into which the Dakotas are now divided, being the dislocated remains of the “Seven Great Council Fires,” are as follows:

The main tribes and organized groups that make up the Dakotas today, which are the fragmented remnants of the “Seven Great Council Fires,” are as follows:

Yankton and Yanktonai or Ihanktonwạn, both derived from a root meaning “at the end,” alluding to the former locality of their villages.

Yankton and Yanktonai or Ihanktonwạn, both coming from a root meaning “at the end,” refer to the original location of their villages.

Sihasapa, or Blackfeet.

Sihasapa, or Blackfeet tribe.

Ohenonpa, or Two-Kettles.

Ohenonpa, or Two Kettles.

Itaziptco, Without Bow. The French equivalent Sans Arc is more commonly used.

Itaziptco, Without Bow. The French equivalent Sans Arc is more commonly used.

Minneconjou, translated “Those who plant by the water,” the physical features of their old home.

Minneconjou, meaning “Those who plant by the water,” reflects the physical characteristics of their former home.

Sitcangu, Burnt Hip or Brulé.

Sitcangu, Burnt Hip or Brulé.

Santee, subdivided into Wahpeton, Men among Leaves, i. e., among forests, and Sisseton, Men of Prairie Marsh. Two other bands, now practically extinct, formerly belonged to the Santee, or as it is more correctly spelled, Isanti tribes, from the root “Issan,” knife. Their former territory furnished the material for stone knives, from the manufacture of which they were called the “knife people.”

Santee is divided into Wahpeton, which means "Men among Leaves" or "Men among forests," and Sisseton, meaning "Men of Prairie Marsh." Two other bands, now almost extinct, used to be part of the Santee, or more accurately, the Isanti tribes, named from the root "Issan," meaning knife. Their former territory provided the materials for stone knives, which is how they got the nickname "knife people."

Uncpapa, once the most warlike and probably the most powerful of all the bands, though not the largest.

Uncpapa, once the most aggressive and likely the most powerful of all the groups, although not the largest.

Oglala. The meaning and derivation of this name and of Uncpapa have been the subjects of controversy.

Oglala. The meaning and origin of this name and Uncpapa have been topics of debate.

Hale, Gallatin, and Riggs designate a “Titon tribe” as located west of the Missouri, and as much the largest division of the Dakotas, the latter authority subdividing into the Sichangu, Itazipcho, Sihasapa, Minneconjou, Ohenonpa, Oglala, and Huncpapa, seven of the tribes specified above, which he calls bands. “Titon,” (from the word tintan, meaning “at or on land without trees or prairie,”) was the name of a[273] tribal division, but it has become only an expression for all those tribes whose ranges are on the prairie, and thus it is a territorial and accidental, not a tribular distinction. One of the Dakotas at Fort Rice spoke to the present writer of the “hostiles” as “Titons,” with obviously the same idea of locality, “away on the prairie,” it being well known that they were a conglomeration from several tribes.

Hale, Gallatin, and Riggs refer to a “Titon tribe” as being located west of the Missouri, and it is the largest division of the Dakotas. The latter authority breaks it down into the Sichangu, Itazipcho, Sihasapa, Minneconjou, Ohenonpa, Oglala, and Huncpapa—seven of the tribes mentioned earlier, which he calls bands. “Titon” (derived from the word tintan, meaning “on land without trees or prairie”) was the name of a[273] tribal division, but it has come to represent all those tribes whose lands are on the prairie, making it a geographical and incidental, rather than a tribal distinction. One of the Dakotas at Fort Rice referred to the “hostiles” as “Titons,” clearly implying the same idea of locality, “out on the prairie,” since it was well known they were a mix of several tribes.

LONE-DOG’S WINTER COUNT.

Fig. 183.

Fig. 183, 1800-’01.—Thirty Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians. The device consists of thirty parallel black lines in three columns, the outer lines being united. In this chart, such black lines always signify the death of Dakotas killed by their enemies.

Fig. 183, 1800-’01.—Thirty Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians. The device consists of thirty parallel black lines in three columns, with the outer lines connected. In this chart, black lines always represent the death of Dakotas killed by their enemies.

The Absaroka or Crow tribe, although belonging to the Siouan family, has nearly always been at war with the Dakotas proper since the whites have had any knowledge of either. They are noted for the extraordinary length of their hair, which frequently distinguishes them in pictographs.

The Absaroka, or Crow tribe, while part of the Siouan family, has mostly been in conflict with the Dakotas since white settlers first became aware of them. They are known for their exceptionally long hair, which often sets them apart in illustrations.

Fig. 184.

Fig. 184, 1801-’02.—Many died of smallpox. The smallpox broke out in the tribe. The device is the head and body of a man covered with red blotches. In this, as in all other cases where colors in this chart are mentioned, they will be found to correspond with Pl. XX, but not in that respect with the text figures, which have no coloration.

Fig. 184, 1801-’02.—Many died from smallpox. The smallpox outbreak affected the tribe. The image shows the head and body of a man covered in red spots. In this case, as in all other instances where colors are mentioned in this chart, they will match Pl. XX, but not in comparison to the text figures, which are not colored.

Fig. 185.

Fig. 185, 1802-’03.—A Dakota stole horses with shoes on, i. e., stole them either directly from the whites or from some other Indians who had before obtained them from whites, as the Indians never shoe their horses. The device is a horseshoe.

Fig. 185, 1802-’03.—A Dakota stole horses that had shoes on, meaning he either took them directly from white people or from other Indians who had previously gotten them from white people, since the Indians never put shoes on their horses. The device is a horseshoe.

Fig. 186.

Fig. 186, 1803-’04.—They stole some “curly horses” from the Crows. Some of these horses are still on the plains, the hair growing in closely curling tufts. The device is a horse with black marks for the tufts. The Crows are known to have been early in the possession of horses.

Fig. 186, 1803-’04.—They took some "curly horses" from the Crows. Some of these horses are still on the plains, with their hair growing in tight, curly clumps. The illustration shows a horse with black marks for the tufts. The Crows are known to have been among the first to have horses.

Fig. 187

Fig. 187, 1804-’05.—The Dakota had a calumet dance and then went to war. The device is a long pipestem, ornamented with feathers and streamers. The feathers are white, with black tips, evidently the tail feathers of the adult golden eagle (Aquila chrysaëtos), highly prized by the Plains Indians. The streamers anciently were colored strips of skin or flexible bark; now gayly colored strips of cloth are used. The word calumet is a corruption of the French chalumeau. Capt. Carver (c) in his Three Years Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America, after puzzling over the etymology of “calumet,” describes the pipe as “about 4 feet long, bowl of red marble, stem of[274] a light wood curiously painted with hieroglyphics in various colors and adorned with feathers. Every nation has a different method of decorating these pipes and can tell at once to what band it belongs. It is used as an introduction to all treaties, also as a flag of truce is among Europeans.” Among the Indian tribes generally the pipe, when presented or offered to a stranger or enemy, was the symbol of peace, yet when used ceremonially by members of the same tribe among themselves was virtually a token of impending war. For further remarks on this point see the year 1842-’43 of this Winter Count.

Fig. 187, 1804-’05.—The Dakota had a calumet dance and then went to war. The item is a long pipestem, decorated with feathers and streamers. The feathers are white with black tips, clearly the tail feathers of the adult golden eagle (Aquila chrysaëtos), which are highly valued by the Plains Indians. The streamers used to be colored strips of skin or flexible bark; now brightly colored strips of cloth are used. The word calumet comes from the French chalumeau. Capt. Carver (c) in his *Three Years Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America,* after trying to figure out the origin of “calumet,” describes the pipe as “about 4 feet long, with a bowl of red marble, and a stem made of[274] a light wood artistically painted with hieroglyphics in different colors and decorated with feathers. Each nation has its own way of decorating these pipes and can immediately recognize to which group it belongs. It is used as an introduction in all treaties and also acts as a flag of truce among Europeans.” Generally, among the Indian tribes, presenting the pipe to a stranger or enemy symbolized peace, but when used ceremonially by members of the same tribe, it was essentially a sign of upcoming war. For more comments on this topic, see the year 1842-’43 of this Winter Count.

Fig. 188.

Fig. 188, 1805-’06.—The Crows killed eight Dakotas. Again the short parallel black lines, this time eight in number, united by a long stroke. The interpreter, Fielder, says that this character with black strokes is only used for grave marks.

Fig. 188, 1805-’06.—The Crows killed eight Dakotas. Again the short parallel black lines, this time eight in number, connected by a long stroke. The interpreter, Fielder, says that this symbol with black strokes is only used for grave marks.

Fig. 189.

Fig. 189, 1806-’07.—A Dakota killed an Arikara (Ree) as he was about to shoot an eagle. The sign gives the head and shoulders of a man with a red spot of blood on his neck, an arm being extended, with a line drawn to a golden eagle.

Fig. 189, 1806-’07.—A Dakota man killed an Arikara (Ree) while he was getting ready to shoot an eagle. The illustration shows the head and shoulders of a man with a red spot of blood on his neck, one arm extended, with a line leading to a golden eagle.

The drawing represents an Indian in the act of catching an eagle by the legs, as the Arikara were accustomed to catch eagles in their earth traps. These were holes to which the eagles were attracted by baits and in which the Indians were concealed. They rarely or never shot war eagles. The Arikara was shot in his trap just as he put his hand up to grasp the bird.

The drawing shows a Native American catching an eagle by its legs, just like the Arikara used to do with their earth traps. These traps were holes that attracted eagles with bait, and the Indians would hide nearby. They rarely, if ever, hunted war eagles. The Arikara was shot in his trap right as he reached up to grab the bird.

Fig. 190.

Fig. 190, 1807-’08.—Red-Coat, a chief, was killed. The figure shows the red coat pierced by two arrows, with blood dropping from the wounds.

Fig. 190, 1807-’08.—Red-Coat, a chief, was killed. The figure shows the red coat pierced by two arrows, with blood dripping from the wounds.

Fig. 191.

Fig. 191, 1808-’09.—The Dakota who had killed the Ree shown in this record for 1806-’07 was himself killed by the Rees. He is represented running, and shot with two arrows, blood dripping. These two figures, taking in connection, afford a good illustration of the method pursued in the chart, which was not intended to be a continuous history, or even to record the most important event of each year, but to exhibit some one of special peculiarity. There was some incident about the one Ree who was shot when, in fancied security, he was bringing down an eagle, and whose death was avenged by his brethren the second year afterward. It would, indeed, have been impossible to have graphically distinguished the many battles, treaties, horse-stealings, big hunts, etc., so most of them were omitted and other events of greater individuality and better adapted for portrayal were taken for the year count, the criterion being not that they were of historic moment, but[275] that they were of general notoriety, or perhaps of special interest to the recorders.

Fig. 191, 1808-’09.—The Dakota who killed the Ree mentioned in this record for 1806-’07 was himself killed by the Rees. He is shown running, shot with two arrows, and blood is dripping. These two figures, when considered together, provide a good illustration of the method used in the chart, which wasn't meant to be a continuous history or even to record the most important event of each year, but rather to highlight something of special significance. There was an incident involving the Ree who was shot while he thought he was safe, bringing down an eagle, and his death was avenged by his fellow Rees the following year. It would have been impossible to visually distinguish the many battles, treaties, horse thefts, big hunts, etc., so most were left out, and other events with more individuality and better suited for representation were chosen for the yearly count, with the criteria being not that they were historically significant, but[275] that they were well-known or perhaps of particular interest to those recording.

Fig. 192.

Fig. 192, 1809-’10.—A chief, Little-Beaver, set fire to a trading store, and was killed. The character simply designates his name-totem. The other interpretations say that he was a white trapper, but probably he had gained a new name among the Indians.

Fig. 192, 1809-’10.—A chief named Little-Beaver set fire to a trading post and was killed. The term simply refers to his name-totem. Other interpretations suggest he was a white trapper, but he likely had received a new name among the Indigenous people.

Fig. 193.

Fig. 193, 1810-’11.—Black-Stone made medicine. The expression medicine is too common to be successfully eliminated, though it is altogether misleading. The “medicine men” have no connection with therapeutics, feel no pulses, and administer no drugs, or, if sometimes they direct the internal or external use of some secret preparation, it is as a part of superstitious ceremonies, and with main reliance upon those ceremonies. Their incantations are not only to drive away disease, but for many other purposes, such as to obtain success in war, avert calamity, and were very frequently used to bring within reach the buffalo, on which the Dakotas depended for food. The rites are those known as shamanism, noticeable in the ethnic periods of savagery and barbarism. In the ceremonial of “making medicine,” a buffalo head, and especially the head of an albino buffalo, held a prominent place among the plains tribes. Many references to this are to be found in the Prince of Wied’s Travels in the Interior of North America. Also see infra, Chap. XIV. The device in the chart is the man figure, with the head of an albino buffalo held over his own.

Fig. 193, 1810-’11.—Black-Stone made medicine. The term medicine is too common to be accurately replaced, even though it can be misleading. The "medicine men" have no ties to actual medical treatment, don’t check pulses, and don’t give out medications. If they do occasionally recommend the internal or external use of some secret concoction, it’s part of superstitious rituals and heavily relies on those ceremonies. Their chants are meant not just to drive away illness but for many reasons, like achieving success in war, preventing disasters, and very often to help bring buffalo within reach, which the Dakotas relied on for food. These practices are part of shamanism, evident during the primitive and barbaric phases of society. In the rituals of "making medicine," a buffalo head, especially the head of an albino buffalo, was significant among the plains tribes. Many references to this can be found in the Prince of Wied’s Travels in the Interior of North America. Also see infra, Chap. XIV. The illustration in the chart shows a man with the head of an albino buffalo placed over his own.

Fig. 194.

Fig. 194, 1811-’12.—The Dakota fought a battle with the Gros Ventres and killed a great many. Device, a circle inclosing three round objects with flat bases, resembling heads severed from trunks, which are too minute in this device for decision of objects represented; but they appear more distinct in the record for 1864-’65 as the heads of enemies slain in battle. In the sign language of the plains, the Dakota are denoted by drawing a hand across the throat, signifying that they cut the throats of their enemies. The Dakota count by the fingers, as is common to most peoples, but with a peculiarity of their own. When they have gone over the fingers and thumbs of both hands, one finger is temporarily turned down for one ten. At the end of the next ten another finger is turned, and so on to a hundred. Opawinge (Opawinxe), one hundred, is derived from pawinga (pawinxa), to go round in circles, to make gyrations, and contains the idea that the round of all the fingers has again been made for their respective tens. So the circle is never used for less than one hundred, but sometimes signifies an indefinite number greater than a hundred. The circle, in this instance, therefore, was at first believed to express the killing in battle of many enemies. But the other interpretations removed all symbolic character, leaving the circle simply as the rude[276] drawing of a dirt lodge to which the Gros Ventres were driven. The present writer, by no means devoted to symbolism, had supposed a legitimate symbol to be indicated, which supposition further information on the subject showed to be incorrect.

Fig. 194, 1811-’12.—The Dakota fought a battle with the Gros Ventres and killed many of them. The symbol shows a circle enclosing three round objects with flat bases, resembling heads cut off from their bodies, although they are too small in this symbol for clear identification; they are more clearly depicted in the record for 1864-’65 as the heads of enemies killed in battle. In the Plains sign language, the Dakota are represented by drawing a hand across the throat, indicating that they cut the throats of their enemies. The Dakota count using their fingers, similar to most cultures, but have their own unique method. After counting all the fingers and thumbs of both hands, one finger is temporarily turned down to represent one ten. After the next ten, another finger is turned down, and so on, up to a hundred. Opawinge (Opawinxe), meaning one hundred, comes from pawinga (pawinxa), which means to go around in circles or to make rotational movements, and implies that they’ve completed one round of all the fingers for their respective tens. Therefore, the circle is never used for less than one hundred and sometimes indicates an indefinite number greater than a hundred. Initially, this circle was thought to signify the killing of many enemies in battle. However, other interpretations stripped it of any symbolic meaning, leaving the circle as merely a crude[276] drawing of a dirt lodge to which the Gros Ventres were forced. The current author, who is not particularly focused on symbolism, had initially assumed a valid symbol was being suggested, but further information on the topic proved that assumption to be incorrect.

Fig. 195.

Fig. 195, 1812-’13.—Wild horses were first run and caught by the Dakotas. The device is a lasso. The date is of value, as showing when the herds of prairie horses, descended from those animals introduced by the Spaniards in Mexico, or those deposited by them on the shores of Texas and at other points, had multiplied so as to extend into the far northern regions. The Dakotas undoubtedly learned the use of the horse and perhaps also that of the lasso from southern tribes, with whom they were in contact; and it is noteworthy that notwithstanding the tenacity with which they generally adhere to ancient customs, in only two generations since they became familiar with the horse they had been so revolutionized in their habits as to be utterly helpless, both in war and the chase, when deprived of that animal.

Fig. 195, 1812-’13.—Wild horses were first rounded up by the Dakotas using a lasso. The date is important because it shows when the herds of prairie horses, which came from animals introduced by the Spaniards in Mexico or left by them on the shores of Texas and other locations, had increased enough to spread into the far northern regions. The Dakotas likely learned how to use horses and maybe even the lasso from southern tribes they interacted with; it’s interesting that despite their strong attachment to traditional customs, in just two generations after they became acquainted with horses, their ways of life were transformed to the point that they were completely dependent on horses for both warfare and hunting.

Fig. 196.

Fig. 196, 1813-’14.—The whooping-cough was very prevalent and fatal. The sign is suggestive of a blast of air coughed out by the man-figure.

Fig. 196, 1813-’14.—Whooping cough was widespread and deadly. The sign suggests a rush of air being coughed out by the human figure.

Fig. 197.
Fig. 198.

The interruption in the cough peculiar to the disease is more clearly delineated in the Winter Count of The-Flame for the same year, Fig. 197, and still better in The-Swan’s Winter Count, Fig. 198.

The break in the cough specific to the disease is shown more clearly in The-Flame’s Winter Count from that year, Fig. 197, and even better in The-Swan’s Winter Count, Fig. 198.

Fig. 199.

Fig. 199, 1814-’15.—A Dakota killed an Arapaho in his lodge. The device represents a tomahawk or battle-ax, the red being blood from the cleft skull.

Fig. 199, 1814-’15.—A Dakota killed an Arapaho in his lodge. The image shows a tomahawk or battle ax, with the red representing blood from the split skull.

Fig. 200.

Fig. 200, 1815-’16.—The Sans Arcs made the first attempt at a dirt lodge. This was at Peoria Bottom, Dakota. Crow-Feather was their chief, which fact, in the absence of the other charts, seemed to explain the fairly drawn feather of that bird protruding from the lodge top, but the figure must now be admitted to be a badly drawn bow, in allusion to the tribe Sans Arc, without, however, any sign of negation. As the interpreter explained the figure to be a crow feather and as Crow-Feather[277] actually was the chief, Lone-Dog’s chart with its interpretation may be independently correct.

Fig. 200, 1815-’16.—The Sans Arcs made their first attempt at a dirt lodge at Peoria Bottom, Dakota. Their chief was Crow-Feather, which, in the absence of the other charts, seemed to explain the rather well-drawn feather of that bird sticking out from the lodge roof. However, it must now be acknowledged that the figure is actually a poorly drawn bow, referring to the Sans Arc tribe, without any sign of negation. The interpreter described the figure as a crow feather, and since Crow-Feather[277] was indeed the chief, Lone-Dog’s chart and its interpretation may also be correct.

Fig. 201.

Fig. 201, 1816-’17.—“Buffalo belly was plenty.” The device rudely portrays a side of buffalo.

Fig. 201, 1816-’17.—“Buffalo belly was plentiful.” The image roughly depicts a side view of a buffalo.

Fig. 202.

Fig. 202, 1817-’18.—La Framboise, a Canadian, built a trading store with dry timber. The dryness is shown by the dead tree. La Framboise was an old trader among the Dakota, who once established himself in the Minnesota valley. His name is mentioned by various travelers.

Fig. 202, 1817-’18.—La Framboise, a Canadian, built a trading store using dry timber. The dryness is indicated by the dead tree. La Framboise was an experienced trader among the Dakota, who once settled in the Minnesota valley. His name is referenced by several travelers.

Fig. 203.

Fig. 203, 1818-’19.—The measles broke out and many died. The device in the copy is the same as that for 1801-’02, relating to the smallpox, except a very slight difference in the red blotches; and, though Lone-Dog’s artistic skill might not have been sufficient to distinctly vary the appearance of the two patients, both diseases being eruptive, still it is one of the few serious defects in the chart that the sign for the two years is so nearly identical that, separated from the continuous record, there would be confusion between them. Treating the document as a mere aide-de-mémoire no inconvenience would arise, it probably being well known that the smallpox epidemic preceded that of the measles; but care is generally taken to make some, however minute, distinction between the characters. It is also to be noticed that the Indian diagnosis makes little distinction between smallpox and measles, so that no important pictographic variation could be expected. The head of this figure is clearly distinguished from that in 1801-’02.

Fig. 203, 1818-’19.—The measles outbreak occurred, and many people died. The representation in this copy is the same as that for 1801-’02, related to smallpox, with just a slight difference in the red spots. While Lone-Dog’s artistic skills may not have clearly differentiated the appearance of the two patients, given that both diseases cause rashes, it remains a significant flaw in the chart that the symbols for the two years are so similar that, without the ongoing record, one could easily confuse them. If the document is viewed simply as a reminder, there wouldn’t be any issue, as it’s likely well-known that the smallpox epidemic came before the measles outbreak; however, there is usually an effort to make some small distinction between the symbols. It’s also worth noting that the Indian diagnosis doesn't make much of a difference between smallpox and measles, so no major pictorial variation could be expected. The head of this figure is clearly distinguishable from that in 1801-’02.

Fig. 204.

Fig. 204, 1819-’20.—Another trading store was built, this time by Louis La Conte, at Fort Pierre, Dakota. His timber, as one of the Indians consulted especially mentioned, was rotten.

Fig. 204, 1819-’20.—Another trading store was built, this time by Louis La Conte, at Fort Pierre, Dakota. His timber, as one of the Indians consulted specifically noted, was rotten.

Fig. 205.

Fig. 205, 1820-’21.—The trader, La Conte, gave Two-Arrow a war dress for his bravery. So translated an interpreter, and the sign shows the two arrows as the warrior’s name-totem; likewise the gable of a house, which brings in the trader; also a long strip of black tipped with red streaming from the roof, which possibly may be the piece of parti-colored material out of which the dress was fashioned. This strip is not intended for sparks and[278] smoke, which at first sight was suggested, as in that case the red would have been nearest the roof instead of farthest from it.

Fig. 205, 1820-’21.—The trader, La Conte, gave Two-Arrow a war outfit for his bravery. An interpreter translated this, and the image shows the two arrows as the warrior’s name-totem; it also features the gable of a house, which includes the trader; and a long strip of black tipped with red flowing from the roof, which might be the piece of multicolored fabric that the outfit was made from. This strip isn't meant for catching sparks and smoke, as might be suggested at first glance, because in that case, the red would be closest to the roof instead of farthest from it.[278]

Fig. 206.

Fig. 206, 1821-’22.—The character represents the falling to earth of a very brilliant meteor.

Fig. 206, 1821-’22.—The image shows a bright meteor falling to Earth.

Fig. 207.

Fig. 207, 1822-’23.—Another trading house was built, which was by a white man called Big-Leggings, and was at the mouth of the Little Missouri or Bad river. The drawing is distinguishable from that for 1819-’20.

Fig. 207, 1822-’23.—Another trading house was built by a white man named Big-Leggings, located at the mouth of the Little Missouri or Bad River. The drawing is different from the one for 1819-’20.

Fig. 208.

Fig. 208, 1823-’24.—White soldiers made their first appearance in the region. So said the interpreter, Clement, but from the unanimous interpretation of others the event portrayed is the attack of the United States forces accompanied by Dakotas upon the Arikara villages, the historic account of which is given in some detail in Chap. XVI, infra.

Fig. 208, 1823-’24.—White soldiers first showed up in the area. That’s what the interpreter, Clement, said, but according to everyone else, the event depicted is the attack by the United States forces along with the Dakotas on the Arikara villages, which is described in detail in Chap. XVI, infra.

The device represents an Arickara palisaded village and attacking soldiers. Not only the remarkable character and triumphant result of this expedition, but the connection that the Dakotas themselves had with it, made it a natural subject for the year’s totem.

The device represents an Arikara palisaded village and attacking soldiers. The impressive nature and successful outcome of this expedition, along with the connection the Dakotas had to it, made it a fitting topic for the year's totem.

All the winter counts refer to this expedition.

All the winter counts mention this expedition.

Fig. 209.

Fig. 209, 1824-’25.—Swan, chief of the Two-Kettle tribe, had all of his horses killed. Device, a horse pierced by a lance, blood flowing from the wound.

Fig. 209, 1824-’25.—Swan, leader of the Two-Kettle tribe, had all of his horses killed. Device, a horse pierced by a lance, with blood flowing from the wound.

Fig. 210.

Fig. 210, 1825-’26.—There was a remarkable flood in the Missouri river and a number of Indians were drowned. With some exercise of fancy the symbol may suggest heads appearing above a line of water, and this is more distinct in some of the other charts.

Fig. 210, 1825-’26.—There was a significant flood in the Missouri River, and several Indians drowned. With a bit of imagination, the symbol might represent heads rising above a line of water, which is more apparent in some of the other charts.

Fig. 211.

Fig. 211, 1826-’27.—“An Indian died of the dropsy.” So Basil Clement said. It was at first suggested that this circumstance was noted because the disease was so unusual in 1826 as to excite remark. Baron de La Hontan (c), a good authority concerning the Northwestern Indians before they had been greatly affected by intercourse with whites, specially mentions dropsy as one of the diseases unknown to them. Carver, op. cit., also states that this malady was extremely rare. The interpretations of other charts explained,[279] however, that some Dakotas on the warpath had nearly perished with hunger when they found and ate the rotting carcass of an old buffalo on which the wolves had been feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in the stomach, their abdomens swelled, and gas poured from the mouth. This disease is termed tympanites, the external appearance occasioned by it much resembling that of dropsy.

Fig. 211, 1826-’27.—“An Indian died of dropsy.” That's what Basil Clement said. Initially, it was suggested that this was noted because the disease was so rare in 1826 that it drew attention. Baron de La Hontan (c), a credible source on the Northwestern Indians before they were significantly influenced by contact with whites, specifically mentions dropsy as one of the diseases they didn’t know about. Carver, op. cit., also notes that this illness was extremely uncommon. However, the interpretations of other charts explained,[279] that some Dakotas on a warpath nearly starved when they came across and ate a rotting carcass of an old buffalo that the wolves had been feeding on. Soon after, they experienced stomach pains, their bellies swelled, and gas escaped from their mouths. This condition is known as tympanites, and its external symptoms closely resemble those of dropsy.

Fig. 212.

Fig. 212, 1827-’28.—Dead-Arm was stabbed with a knife or dirk by a Mandan. The illustration is quite graphic, showing the long-handled dirk in the bloody wound and withered arm.

Fig. 212, 1827-’28.—Dead-Arm was stabbed with a knife or dirk by a Mandan. The illustration is very vivid, showing the long-handled dirk in the bloody wound and the withered arm.

Fig. 213.

Fig. 213, 1828-’29.—A white man named Shadran, who lately, as reported in 1877, was still living in the same neighborhood, built a dirt lodge. The hatted head appears under the roof. This name should probably be spelled Chadron, with whom Catlin hunted in 1832, in the region mentioned.

Fig. 213, 1828-’29.—A white man named Shadran, who recently, as reported in 1877, was still living in the same neighborhood, built a dirt lodge. The hatted head appears under the roof. This name should probably be spelled Chadron, with whom Catlin hunted in 1832, in the region mentioned.

Fig. 214.

Fig. 214, 1829-’30.—A Yanktonai Dakota was killed by Bad-Arrow Indians.

Fig. 214, 1829-’30.—A Yanktonai Dakota was killed by Bad-Arrow Indians.

The Bad-Arrow Indians is a translation of the Dakota name for a certain band of Blackfeet Indians.

The Bad-Arrow Indians is a translation of the Dakota name for a specific group of Blackfeet Indians.

Fig. 215.

Fig. 215, 1830-’31.—Bloody battle with the Crows, of whom it is said twenty-three were killed. Nothing in the sign denotes number, it being only a man figure with red or bloody body and red war bonnet.

Fig. 215, 1830-’31.—Intense battle with the Crows, during which it's reported that twenty-three were killed. The sign doesn’t indicate a number; it just shows a figure of a man with a red or bloody body and a red war bonnet.

Fig. 216.

Fig. 216, 1831-’32.—Le Beau, a white man, killed another named Kermel. Le Beau was still alive at Little Bend, 30 miles above Fort Sully, in 1877.

Fig. 216, 1831-’32.—Le Beau, a white man, killed another man named Kermel. Le Beau was still alive at Little Bend, 30 miles above Fort Sully, in 1877.

Fig. 217.

Fig. 217, 1832-’33.—Lone-Horn had his leg “killed,” as the interpretation gave it. The single horn is on the figure, and a leg is drawn up as if fractured or distorted, though not unlike the leg in the character for 1808-’09, where running is depicted.

Fig. 217, 1832-’33.—Lone-Horn had his leg “broken,” as the interpretation puts it. The single horn is on the figure, and a leg is drawn up as if it’s fractured or twisted, though it looks similar to the leg in the character for 1808-’09, where running is shown.

Fig. 218.

Fig. 218, 1833-’34.—“The stars fell,” as the Indians all agreed. This was the great meteoric shower observed all over the United States on the night of November 12 of that year. In this chart the moon is black and the stars are red.

Fig. 218, 1833-’34.—“The stars fell,” as the Indians all agreed. This was the major meteor shower seen across the United States on the night of November 12 that year. In this chart, the moon is black and the stars are red.

Fig. 219.

Fig. 219, 1834-’35.—The chief Medicine-Hide was killed. The device shows the body as bloody, but not the war bonnet, by which it is distinguished from the character for 1830-’31.

Fig. 219, 1834-’35.—The chief Medicine-Hide was killed. The illustration shows the body as bloody, but it doesn't include the war bonnet, which sets it apart from the depiction for 1830-’31.

Fig. 220.

Fig. 220, 1835-’36.—Lame-Deer shot a Crow Indian with an arrow; drew it out and shot him again with the same arrow. The hand is drawing the arrow from the first wound. This is another instance of the principle on which events were selected. Many fights occurred of greater moment, but with no incident precisely like this. Lame-Deer was a distinguished chief among the hostiles in 1876. His camp of five hundred and ten lodges was surprised and destroyed by Gen. Miles, and four hundred and fifty horses, mules, and ponies were captured.

Fig. 220, 1835-’36.—Lame-Deer shot a Crow Indian with an arrow; pulled it out and shot him again with the same arrow. The hand is pulling the arrow from the first wound. This is another example of the criteria used to choose events. Many fights were more significant, but none had an incident exactly like this. Lame-Deer was a prominent chief among the opponents in 1876. His camp of five hundred and ten lodges was caught off guard and destroyed by Gen. Miles, resulting in the capture of four hundred and fifty horses, mules, and ponies.

Fig. 221.

Fig. 221, 1836-’37.—Band’s-Father, chief of the Two Kettles, died. The device is nearly the same as that for 1816-’17, denoting plenty of buffalo belly.

Fig. 221, 1836-’37.—Band's-Father, chief of the Two Kettles, passed away. The design is almost identical to that of 1816-’17, representing an abundance of buffalo belly.

Interpreter Fielder throws light on the subject by saying that this character was used to designate the year when The-Breast, father of The-Band, a Minneconjou, died. The-Band himself died in 1875, on Powder river. His name was O-ye-a-pee. The character was, therefore, the Buffalo-Breast, a personal name.

Interpreter Fielder clarifies that this character was used to indicate the year when The-Breast, the father of The-Band, a Minneconjou, passed away. The-Band himself died in 1875, on Powder River. His name was O-ye-a-pee. Therefore, the character represented Buffalo-Breast, which was a personal name.

Fig. 222.

Fig. 222, 1837-’38.—Commemorates a remarkably successful hunt, in which it is said 100 elk were killed. The drawing of the elk is good enough to distinguish it from the other quadrupeds in this chart.

Fig. 222, 1837-’38.—Commemorates a remarkably successful hunt, in which it is said 100 elk were killed. The drawing of the elk is clear enough to set it apart from the other animals in this chart.

Fig. 223.

Fig. 223, 1838-’39.—A dirt lodge was built for Iron-Horn. The other dirt lodge (1815-’16) has a mark of ownership, which this has not. A chief of the Minneconjous is mentioned in Gen. Harney’s report in 1856 under the name of The-One-Iron-Horn.

Fig. 223, 1838-’39.—A dirt lodge was built for Iron-Horn. The other dirt lodge (1815-’16) has a mark of ownership, which this one does not. A chief of the Minneconjous is mentioned in Gen. Harney’s report in 1856 under the name The-One-Iron-Horn.

The word translated “iron” in this case and appearing thus several times in the charts does not always mean the metal of that name. According to Rev. J. Owen Dorsey it has a mystic significance, in some manner connected with water and with water spirits. In pictographs objects called iron are painted blue when that color can be obtained.

The word translated as “iron” here and appearing several times in the charts doesn’t always refer to the metal itself. According to Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, it has a mystical meaning, somehow linked to water and water spirits. In pictographs, objects designated as iron are painted blue when that color is available.

Fig. 224.

Fig. 224, 1839-’40.—The Dakotas killed an entire village of Snake or Shoshoni Indians. The character is the ordinary tipi pierced by arrows.

Fig. 224, 1839-’40.—The Dakotas wiped out a whole village of Snake or Shoshoni Indians. The drawing shows a typical tipi pierced by arrows.

Fig. 225.

Fig. 225, 1840-’41.—The Dakotas made peace with the Cheyennes. The symbol of peace is the common one of the approaching hands of two persons. The different coloration of the two hands and arms shows that they belonged to two different persons, and in fact to different tribes. The mere unceremonial hand grasp or “shake” of friendship was not used by the Indians before it was introduced by Europeans.

Fig. 225, 1840-’41.—The Dakotas made peace with the Cheyennes. The symbol of peace is the familiar image of two people reaching out their hands. The different colors of the hands and arms indicate that they belong to two different people, and indeed to different tribes. The simple, informal handshake of friendship wasn't traditionally used by the Indians until it was introduced by Europeans.

Fig. 226.

Fig. 226, 1841-’42.—Feather-in-the-Ear stole 30 spotted ponies. The spots are shown red, distinguishing them from those of the curly horse in the character for 1803-’04.

Fig. 226, 1841-’42.—Feather-in-the-Ear stole 30 spotted ponies. The spots are shown in red, setting them apart from those of the curly horse in the character for 1803-’04.

A successful theft of horses, demanding skill, patience, and daring, is generally considered by the Plains Indians to be of equal merit with the taking of scalps. Indeed, the successful horse thief is more popular than a mere warrior, on account of the riches gained by the tribe, wealth until lately being generally estimated in ponies as the unit of value.

A successful horse theft, which requires skill, patience, and bravery, is usually seen by the Plains Indians as being just as valuable as taking scalps. In fact, a successful horse thief is often more admired than a regular warrior because of the wealth brought to the tribe, with wealth having been traditionally measured in ponies as the standard of value.

Fig. 227.

Fig. 227, 1842-’43.—One-Feather raised a large war party against the Crows. This chief is designated by his long solitary red eagle feather, and holds a pipe with black stem and red bowl, alluding to the usual ceremonies before starting on the warpath. For further information on this subject see Chap. XV. The Red-War-Eagle-Feather was at this time a chief of the Sans Arcs.

Fig. 227, 1842-’43.—One-Feather assembled a large war party against the Crows. This chief is identified by his long, solitary red eagle feather and carries a pipe with a black stem and red bowl, representing the typical rituals before heading out to war. For more information on this subject, see Chap. XV. The Red-War-Eagle-Feather was a chief of the Sans Arcs at this time.

Fig. 228.

Fig. 228, 1843-’44.—The Sans Arcs made medicine to bring the buffalo. The medicine tent is denoted by a buffalo’s head drawn on it, which in this instance is not the head of an albino buffalo.

Fig. 228, 1843-’44.—The Sans Arcs performed a ritual to summon the buffalo. The medicine tent is marked with a drawing of a buffalo’s head, which in this case is not the head of an albino buffalo.

Fig. 229.

Fig. 229, 1844-’45.—The Minneconjous built a pine fort. Device, a pine tree connected with a tipi. Another account explains that they went to the woods and erected their tipis there as affording some protection from the unusually deep snow. This would account for the pine tree.

Fig. 229, 1844-’45.—The Minneconjous built a pine fort. The design features a pine tree linked to a tipi. Another source explains that they went into the woods and set up their tipis there for some shelter from the unusually deep snow. This could explain the presence of the pine tree.

Fig. 230.

Fig. 230, 1845-’46.—Plenty of buffalo meat, which is represented as hung upon poles and trees to dry. This device has become the conventional sign for plenty and frequently appears in the several charts.

Fig. 230, 1845-’46.—A lot of buffalo meat is shown hanging on poles and trees to dry. This method has become the standard symbol for abundance and often appears in various charts.

Fig. 231.

Fig. 231, 1846-’47.—Broken-Leg died. Rev. Dr. Williamson says he knew him. He was a Brulé. There is enough difference between this device and those for 1808-’09 and 1832-’33 to distinguish each.

Fig. 231, 1846-’47.—Broken-Leg died. Rev. Dr. Williamson says he knew him. He was a Brulé. There is enough difference between this design and those from 1808-’09 and 1832-’33 to tell them apart.

Fig. 232.

Fig. 232, 1847-’48.—Two-Man was killed. His totem is drawn, two small man figures side by side. Another interpretation explains the figure as indicating twins.

Fig. 232, 1847-’48.—Two-Man was killed. His totem is illustrated, showing two small human figures side by side. Another interpretation suggests that the figure represents twins.

Fig. 233.

Fig. 233, 1848-’49.—Humpback was killed. An ornamented lance pierces the distorted back. Other records name him Broken-Back. He was a distinguished chief of the Minneconjous.

Fig. 233, 1848-’49.—The humpback was killed. An ornate lance pierces the twisted back. Other accounts refer to him as Broken-Back. He was a notable chief of the Minneconjous.

Fig. 234.

Fig. 234, 1849-’50.—The Crows stole a large drove of horses (it is said eight hundred) from the Brulés. The circle is a design for a camp or corral from which a number of horse-tracks are departing.

Fig. 234, 1849-’50.—The Crows took a big herd of horses (reportedly eight hundred) from the Brulés. The circle is a layout for a camp or corral from which several horse tracks are leaving.

Fig. 235.

Fig. 235, 1850-’51.—The character is a distinct drawing of a buffalo containing a human figure. Clément translated that “a buffalo cow was killed in that year and an old woman found in her belly;” also that all the Indians believed this. Good-Wood, examined through another interpreter, could or would give no explanation except that it was “about their religion.” The Dakotas have long believed in the appearance from time to time of a monstrous animal that swallows human beings. This superstition was perhaps suggested by the bones of mastodons, often found in the territory of those Indians; and, the buffalo being the largest living animal known to them, its name was given to the legendary monster, in which nomenclature they were not wholly wrong, as the horns of the fossil Bison latifrons are 10 feet in length.[283] Major Bush suggests that perhaps some old squaw left to die sought the carcass of a buffalo for shelter and then died. He has known this to occur.

Fig. 235, 1850-’51.—The drawing features a buffalo that has a human figure inside it. Clément translated this as “a buffalo cow was killed that year, and an old woman was found in her belly;” and that all the Indians believed this. Good-Wood, when questioned by another interpreter, could only say it was “about their religion.” The Dakotas have long believed in the existence of a monstrous creature that swallows humans. This superstition might have been inspired by mastodon bones, often discovered in their territory, and since the buffalo was the largest animal they knew, it was named after the legendary monster, which was not entirely incorrect, as the horns of the fossil Bison latifrons can reach lengths of 10 feet.[283] Major Bush suggests that perhaps an old woman left to die sought refuge in a buffalo carcass and then passed away. He has seen this happen before.

Fig. 236.

Fig. 236, 1851-’52.—Peace with the Crows. Two Indians, with differing arrangement of hair, showing two tribes, are exchanging pipes for a peace smoke.

Fig. 236, 1851-’52.—Peace with the Crows. Two Native Americans, with different hairstyles representing their tribes, are exchanging pipes to share a peace smoke.

Fig. 237.

Fig. 237, 1852-’53.—The Nez Percés came to Lone-Horn’s lodge at midnight. The device shows an Indian touching with a pipe a tipi, the top of which is black or opaque, signifying night.

Fig. 237, 1852-’53.—The Nez Percés arrived at Lone-Horn’s lodge at midnight. The image depicts an Indian touching a tipi with a pipe; the top of the tipi is black or opaque, symbolizing night.

Touch-the-Clouds, a Minneconjou, son of Lone-Horn, when this chart was shown to him by the present writer, designated this character as being particularly known to him from the fact of its being his father’s lodge. He remembered all about it from talk in his family, and said it was the Nez Percés who came.

Touch-the-Clouds, a Minneconjou and son of Lone-Horn, when this map was shared with him by the current writer, identified this symbol as something he recognized, as it represented his father's lodge. He recalled everything about it from conversations within his family and mentioned that it was the Nez Percés who arrived.

Fig. 238.

Fig. 238, 1853-’54.—Spanish blankets were first brought to the country. A fair drawing of one of those striped blankets is held out by a white trader.

Fig. 238, 1853-’54.—Spanish blankets were first brought to the country. A clear depiction of one of those striped blankets is being shown by a white trader.

Fig. 239.

Fig. 239, 1854-’55.—Brave-Bear was killed. His extended arms are ornamented with pendent stripes.

Fig. 239, 1854-’55.—Brave-Bear was killed. His outstretched arms are decorated with hanging stripes.

Fig. 240.

Fig. 240, 1855-’56—Gen. Harney, called by the Dakota Putinska (“white beard” or “white mustache”), made peace with a number of the tribes or bands of the Dakotas. The figure shows an officer in uniform shaking hands with an Indian.

Fig. 240, 1855-’56—Gen. Harney, referred to by the Dakota as Putinska (“white beard” or “white mustache”), established peace with several tribes or bands of the Dakotas. The figure shows an officer in uniform shaking hands with a Native American.

Executive document No. 94, Thirty-fourth Congress, first session, Senate, contains the “minutes of a council held at Fort Pierre, Nebraska, on the 1st day of March, 1856, by Brevet Brig. Gen. William S. Harney, U. S. Army, commanding the Sioux expedition, with the delegations from nine of the bands of the Sioux, viz, the Two Kettle band, Lower Yankton, Uncpapas, Blackfeet Sioux, Minneconjous, Sans Arcs, Yanctonnais (two bands), Brulés of the Platte.”

Executive document No. 94, Thirty-fourth Congress, first session, Senate, includes the "minutes from a council held at Fort Pierre, Nebraska, on March 1, 1856, by Brevet Brig. Gen. William S. Harney, U.S. Army, who led the Sioux expedition, along with representatives from nine Sioux bands: the Two Kettle band, Lower Yankton, Uncpapas, Blackfeet Sioux, Minneconjous, Sans Arcs, Yanctonnais (two bands), and Brulés of the Platte."

Fig. 241.

Fig. 241, 1856-’57.—Four-Horn was made a calumet or medicine man.

Fig. 241, 1856-’57.—Four-Horn was made a calumet or healer.

A man with four horns holds out the same kind of ornamented pipestem shown in the character for 1804-’05, it being his badge of office. Four-Horn was one of the subchiefs of the Uncpapas, and was introduced to Gen. Harney at the council of 1856 by Bear-Rib, head chief of that tribe.

A man with four horns holds out the same kind of decorative pipestem shown in the character for 1804-’05, which is his badge of office. Four-Horn was one of the subchiefs of the Uncpapas and was introduced to Gen. Harney at the council of 1856 by Bear-Rib, the head chief of that tribe.

Interpreter Clément, in the spring of 1874, said that Four-Horn and Sitting-Bull were the same person, the name Sitting-Bull being given him after he was made a calumet man. No other authority tells this.

Interpreter Clément, in the spring of 1874, stated that Four-Horn and Sitting Bull were the same person, with the name Sitting Bull being given to him after he became a calumet man. No other source confirms this.

Fig. 242.

Fig. 242, 1857-’58.—The Dakotas killed a Crow squaw. She is pierced by four arrows, and the peace made with the Crows in 1851-’52 seems to have been short lived.

Fig. 242, 1857-’58.—The Dakotas killed a Crow woman. She is pierced by four arrows, and the peace made with the Crows in 1851-’52 seems to have been brief.

Fig. 243.

Fig. 243, 1858-’59.—Lone-Horn, whose solitary horn appears, made buffalo “medicine,” doubtless on account of the scarcity of that animal. Again the head of an albino bison. One-Horn, probably the same individual, is recorded as the head chief of the Minneconjous at this date.

Fig. 243, 1858-’59.—Lone-Horn, whose single horn is visible, created buffalo “medicine,” likely due to the shortage of that animal. Again, the head of an albino bison. One-Horn, probably the same individual, is noted as the head chief of the Minneconjous at this time.

Fig. 244.

Fig. 244, 1859-’60.—Big-Crow, a Dakota chief, was killed by the Crows. He had received his name from killing a Crow Indian of unusual size.

Fig. 244, 1859-’60.—Big-Crow, a Dakota chief, was killed by the Crows. He got his name from killing a particularly large Crow Indian.

Fig. 245.

Fig. 245, 1860-’61.—Device, the head and neck of an elk, similar to that part of the animal for 1837-’38, with a line extending from its mouth, at the extremity of which is the albino buffalo head. “The elk made you understand the voice while he was walking.” The interpreter persisted in this oracular rendering. This device and its interpretation were unintelligible to the writer until examination of Gen. Harney’s report, above referred to, showed the name of a prominent chief of the Minneconjous set forth as “The Elk that Holloes Walking.” It then became probable that the device simply meant that the aforesaid chief made buffalo medicine, which conjecture, published in 1877, was verified by the other records subsequently discovered.

Fig. 245, 1860-’61.—Design featuring the head and neck of an elk, similar to that part of the animal from 1837-’38, with a line extending from its mouth, at the end of which is the albino buffalo head. “The elk made you understand the voice while he was walking.” The interpreter kept insisting on this mystical interpretation. This design and its explanation were confusing to the writer until reviewing Gen. Harney’s report, mentioned earlier, revealed the name of a notable chief of the Minneconjous described as “The Elk that Hollers Walking.” It then became likely that the design simply indicated that the aforementioned chief created buffalo medicine, which theory, published in 1877, was confirmed by other records found later.

Interpreter A. Lavary said, in 1867, that The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walking, then chief of the Minneconjous, was then at Spotted-Tail’s camp. His father was Red-Fish. He was the elder brother of Lone-Horn. His name is given as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie, translated The Elk’s Voice Walking; compounded of he-ha-ka, elk, and omani, walk; this according to Lavary’s literation. The correct literation of the Dakota word meaning elk is heqaka; voice, ho; and to walk, walking, mani.[285] Their compound would be heqaka-ho-mani, the translation being the same as above given.

Interpreter A. Lavary stated in 1867 that The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walking, who was the chief of the Minneconjous at that time, was at Spotted-Tail’s camp. His father was Red-Fish, and he was the older brother of Lone-Horn. His name is recorded as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie, which translates to The Elk’s Voice Walking; it combines he-ha-ka, meaning elk, and omani, meaning walk, according to Lavary’s spelling. The correct spelling of the Dakota word for elk is heqaka; voice is ho; and to walk or walking is mani. Their compound would be heqaka-ho-mani, with the translation being the same as mentioned above.[285]

Fig. 246.

Fig. 246, 1861-’62.—Buffalo were so plentiful that their tracks came close to the tipis. The cloven-hoof mark is cleverly distinguished from the tracks of horses in the character for 1849-’50.

Fig. 246, 1861-’62.—Buffalo were so abundant that their tracks came right up to the tipis. The split-hoof mark is easily identified from the tracks of horses in the description for 1849-’50.

Fig. 247.

Fig. 247, 1862-’63.—Red-Feather, a Minneconjou, was killed. His feather is shown entirely red, while the “one-feather” in 1842-’43 has a black tip.

Fig. 247, 1862-’63.—Red-Feather, a Minneconjou, was killed. His feather is shown completely red, while the “one-feather” in 1842-’43 has a black tip.

It is to be noted that there is no allusion to the great Minnesota massacre, which commenced in August, 1862, and in which many of the Dakotas belonging to the tribes familiar with these charts were engaged. Little-Crow was the leader. He escaped to the British possessions, but was killed in July, 1863. Perhaps the reason of the omission of any character to designate the massacre was the terrible retribution that followed it.

It’s important to note that there’s no reference to the great Minnesota massacre, which began in August 1862, involving many of the Dakotas from the tribes shown on these charts. Little-Crow was the leader. He fled to British territory but was killed in July 1863. The omission of any mention of the massacre might be due to the horrific consequences that followed it.

Fig. 248.

Fig. 248, 1863-’64.—Eight Dakotas were killed. Again the short, parallel black lines united by a long stroke. In this year Sitting-Bull fought General Sully in the Black Hills.

Fig. 248, 1863-’64.—Eight Dakotas were killed. Again the short, parallel black lines joined by a long stroke. This year, Sitting Bull fought General Sully in the Black Hills.

Fig. 249.

Fig. 249, 1864-’65.—The Dakotas killed four Crows. Four of the same rounded objects, like severed heads, shown in 1825-’26, but these are bloody, thus distinguishing them from the cases of drowning.

Fig. 249, 1864-’65.—The Dakotas killed four Crows. Four of the same rounded objects, resembling severed heads, shown in 1825-’26, but these are bloody, thus distinguishing them from the cases of drowning.

Fig. 250.

Fig. 250, 1865-’66.—Many horses died for want of grass. The horse here drawn is sufficiently distinct from all others in the chart.

Fig. 250, 1865-’66.—Many horses died due to a lack of grass. The horse shown here is clearly different from all the others in the chart.

Fig. 251.

Fig. 251, 1866-’67.—Swan, father of Swan, chief of the Minneconjous in 1877, died. With the assistance of the name the object intended for his totem may be recognized as a swan swimming on the water.

Fig. 251, 1866-’67.—Swan, the father of Swan, leader of the Minneconjous in 1877, passed away. With the help of the name, the object meant for his totem can be identified as a swan swimming on the water.

Fig. 252.

Fig. 252, 1867-’68.—Many flags were given them by the Peace Commission. The flag refers to the visit of the Peace Commissioners, among whom were Generals Sherman, Terry, and other prominent military and civil officers. Their report appears in the Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1868. They met at Fort Leavenworth, August 13, 1867, and between August 30 and September 13 held councils with the various bands of the Dakota Indians at Forts Sully and Thompson, and also at[286] the Yankton, Ponka, and Santee reservations. These resulted in the Dakota treaty of 1868.

Fig. 252, 1867-’68.—The Peace Commission presented many flags to them. The flag refers to the visit of the Peace Commissioners, including Generals Sherman, Terry, and other significant military and civil leaders. Their report is included in the Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1868. They convened at Fort Leavenworth on August 13, 1867, and from August 30 to September 13, they held discussions with various bands of the Dakota Indians at Forts Sully and Thompson, as well as at[286] the Yankton, Ponka, and Santee reservations. These meetings led to the Dakota treaty of 1868.

Fig. 253.

Fig. 253, 1868-’69.—Texas cattle were brought into the country. This was done by Mr. William A. Paxton, a well-known business man, resident in Dakota in 1877.

Fig. 253, 1868-’69.—Texas cattle were brought into the country. This was done by Mr. William A. Paxton, a well-known businessman living in Dakota in 1877.

Fig. 254.

Fig. 254, 1869-’70.—An eclipse of the sun. This was the solar eclipse of August 7, 1869, which was central and total on a line drawn through the Dakota country. This device has been criticised because Indians generally believe an eclipse to be occasioned by a dragon or aerial monster swallowing the sun, and it is contended that they would so represent it. An answer is that the design is objectively good, the sun being painted black, as concealed, while the stars come out red, i. e., bright, and graphic illustration prevails throughout the charts where it is possible to employ it.

Fig. 254, 1869-’70.—A solar eclipse. This was the solar eclipse on August 7, 1869, which was central and total along a line through the Dakota region. This design has been criticized because Native Americans generally believe an eclipse happens when a dragon or some flying creature swallows the sun, and it's argued that they would depict it that way. However, one response is that the design is effectively good, with the sun painted black to show it's hidden, while the stars are shown in red, meaning bright, and vivid illustrations are used throughout the charts wherever possible.

Dr. Washington Matthews, surgeon, U. S. Army, communicated the fact that the Dakotas had opportunities all over their country of receiving information about the real character of the eclipse. He was at Fort Rice during the eclipse and remembers that long before it occurred the officers, men, and citizens around the post told the Indians of the coming event and discussed it with them so much that they were on the tip-toe of expectancy when the day came. Two-Bears and his band were then encamped at Fort Rice, and he and several of his leading men watched the eclipse along with the whites and through their smoked glass, and then and there the phenomenon was thoroughly explained to them over and over again. There is no doubt that similar explanations were made at all the numerous posts and agencies along the river that day. The path of the eclipse coincided nearly with the course of the Missouri for over a thousand miles. The duration of totality at Fort Rice was nearly two minutes (1′ 48″).

Dr. Washington Matthews, a surgeon in the U.S. Army, shared that the people in the Dakotas had plenty of chances to learn about the true nature of the eclipse all across their land. He was at Fort Rice during the eclipse and remembers that long before it happened, the officers, soldiers, and local citizens informed the Indigenous people about the upcoming event and discussed it so often that they were eagerly anticipating it when the day finally arrived. Two-Bears and his group were camped at Fort Rice at the time, and he along with several of his key men watched the eclipse alongside the white community through their smoked glass, and the phenomenon was explained to them repeatedly at that moment. There's no doubt that similar explanations were provided at all the various posts and agencies along the river that day. The path of the eclipse closely followed the Missouri River for more than a thousand miles. The totality duration at Fort Rice was nearly two minutes (1′ 48″).

Fig. 255.

Fig. 255, 1870-’71.—The Uncpapas had a battle with the Crows, the former losing, it is said, 14, and killing 29 out of 30 of the latter, though nothing appears to show those numbers. The central object is not a circle denoting multitude, but an irregularly rounded object, perhaps intended for one of the[287] wooden inclosures or forts frequently erected by the Indians, and especially the Crows. The Crow fort is shown as nearly surrounded, and bullets, not arrows or lances, are flying. This is the first instance in this chart in which any combat or killing is portrayed where guns explicitly appear to be used by Indians, though nothing in the chart is at variance with the fact that the Dakotas had for a number of years been familiar with firearms. The most recent indications of any weapon were those of the arrows piercing the Crow squaw in 1857-’58, and Brave-Bear in 1854-’55, while the last one before those was the lance used in 1848-’49, and those arms might well have been employed in all the cases selected, although rifles and muskets were common. There is an obvious practical difficulty in picturing, by a single character, killing with a bullet, not arising as to arrows, lances, dirks, and hatchets, all of which can be and are shown in the chart projecting from the wounds made by them. Other pictographs show battles in which bullets are denoted by continuous dotted lines, the spots at which they take effect being sometimes indicated, and the fact that they did hit the object aimed at is expressed by a specially invented symbol. It is, however, to be noted that the bloody wound on the Ree’s shoulder (1806-’07) is without any protruding weapon, as if made by a bullet.

Fig. 255, 1870-’71.—The Uncpapas fought a battle with the Crows, losing 14 people, while reportedly killing 29 out of 30 of the Crows, although there’s no evidence to confirm those numbers. The central object isn’t a circle indicating a large group, but an irregularly rounded shape, possibly meant to represent one of the [287] wooden enclosures or forts commonly built by the Indians, especially the Crows. The Crow fort appears to be almost surrounded, and bullets, not arrows or lances, are flying. This is the first instance in this chart where any combat or killing is shown with guns specifically being used by Indians, although nothing in the chart contradicts the fact that the Dakotas had been familiar with firearms for several years. The most recent evidence of any weapon were the arrows that struck the Crow woman in 1857-’58, and Brave-Bear in 1854-’55, with the last instance before those being the lance used in 1848-’49. Those weapons could certainly have been used in all the selected cases, even though rifles and muskets were common. There is a clear practical challenge in depicting, with a single character, a kill made by a bullet, unlike arrows, lances, dirks, and hatchets, all of which can and are shown in the chart as protruding from the wounds they create. Other pictographs depict battles where bullets are represented by continuous dotted lines, sometimes indicating where they hit, and their impact is shown with a specially invented symbol. However, it’s worth noting that the bloody wound on the Ree’s shoulder (1806-’07) has no visible weapon protruding, suggesting it was caused by a bullet.

More distinct information regarding this fight, the record of which concludes the original Lone-Dog chart, has been kindly communicated by Mr. Luther S. Kelly, of Garfield County, Colorado.

More specific information about this fight, which wraps up the original Lone-Dog chart, has been kindly provided by Mr. Luther S. Kelly of Garfield County, Colorado.

The war party of Uncpapas mentioned charged upon a small trading post for the Crows on the Upper Missouri river, at the mouth of Musselshell river. Usually this post was garrisoned by a few frontiersmen, but on that particular day there happened to be a considerable force of freighters and hunters. The Indians were afoot and, being concealed by the sage brush, got within shooting distance of the fort before being discovered. They were easily driven off, and going a short distance took shelter from the rain in a circular washout, not having any idea of being followed by the whites. Meanwhile the whites organized and followed. The surprise was complete, the leading white man only being killed. The Indians sang their song and made several breaks to escape, but were shot down as fast as they rose above the bank. Twenty-nine were killed.

The war party of Uncpapas charged at a small trading post for the Crows on the Upper Missouri River, right at the mouth of the Musselshell River. Normally, this post was manned by a few frontiersmen, but that day there happened to be a significant group of freighters and hunters present. The Indians were on foot and, hidden by the sagebrush, managed to get within shooting range of the fort before being spotted. They were easily driven off and, after going a short distance, took refuge from the rain in a circular washout, unaware that the whites were following them. Meanwhile, the whites organized and pursued them. The surprise was complete, with only the leading white man being killed. The Indians sang their song and made several attempts to escape, but they were shot down as soon as they rose above the bank. Twenty-nine were killed.

BATTISTE GOOD’S WINTER COUNT.

Dr. William H. Corbusier, surgeon, U. S. Army, while stationed in 1879 and 1880 at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska, near the Pine Ridge Indian Agency, Dakota, obtained a copy of this Winter Count from its recorder Baptiste, commonly called Battiste Good, a Brulé Dakota, whose Dakotan name is given as Wa-po-ctan-xi, translated Brown-Hat. He was then living at the Rose Bud Agency, Dakota, and explained the meaning of the pictographs to the Rev. Wm. J. Cleveland, of the last named agency, who translated them into English.

Dr. William H. Corbusier, a surgeon in the U.S. Army, was stationed at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska, near the Pine Ridge Indian Agency, Dakota, during 1879 and 1880. He got a copy of this Winter Count from its recorder, Baptiste, often called Battiste Good, a Brulé Dakota, whose Dakotan name is Wa-po-ctan-xi, meaning Brown-Hat. At that time, he was living at the Rose Bud Agency, Dakota, and he explained the meaning of the pictographs to Rev. Wm. J. Cleveland from that agency, who then translated them into English.

The copy made by Battiste Good from his original record, of which it is said to be a facsimile, is painted in five colors besides black, in which the outlines are generally drawn, but with the exception of red blood-marks these colors do not often appear to be significant. This copy, which was kindly contributed by Dr. Corbusier, is made in an ordinary paper drawing-book, the last page of which contains the first record. This is represented in Fig. 256, and pictures what is supposed to be an introduction in the nature of a revelation. The next page, reading backwards and corresponding with Pl. XXI, is a pretended record of a cycle comprising the years (presumed to be in the Christian chronology) from 901 to 930. Eleven similar pages and cycles bring the record down to 1700. These pages are only interesting from the mythology and tradition referred to and suggested by them, and which must be garnered from the chaff of uncomprehended missionary teaching. From 1700 to 1880, when the record closes, each year, or rather winter, is represented by a special character according to the Dakota system above explained.

The copy made by Battiste Good from his original record, which is claimed to be an exact replica, is painted in five colors plus black, where the outlines are usually drawn, though aside from the red blood marks, these colors don't often seem to hold much meaning. This copy, generously provided by Dr. Corbusier, is made in a regular paper drawing book, the last page of which contains the first record. This is shown in Fig. 256, depicting what appears to be an introductory revelation. The next page, read backwards and matching with Pl. XXI, is a supposed record of a cycle covering the years (thought to be in the Christian calendar) from 901 to 930. Eleven similar pages and cycles continue the record up to 1700. These pages are only interesting due to the mythology and tradition they reference and suggest, which must be extracted from the remnants of misunderstood missionary teachings. From 1700 to 1880, when the record ends, each year, or more accurately each winter, is represented by a unique character according to the Dakota system explained above.

Battiste Good, by his own statement in the present record, was born in the year 1821-’22. Any careful examination of the figures as worked over by his own hand shows that he has received about enough education in English and in writing to induce him to make unnecessary additions and presumptuous emendations on the pictographs as he found them and as perhaps he originally kept and drew the more recent of them. He has written English words and Arabic numerals over and connected with the Dakota devices, and has left some figures in a state of mixture including the methods of modern civilization and the aboriginal system. To prevent the confusion to the reader which might result from Battiste’s meddlesome vanity, these interpolated marks are in general omitted from the plates and figures as now presented, but, as specimens of the kind and amount of interference referred to, the designs on the copy for the years 1700-’01, 1701-’02, and 1707-’08 are given below as furnished.

Battiste Good, according to his own statement in the current record, was born in the year 1821-’22. A careful look at the figures he worked on shows that he received just enough education in English and writing to lead him to make unnecessary additions and bold changes to the pictographs as he found them, and perhaps how he originally created and drew the more recent ones. He has written English words and Arabic numerals over and connected with the Dakota symbols, leaving some figures mixed between modern methods and the native system. To avoid confusing the reader due to Battiste’s intrusive vanity, these added marks are generally omitted from the plates and figures as presented now, but as examples of the type and level of interference mentioned, the designs for the years 1700-’01, 1701-’02, and 1707-’08 are provided below as given.

The facts stated to have occurred so long ago as the beginning of the last century can not often be verified, but those of later date given by Battiste are corroborated by other records in the strongest manner—that is, by independent devices which are not mere copies. Therefore, notwithstanding Battiste’s mythic cycles and English writing, the body of his record, which constitutes the true Winter Counts, must be regarded as genuine. He is simply the bad editor of a good work. But whether or not the events occurred as represented, the pictography is of unique interest. It may be remarked that Battiste’s record is better known among the Oglala and Brulé, and Lone-Dog’s Winter Count among the Minneconjou.

The events that supposedly took place way back at the start of the last century are hard to verify. However, the more recent accounts provided by Battiste are strongly supported by other records—specifically, independent methods that aren’t just copies. So, despite Battiste’s mythical stories and English writing, the bulk of his record, which constitutes the true Winter Counts, should be considered authentic. He’s just a poor editor of a valuable work. Regardless of whether the events happened as described, the pictography is uniquely interesting. It’s worth noting that Battiste’s record is better known among the Oglala and Brulé, while Lone-Dog’s Winter Count is more recognized among the Minneconjou.

It should be noted that when allusions are made to coloration in Fig. 256, and in any one of the other figures in the text which illustrate this Winter Count, they must be understood as applicable to the original.[289] Pls. XXI, XXII, and XXIII are colored copies of those furnished by Battiste Good, reduced, however, in size.

It’s important to remember that when references are made to colors in Fig. 256, and any other figures in the text that illustrate this Winter Count, they should be understood as referring to the original. [289] Plates XXI, XXII, and XXIII are colored copies of those provided by Battiste Good, but they have been reduced in size.

Fig. 256.—Battiste Good’s Revelation.

Fig. 256 illustrates Battiste Good’s introduction. He is supposed to be narrating his own experience as follows: “In the year 1856, I went to the Black Hills and cried, and cried, and cried, and suddenly I saw a bird above me, which said: ‘Stop crying, I am a woman, but I will tell you something: My Great-Father, Father God, who made this place, gave it to me for a home and told me to watch over it. He put a blue sky over my head and gave me a blue flag to have with this beautiful green country. [Battiste has made the hill country, as well as the curve for sky and the flag, blue in his copy.] My Great-Father, Father God (or The Great-Father, God my Father) grew, and his flesh was part earth and part stone and part metal and part wood and part water; he took from them all and placed them here for me, and told me to watch over them. I am the Eagle-Woman who tell you this.[290] The whites know that there are four black flags of God; that is, four divisions of the earth. He first made the earth soft by wetting it, then cut it into four parts, one of which, containing the Black Hills, he gave to the Dakotas, and, because I am a woman, I shall not consent to the pouring of blood on this chief house (or dwelling place), i. e., the Black Hills. The time will come that you will remember my words; for after many years you shall grow up one with the white people.’ She then circled round and round and gradually passed out of my sight. I also saw prints of a man’s hands and horse’s hoofs on the rocks [here he brings in petroglyphs], and two thousand years, and one hundred millions of dollars ($100,000,000). I came away crying, as I had gone. I have told this to many Dakotas, and all agree that it meant that we were to seek and keep peace with the whites.”

Fig. 256 shows Battiste Good’s introduction. He is sharing his own experience as follows: “In 1856, I went to the Black Hills and cried, and cried, and cried, and suddenly I saw a bird above me, which said: ‘Stop crying, I am a woman, but I have something to tell you: My Great-Father, Father God, who created this place, gave it to me as a home and told me to take care of it. He placed a blue sky over my head and gave me a blue flag to have with this beautiful green land. [Battiste has made the hill country, as well as the curve for sky and the flag, blue in his copy.] My Great-Father, Father God (or The Great-Father, God my Father) grew, and his body was part earth, part stone, part metal, part wood, and part water; he took all of these and put them here for me, and told me to look after them. I am the Eagle-Woman who tells you this.[290] The white people know that there are four black flags of God; that is, four divisions of the earth. He first made the earth soft by wetting it, then split it into four parts, one of which, containing the Black Hills, he gave to the Dakotas, and since I am a woman, I will not agree to the spilling of blood on this chief house (or dwelling place), i.e., the Black Hills. The time will come when you will remember my words; for after many years, you will grow up to be one with the white people.’ She then circled around and gradually disappeared from my view. I also saw prints of a man’s hands and horse’s hoofs on the rocks [here he brings in petroglyphs], and two thousand years, and one hundred million dollars ($100,000,000). I left crying, just as I had come. I have shared this with many Dakotas, and they all agree that it meant we were to seek and maintain peace with the whites.”

(Note by Dr. Corbusier.—The Oglálas and Brulés say that they, with the rest of the Dakota nation, formerly lived far on the other side of the Missouri River. After they had moved to the river, they lived at first on its eastern banks, only crossing it to hunt. Some of the hunting parties that crossed at length wandered far off from the rest and, remaining away, became the westernmost bands.)

(Note from Dr. Corbusier.—The Oglálas and Brulés say that they, along with the rest of the Dakota nation, used to live far on the other side of the Missouri River. Once they moved to the river, they initially lived on the eastern side, only crossing it for hunting. Some hunting parties eventually drifted far away from the others and, staying out there, became the westernmost bands.)

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXI

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXI

BATTISTE GOOD’S CYCLES.

BATTISTE GOOD'S CYCLES.

A 901-930. B 931-1000.

A 901-930. B 931-1000.

Pl. XXI A. The record shown by this figure dates from the appearance of The-Woman-from-Heaven, 901 A. D.; but the Dakotas were a people long before this. The circle of lodges represents a cycle of thirty years, from the year 901 to 930, and incloses the “legend” by which this period is known. All the tribes of the Dakota nation were encamped together, as was then their custom, when all at once a beautiful woman appeared to two young men. One of them said to the other, “Let us catch her and have her for our wife.” The other said, “No; she may be something wakan” (supernatural or sacred). Then the woman said to them, “I came from Heaven to teach the Dakotas how to live and what their future shall be.” She had what appeared to be snakes about her legs and waist, but which were really braids of grass. She said, “I give you this pipe; keep it always;” and with the pipe she gave them a small package, in which they found four grains of maize, one white, one black, one yellow, and one variegated. The pipe is above the buffalo. She said, “I am a buffalo, The White-Buffalo-Cow. I will spill my milk all over the earth, that the people may live.” She meant by her milk maize, which is seen in the picture dropping from her udders. The colored patches on the four sides of the circle are the four quarters of the heavens (the cardinal points of the compass). In front of the cow are yellow and red. She pointed in this direction and said, “When you see a yellowish (or brownish) cloud toward the north, that is my breath; rejoice at the sight of it, for you shall soon see buffalo. Red is the blood of the buffalo, and by that you shall live.” Pointing east [it will be noticed that Battiste has placed the east toward the top of the page], she said, “This pipe is related to the heavens, and you shall live with it.” The line running from the[291] pipe to the blue patch denotes the relation. The Dakotas have always supposed she meant by this that the blue smoke of the pipe was one with or nearly related to the blue sky; hence, on a clear day, before smoking, they often point the stem of the pipe upward, in remembrance of her words. Pointing south, she said, “Clouds of many colors may come up from the south, but look at the pipe and the blue sky and know that the clouds will soon pass away and all will become blue and clear again.” Pointing west, i. e., to the lowest part of the circle, she said, “When it shall be blue in the west, know that it is closely related to you through the pipe and the blue heavens, and by that you shall grow rich.” Then she stood up before them and said, “I am The White-Buffalo-Cow; my milk is of four kinds; I spill it on the earth that you may live by it. You shall call me Grandmother. If you young men will follow me over the hills you shall see my relatives.” She said this four times, each time stepping back from them a few feet, and after the fourth time, while they stood gazing at her, she mysteriously disappeared. [It is well known that four is the favorite or magic number among Indian tribes generally, and has reference to the four cardinal points.] The young men went over the hills in the direction she took and there found a large herd of buffalo.

Pl. XXI A. The record shown by this figure dates back to the arrival of The-Woman-from-Heaven in 901 A.D.; however, the Dakotas existed as a people long before this. The circle of lodges represents a 30-year cycle from 901 to 930, enclosing the “legend” that defines this period. All the tribes of the Dakota nation were camped together, as was their custom, when suddenly a beautiful woman appeared to two young men. One of them said to the other, “Let’s catch her and make her our wife.” The other replied, “No; she might be something wakan” (supernatural or sacred). Then the woman spoke to them, saying, “I came from Heaven to teach the Dakotas how to live and what their future will be.” She had what looked like snakes around her legs and waist, but they were actually braids of grass. She said, “I give you this pipe; keep it always;” and with the pipe, she handed them a small package containing four grains of maize: one white, one black, one yellow, and one variegated. The pipe is above the buffalo. She proclaimed, “I am a buffalo, The White-Buffalo-Cow. I will spill my milk all over the earth so that the people may live.” By her milk, she referred to maize, which can be seen in the picture dropping from her udders. The colored patches on the four sides of the circle represent the four quarters of the heavens (the cardinal directions). In front of the cow, there are yellow and red. She pointed in that direction and said, “When you see a yellowish (or brownish) cloud toward the north, that is my breath; rejoice at the sight, for you will soon see buffalo. Red is the blood of the buffalo, and by that, you shall live.” Pointing east [it will be noted that Battiste has positioned the east at the top of the page], she said, “This pipe is connected to the heavens, and you shall live with it.” The line running from the[291] pipe to the blue patch indicates this connection. The Dakotas have always believed that she meant the blue smoke of the pipe is one with or closely related to the blue sky; thus, on a clear day, before smoking, they often point the stem of the pipe upward, in remembrance of her words. Pointing south, she said, “Clouds of many colors may rise from the south, but look at the pipe and the blue sky, and know that the clouds will soon pass, and everything will become blue and clear again.” Pointing west, i.e., toward the bottom of the circle, she declared, “When it is blue in the west, know that it is closely related to you through the pipe and the blue heavens, and by that, you will prosper.” Then she stood up before them and said, “I am The White-Buffalo-Cow; my milk comes in four kinds; I spill it on the earth for you to live by. You shall call me Grandmother. If you young men follow me over the hills, you will see my relatives.” She repeated this four times, each time stepping back a few feet, and after the fourth time, while they gazed at her, she mysteriously disappeared. [It is widely known that four is a significant or magical number among Indian tribes and relates to the four cardinal points.] The young men went over the hills in the direction she had taken and found a large herd of buffalo there.

(Note by Dr. Corbusier.—Mr. Cleveland states that he has heard several different versions of this tradition.)

(Note by Dr. Corbusier.—Mr. Cleveland says that he has heard several different versions of this tradition.)

The man who first told the people of the appearance of the woman is represented both inside and outside the circle. He was thirty years old at the time, and said that she came as narrated above, in July of the year of his birth. Outside of the circle, he is standing with a pipe in his hand; inside, he is squatting, and has his hands in the position for the gesture-sign for pipe. The elm tree and yucca, or Spanish bayonet, both shown above the tipis, indicate that in those days the Dakota obtained fire by rapidly revolving the end of a dry stalk of the yucca in a hole made in a rotten root of the elm. The people used the bow and stone-pointed arrows, which are shown on the right. From time immemorial they have kept large numbers of sticks, shown by the side of the pipe, each one about as thick and as long as a lead-pencil (sic), for the purpose of counting and keeping record of numbers, and they cut notches in larger sticks for the same purpose.

The man who first told people about the woman’s appearance is represented both inside and outside the circle. He was thirty years old at the time and said she came as described above, in July of the year he was born. Outside the circle, he's standing with a pipe in his hand; inside, he's squatting, with his hands positioned for the gesture-sign for pipe. The elm tree and yucca, or Spanish bayonet, shown above the tipis, indicate that back then, the Dakota got fire by quickly spinning the end of a dry yucca stalk in a hole made in a rotten root of the elm. The people used bows and stone-pointed arrows, shown on the right. For ages, they have kept a large number of sticks, shown by the side of the pipe, each about as thick and long as a pencil, to count and keep records, and they cut notches in larger sticks for the same purpose.

(Note by Dr. Corbusier.—They commonly resort to their fingers in counting, and the V of the Roman system of notation is seen in the outline of the thumb and index, when one hand is held up to express five, and the X in the crossed thumbs, when both hands are held up together to express ten.)

(Note from Dr. Corbusier.—They often use their fingers for counting, and the V from the Roman numeral system is visible in the shape of the thumb and index finger when one hand is raised to show five, and the X can be seen in the crossed thumbs when both hands are raised together to indicate ten.)

The bundle of these sticks drawn in connection with the ceremonial pipe suggests the idea of an official recorder.

The bundle of these sticks tied to the ceremonial pipe suggests the idea of an official record keeper.

Pl. XXI B, 931-1000. From the time the man represented in Pl. XXI A was seventy years of age, i. e., from the year 931, time is counted by cycles of seventy years until 1700. This figure illustrates the manner of killing buffalo before and after the appearance of The-Woman. When the[292] Dakotas had found the buffalo, they moved to the herd and corralled it by spreading their camps around it. The Man-Who-Dreamed-of-a-Wolf, seen at the upper part of the circle, with bow and arrow in hand, then shot the chief bull of the herd with his medicine or sacred arrow; at this, the women all cried out with joy, “He has killed the chief bull!” On hearing them shout the man with bow and arrow on the opposite side, The-Man-Who-Dreamed-of-the-Thunder-and-received-an-arrow-from-the-Thunder-Bird (wakinyan, accurately translated “the flying one”) shot a buffalo cow, and the women again shouted with joy. Then all the men began to shout, and they killed as many as they wished. The buffalo heads and the blood-stained tracks show what large numbers were killed. They cut off the head of the chief bull, and laid the pipe beside it until their work was done. They prayed to The-Woman to bless and help them as they were following her teachings. Having no iron or knives, they used sharp stones, and mussel shells, to skin and cut up the buffalo. They rubbed blood in the hides to soften and tan them. They had no horses, and had to pack everything on their own backs.

Pl. XXI B, 931-1000. Since the man shown in Pl. XXI A was seventy years old, starting in the year 931, time was counted in seventy-year cycles until 1700. This figure demonstrates how buffalo were killed before and after the arrival of The-Woman. When the [292] Dakotas located the buffalo, they moved in on the herd and surrounded it by setting up their camps around it. The Man-Who-Dreamed-of-a-Wolf, depicted at the top of the circle with a bow and arrow, then shot the lead bull of the herd with his sacred arrow; upon that, the women cheered, "He has killed the chief bull!" Hearing their cheers, the man on the opposite side, The-Man-Who-Dreamed-of-the-Thunder-and-received-an-arrow-from-the-Thunder-Bird (wakinyan, which means "the flying one"), shot a buffalo cow, and again the women shouted with joy. Then all the men joined in the shouting, and they killed as many as they wanted. The buffalo heads and blood-stained tracks indicate how many were slain. They removed the head of the lead bull and placed the pipe beside it until they finished their work. They prayed to The-Woman for her blessing and assistance as they followed her teachings. Lacking iron or knives, they used sharp stones and mussel shells to skin and butcher the buffalo. They rubbed blood into the hides to soften and tan them. Without horses, they had to carry everything on their own backs.

The cyclic characters that embrace the period from 1001 to 1140 illustrate nothing of interest not before presented. Slight distinction appears in the circles so that they can be identified, but without enough significance to merit reproduction.

The recurring characters from 1001 to 1140 show nothing new that hasn't been presented before. There is a slight difference in the circles that allows for identification, but it’s not enough to justify reproduction.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII

BATTISTE GOOD’S CYCLES.

BATTISTE GOOD'S BIKES.

A 1141-1210. B 1211-1280.

A 1141-1210. B 1211-1280.

Pl. XXII A, 1141-1210. Among a herd of buffalo, surrounded at one time during this period, were some horses. The people all cried out, “there are big dogs with them,” having never seen horses before, hence the name for horse, sunka (dog) tanka (big), or sunka (dog) wakan (wonderful or mysterious). After killing all the buffalo they said “let us try and catch the big dogs;” so they cut a thong out of a hide with a sharp stone and with it caught eight, breaking the leg of one of them. All these years they used sharpened deer horn for awls, bone for needles, and made their lodges without the help of iron tools. [All other Dakota traditions yet reported in regard to the first capture of horses, place this important event at a much later period and long after horses were brought to America by the Spaniards. See this count for the year 1802-’03, and also Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the same year.]

Pl. XXII A, 1141-1210. Among a herd of buffalo during this time, there were some horses. The people all shouted, “there are big dogs with them,” having never seen horses before. That’s how the name for horse originated, sunka (dog) tanka (big), or sunka (dog) wakan (wonderful or mysterious). After killing all the buffalo, they said, “let’s try and catch the big dogs;” so they made a thong out of a hide using a sharp stone and caught eight of them, but broke the leg of one. For all those years, they used sharpened deer antlers for awls, bone for needles, and built their lodges without any iron tools. [All other Dakota traditions regarding the first capture of horses place this significant event much later, long after horses were introduced to America by the Spaniards. See this account for the year 1802-’03, and also Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the same year.]

Pl. XXII B, 1211-1280. At one time during this period a war party of enemies concealed themselves among a herd of buffalo, which the Dakotas surrounded and killed before they discovered the enemy. No one knows what people, or how many they were; but the Dakotas killed them all. The red and black lodges indicate war, and that the Dakotas were successful.

Pl. XXII B, 1211-1280. At one point during this time, a group of enemies hid among a herd of buffalo, which the Dakotas surrounded and killed before realizing the enemy was there. No one knows who these people were or how many there were; but the Dakotas killed them all. The red and black lodges signify war, showing that the Dakotas were successful.

The pages of the copy which embrace the period from 1281 to 1420 are omitted as valueless.

The pages of the copy covering the period from 1281 to 1420 are excluded as worthless.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIII

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIII

BATTISTE GOOD’S CYCLES.

BATTISTE GOOD'S CYCLES.

A 1421-1490. B 1631-1700.

A 1421-1490. B 1631-1700.

Pl. XXIII A, 1421-1490. “Found horses among the buffalo again and caught six.” Five of the horses are represented by the hoof prints. The lasso or possibly the lariat is shown in use. The bundle of sticks is now in the recorder’s hands.

Pl. XXIII A, 1421-1490. “I found horses mixed in with the buffalo again and managed to catch six.” Five of the horses are indicated by the hoof prints. The lasso, or possibly the lariat, is depicted in action. The bundle of sticks is now held by the recorder.

Battiste’s pages which embrace the period from 1491 to 1630 are omitted for the same reason as before offered.

Battiste’s pages that cover the period from 1491 to 1630 are left out for the same reason as mentioned before.

Pl. XXIII B, 1631-1700. This represents the first killing of buffalo on horseback. It was done in the year 1700, inside the circle of lodges pitched around the herd, by a man who was tied on a horse with thongs and who received the name of Hunts-inside-the-lodges. They had but one horse then, and they kept him a long time. Again the bundle of count-sticks is in the recorder’s hands.

Pl. XXIII B, 1631-1700. This marks the first time buffalo were killed from horseback. It happened in 1700, within the circle of lodges set up around the herd, by a man who was tied on a horse with thongs and was given the name Hunts-inside-the-lodges. They only had one horse at that time, and they kept him for a long while. Once again, the bundle of counting sticks is in the recorder’s hands.

This is the end of the obviously mythic part of the record, in which Battiste has made some historic errors. From this time forth each year is distinguished by a name, the explanation of which is in the realm of fact.

This marks the conclusion of the clearly mythical section of the record, where Battiste has made some historical mistakes. From now on, each year is identified by a name, the reasoning behind which is based on factual information.

It must be again noted that when colors are referred to in the description of the text figures, the language (translated) used by Battiste is retained for the purpose of showing the coloration of the original and his interpretation of the colors, which are to be imagined, as they can not be reproduced by the process used.

It should be noted again that when colors are mentioned in the description of the text figures, the translated language used by Battiste is kept to show the original colors and his interpretation of them, which are to be imagined, as they cannot be reproduced by the method used.

Fig. 257.

Fig. 257, 1700-’01.—“The-two-killed-on-going-back-to-the-hunting-ground winter (or year).” Two Dakotas returned to the hunting ground, after the hunt one day, and were killed by enemies, of what tribe is unknown. The blood-stained arrow in the man’s side signifies killed; the numeral 2 over his head, the number killed; and, the buffalo heads, the carcass of a buffalo—which had been left behind because it was too poor to eat—together with the arrow pointing toward them, the hunting-ground. The dot under the figure 2, and many of the succeeding ones, signifies, That is it. This corresponds with some gesture signs for the same concept of declaration, in which the index finger held straight is thrust forward with emphasis and repeatedly as if always hitting the same point.

Fig. 257, 1700-’01.—“The two killed on the way back to the hunting ground winter (or year).” Two Dakotas returned to the hunting ground after a day of hunting and were killed by enemies, though the tribe is unknown. The blood-stained arrow in the man’s side signifies that he was killed; the numeral 2 above his head indicates the number killed; and the buffalo heads represent the carcass of a buffalo—which was left behind because it was too poor to eat—along with the arrow pointing toward them, indicating the hunting ground. The dot under the figure 2, as well as many of the subsequent ones, signifies, "That’s it." This corresponds with some gesture signs for the same idea of declaration, where the index finger held straight is thrust forward with emphasis and repeatedly, as if consistently hitting the same point.

With regard to the numeral 2 over the head of the man see remarks, page 288.

With respect to the number 2 above the man's head, see comments, page 288.

Fig. 258.

Fig. 258, 1701-’02.—“The-three-killed-who-went-fishing winter.” The arrow pointing toward the 3, indicates that they were attacked; the arrow in the man’s arm, and the blood stain, that they were killed; the pole, line, and fish which the man is holding, their occupation at the time.

Fig. 258, 1701-’02.—“The three killed who went fishing in winter.” The arrow pointing to the 3 shows that they were attacked; the arrow in the man’s arm, along with the blood stain, indicates that they were killed; the pole, line, and fish that the man is holding represent their activity at that moment.

Fig. 259.

Fig. 259, 1702-’03.—“Camped-cutting-the-ice-through winter.” A long lake toward the east, near which the Dakotas were encamped, was frozen over, when they discovered about one thousand buffalo. They[294] secured them all by driving them on the ice, through which they broke, and in which they froze fast. Whenever the people wanted meat, they cut a buffalo out of the ice. In the figure, the wave lines represent the water of the lake; the straight lines, the shore; the blue lines outside the black ones, trees; the blue patches inside, the ice through which the heads of the buffalo are seen; the line across the middle, the direction in which they drove the buffalo. The supply of meat lasted one year. (Note by Dr. Corbusier.—The Apache of Arizona, the Ojibwa, and the Ottawa also represent water by means of waved lines.)

Fig. 259, 1702-’03.—“Camped-cutting-the-ice-through winter.” A long lake to the east, where the Dakotas were set up, was frozen over when they spotted about a thousand buffalo. They[294] managed to catch them all by driving them onto the ice, which they broke, trapping the buffalo in it. Whenever the people needed meat, they cut a buffalo out of the ice. In the image, the wave lines show the water of the lake; the straight lines represent the shore; the blue lines outside the black ones symbolize trees; the blue patches inside indicate the ice where the buffalo’s heads are visible; the line across the middle shows the direction in which they guided the buffalo. The meat lasted for a year. (Note by Dr. Corbusier.—The Apache of Arizona, the Ojibwa, and the Ottawa also depict water using wavy lines.)

Fig. 260.

Fig. 260, 1703-’04—“The-burying winter,” or “Many-hole winter.”—They killed a great many buffalo during the summer, and, after drying the meat, stored it in pits for winter’s use. It lasted them all winter, and they found it all in good condition. The ring surrounding the buffalo head, in front of the lodge, represents a pit. The forked stick, which is the symbol for meat, marks the pit. [Other authorities suggest that the object called by Battiste a pit, which is more generally called “cache,” is a heap, and means many or much.]

Fig. 260, 1703-’04—“The burying winter,” or “Many-hole winter.” They hunted a lot of buffalo over the summer, dried the meat, and stored it in pits for winter use. It lasted them through the winter, and they found it all in good shape. The ring around the buffalo head in front of the lodge represents a pit. The forked stick, which symbolizes meat, marks the pit. [Other sources suggest that what Battiste calls a pit, which is more commonly referred to as a “cache,” is a heap, indicating many or much.]

Fig. 261.

Fig. 261, 1704-’05.—“Killed-fifteen-Pawnees-who-came-to-fight winter.” The Dakotas discovered a party of Pawnees coming to attack them. They met them and killed fifteen. In this chart the Pawnee of the Upper Missouri (Arikara or Ree), the Pawnee of Nebraska, and the Omaha are all depicted with legs which look like ears of corn, but an ear of corn is symbol for the Rees only. The Pawnee of Nebraska may be distinguished by a lock of hair at the back of the head; the Omaha, by a cropped head or absence of the scalp-lock. The absence of all signs denotes Dakota. Dr. W. Matthews, in Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians, states that the Arikara separated from the Pawnee of the Platte valley more than a century ago. [To avoid confusion the literation of the tribal divisions as given by the translator of Battiste Good are retained, though not considered to be accurate.]

Fig. 261, 1704-’05.—“Killed fifteen Pawnees who came to fight in winter.” The Dakotas found a group of Pawnees coming to attack them. They confronted them and killed fifteen. In this chart, the Pawnee of the Upper Missouri (Arikara or Ree), the Pawnee of Nebraska, and the Omaha are all shown with legs that resemble ears of corn, but an ear of corn is a symbol only for the Rees. The Pawnee of Nebraska can be identified by a lock of hair at the back of the head; the Omaha, by a shaved head or missing scalp-lock. The lack of any signs indicates Dakota. Dr. W. Matthews, in Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians, mentions that the Arikara split from the Pawnee of the Platte valley over a century ago. [To avoid confusion, the spelling of the tribal divisions as provided by the translator of Battiste Good is used, though not deemed accurate.]

Fig. 262.

Fig. 262, 1705-’06.—“They-came-and-killed-seven-Dakotas winter.” It is not known what enemies killed them.

Fig. 262, 1705-’06.—“They came and killed seven Dakotas in winter.” It is not known which enemies were responsible for their deaths.

Fig. 263.

Fig. 263, 1706-’07.—“Killed-the-Gros-Ventre-with-snowshoes-on winter.” A Gros-Ventre (Hidatsa), while hunting buffalo on snowshoes, was chased by the Dakotas. He accidentally dropped a snowshoe, and, being then unable to get through the snow fast enough, they gained on him, wounded him in the leg, and then killed him. The Gros-Ventres and the Crows are tribes of the same nation, and are therefore both represented with striped or spotted hair, which denotes the red clay they apply to it.

Fig. 263, 1706-’07.—“Killed-the-Gros-Ventre-with-snowshoes-on winter.” A Gros-Ventre (Hidatsa), while hunting buffalo on snowshoes, was chased by the Dakotas. He accidentally dropped a snowshoe and, unable to move through the snow quickly enough, they caught up to him, wounded him in the leg, and then killed him. The Gros-Ventres and the Crows are tribes of the same nation, so they are both shown with striped or spotted hair, which indicates the red clay they use on it.

Fig. 264.

Fig. 264, 1707-’08.—“Many-kettle winter.” A man—1 man—named Corn, killed (3) his wife, 1 woman, and ran off. He remained away for a year, and then came back, bringing three guns with him, and told the people that the English, who had given him these guns, which were the first known to the Dakotas, wanted him to bring his friends to see them. Fifteen of the people accordingly went with him, and when they returned brought home a lot of kettles or pots. These were the first they ever saw. Some numerical marks for reference and the written words in the above are retained as perhaps the worst specimens of Battiste’s mixture of civilized methods with the aboriginal system of pictography. See remarks above, page 288.

Fig. 264, 1707-’08.—“Many-kettle winter.” A man named Corn killed his wife and then ran away. He stayed gone for a year and returned with three guns, which he said the English had given him. These were the first guns the Dakotas had ever seen, and the English wanted him to bring his friends to check them out. So, fifteen people went with him, and when they came back, they brought home a bunch of kettles or pots. These were the first kettles they had ever seen. Some numerical marks for reference and the written words above are kept as possibly the worst examples of Battiste’s blend of civilized methods with the native pictograph system. See remarks above, page 288.

Fig. 265.

Fig. 265, 1708-’09.—“Brought-home-Omaha-horses winter.” The cropped head over the horse denotes Omaha.

Fig. 265, 1708-’09.—“Brought-home-Omaha-horses winter.” The cropped head over the horse indicates Omaha.

Fig. 266.

Fig. 266, 1709-’10.—“Brought-home-Assiniboin-horses winter.” The Dakota sign for Assiniboin, or Hohe, which means the voice, or, as some say, the voice of the musk ox, is the outline of the vocal organs, as the Dakotas conceive them, and represents the upper lip and roof of the mouth, the tongue, the lower lip and chin, and the neck.

Fig. 266, 1709-’10.—“Brought-home-Assiniboin-horses winter.” The Dakota sign for Assiniboin, or Hohe, which means the voice, or as some say, the voice of the musk ox, looks like the outline of the vocal organs as the Dakotas imagine them. It represents the upper lip and roof of the mouth, the tongue, the lower lip and chin, and the neck.

Fig. 267.

Fig. 267, 1710-’11.—“The-war-parties-met, or killed-three-on-each-side winter.” A war party of Assiniboins met one of Dakotas, and in the fight which ensued three were killed on each side.

Fig. 267, 1710-’11.—“The war parties met, or three were killed on each side during winter.” A war party of Assiniboins encountered one of Dakotas, and in the ensuing battle, three were killed on each side.

Fig. 268.

Fig. 268, 1711-’12.—“Four-lodges-drowned winter.” When the thunders returned in the summer the Dakotas were still in their winter camp, on the bottom lands of a large creek. Heavy rains fell, which caused the creek to rise suddenly; the bottoms were flooded, and the occupants of four lodges were swept away and drowned. Water is represented by waved lines, as before. The lower part of the lodge is submerged. The human figure in the doorway of the lodge indicates how unconscious the inmates were of their peril.

Fig. 268, 1711-’12.—“Four-lodges-drowned winter.” When the thunderstorms came back in the summer, the Dakotas were still at their winter camp, on the lowlands by a large creek. Heavy rains fell, causing the creek to rise suddenly; the lowlands were flooded, and the people in four lodges were swept away and drowned. Water is shown with wavy lines, as before. The lower part of the lodge is underwater. The human figure in the doorway of the lodge shows just how unaware the residents were of the danger they were in.

Fig. 269.

Fig. 269, 1712-’13.—“Killed-the-Pawnee-who-was-eagle-hunting winter.” A Pawnee (Ree) was crouching in his eagle-trap, a hole in the ground covered with sticks and grass, when he was surprised and killed by the Dakotas. This event is substantially repeated in this count for the year 1806-’07.

Fig. 269, 1712-’13.—“Killed-the-Pawnee-who-was-eagle-hunting winter.” A Pawnee (Ree) was crouching in his eagle trap, a hole in the ground covered with sticks and grass, when he was caught off guard and killed by the Dakotas. This event is largely repeated in the records for the year 1806-’07.

Fig. 270.

Fig. 270, 1713-’14.—“Came-and-shot-them-in-the-lodge winter.” The Pawnee (Rees) came by night, and, drawing aside a tipi door, shot a sleeping man, and thus avenged the death of the eagle-hunter.

Fig. 270, 1713-’14.—“Came-and-shot-them-in-the-lodge winter.” The Pawnee (Rees) visited at night, and, pulling back a tipi door, shot a man who was asleep, avenging the death of the eagle-hunter.

Fig. 271.

Fig. 271, 1714-’15.—“Came-to-attack-on-horseback-but-killed-nothing winter.” The horseman has a pine lance in his hand. It is not known what tribe came. (Note by Dr. Corbusier.—It is probable that horses were not numerous among any of the Indians yet, and that this mounted attack was the first one experienced by the Brulé.)

Fig. 271, 1714-’15.—“Came-to-attack-on-horseback-but-killed-nothing winter.” The horseman has a pine lance in his hand. It is not known what tribe came. (Note from Dr. Corbusier.—It is likely that horses were still rare among the Indians at this time, and that this mounted attack was the first one the Brulé experienced.)

Fig. 272.

Fig. 272, 1715-’16.—“Came-and-attacked-on-horseback-and-stabbed-a-boy-near-the-lodge winter.” Eagle tail-feathers hang from the butt end of the lance.

Fig. 272, 1715-’16.—“Came and attacked on horseback and stabbed a boy near the lodge in winter.” Eagle tail feathers hang from the end of the lance.

Fig. 273.

Fig. 273, 1716-’17.—“Much-pemmican winter.” A year of peace and prosperity. Buffalo were plentiful all the fall and winter. Large quantities of pemmican (wasna) were made with dried meat and marrow. In front of the lodge is seen the backbone of a buffalo, the marrow of which is used in wasna; below this is the buffalo stomach, in which wasna is packed for preservation.

Fig. 273, 1716-’17.—“Much-pemmican winter.” A year of peace and prosperity. Buffalo were abundant throughout the fall and winter. A large amount of pemmican (wasna) was produced using dried meat and marrow. In front of the lodge, you can see the backbone of a buffalo, the marrow of which is used in wasna; below this is the buffalo stomach, where wasna is packed for preservation.

Fig. 274.

Fig. 274, 1717-’18.—“Brought-home-fifteen-Assiniboin-horses winter.” The sign for Assiniboin is above the horse.

Fig. 274, 1717-’18.—“Brought home fifteen Assiniboin horses for the winter.” The sign for Assiniboin is above the horse.

Fig. 275.

Fig. 275, 1718-’19.—“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses winter.” The sign for Ree, i. e., an ear of corn, is in front of the horse.

Fig. 275, 1718-’19.—“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses winter.” The symbol for Ree, which means an ear of corn, is located in front of the horse.

Fig. 276.

Fig. 276, 1719-’20.—“Wore-snowshoes winter.” The snow was very deep, and the people hunted buffalo on snowshoes with excellent success.

Fig. 276, 1719-’20.—“Wore snowshoes in winter.” The snow was really deep, and the people hunted buffalo on snowshoes with great success.

Fig. 277.

Fig. 277, 1720-’21.—“Three-lodges-starved-to-death winter.” The bare ribs of the man denote starvation. [The gesture-sign for poor or lean indicates that the ribs are visible. In the Ojibwa and Ottawa pictographs lines across the chest denote starvation.]

Fig. 277, 1720-’21.—“Three-lodges-starved-to-death winter.” The man's exposed ribs show signs of starvation. [The gesture-sign for poor or lean means that the ribs are showing. In the Ojibwa and Ottawa pictographs, lines across the chest indicate starvation.]

Fig. 278.

Fig. 278, 1721-’22.—“Wore-snowshoes-and-dried-much-buffalo-meat winter.” It was even a better year for buffalo than 1719-’20.

Fig. 278, 1721-’22.—“Wore snowshoes and dried a lot of buffalo meat that winter.” It was an even better year for buffalo than 1719-’20.

Fig. 279.

Fig. 279, 1722-’23.—“Deep-snow-and-tops-of-lodges-only-visible winter.” The spots are intended for snow.

Fig. 279, 1722-’23.—“Winter with deep snow and only the tops of huts visible.” The dots represent snow.

Fig. 280.

Fig. 280, 1723-’24.—“Many-drying-sticks-set-up winter.” They set up more than the usual number of sticks for scaffolds, etc., as they dried the buffalo heads, hides, and entrails, as well as the meat. This figure is repeated with differentiation for the year 1745-’46 in this chart.

Fig. 280, 1723-’24.—“Many-drying-sticks-set-up winter.” They set up more than the usual number of sticks for scaffolds, etc., as they dried the buffalo heads, hides, and entrails, as well as the meat. This figure is repeated with differentiation for the year 1745-’46 in this chart.

Fig. 281.

Fig. 281, 1724-’25.—“Blackens-himself-died winter.” This man was in the habit of blacking his whole body with charcoal. He died of some kind of intestinal bend [sic] as is indicated by the stomach and intestines in front of him, which represent the bowels in violent commotion, or going round and round.

Fig. 281, 1724-’25.—“Blackens-himself-died winter.” This man regularly covered his entire body with charcoal. He died from some sort of intestinal twist, as shown by the stomach and intestines in front of him, which depict the bowels in extreme agitation or moving in circles.

Fig. 282.

Fig. 282, 1725-’26.—“Brought-home-ten-Omaha-horses winter.” The sign for Omaha is the head, as before.

Fig. 282, 1725-’26.—“Brought home ten Omaha horses for winter.” The sign for Omaha is the head, as before.

Fig. 283.

Fig. 283, 1726-’27.—“Killed-two-Pawnees-among-the-lodges winter.” The Pawnees (Rees) made an assault on the Dakota Village, and these two ran among the lodges without any arrows. The sign for Ree is, as usual, an ear of corn.

Fig. 283, 1726-’27.—“Killed-two-Pawnees-among-the-lodges winter.” The Pawnees (Rees) attacked the Dakota Village, and these two ended up running among the lodges without any arrows. The symbol for Ree is, as always, an ear of corn.

Fig. 284.

Fig. 284, 1727-’28.—“Killed-six-Assiniboins winter.” Two signs are given here for Assiniboin. There is some uncertainty as to whether they were Assiniboins or Arikaras, so the signs for both are given.

Fig. 284, 1727-’28.—“Killed-six-Assiniboins winter.” Two signs are given here for Assiniboin. There is some uncertainty about whether they were Assiniboins or Arikaras, so the signs for both are provided.

Fig. 285.

Fig. 285, 1728-’29.—“Brought-home-Gros-Ventre-horses winter.” A Gros Ventre head is shown in front of the horse.

Fig. 285, 1728-’29.—“Brought-home-Gros-Ventre-horses winter.” A Gros Ventre head is shown in front of the horse.

Fig. 286.

Fig. 286, 1729-’30.—“Killed-the-Pawnees-camped-alone-with-their-wives winter.” Two Pawnees and their wives, who were hunting buffalo by themselves, and living in one lodge, were surprised and killed by a war party of Dakotas.

Fig. 286, 1729-’30.—“Killed-the-Pawnees-camped-alone-with-their-wives winter.” Two Pawnees and their wives, who were hunting buffalo on their own and living in a single lodge, were caught off guard and killed by a war party of Dakotas.

Fig. 287.

Fig. 287, 1730-’31.—“Came-from-opposite-ways-and-camped-together winter.” By a singular coincidence, two bands of Dakotas selected the same place for an encampment, and arrived there the same day. They had been separated a long time, and were wholly ignorant of each other’s movements. The caps of the tipis face one another.

Fig. 287, 1730-’31.—“Came-from-opposite-ways-and-camped-together winter.” In a rare coincidence, two groups of Dakotas chose the same spot for their camp and arrived on the same day. They had been apart for a long time and had no knowledge of each other’s movements. The tops of the tipis face each other.

Fig. 288.

Fig. 288, 1731-’32.—“Came-from-killing-one-Omaha-and-danced winter.” This is the customary feast at the return of a successful war party. The erect arrow may stand for “one,” and the Omaha is drawn at full length with his stiff short hair and painted cheeks.

Fig. 288, 1731-’32.—“Came-from-killing-one-Omaha-and-danced winter.” This is the traditional feast that takes place when a war party returns successfully. The upright arrow may represent “one,” and the Omaha is depicted in full length with his stiff short hair and painted cheeks.

Fig. 289.

Fig. 289, 1732-’33.—“Brought-home-Assiniboin-horses winter.” The sign for Assiniboin is as before, over the horse.

Fig. 289, 1732-’33.—“Brought-home-Assiniboin-horses winter.” The sign for Assiniboin is the same as before, over the horse.

Fig. 290.

Fig. 290, 1733-’34.—“Killed-three-Assiniboins winter.” There is again uncertainty as to whether they were Assiniboins or Arikaras, and both signs are used.

Fig. 290, 1733-’34.—“Killed-three-Assiniboins winter.” There's still some doubt about whether they were Assiniboins or Arikaras, and both terms are used.

Fig. 291.

Fig. 291, 1734-’35.—“Used-them-up-with-bellyache winter.” About fifty of the people died of an eruptive disease which was accompanied by pains in the bowels. The eruption is shown on the man in the figure. This was probably the first experience by the Dakotas of the smallpox, which has been so great a factor in the destruction of the Indians.

Fig. 291, 1734-’35.—“Used-them-up-with-bellyache winter.” About fifty people died from a skin disease that came with severe stomach pains. The rash is depicted on the man in the figure. This was likely the Dakotas' first experience with smallpox, which has played a significant role in the devastation of the Indians.

Fig. 292.

Fig. 292, 1735-’36.—“Followed-them-up-and-killed-five winter.” A war party of Dakotas were chased by some enemies, who killed five of them. The arrows flying from behind at the man indicate pursuit, and the number of the arrows, each with a bloody mark as if hitting, is five.

Fig. 292, 1735-’36.—“Chased them down and killed five.” A group of Dakotas was pursued by some enemies, who killed five of them. The arrows coming from behind at the man show they are being chased, and the five arrows, each marked with blood as if they’ve hit, represent the number of casualties.

Fig. 293.

Fig. 293, 1736-’37.—“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses winter.” This date must be considered in connection with the figure in this record for 1802-’03. There is a distinction between the wild and the shod horses, but the difference in tribe is great. The ear of corn showing the husk is as common in this record for Pawnee as for Arikara.

Fig. 293, 1736-’37.—“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses winter.” This date should be viewed alongside the figure in this record from 1802-’03. There's a difference between the wild and the shod horses, but the variation in tribe is significant. The ear of corn with the husk is just as common in this record for Pawnee as it is for Arikara.

Fig. 294.

Fig. 294, 1737-’38.—“Killed-seven-Assiniboins-bringing-them-to-a-stand-under-a-bank winter.” The daub, blue in the original, under the crouching figure, represents the bank.

Fig. 294, 1737-’38.—“Killed seven Assiniboins, bringing them to a stand under a bank in winter.” The blue patch in the original, beneath the crouching figure, represents the bank.

Fig. 295.

Fig. 295, 1738-’39.—“The-four-who-went-on-the-war-path-starved-to-death winter.” Starvation is indicated as before.

Fig. 295, 1738-’39.—“The four who went on the war path starved to death that winter.” Starvation is indicated as before.

Fig. 296.

Fig. 296, 1739-’40—“Found-many-horse winter.” The horses had thongs around their necks, and had evidently been lost by some other tribe. Hoof prints are represented above and below the horse, that is all around.

Fig. 296, 1739-’40—“Found-many-horse winter.” The horses had straps around their necks, and they clearly belonged to another tribe that had lost them. Hoof prints are shown above and below the horse, all around it.

Fig. 297.

Fig. 297, 1740-’41.—“The-two-came-home-having-killed-an-enemy winter.” They took his entire scalp, and carried it home at the end of a pole. Only a part of the scalp is ordinarily taken, and that from the crown of the head.

Fig. 297, 1740-’41.—“The two came home having killed an enemy winter.” They took his entire scalp and carried it home at the end of a pole. Usually, only part of the scalp is taken, specifically from the crown of the head.

Fig. 298.

Fig. 298, 1741-’42.—“Attacked-them-while-gathering-turnips winter.” Some women, who were digging turnips (pomme blanche) near the camp, were assaulted by a party of enemies, who, after knocking them down, ran off without doing them any further harm. A turnip, and the stick for digging it, are seen in front of the horseman.

Fig. 298, 1741-’42.—“Attacked them while gathering turnips in winter.” Some women who were digging turnips (white turnips) near the camp were attacked by a group of enemies, who, after knocking them down, ran away without causing any more harm. A turnip and the stick for digging it can be seen in front of the horseman.

Fig. 299.

Fig. 299, 1742-’43.—“Killed-them-on-the-way-home-from-the-hunt winter.” The men were out hunting, and about 100 of their enemies came on horseback to attack the camp, and had already surrounded it, when a woman poked her head out of a lodge and said, “They have all gone on the hunt. When I heard you, I thought they had come back.” She pointed toward the hunting-ground, and the enemies going in that direction, met the Dakotas, who killed many of them with their spears, and put the rest to flight. Hoof-prints surround the circle of lodges, and are on the trail to the hunting-ground.

Fig. 299, 1742-’43.—"Killed-them-on-the-way-home-from-the-hunt winter." The men were out hunting, and about 100 of their enemies arrived on horseback to attack the camp, already surrounding it, when a woman peeked out of a lodge and said, "They've all gone hunting. When I heard you, I thought they had returned." She pointed towards the hunting area, and the enemies heading in that direction encountered the Dakotas, who killed many of them with their spears and sent the rest running. Hoof prints surround the circle of lodges and are on the path to the hunting grounds.

Fig. 300.

Fig. 300, 1743-’44.—“The-Omahas-came-and-killed-them-in-the-night winter.” They wounded many, but killed only one. The Dakotas were all encamped together.

Fig. 300, 1743-’44.—“The Omaha came and attacked them at night during the winter.” They injured many but killed only one. The Dakotas were all camped together.

Fig. 301.

Fig. 301, 1744-’45.—“Brought-home-Omaha-horses winter.”

Fig. 301, 1744-’45.—“Brought home Omaha horses winter.”

Fig. 302.

Fig. 302, 1745-’46.—“Many-drying-scaffolds winter.” It was even a better year for buffalo than 1723-’24.

Fig. 302, 1745-’46.—“Many-drying-scaffolds winter.” It was an even better year for buffalo than 1723-’24.

Fig. 303.

Fig. 303, 1746-’47.—“Came-home-having-killed-one-Gros-Ventre winter.”

Fig. 303, 1746-’47.—“Came home after killing one Gros Ventre winter.”

Fig. 304.

Fig. 304, 1747-’48.—“Froze-to-death-at-the-hunt winter.” The arrow pointing toward the buffalo head indicates they were hunting, and the crouching figure of the man, together with the snow above and below him, that he suffered severely from cold or froze to death.

Fig. 304, 1747-’48.—“Froze-to-death-at-the-hunt winter.” The arrow pointing toward the buffalo head shows that they were hunting, and the crouching figure of the man, along with the snow above and below him, suggests he was suffering severely from the cold or froze to death.

Fig. 305.

Fig. 305, 1748-’49.—“Eat-frozen-fish winter.” They discovered large numbers of fish frozen in the ice, and subsisted on them all winter.

Fig. 305, 1748-’49.—“Eat-frozen-fish winter.” They found many fish frozen in the ice and lived on them all winter.

Fig. 306.

Fig. 306, 1749-’50.—“Many-hole-camp-winter.” The same explanation as for Fig. 260, for the year 1703-’04. The two figures are different in execution though the same in concept. There would, however, be little confusion in distinguishing two seasons of exceptional success in the hunt that were separated by forty-six years.

Fig. 306, 1749-’50.—“Many-hole-camp-winter.” The same explanation as for Fig. 260, for the year 1703-’04. The two figures are different in execution though the same in concept. There would, however, be little confusion in distinguishing two seasons of exceptional success in the hunt that were separated by forty-six years.

Fig. 307.

Fig. 307, 1750-’51.—“Killed-two-white-buffalo-cows winter.” (Note by Dr. Corbusier: Two white buffalo are so rarely killed one season that the event is considered worthy of record. Most Indians regard the albinos among animals with the greatest reverence. The Ojibwas, who look upon a black loon as the most worthless of birds regard a white one as sacred.)

Fig. 307, 1750-’51.—“Killed two white buffalo cows this winter.” (Note by Dr. Corbusier: It’s so rare to kill two white buffalo in one season that this event is considered noteworthy. Most Indigenous people view albino animals with great respect. The Ojibwas, who see a black loon as the least valuable of birds, consider a white one to be sacred.)

Fig. 308.

Fig. 308, 1751-’52.—“Omahas-came-and-killed-two-in-the-lodge winter.” An Omaha war party surprised them in the night, shot into the lodge, wounding two, and then fled. The two shot died of their wounds.

Fig. 308, 1751-’52.—“Omahas came and killed two in the lodge winter.” An Omaha war party surprised them at night, fired into the lodge, injuring two, and then escaped. The two who were shot died from their injuries.

Fig. 309.

Fig. 309, 1752-’53.—“Destroyed-three-lodges-of-Omahas winter.” The Dakotas went to retaliate on the Omahas, and finding three lodges of them killed them. It will be noticed that in this figure the sign for Omaha is connected with the lodge, and in the preceding figure with the arrow.

Fig. 309, 1752-’53.—“Destroyed three Omahas’ winter lodges.” The Dakotas went to get back at the Omahas and, upon finding three of their lodges, killed them. It’s important to note that in this figure, the symbol for Omaha is linked with the lodge, while in the previous figure, it’s linked with the arrow.

Fig. 310.

Fig. 310, 1753-’54.—“Killed-two-Assiniboins-on-the-hunt winter.”

Fig. 310, 1753-’54.—“Killed two Assiniboins on the hunt winter.”

Fig. 311.

Fig. 311, 1754-’55.—“Pawnees-shouted-over-the-people winter.” The Pawnees (Rees) came at night, and standing on a bluff overlooking the Dakota village shot into it with arrows, killing one man, and alarmed the entire village by their shouts.

Fig. 311, 1754-’55.—“Pawnees-shouted-over-the-people winter.” The Pawnees (Rees) arrived at night and, from a bluff overlooking the Dakota village, shot arrows into it, killing one man and startling the whole village with their shouts.

Fig. 312.

Fig. 312, 1755-’56.—“Killed-two-Pawnees-at-the-hunt winter.” A war party of Dakotas surprised some Pawnee (Ree) hunters and killed two of them.

Fig. 312, 1755-’56.—“Killed two Pawnees at the hunt in winter.” A war party of Dakotas caught some Pawnee (Ree) hunters off guard and killed two of them.

Fig. 313.

Fig. 313, 1756-’57.—“The-whole-people-were-pursued-and-two-killed winter.” A tribe, name unknown, attacked and routed the whole band. The man in the figure is retreating, as is shown by his attitude; the arrow on his bow points backward at the enemy, from whom he is retreating. The two blood-stained arrows in his body mark the number killed.

Fig. 313, 1756-’57.—“The whole people were pursued and two killed during winter.” A tribe, name unknown, attacked and defeated the entire group. The man in the figure is retreating, as indicated by his stance; the arrow on his bow is pointed backward at the enemy he’s fleeing from. The two blood-stained arrows in his body indicate the number of people killed.

Fig. 314.

Fig. 314, 1757-’58.—“Went-on-the-warpath-on-horseback-to-camp-of-enemy-but-killed-nothing winter.” The lack of success may have been due to inexperience in mounted warfare as the Dakotas had probably for the first time secured a sufficient number of horses to mount a war party.

Fig. 314, 1757-’58.—“Went on horseback to the enemy's camp but didn't kill anything that winter.” The lack of success might have been due to inexperience in mounted warfare, as the Dakotas likely had, for the first time, gathered enough horses to form a war party.

Fig. 315.

Fig. 315, 1758-’59.—“Killed-two-Omahas-who-came-to-the-camp-on-war-path winter.”

Fig. 315, 1758-’59.—“Killed two Omahas who came to the camp on a war path winter.”

Fig. 316.

Fig. 316, 1759-’60.—“War-parties-met-and-killed-a-few-on-both-sides winter.” The attitude of the opposed figures of the Dakota and Gros Ventre and the footprints indicate that the parties met; the arrows in opposition, that they fought; and the blood-stained arrow in each man that some were killed on both sides.

Fig. 316, 1759-’60.—“War parties met and killed a few on both sides during winter.” The positions of the opposing figures of the Dakota and Gros Ventre and the footprints suggest that the groups encountered each other; the arrows pointing in opposite directions show that they fought; and the blood-stained arrow in each man indicates that some were killed on both sides.

Fig. 317.

Fig. 317, 1760-’61.—“Assiniboins-came-and-attacked-the-camp-again winter;” or “Assiniboins-shot-arrows-through-the-camp winter.”

Fig. 317, 1760-’61.—“Assiniboins came and attacked the camp again in winter;” or “Assiniboins shot arrows through the camp in winter.”

Fig. 318.

Fig. 318, 1761-’62.—“Killed-six-Pawnees (Rees) winter.” Besides the arrow sticking in the body another is flying near the head of the man figure, who has the tribal marks for Pawnee or Ree, as used in this record.

Fig. 318, 1761-’62.—“Killed-six-Pawnees (Rees) winter.” Besides the arrow stuck in the body, another is flying near the head of the man figure, who has the tribal marks for Pawnee or Ree, as noted in this record.

Fig. 319.

Fig. 319, 1762-’63.—“The-people-were-burnt winter.” They were living somewhere east of their present country when a prairie fire destroyed[305] their entire village. Many of their children and a man and his wife, who were on foot some distance away from the village, were burned to death, as also were many of their horses. All the people that could get to a long lake, which was near by, saved themselves by jumping into it. Many of these were badly burned about the thighs and legs, and this circumstance gave rise to the name Sican-zhu, burnt thigh (or simply burnt as translated Brulé by the French), by which they have since been known, and also to the gesture sign, as follows: “Rub the upper and outer part of the right thigh in a small circle with the open right hand, fingers pointing downward.”

Fig. 319, 1762-’63.—“The people were burned in winter.” They were living somewhere east of their current country when a prairie fire wiped out[305] their entire village. Many of their children and a man and his wife, who were walking a distance away from the village, died in the fire, as did many of their horses. All the people who could reach a nearby long lake saved themselves by jumping in. Many of them suffered serious burns on their thighs and legs, which led to the name Sican-zhu, meaning burnt thigh (or simply burnt, as translated Brulé by the French), by which they have been known since, and also to the gesture sign, as follows: “Rub the upper and outer part of the right thigh in a small circle with the open right hand, fingers pointing downward.”

Fig. 320.

Fig. 320, 1763-’64.—“Many-sticks-for-drying-beef winter.” They dried so much meat that the village was crowded with drying poles and scaffolds.

Fig. 320, 1763-’64.—“Many-sticks-for-drying-beef winter.” They dried so much meat that the village was full of drying poles and scaffolds.

Fig. 321.

Fig. 321, 1764-’65.—“Stole-their-horses-while-they-were-on-the-hunt winter.” A Dakota war party chanced to find a hunting party of Assiniboins asleep and stole twenty of their horses. It was storming at the time and horses had their packs on and were tied. The marks which might appear to represent a European saddle on the horse’s back denote a pack or load. Hunting is symbolized as before, by the buffalo head struck by an arrow.

Fig. 321, 1764-’65.—“Stole-their-horses-while-they-were-on-the-hunt winter.” A Dakota war party happened upon a hunting party of Assiniboins who were asleep and took twenty of their horses. It was storming at the time, and the horses were packed and tied up. The marks that might look like a European saddle on the horse’s back actually represent a pack or load. Hunting is symbolized, as before, by the buffalo head hit by an arrow.

Fig. 322.

Fig. 322, 1765-’66.—“Killed-a-war-party-of-four-Pawnees winter.” The four Pawnees (Rees) made an attack on the Dakota camp.

Fig. 322, 1765-’66.—“Killed a war party of four Pawnees winter.” The four Pawnees (Rees) launched an attack on the Dakota camp.

Fig. 323.

Fig. 323, 1766-’67.—“Brought-home-sixty-Assiniboin-horses (one spotted) winter.” They were all the horses the Assiniboins had and were on an island in the Missouri river, from which the Dakotas cleverly stole them during a snowstorm.

Fig. 323, 1766-’67.—“Brought home sixty Assiniboine horses (one spotted) in winter.” They were all the horses the Assiniboine had and were on an island in the Missouri River, from which the Dakotas cleverly stole them during a snowstorm.

Fig. 324.

Fig. 324, 1767-’68.—“Went-out-to-ease-themselves-with-their-bows-on winter.” The Dakotas were in constant fear of an attack by enemies. When a man left his lodge after dark, even to answer the calls of nature, he carried his bows and arrows along with him and took good care not to go far away from the lodge. The squatting figure, etc., close to the lodge tells the story.

Fig. 324, 1767-’68.—“Went outside to relieve themselves with their bows on in winter.” The Dakotas were always afraid of an enemy attack. When a man left his lodge after dark, even just to go to the bathroom, he took his bows and arrows with him and made sure not to stray too far from the lodge. The squatting figure, etc., close to the lodge tells the story.

Fig. 325.

Fig. 325, 1768-’69.—“Two-horses-killed-something winter.” A man who had gone over a hill just out of the village was run down by two mounted enemies who drove their spears into him and left him for dead, one of them leaving his spear sticking in the man’s shoulder, as shown in the figure. He recovered, however. (Note by Dr. Corbusier: They frequently speak of persons who have been very ill and have recovered as dying and returning to life again, and have a gesture sign to express the idea.)

Fig. 325, 1768-’69.—“Two-horses-killed-something winter.” A man who had gone over a hill just outside the village was run down by two mounted enemies who stabbed him with their spears and left him for dead, one of them leaving his spear lodged in the man’s shoulder, as shown in the figure. He made a recovery, though. (Note by Dr. Corbusier: They often refer to people who have been very ill and have recovered as having died and come back to life, and they have a gesture to express this idea.)

Fig. 326.

Fig. 326, 1769-’70.—“Attacked-the-camp-from-both-sides winter.” A mounted war party—tribe unknown—attacked the village on two sides, and on each side killed a woman. The footprints of the enemies’ horses and arrows on each side of the lodge, which represents the village, show the mode of attack.

Fig. 326, 1769-’70.—“Attacked-the-camp-from-both-sides winter.” A mounted war party—tribe unknown—attacked the village on two sides, killing a woman on each side. The footprints of the enemies’ horses and arrows on either side of the lodge, which represents the village, illustrate the method of attack.

Fig. 327.

Fig. 327, 1770-’71—“Came-and-killed-the-lodges winter.” The enemy came on horseback and assailed the Dakota lodges, which were pitched near together, spoiling some of them by cutting the hide coverings with their spears, but killing no one. They used spears only, but arrows are also depicted, as they symbolize attack. No blood is shown on the arrows, as only the lodges were “killed.”

Fig. 327, 1770-’71—“Came-and-killed-the-lodges winter.” The enemy arrived on horseback and attacked the Dakota lodges, which were set up close together, damaging some of them by slicing the hide coverings with their spears, but they didn't kill anyone. They only used spears, but arrows are also shown because they represent an attack. There’s no blood on the arrows since only the lodges were “killed.”

Fig. 328.

Fig. 328, 1771-’72.—“Swam-after-the-buffalo winter.” In the spring the Dakotas secured a large supply of meat by swimming out and towing ashore buffalo that were floating past the village and which had fallen into the river on attempting to cross on the weak ice.

Fig. 328, 1771-’72.—“Swam-after-the-buffalo winter.” In the spring, the Dakotas managed to gather a lot of meat by swimming out and dragging ashore buffalo that were floating by the village after they fell into the river while trying to cross on the fragile ice.

Fig. 329.

Fig. 329, 1772-’73.—“Killed-an-Assiniboin-and-his-wife winter.”

Fig. 329, 1772-’73.—“Killed an Assiniboine and his wife winter.”

Fig. 330.

Fig. 330, 1773-’74.—“Killed-two-Pawnee-boys-while-playing winter.” A war party of Dakotas surprised two Pawnee (Ree) boys who were wrestling and killed them while they were on the ground.

Fig. 330, 1773-’74.—“Killed two Pawnee boys while playing in winter.” A war party of Dakotas ambushed two Pawnee (Ree) boys who were wrestling and killed them while they were on the ground.

Fig. 331.

Fig. 331, 1774-’75.—“Assiniboins-made-an-attack winter.” They were cowardly, however, and soon retreated. Perhaps the two arrows of the Assiniboins compared with the one arrow of the attacked Dakotas suggests the cowardice.

Fig. 331, 1774-’75.—“Assiniboins-made-an-attack winter.” They were cowardly, though, and quickly fell back. Maybe the two arrows from the Assiniboins, compared to the one arrow from the attacked Dakotas, hints at their cowardice.

Fig. 332.

Fig. 332, 1775-’76.—“Assiniboins-went-home-and-came-back-mad-to-make-a-fresh-attack winter.” They were brave this time, being thoroughly aroused. They fought with bows and arrows only.

Fig. 332, 1775-’76.—“Assiniboins went home and came back ready to make a fresh attack in winter.” They were courageous this time, being fully motivated. They fought with bows and arrows only.

Fig. 333.

Fig. 333, 1776-’77.—“Killed-with-war-club-in-his-hand winter.” A Dakota war club is in the man’s hand and an enemy’s arrow is entering his body.

Fig. 333, 1776-’77.—“Killed with a war club in his hand during winter.” A Dakota war club is in the man’s hand and an enemy arrow is piercing his body.

Fig. 334.

Fig. 334, 1777-’78.—“Spent-the-winter-in-no-particular-place winter.” They made no permanent camp, but wandered about from place to place.

Fig. 334, 1777-’78.—“Spent-the-winter-in-no-particular-place winter.” They didn’t set up a permanent camp, but moved around from place to place.

Fig. 335.

Fig. 335, 1778-’79.—“Skinned-penis-used-in-the-game-of-haka winter.” A Dakota named as mentioned was killed in a fight with the Pawnees and his companions left his body where they supposed it would not be found, but the Pawnees found it and as it was frozen stiff they dragged it into their camp and played haka with it. The haka-stick which, in playing the game, they cast after a ring, is represented on the right of the man. This event marks 1777-’78 in the Winter Count of American-Horse and 1779-’80 in that of Cloud-Shield. The insult and disgrace made it remarkable.

Fig. 335, 1778-’79.—“Skinned-penis-used-in-the-game-of-haka winter.” A Dakota man, as mentioned, was killed in a fight with the Pawnees, and his companions left his body in a place they thought no one would find it. However, the Pawnees discovered it, and since it was frozen stiff, they dragged it into their camp and used it for the haka game. The haka stick, which they threw after a ring during the game, is shown on the right side of the man. This incident marks 1777-’78 in American-Horse's Winter Count and 1779-’80 in Cloud-Shield's. The insult and shame made it stand out.

Fig. 336.

Fig. 336, 1779-’80.—“Smallpox-used-them-up winter.” The eruption and pains in the stomach and bowels are shown as before.

Fig. 336, 1779-’80.—“Smallpox-wrecked-their-winter.” The rash and stomach and belly pain are shown as before.

Fig. 337.

Fig. 337, 1780-’81.—“Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” There is in this figure no sign for pain but the spots alone are shown. An attempt to discriminate and distinguish the year-devices is perceived.

Fig. 337, 1780-’81.—“Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” This figure shows no indication of pain, just the spots. You can see an effort to differentiate and identify the yearly symbols.

Fig. 338.

Fig. 338, 1781-’82.—“Came-and-attacked-on-horseback-for-the-last-time winter.” The name of the tribe is not known, but it is the last time they ever attacked the Dakotas.

Fig. 338, 1781-’82.—“Came-and-attacked-on-horseback-for-the-last-time winter.” The name of the tribe is unknown, but this was the last time they ever attacked the Dakotas.

Fig. 339.

Fig. 339, 1782-’83.—“Killed-the-man-with-the-scarlet-blanket-on winter.” It is not known what tribe killed him.

Fig. 339, 1782-’83.—“Killed-the-man-with-the-scarlet-blanket-on winter.” It’s unclear which tribe killed him.

Fig. 340.

Fig. 340, 1783-’84.—“Soldier-froze-to-death winter.” The falling snow and the man’s position with his legs drawn up to his abdomen, one hand in an armpit and the other in his mouth, are indicative of intense cold.

Fig. 340, 1783-’84.—“Soldier-froze-to-death winter.” The falling snow and the man’s position with his legs pulled up to his abdomen, one hand in his armpit and the other in his mouth, suggest extreme cold.

Fig. 341.

Fig. 341, 1784-’85.—“The-Oglala-took-the-cedar winter.” During a great feast an Oglala declared he was wakan and could draw a cedar tree out of the ground. He had previously fastened the middle of a stick to the lower end of a cedar with a piece of the elastic ligament from the neck of the buffalo and then planted the tree with the stick crosswise beneath it. He went to this tree, dug away a little earth from around it and pulled it partly out of the ground and let it spring back again, saying “the cedar I drew from the earth has gone home again.” After he had gone some young men dug up the tree and exposed the shallow trick.

Fig. 341, 1784-’85.—“The Oglala took the cedar winter.” During a big feast, an Oglala claimed he was wakan and could pull a cedar tree out of the ground. He had earlier attached the middle of a stick to the bottom of a cedar with a piece of elastic ligament from a buffalo's neck and then planted the tree with the stick placed crosswise underneath it. He approached this tree, removed some dirt from around it, pulled it partly out of the ground, and then let it spring back, saying, “The cedar I pulled from the earth has gone home again.” After he left, some young men dug up the tree and revealed the trick.

Fig. 342.

Fig. 342, 1785-’86.—“The-Cheyennes-killed-Shadow’s-father winter.” The umbrella signifies, shadow; the arrow which touches it, attacked; the three marks under the arrow (not shown in the copy), Cheyenne; the blood-stained arrow in the man’s body, killed. Shadow’s name and the umbrella in the figure intimate that he was the first Dakota to carry an umbrella. The advantages of the umbrella were soon recognized by them, and the first they obtained from the whites were highly prized. It is now considered an indispensable article in a Sioux outfit. They formerly wore a wreath of green leaves or carried green boughs, to shade them from the sun. The marks used for Cheyenne stand for the scars on their arms or stripes on their sleeves, which also gave rise to the gesture-sign for this tribe, see Fig. 495, infra.

Fig. 342, 1785-’86.—“The Cheyennes killed Shadow’s father in winter.” The umbrella symbolizes shadow; the arrow that touches it represents an attack; the three marks below the arrow (not shown in the copy) signify Cheyenne; the blood-stained arrow in the man's body indicates killed. Shadow’s name and the umbrella in the figure suggest that he was the first Dakota to use an umbrella. The benefits of the umbrella were quickly acknowledged by them, and the first ones they got from the whites were highly valued. It is now seen as an essential item in a Sioux's gear. They used to wear a crown of green leaves or carry green branches to shield themselves from the sun. The marks used for Cheyenne represent the scars on their arms or stripes on their sleeves, which also led to the gesture-sign for this tribe, see Fig. 495, infra.

Fig. 343.

Fig. 343, 1786-’87.—“Iron-Head-Band-killed-on-warpath winter.” They formerly carried burdens on their backs, hung from a band passed across the forehead. This man had a band of iron which is shown on his head. So said the interpreter, but probably the band was not of the metal iron. The word so translated has a double meaning and is connected with religious ideas of water, spirit, and the color blue.

Fig. 343, 1786-’87.—“Iron-Head-Band-killed-on-warpath winter.” They used to carry loads on their backs, supported by a band that went across their forehead. This man had a band of iron shown on his head. That's what the interpreter said, but it's likely the band wasn't actually made of metal. The term translated has a double meaning and is linked to religious concepts involving water, spirit, and the color blue.

Fig. 344.

Fig. 344, 1787-’88.—“Left-the-heyoka-man-behind winter.” A certain man was heyoka—that is, his mind was disordered and he went about the village bedecked with feathers singing to himself, and, while so, joined a war party. On sighting the enemy the party fled, and called to him to turn back also; as he was heyoka, he construed everything that was said to him as meaning the very opposite, and therefore, instead of turning back, he went forward and was killed. If they had only had sense enough to tell him to go on, he would then have run away, but the thoughtless people talked to him just as if he had been in an ordinary condition and of course were responsible for his death. The mental condition of this man and another device for the event are explained by other records (see Fig. 651).

Fig. 344, 1787-’88.—“Left-the-heyoka-man-behind winter.” A certain man was heyoka—meaning his mind was disordered. He wandered through the village adorned with feathers, singing to himself, and in that state, he joined a war party. When they spotted the enemy, the group fled and called for him to retreat as well; however, since he was heyoka, he interpreted everything said to him as the exact opposite. So instead of turning back, he moved forward and was killed. If only they had been wise enough to tell him to keep going, he would have escaped. But the careless people spoke to him as if he were in a normal state and were, of course, responsible for his death. The mental state of this man and another aspect of the event are explained by other records (see Fig. 651).

Fig. 345.

Fig. 345, 1788-’89.—“Many-crows-died winter.” Other records for the same year give as the explanation of the figure and the reason for its selection that the crows froze to death because of the intense cold.

Fig. 345, 1788-’89.—“Many-crows-died winter.” Other records for that year explain the figure and its selection by stating that the crows froze to death due to the extreme cold.

Fig. 346.

Fig. 346, 1789-’90.—“Killed-two-Gros-Ventres-on-the-ice winter.”

Fig. 346, 1789-’90.—“Killed two Gros Ventres on the ice winter.”

Fig. 347.

Fig. 347, 1790-’91.—“Carried-a-flag-about-with-them winter.” They went to all the surrounding tribes with the flag, but for what purpose is unknown. So said the interpreter, but The-Flame’s chart explains the figure by the statement: “The first United States flags in the country brought by United States troops.”

Fig. 347, 1790-’91.—“Carried-a-flag-about-with-them winter.” They went to all the nearby tribes with the flag, but the reason is unclear. That's what the interpreter said, but The-Flame’s chart clarifies the figure by stating: “The first United States flags in the country brought by United States troops.”

Fig. 348.

Fig. 348, 1791-’92.—“Saw-a-white-woman winter.” The dress of the woman indicates that she was not an Indian. This is obviously noted as being the first occasion when the Dakotas, or at least the bands which this record concerns, saw a white woman.

Fig. 348, 1791-’92.—“Saw-a-white-woman winter.” The woman’s dress shows that she wasn’t Native American. This is clearly noted as the first time the Dakotas, or at least the groups involved in this record, saw a white woman.

Fig. 349.

Fig. 349, 1792-’93.—“Camped-near-the-Gros-Ventres winter.” They were engaged in a constant warfare during this time. A Gros Ventre dirt lodge, with the entrance in front, is depicted in the figure and on its roof is a Gros Ventre head.

Fig. 349, 1792-’93.—“Camped-near-the-Gros-Ventres winter.” They were involved in ongoing conflict during this period. A Gros Ventre earth lodge, with the entrance in the front, is shown in the illustration, and on its roof is a Gros Ventre head.

Fig. 350.

Fig. 350, 1793-’94.—“Killed-a-long-haired-man-at-Rawhide-butte winter.” The Dakotas attacked a village of 58 lodges and killed every soul in it. After the fight they found the body of a man whose hair was done up with deer-hide in large rolls, and, on cutting them open, found it was all real hair, very thick, and as long as a lodge-pole. [Mem. Catlin tells of a Crow called Long-Hair whose hair, by actual measurement, was 10 feet and 7 inches long.] The fight was at Rawhide butte (now so called by the whites), which the Dakotas named Buffalo-Hide butte, because they found so many buffalo hides in the lodges. According to Cloud-Shield, Long-Hair was killed in 1786-’87, and according to American-Horse, Long-Hair, a Cheyenne, was killed in 1796-’97.

Fig. 350, 1793-’94.—“Killed-a-long-haired-man-at-Rawhide-butte winter.” The Dakotas attacked a village of 58 lodges and killed everyone there. After the battle, they found the body of a man whose hair was styled with deer-hide in large rolls, and when they opened them, they discovered it was all real hair, very thick and as long as a lodge pole. [Mem. Catlin mentions a Crow named Long-Hair whose hair, when measured, was 10 feet and 7 inches long.] The fight took place at Rawhide butte (now called that by the whites), which the Dakotas named Buffalo-Hide butte because they found so many buffalo hides in the lodges. According to Cloud-Shield, Long-Hair was killed in 1786-’87, and according to American-Horse, Long-Hair, a Cheyenne, was killed in 1796-’97.

Fig. 351.

Fig. 351, 1794-’95.—“Killed-the-little-faced-Pawnee winter.” The Pawnee’s face was long, flat, and narrow, like a man’s hand, but he had the body of a large man.

Fig. 351, 1794-’95.—“Killed-the-little-faced-Pawnee winter.” The Pawnee had a long, flat, narrow face, resembling a man’s hand, but his body was that of a large man.

White-Cow-Killer calls it: “Little-Face-killed winter.”

White-Cow-Killer calls it: “Little-Face killed winter.”

Fig. 352.

Fig. 352, 1795-’96.—“The-Rees-stood-the-frozen-man-up-with-the-buffalo-stomach-in-his-hand winter.” The body of a Dakota who had been killed in an encounter with the Rees (Pawnees), and had been left behind, frozen. The Rees dragged it into their village, propped it up with a stick, and hung a buffalo stomach filled with ice in one hand to make sport of it. The buffalo stomach was in common use at that time as a water-jug.

Fig. 352, 1795-’96.—“The Rees stood the frozen man up with the buffalo stomach in his hand winter.” The body of a Dakota who had been killed in a clash with the Rees (Pawnees) and was left behind, frozen. The Rees dragged it into their village, propped it up with a stick, and hung a buffalo stomach filled with ice in one hand to make fun of it. The buffalo stomach was commonly used at that time as a water jug.

Fig. 353.

Fig. 353, 1796-’97.—“Wears-the-War-Bonnet-died winter.” He did not die this winter, but received a wound in the abdomen from which the arrowhead could not be extracted, and he died of the “bellyache” years after.

Fig. 353, 1796-’97.—“Wears-the-War-Bonnet-died winter.” He didn't die that winter, but he got a wound in his abdomen that the arrowhead couldn't be removed from, and he ended up dying from the “bellyache” years later.

Fig. 354.

Fig. 354, 1897-’98.—“Took-the-God-Woman-captive winter.” A Dakota war party captured a woman—tribe unknown—who, in order to gain their respect, cried out, “I am a Wakan-Tanka,” meaning that she belonged to God, whereupon they let her go unharmed. This is the origin of their name for God (Wakan Tanka, the Great Holy, or Supernatural One). They had never heard of a Supernatural Being before, but had offered their prayers to the sun, the earth, and many other objects, believing they were endowed with spirits. [Those are the remarks of Battiste Good, who is only half correct, being doubtless influenced by missionary teaching. The term is much older and signifies mystic or unknown.]

Fig. 354, 1897-’98.—“Took-the-God-Woman-captive winter.” A Dakota war party captured a woman—tribe unknown—who, to gain their respect, shouted, “I am a Wakan-Tanka,” meaning that she belonged to God, after which they released her unharmed. This is the origin of their name for God (Wakan Tanka, the Great Holy, or Supernatural One). They had never heard of a Supernatural Being before, but they had prayed to the sun, the earth, and many other objects, believing these were filled with spirits. [Those are the remarks of Battiste Good, who is only partly correct, likely influenced by missionary teachings. The term is much older and signifies something mystic or unknown.]

Fig. 355.

Fig. 355, 1798-’99.—“Many-women-died-in-childbirth winter.” They died of bellyache. The convoluted sign for pain in the abdominal region has appeared before. Cloud-Shield’s winter count for the same year records the same mortality among the women which was perhaps an epidemic of puerperal fever.

Fig. 355, 1798-’99.—“The winter when many women died in childbirth.” They died from stomach pain. The complicated symbol for pain in the abdomen has shown up before. Cloud-Shield’s winter count for that same year notes the same number of women who died, possibly due to an outbreak of puerperal fever.

Fig. 356.

Fig. 356, 1799-1800.—“Don’t-Eat-Buffalo-Heart-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” A buffalo heart is represented above the man. Don’t Eat is expressed by the gesture sign for negation, a part of which is indicated, and the line connecting the heart with his month. The red flag which is used in the ceremony is employed as its symbol. The name Don’t-Eat-Buffalo-Heart refers to the man for whom that viand is taboo, either by gentile rules or from personal visions. The religious ceremony of commemoration of the dead is mentioned elsewhere in this work, see Chapter XIV, section 6.

Fig. 356, 1799-1800.—“Don’t-Eat-Buffalo-Heart-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” A buffalo heart is shown above the man. The gesture meaning "Don't Eat" is indicated, along with the line connecting the heart to his mouth. The red flag used in the ceremony serves as its symbol. The name Don’t-Eat-Buffalo-Heart refers to the man for whom that food is forbidden, either by cultural rules or personal visions. The religious ceremony for honoring the deceased is discussed elsewhere in this work, see Chapter XIV, section 6.

Fig. 357.

Fig. 357, 1800-’01.—“The-Good-White-Man-came winter.” Seven white men came in the spring of the year to their village in a starving condition; after feeding them and treating them well, they allowed them to go on their way unmolested. The Dakotas [of the recorder’s band] had heard of the whites, but had never seen any before. In the fall some more came, and with them, The-Good-White-Man, who is represented in the figure, and who was the first one to trade with them. They became very fond of him because of his fair dealings with them. The gesture made by his hands is similar to benediction, and suggests a part of the Indian gesture sign for “good.”

Fig. 357, 1800-’01.—“The Good White Man came in winter.” Seven white men arrived at their village in the spring, extremely hungry. After feeding them and taking good care of them, they let them continue on their journey without any trouble. The Dakotas [of the recorder’s band] had heard about white people but had never encountered any before. In the fall, more white men came, including The Good White Man, shown in the image, who was the first to trade with them. They grew very fond of him because he treated them fairly. The gesture of his hands resembles a blessing and suggests part of the Indian sign for “good.”

Fig. 358.

Fig. 358, 1801-’02.—“Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” The man figure is making a part of a common gesture sign for death, which consists substantially in changing the index from a perpendicular to a horizontal position and then pointing to the ground.

Fig. 358, 1801-’02.—“Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” The male figure is performing part of a common gesture that signifies death, which essentially involves moving the index finger from a vertical to a horizontal position and then pointing downwards.

Fig. 359.

Fig. 359, 1802-’03.—“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-iron-shoes-on winter.” The Dakotas had not seen horseshoes before. This agrees with and explains Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the same year.

Fig. 359, 1802-’03.—“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-iron-shoes-on winter.” The Dakotas hadn’t seen horseshoes before. This aligns with and clarifies Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the same year.

Fig. 360.

Fig. 360, 1803-’04.—“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-their-hair-rough-and-curly winter.” The curly hair is indicated by the curved marks. Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the same year records the same incident, but states that the curly horses were stolen from the Crows.

Fig. 360, 1803-’04.—“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-their-hair-rough-and-curly winter.” The curly hair is shown by the curved marks. Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the same year notes the same event, but mentions that the curly horses were taken from the Crows.

Fig. 361.

Fig. 361, 1804-’05.—“Sung-over-each-other-while-on-the-war-path winter.” A war party while out made a large pipe and sang each other’s praises. The use of an ornamented pipe in connection with the ceremonies of organizing a war party is mentioned in Chapter XV.

Fig. 361, 1804-’05.—“Sung-over-each-other-while-on-the-war-path winter.” A war party, while on the move, created a large pipe and sang each other's praises. The use of a decorated pipe during the ceremonies of forming a war party is mentioned in Chapter XV.

Fig. 362.

Fig. 362, 1805-’06.—“They-came-and-killed-eight winter.” The enemy killed eight Dakotas, as shown by the arrow and the eight marks beneath it.

Fig. 362, 1805-’06.—“They came and killed eight winter.” The enemy killed eight Dakotas, as shown by the arrow and the eight marks beneath it.

Fig. 363.

Fig. 363, 1806-’07.—“Killed-them-while-hunting-eagles winter.” Some Dakota eagle-hunters were killed by enemies. See Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the same year.

Fig. 363, 1806-’07.—“Killed-them-while-hunting-eagles winter.” Some Dakota eagle hunters were killed by their enemies. See Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the same year.

Fig. 364.

Fig. 364, 1807-’08.—“Came-and-killed-man-with-red-shirt-on winter.” Other records say that Red-Shirt killed in this year was an Uncpapa Dakota, and that he was killed by Arikaras.

Fig. 364, 1807-’08.—“Came and killed man in a red shirt during winter.” Other records indicate that Red-Shirt, who was killed this year, was an Uncpapa Dakota and that he was killed by the Arikaras.

Fig. 365.

Fig. 365, 1808-’09.—“Pawnees-(Rees)-killed-Blue-Blanket’s-father winter.” A blanket, which in the original record is blue, is represented above the arrow and across the man’s body.

Fig. 365, 1808-’09.—“Pawnees-(Rees)-killed-Blue-Blanket’s-father winter.” A blue blanket, as noted in the original record, is shown above the arrow and around the man’s body.

Fig. 366.

Fig. 366, 1809-’10.—“Little-Beaver’s-house-burned winter.” Little-Beaver was an English trader, and his trading house was a log one.

Fig. 366, 1809-’10.—“Little Beaver’s house burned down in winter.” Little Beaver was an English trader, and his trading post was made of logs.

Fig. 367.

Fig. 367, 1810-’11.—“Brought-home-horse-with-his-tail-braided-with-eagle-feathers winter.” They stole a band of horses beyond the South Platte. One of them was very fleet, and had his tail ornamented as described.

Fig. 367, 1810-’11.—“Brought-home-horse-with-his-tail-braided-with-eagle-feathers winter.” They took a group of horses from beyond the South Platte. One of them was very fast and had his tail decorated as described.

Fig. 368.

Fig. 368, 1811-’12.—“First-hunted-horses winter.” The Dakotas caught wild horses in the Sand Hills with braided lariats.

Fig. 368, 1811-’12.—“First-hunted-horses winter.” The Dakotas captured wild horses in the Sand Hills using braided lariats.

Fig. 369.

Fig. 369, 1812-’13.—“Rees-killed-Big-in-the-Middle’s-father winter.” Other records call this warrior Big-Waist and Big-Belly.

Fig. 369, 1812-’13.—“Rees-killed-Big-in-the-Middle’s-father winter.” Other records refer to this warrior as Big-Waist and Big-Belly.

Fig. 370.

Fig. 370, 1813-’14.—“Killed-six-Pawnees (Rees) winter.” Six strokes are under the arrow, but are not shown in the copy.

Fig. 370, 1813-’14.—“Killed six Pawnees (Rees) winter.” Six marks are below the arrow, but they aren’t visible in the copy.

Fig. 371.

Fig. 371, 1814-’15.—“Smashed-a-Kiowa’s-head-in winter.” The tomahawk with which it was done is sticking in the Kiowa’s head.

Fig. 371, 1814-’15.—“Smashed-a-Kiowa’s-head-in winter.” The tomahawk used for this is embedded in the Kiowa’s head.

Fig. 372.

Fig. 372, 1815-’16.-“The-Sans-Arcs-made-large-houses winter.”

Fig. 372, 1815-’16.-“The Sans Arcs built large houses for winter.”

Fig. 373.

Fig. 373, 1816-’17.—“Lived-again-in-their-large-houses winter.”

“Lived again in their big houses winter.”

Fig. 374.

Fig. 374, 1817-’18.—“Chozé-built-a-house-of-dead-logs winter.” The house was for trading purposes. The Frenchman’s name is evidently a corruption.

Fig. 374, 1817-’18.—“Chozé-built-a-house-of-dead-logs winter.” The house was for trading purposes. The Frenchman’s name is clearly a variation.

Fig. 375.

Fig. 375, 1818-’19.—“Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” They at this time lived on the Little White river, about 20 miles above the Rosebud agency. The two fingers held up may mean the second time the fatal epidemic appeared in the particular body of Indians concerned in the record.

Fig. 375, 1818-’19.—“Smallpox wiped them out again this winter.” At that time, they lived on the Little White River, about 20 miles above the Rosebud agency. The two fingers held up may indicate that this was the second time the deadly epidemic affected the specific group of Indians noted in the record.

Fig. 376.

Fig. 376, 1819-’20.—“Chozé-built-a-house-of-rotten-wood winter.” Another trading house was built.

Fig. 376, 1819-’20.—“Chozé-built-a-house-of-rotten-wood winter.” Another trading house was built.

Fig. 377.

Fig. 377, 1820-’21.—“They-made-bands-of-strips-of-blanket-in-the-winter.” These bands were of mixed colors and reached from the shoulders to the heels. They also made rattles of deer’s hoofs by tying them to sticks with bead-covered strings. The man has a sash over his shoulders and a rattle in his hand.

Fig. 377, 1820-’21.—“They made bands out of strips of blanket in the winter.” These bands were made of mixed colors and extended from the shoulders to the heels. They also created rattles from deer hooves by attaching them to sticks with bead-covered strings. The man has a sash over his shoulders and a rattle in his hand.

Fig. 378.

Fig. 378, 1821-’22.—“Star-passed-by-with-loud-noise winter,” “Much-whisky winter,” and “Used-up-the-Omahas winter.” In the figure the meteor, its pathway, and the cloud from which it came are shown. Whisky was furnished to them for the first time and without stint. It brought death to them in a new form, many since then having died from the excessive use of it, Red-Cloud’s father among the number. Battiste Good, alias Wa-po’stan-gi, more accurately Wa-po-ctan-xi (Brown-Hat), historian and chief, was born. He says that Omaha bullets were whizzing through the village and striking and piercing his mother’s lodge as she brought him forth. Red-Cloud was also born. In the count of American-Horse for this year he makes no mention of the meteor, but strongly marks the whisky as the important figure for the winter.

Fig. 378, 1821-’22.—“Star-passed-by-with-loud-noise winter,” “Much-whisky winter,” and “Used-up-the-Omahas winter.” In this figure, the meteor, its path, and the cloud it came from are shown. They were given whisky for the first time and without holding back. It brought death to them in a new way, with many dying from its excessive use since then, including Red-Cloud’s father. Battiste Good, also known as Wa-po’stan-gi, or more accurately Wa-po-ctan-xi (Brown-Hat), a historian and chief, was born. He recounts that Omaha bullets were flying through the village and hitting his mother’s lodge as she gave birth to him. Red-Cloud was also born. In American-Horse’s records for this year, he doesn’t mention the meteor, but he highlights the whisky as the main event of the winter.

Fig. 379.

Fig. 379, 1822-’23.—“Peeler-froze-his-leg winter.” Peeler was a white trader, and his leg was frozen while he was on his way to or from the Missouri river. The name is explained by White Cow Killer’s record as follows: “White-man-peels-the-stick-in-his-hand-broke-his-leg winter.” He was probably a Yankee, addicted to whittling.

Fig. 379, 1822-’23.—“Peeler-froze-his-leg winter.” Peeler was a white trader, and he froze his leg while he was traveling to or from the Missouri River. The name is explained by White Cow Killer’s record as follows: “White-man-peels-the-stick-in-his-hand-broke-his-leg winter.” He was probably a Yankee who loved whittling.

Fig. 380.

Fig. 380, 1823-’24.—“General-——-first-appeared-and-the-Dakotas-aided-in-an-attack-on-the-Rees winter.” Also “Much-corn winter”. The gun and the arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that both whites and Indians fought the Rees. This refers to Gen. Leavenworth’s expedition against the Arikara in 1823, when several hundred Dakotas were his allies. This expedition is mentioned several times in this work.

Fig. 380, 1823-’24.—“General-——-first-appeared-and-the-Dakotas-aided-in-an-attack-on-the-Rees winter.” Also “Much-corn winter.” The gun and the arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that both whites and Native Americans fought the Rees. This refers to Gen. Leavenworth’s expedition against the Arikara in 1823, when several hundred Dakotas were his allies. This expedition is mentioned several times in this work.

Fig. 381.

Fig. 381, 1824-’25.—“Killed-two-picking-plums winter.” A Dakota war party surprised and killed two Pawnees who were gathering plums.

Fig. 381, 1824-’25.—“Killed-two-picking-plums winter.” A Dakota war party ambushed and killed two Pawnees who were picking plums.

Fig. 382.

Fig. 382, 1825-’26.—“Many-Yanktonais-drowned winter.” The river bottom on a bend of the Missouri river, where they were encamped, was suddenly submerged, when the ice broke and many women and children were drowned. All the Winter Counts refer to this flood.

Fig. 382, 1825-’26.—“Many-Yanktonais-drowned winter.” The riverbank at a bend in the Missouri River, where they were set up camp, was suddenly flooded when the ice broke, resulting in the drowning of many women and children. All the Winter Counts mention this flood.

Fig. 383.

Fig. 383, 1826-’27.—“Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter.” Six Dakotas on the war path (shown by bow and arrow) had nearly perished with hunger, when they found and ate the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on which the wolves had been feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in the stomach, the abdomen swelled, and gas poured from mouth and anus, and they died of a whistle or from eating a whistle. The sound of gas escaping from the mouth is illustrated in the figure.

Fig. 383, 1826-’27.—“Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter.” Six Dakotas on the warpath (shown with bow and arrow) were almost starving when they discovered and ate the decaying carcass of an old buffalo that the wolves had been feeding on. Soon after, they experienced severe stomach pains, their abdomen swelled, and gas escaped from their mouth and anus, leading to their deaths from what was known as “a whistle” or from eating a “whistle.” The sound of gas escaping from the mouth is depicted in the figure.

Fig. 384.

Fig. 384, 1827-’28.—“Wore-snowshoes winter.” The snow was very deep.

Fig. 384, 1827-’28.—“Wore snowshoes in winter.” The snow was really deep.

Fig. 385.

Fig. 385, 1828-’29.—“Killed-two-hundred-Gros Ventres (Hidatsas) winter.”

Fig. 385, 1828-’29.—“Killed two hundred Gros Ventres (Hidatsas) in winter.”

Fig. 386.

Fig. 386, 1829-’30.—“Old-Speckled-Face-clung-to-his-son-in-law winter.” The daughter of Speckled-Face, who was coming out second best in an altercation with her husband, called to her father for help. The latter ran and grabbed his son-in-law around the waist, and, crying “That is my daughter,” stabbed him. The son-in-law fell and the old man fell on top of him, and, clinging to him, begged the lookers on to put an end to him also, as he wished to bear his beloved son-in-law company to the spirit land. No one, however, was in the humor to speed him on the journey, and he remained with the living.

Fig. 386, 1829-’30.—“Old-Speckled-Face-held-on-to-his-son-in-law winter.” The daughter of Speckled-Face, who was losing in an argument with her husband, called for her father's help. He rushed over, wrapped his arms around his son-in-law's waist, and shouted, “That’s my daughter,” before stabbing him. The son-in-law collapsed, and the old man fell on top of him, clinging to him and begging the onlookers to end his life too, so he could accompany his dear son-in-law to the spirit world. However, no one was in the mood to send him on his way, and he stayed with the living.

Fig. 387.

Fig. 387, 1830-’31.—“Shot-many-white-buffalo-cows winter.”

Fig. 387, 1830-’31.—“Shot many white buffalo cows winter.”

Fig. 388.

Fig. 388, 1831-’32.—“Killed-him-while-looking-about-on-the-hill winter.” A Dakota, while watching for buffalo at Buffalo Gap, in the Black Hills, was shot by the Crows. The man is represented on a hill, which is dotted with pine trees and patches of grass. Battiste makes the grass blue. Blue and green are frequently confounded by other Indians than Battiste, and some tribes have but one name for the two colors.

Fig. 388, 1831-’32.—“Killed him while looking around on the hill in winter.” A Dakota, while watching for buffalo at Buffalo Gap in the Black Hills, was shot by the Crows. The man is shown on a hill that has pine trees and patches of grass. Battiste paints the grass blue. Other Indian tribes besides Battiste often mix up blue and green, and some tribes have just one name for both colors.

Fig. 389.

Fig. 389, 1832-’33.—“Stiff-Leg-with-War-Bonnet-on-died winter.” He was killed in an engagement with the Pawnees on the Platte river, in which the Brulés killed one hundred Pawnees.

Fig. 389, 1832-’33.—“Stiff-Leg-with-War-Bonnet-on-died winter.” He was killed in a battle with the Pawnees on the Platte River, where the Brulés took down one hundred Pawnees.

Fig. 390.

Fig. 390, 1833-’34.—“Storm-of-stars winter.” All the Winter Counts refer to this great meteoric display, which occurred on the night of November 12, 1833, and was seen over most of the United States.

Fig. 390, 1833-’34.—“Storm-of-stars winter.” All the Winter Counts mention this incredible meteor shower, which took place on the night of November 12, 1833, and was visible across much of the United States.

Fig. 391.

Fig. 391, 1834-’35.—“Killed-the-Cheyenne-who-came-to-the-camp winter.” A Cheyenne who stole into the village by night was detected and killed. The village was near what is now the Pine Ridge agency.

Fig. 391, 1834-’35.—“Killed-the-Cheyenne-who-came-to-the-camp winter.” A Cheyenne who sneaked into the village at night was caught and killed. The village was located near what is now the Pine Ridge agency.

Fig. 392.

Fig. 392, 1835-’36.—“Killed-the-two-war-party-leaders winter.” A Dakota war party met one of Pawnees and killed two of their leaders, whereupon the rest ran.

Fig. 392, 1835-’36.—“Killed-the-two-war-party-leaders winter.” A Dakota war party encountered a group of Pawnees and killed two of their leaders, causing the others to flee.

Fig. 393.

Fig. 393, 1836-’37.—“Fight-on-the-ice winter.” They fought with the Pawnees on the ice, on the Platte river, and killed seven of them. The two vertical marks, which are for the banks of the river, and the two opposed arrows, signify that the tribes were on opposite sides of the river.

Fig. 393, 1836-’37.—“Fight-on-the-ice winter.” They battled the Pawnees on the ice of the Platte River and took down seven of them. The two vertical lines represent the riverbanks, and the two opposing arrows indicate that the tribes were on opposite sides of the river.

Fig. 394.

Fig. 394, 1837-’38.—“Spread-out-killed winter.” A Santee man, whose name is indicated by his spread hands, was killed by soldiers.

Fig. 394, 1837-’38.—“Spread-out-killed winter.” A Santee man, whose name is shown by his outstretched hands, was killed by soldiers.

Fig. 395.

Fig. 395, 1838-’39.—“Came-and-killed-five-Oglálas winter.” They were killed by Pawnees. The man in the figure has on a capote, the hood of which is drawn over his head. This garment is used here as a sign for war, as the Dakotas commonly wear it on their war expeditions.

Fig. 395, 1838-’39.—“Came-and-killed-five-Oglálas winter.” They were killed by Pawnees. The man in the image is wearing a capote with the hood pulled over his head. This garment is used here as a symbol of war, as the Dakotas typically wear it on their war missions.

Fig. 396.

Fig. 396, 1839-’40.—“Came-home-from-the-starve-to-death-war-path winter.” All of the Dakota tribes united in an expedition against the Pawnees. They killed one hundred Pawnees, but nearly perished with hunger.

Fig. 396, 1839-’40.—“Came-home-from-the-starve-to-death-war-path winter.” All the Dakota tribes teamed up in a mission against the Pawnees. They killed one hundred Pawnees but almost starved to death.

Fig. 397.

Fig. 397, 1840-’41—“Came-and-killed-five-of-Little-Thunder’s-brothers winter,” and “Battiste-alone-returns winter.” The five were killed in an encounter with the Pawnees. Battiste Good was the only one of the party to escape. The capote is shown again.

Fig. 397, 1840-’41—“Came-and-killed-five-of-Little-Thunder’s-brothers winter,” and “Battiste-alone-returns winter.” The five were killed in a confrontation with the Pawnees. Battiste Good was the only one from the group to get away. The capote is shown again.

Fig. 398.

Fig. 398, 1841-’42.—“Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” Also “Deep-snow winter.” The extended index denotes the man’s name, the ring and spots deep snow.

Fig. 398, 1841-’42.—“Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” Also “Deep-snow winter.” The extended index denotes the man’s name, the ring, and spots of deep snow.

Fig. 399.

Fig. 399, 1842-’43.—“Killed-four-lodges-of-Shoshoni-and-brought-home-many-horses winter.”

Fig. 399, 1842-’43.—“Killed four lodges of Shoshoni and brought home many horses winter.”

Fig. 400.

Fig. 400, 1843-’44.—“Brought-home-the-magic-arrow winter.” This arrow originally belonged to the Cheyennes from whom the Pawnees stole it. The Dakotas captured it this winter from the Pawnees and the Cheyennes then redeemed it for one hundred horses.

Fig. 400, 1843-’44.—“Brought-home-the-magic-arrow winter.” This arrow used to belong to the Cheyennes, who were robbed of it by the Pawnees. The Dakotas took it from the Pawnees this winter, and then the Cheyennes got it back for one hundred horses.

Fig. 401.

Fig. 401, 1844-’45.—“The-Crows-came-and-killed-thirty-eight-Oglálas winter.” The Oglálas were on the warpath, as indicated by the capote.

Fig. 401, 1844-’45.—“The Crows came and killed thirty-eight Oglálas that winter.” The Oglálas were on the warpath, as indicated by the capote.

Fig. 402.

Fig. 402, 1845-’46.—“Broke-out-on-faces-had-sore-throats-and-camped-under-the-bluff winter.” “Also-had-bellyache.” The position of the camp is shown, also the suggestive attitude of the man.

Fig. 402, 1845-’46.—“Broke out on faces, had sore throats, and camped under the bluff in winter.” “Also had a stomachache.” The location of the camp is shown, as well as the suggestive attitude of the man.

Fig. 403.

Fig. 403, 1846-’47.—“Winter-camp-broke-his-neck winter.” He was thrown from his horse while on a hunt. The red on his neck is the break.

Fig. 403, 1846-’47.—“Winter-camp-broke-his-neck winter.” He was thrown off his horse while hunting. The red on his neck indicates the break.

Fig. 404.

Fig. 404, 1847-’48.—“The-Teal-broke-his-leg winter.” His arm is lengthened to direct attention to his leg. The Chinese radical and phonetic character for the same concept, Fig. 1193, infra, may be compared, as also Fig. 231, supra.

Fig. 404, 1847-’48.—“The Teal Broke His Leg Winter.” His arm is stretched out to draw attention to his leg. The Chinese radical and phonetic character for the same concept, Fig. 1193, below, can be compared, along with Fig. 231, above.

Fig. 405.

Fig. 405, 1848-’49.—“Killed-the-hermaphrodite winter” and “Big-horse-stealing winter.” They captured a Crow who pretended to be a woman, but who proved to be a man, and they killed him. It is probable that this was one of the men, not uncommon among the Indian tribes, who adopt the dress and occupation of women. This is sometimes compulsory from failure to pass an ordeal or from exhibition of cowardice. Eight hundred horses were stolen from the Dakotas, but seven hundred of them were recovered. The Crows killed one Dakota, as is indicated by the arrow in contact with the red spot in the hoof print.

Fig. 405, 1848-’49.—“Killed-the-hermaphrodite winter” and “Big-horse-stealing winter.” They captured a Crow who pretended to be a woman but turned out to be a man, and they killed him. It’s likely that this was one of the men, not uncommon among Indian tribes, who take on the dress and roles of women. This sometimes happens because they fail to pass a test or show cowardice. Eight hundred horses were stolen from the Dakotas, but seven hundred of them were recovered. The Crows killed one Dakota, as shown by the arrow in connection with the red spot in the hoof print.

Fig. 406.

Fig. 406, 1849-’50.—“Brought-the-Crows-to-a-stand winter.” This was done at Crow Butte, near Camp Robinson, Nebraska. It is said that a party of Crows, who were flying from the Dakotas, took refuge on the Butte about dark and that the Dakotas surrounded them, confident of capturing them the next morning, but the Crows escaped during the night, very much to the chagrin of the Dakotas. The Crow’s head is just visible on the summit of the hill, as if the body had gone down.

Fig. 406, 1849-’50.—“Brought-the-Crows-to-a-stand winter.” This happened at Crow Butte, near Camp Robinson, Nebraska. It's said that a group of Crows, fleeing from the Dakotas, sought shelter on the Butte around dusk. The Dakotas surrounded them, sure they would catch them the next morning, but the Crows managed to escape during the night, much to the disappointment of the Dakotas. The Crow’s head is barely visible on the top of the hill, as if its body had disappeared.

Fig. 407.

Fig. 407, 1850-’51.—“The-big-smallpox winter.”

Fig. 407, 1850-’51.—“The big smallpox winter.”

Fig. 408.

Fig. 408, 1851-’52.—“First-issue-of-goods winter.” The colored patches outside the circle are at the four cardinal points, the colored patches inside the circle are meant for blankets and the other articles issued, and the circle of strokes the people sitting. The Dakotas were told that fifty-five years after that issue they would have to cultivate the ground, and they understood that they would not be required to do it before.

Fig. 408, 1851-’52.—“First issue of goods winter.” The colored patches outside the circle represent the four cardinal points, the colored patches inside the circle are for blankets and other items issued, and the circle of strokes represents the people sitting. The Dakotas were informed that fifty-five years after that issuance, they would need to start cultivating the land, and they understood that there would be no requirement to do so before then.

Fig. 409.

Fig. 409, 1852-’53.—“Deep-snow-used-up-the-horses winter.” The spots around the horses represent snow.

Fig. 409, 1852-’53.—“Deep-snow-used-up-the-horses winter.” The spots around the horses show snow.

Fig. 410.

Fig. 410, 1853-’54.—“Cross-Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter.” The travail means they moved; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo; the bear with mouth open and paw advanced, Cross-Bear; the stomach and intestines, took the bellyache and died. The gesture sign for bear is made as follows: Slightly crook the thumbs and little fingers, and nearly close the other fingers; then, with their backs upward, hold the hands a little in advance of the body or throw them several times quickly forward a few inches. The sign is sometimes made with one hand only.

Fig. 410, 1853-’54.—“Cross-Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter.” The struggle shows they moved; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo; the bear with its mouth open and paw forward, Cross-Bear; the stomach and intestines, suffered from belly pain and died. The gesture sign for bear is made like this: Slightly bend the thumbs and little fingers, and nearly close the other fingers; then, with the backs of the hands facing up, hold the hands slightly in front of the body or throw them forward a few inches several times quickly. The sign can also be made with just one hand.

For explanation of the word “travail,” applied to the Indian sledge made of the joined tent poles, see Fig. 764 and accompanying remarks.

For an explanation of the word "travail," used in reference to the Indian sledge made from joined tent poles, see Fig. 764 and the notes that go with it.

Fig. 411.

Fig. 411, 1854-’55.—“Killed-five-Assiniboins winter.” The Dakotas are ashamed of the part they took in the following deplorable occurrence and it is not therefore noted in the record, although it really marks the year. In consequence of a misunderstanding in regard to an old foot-sore cow, which had been abandoned on the road by some emigrants and which the Dakotas had innocently appropriated, Lieut. Grattan, Sixth U. S. Infantry, killed Conquering Bear (Mato-way'uhi, Startling Bear properly) about ten miles east of Fort Laramie, August 19, 1854. The Dakotas then, in retaliation, massacred Lieut. Grattan and the thirty men of Company G, Sixth U. S. Infantry, he had with him.

Fig. 411, 1854-’55.—“Killed-five-Assiniboins winter.” The Dakotas feel ashamed of their involvement in the following tragic event, which is why it isn’t officially noted, even though it significantly marks the year. Due to a misunderstanding regarding an old, tired cow that some emigrants had abandoned on the road and that the Dakotas had unknowingly claimed, Lieutenant Grattan of the Sixth U.S. Infantry shot Conquering Bear (Mato-way'uhi, or Startling Bear) about ten miles east of Fort Laramie on August 19, 1854. In retaliation, the Dakotas then killed Lieutenant Grattan and the thirty men from Company G, Sixth U.S. Infantry, who were with him.

The figure without the above statement tells the simple story about the killing of five Assiniboins who are denoted by the usual tribal sign, the number being designated by the five strokes below the arrow.

The figure without the statement above tells the straightforward story about the killing of five Assiniboins, indicated by the usual tribal sign, with the number shown by the five strokes below the arrow.

Fig. 412.

Fig. 412, 1855-’56.—“Little-Thunder-and-Battiste-Good-and-others-taken-prisoners-at-Ash-Hollow-on-the-Blue-creek winter,” and one hundred and thirty Dakotas were killed by the white soldiers. Also called “Many-sacrificial-flags winter.” The last-mentioned name for the winter is explained by other records and by Executive Document No. 94, Thirty-fourth Congress, first session, Senate, to refer to a council held on March 18, 1856, by Brevet Brig. Gen. W. S. Harney, U. S. Army, with nine of the bands of the Dakotas.

Fig. 412, 1855-’56.—“Little-Thunder-and-Battiste-Good-and-others-taken-prisoners-at-Ash-Hollow-on-the-Blue-creek winter,” and one hundred and thirty Dakotas were killed by the white soldiers. Also called “Many-sacrificial-flags winter.” The last-mentioned name for the winter is explained by other records and by Executive Document No. 94, Thirty-fourth Congress, first session, Senate, as referring to a council held on March 18, 1856, by Brevet Brig. Gen. W. S. Harney, U.S. Army, with nine of the bands of the Dakotas.

Fig. 413.

Fig. 413, 1856-’57.—“Bad-Four-Bear-trades-with-Battiste-Good-for-furs-all winter.” Bad-Four-Bear, a white trader, is represented sitting smoking a pipe in front of Battiste’s tipi under a bluff at Fort Robinson, Nebraska.

Fig. 413, 1856-’57.—“Bad-Four-Bear-trades-with-Battiste-Good-for-furs-all winter.” Bad-Four-Bear, a white trader, is shown sitting and smoking a pipe in front of Battiste’s tipi under a bluff at Fort Robinson, Nebraska.

Fig. 414.

Fig. 414, 1857-’58.—“Hunted-bulls-only winter.” They found but few cows, the buffalo being composed principally of bulls. The travail is shown.

Fig. 414, 1857-’58.—“Hunted-bulls-only winter.” They found very few cows, as the buffalo herd was mainly made up of bulls. The struggle is evident.

Fig. 415.

Fig. 415, 1858-’59.—“Many-Navajo-blankets winter.” A Navajo blanket is shown in the figure. Several of the records agree in the explanation about the bringing of these blankets at that time.

Fig. 415, 1858-’59.—“Many-Navajo-blankets winter.” A Navajo blanket is shown in the figure. Several of the records agree in the explanation about the arrival of these blankets during that period.

Fig. 416.

Fig. 416, 1859-’60.—“Came-and-killed-Big-Crow winter.” The two marks under the arrow indicate that two were killed.

Fig. 416, 1859-’60.—“Came-and-killed-Big-Crow winter.” The two marks under the arrow show that two were killed.

Fig. 417.

Fig. 417, 1860-’61.—“Broke-out-with-rash-and-died-with-pains-in-the-stomach winter.”

Fig. 417, 1860-’61.—“Broke out with rash and died with stomach pains winter.”

Fig. 418.

Fig. 418, 1861-’62.—“Killed-Spotted-Horse winter.” Spotted Horse and another Crow came and stole many horses from the Dakotas, who followed them, killed them, and recovered their horses.

Fig. 418, 1861-’62.—“Killed-Spotted-Horse winter.” Spotted Horse and another Crow came and stole a lot of horses from the Dakotas, who chased after them, killed them, and got their horses back.

Fig. 419.

Fig. 419, 1862-’63—“Cut-up-the-boy-in-the-camp winter.” The Crows came to the lodges and cut up the boy while the people were away. The knife above his head shows that he was cut to pieces.

Fig. 419, 1862-’63—“Cut-up-the-boy-in-the-camp winter.” The Crows came to the lodges and dismembered the boy while the people were away. The knife above his head indicates that he was chopped into pieces.

Fig. 420.

Fig. 420, 1863-’64.—“Crows-came-and-killed-eight winter.” Some of the eight were Cheyennes. The marks below the arrow represent the killed.

Fig. 420, 1863-’64.—“Crows came and killed eight winter.” Some of the eight were Cheyennes. The marks below the arrow represent the killed.

Fig. 421.

Fig. 421, 1864-’65.—“Roaster-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” A piece of roasted meat is shown on the stick in the man’s hand. The Dakotas roast meat on a stick held in front of the fire.

Fig. 421, 1864-’65.—“Roaster-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” A piece of roasted meat is shown on the stick in the man’s hand. The Dakotas roast meat on a stick held in front of the fire.

Fig. 422.

Fig. 422, 1865-’66.—“Deep-snow-used-up-the-horses winter.” The horse is obviously in a deplorable condition.

Fig. 422, 1865-’66.—“Deep-snow-used-up-the-horses winter.” The horse is clearly in terrible shape.

Fig. 423.

Fig. 423, 1866-’67.—“Beaver’s-Ears-killed winter.”

Fig. 423, 1866-’67.—“Beaver's Ears killed winter.”

Fig. 424.

Fig. 424, 1867-’68.—“Battiste-Good-made-peace-with-General-Harney-for-the-people winter.” This refers to the great Dakota treaty of 1868 in which other general officers besides Gen. Harney were active and other Indian chiefs much more important than Battiste took part. The assumption of his intercession is an exhibition of boasting.

Fig. 424, 1867-’68.—“Battiste-Good-made-peace-with-General-Harney-for-the-people winter.” This refers to the significant Dakota treaty of 1868, where other high-ranking officers alongside Gen. Harney were involved, and other Indian chiefs much more notable than Battiste participated. The claim of his mediation is just an example of bragging.

Fig. 425.

Fig. 425, 1868-’69.—“Killed-Long-Fish winter” and “Killed-fifteen winter.” The Crows killed fifteen Sans Arcs and Long-Fish also, a Lower Brulé. The long fish is shown attached by a line to the mouth of the man figure in the manner that personal names are frequently portrayed in this paper.

Fig. 425, 1868-’69.—“Killed-Long-Fish winter” and “Killed-fifteen winter.” The Crows killed fifteen Sans Arcs and Long-Fish as well, a Lower Brulé. The long fish is shown connected by a line to the mouth of the man figure in the way that personal names are often represented in this paper.

Fig. 426.

Fig. 426, 1869-’70.—“Trees-killed-them winter.” A tree falling on a lodge killed a woman.

Fig. 426, 1869-’70.—“Trees-killed-them winter.” A tree falling on a lodge killed a woman.

Fig. 427.

Fig. 427, 1870-’71.—“Came-and-killed-High-Back-Bone winter.” He was a chief. The Crows and Shoshoni shot him at long range, and the pistol with which he was armed was of no service to him.

Fig. 427, 1870-’71.—“Came-and-killed-High-Back-Bone winter.” He was a chief. The Crows and Shoshoni shot him from a distance, and the pistol he had was useless to him.

Fig. 428.

Fig. 428, 1871-’72.—“Gray-Bear-died winter.” He died of the bellyache.

Fig. 428, 1871-’72.—“Gray Bear died in winter.” He died from stomach pain.

Fig. 429.

Fig. 429, 1872-’73.—“Issue-year winter.” A blanket is shown near the tipi. A blanket is often used as the symbol for issue of goods by the United States Government.

Fig. 429, 1872-’73.—“Issue-year winter.” A blanket is shown next to the tipi. A blanket is frequently used as the symbol for the distribution of goods by the United States Government.

Fig. 430.

Fig. 430, 1873-’74.—“Measles-and-sickness-used-up-the-people winter.”

Fig. 430, 1873-’74.—“Measles and sickness drained the people winter.”

Fig. 431.

Fig. 431, 1874-’75.—“Utes-stole-horses winter.” They stole five hundred horses. The Utes are called “black men,” hence the man in the figure is represented as black. He is throwing his lariat in the direction of the hoof prints.

Fig. 431, 1874-’75.—“Utes-stole-horses winter.” They took five hundred horses. The Utes are referred to as “black men,” so the man in the image is shown as black. He is throwing his lasso toward the hoof prints.

Fig. 432.

Fig. 432, 1875-’76.—“Bull-Head-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.”

Fig. 432, 1875-’76.—“Bull-Head commemorated the dead winter.”

Fig. 433.

Fig. 433, 1876-’77.—“Female-Elk-Walks-Crying-died winter.” For some explanation of this figure see Lone Dog’s Winter Count for 1860-’61.

Fig. 433, 1876-’77.—“Female Elk Walks Crying died winter.” For some explanation of this figure see Lone Dog’s Winter Count for 1860-’61.

Fig. 434.

Fig. 434, 1877-’78.—“Crazy-Horse-came-to-make-peace-and-was-killed-with-his-hands-stretched-out winter.” This refers to the well-known killing of the chief Crazy-Horse while a prisoner.

Fig. 434, 1877-’78.—“Crazy Horse came to make peace and was killed with his hands stretched out in winter.” This refers to the well-known killing of the chief Crazy Horse while he was a prisoner.

Fig. 435.

Fig. 435, 1878-’79.—“Brought-the-Cheyennes-back-and-killed-them-in-the-house winter.” The Cheyennes are shown in prison surrounded by blood stains, and with guns pointing toward them. The Cheyennes referred to are those who left the Indian Territory in 1878 and made such a determined effort to reach their people in the north, and who, after committing many atrocities, were captured and taken to Fort Robinson, Nebraska. They broke from the house in which they were confined and attempted to escape January 9, 1879. Many of them were killed; it was reported at the time among the Dakotas that they were massacred in their prison by the troops.

Fig. 435, 1878-’79.—“Brought-the-Cheyennes-back-and-killed-them-in-the-house winter.” The Cheyennes are depicted in a prison surrounded by blood stains, with guns pointed at them. The Cheyennes mentioned are those who left the Indian Territory in 1878 and made a strong effort to reach their people in the north. After committing many atrocities, they were captured and taken to Fort Robinson, Nebraska. They broke out of the house where they were being held and tried to escape on January 9, 1879. Many of them were killed; it was reported at that time among the Dakotas that they were massacred in their prison by the troops.

Fig. 436.

Fig. 436, 1879-’80.—“Sent-the-boys-and-girls-to-school winter.” A boy with a pen in his hand is represented in the picture.

Fig. 436, 1879-’80.—“Sent the kids to school winter.” A boy with a pen in his hand is shown in the picture.

CHAPTER XI.
ANNOUNCEMENTS.

This is an important division of the purposes for which pictographs are used. The pictographs and the objective devices antecedent to them under this head may be grouped as follows: 1st. Notice of visit, departure, and direction. 2d. Direction by drawing topographic features. 3d. Notice of condition. 4th. Warning and guidance.

This is an important breakdown of the reasons why pictographs are used. The pictographs and the objective devices that came before them can be grouped like this: 1st. Notice of visit, departure, and direction. 2nd. Direction by illustrating topographic features. 3rd. Notice of condition. 4th. Warning and guidance.

SECTION 1.
NOTICE OF VISIT, DEPARTURE, AND DIRECTION.

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, discovered drawings at Oakley spring, Yavapai County, Arizona, in 1878. He remarks that an Oraibi chief explained them to him and said that the “Mokis make excursions to a locality in the canyon of the Colorado Chiquito to get salt. On their return they stop at Oakley spring and each Indian makes a picture on the rock. Each Indian draws his crest or totem, the symbol of his gens (?). He draws it once, and once only, at each visit.” Mr. Gilbert adds, further, that—

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, from the U.S. Geological Survey, found drawings at Oakley Spring in Yavapai County, Arizona, in 1878. He noted that an Oraibi chief explained them to him, mentioning that the "Mokis travel to a spot in the canyon of the Colorado Chiquito to collect salt. On their way back, they stop at Oakley Spring, and each Indian creates a picture on the rock. Each Indian draws his crest or totem, the symbol of his gens (?). He only draws it once during each visit." Mr. Gilbert also adds, further, that—

There are probably some exceptions to this, but the drawings show its general truth. There are a great many repetitions of the same sign and from two to ten will[330] often appear in a row. In several instances I saw the end drawings of a row quite fresh while the others were not so. Much of the work seems to have been performed by pounding with a hard point, but a few pictures are scratched on. Many drawings are weather-worn beyond recognition, and others are so fresh that the dust left by the tool has not been washed away by rain. Oakley spring is at the base of the Vermilion cliff, and the etchings are on fallen blocks of sandstone, a homogeneous, massive, soft sandstone. Tubi, the Oraibi chief above referred to, says his totem is the rain cloud, but it will be made no more, as he is the last survivor of the gens.

There are likely some exceptions to this, but the drawings illustrate its general truth. Many of the same symbols are repeated, and from two to ten will[330] often show up in a row. In a few cases, I noticed the last drawings in a row were quite fresh while the others were not. A lot of the work appears to have been done by pounding with a hard point, although a few pictures are scratched on. Many drawings have weathered to the point of being unrecognizable, while others are so fresh that the dust left by the tool hasn’t been washed away by rain. Oakley Spring is at the base of the Vermilion Cliff, and the etchings are on fallen blocks of sandstone, which is a uniform, massive, soft sandstone. Tubi, the Oraibi chief mentioned earlier, says his totem is the rain cloud, but it won’t be made again, as he is the last surviving member of the clan.

Fig. 437.—Petroglyphs at Oakley spring, Arizona.

A group from Oakley spring, of which Fig. 437 is a copy, furnished by Mr. Gilbert, measures 6 feet in length and 4 feet in height. Interpretations of several of the separated characters are given in Chapter XXI, infra.

A group from Oakley Spring, which Fig. 437 is a copy of, provided by Mr. Gilbert, is 6 feet long and 4 feet tall. Interpretations of several of the distinct characters are provided in Chapter XXI, below.

Champlain (b) reports:

Champlain (b) reports:

Quelque marque ou signal par où ayont passé leurs ennemis, ou leurs amis, ce qu’ils cognoissent par de certaines marques que les chefs se donnent d’une nation a l’autre, qui ne sont pas toujours semblables, s’advertisans de temps en temps quand ils en changent; et par ce moyen ils recognoissent si ce sont amis ou ennemis qui ont passé.

Quelque marque ou signal par où ont passé leurs ennemis, ou leurs amis, ce qu’ils reconnaissent par certaines marques que les chefs se donnent d’une nation à l’autre, qui ne sont pas toujours semblables, s’advertissant de temps en temps quand ils en changent; et par ce moyen ils reconnaissent si ce sont amis ou ennemis qui ont passé.

A notice of departure, direction, and purpose made in 1810 by Algonquins, of the St. Lawrence River, is described by John Merrick in the Collections of the Maine Historical Society (a), of which the following is an abstract;

A notice of departure, direction, and purpose created in 1810 by Algonquins from the St. Lawrence River is summarized by John Merrick in the Collections of the Maine Historical Society (a), of which the following is an abstract;

It was drawn with charcoal on a chip cut from a spruce tree and wedged firmly into the top of a stake. It represented two male Indians paddling a canoe in an attitude of great exertion, and in the canoe were bundles of baggage and a squaw with a papoose; over all was a bird on the wing ascertained to be a loon. The whole was interpreted by an Indian pilot on the St. Lawrence, to be a Wickheegan or Awickheegan, and that it was left by a party of Indians for the information of their friends. The attitude of exertion showed that the party, consisting of two men, a woman, and a child, were going upstream. They intended to remain during the whole period allotted by Indians to the kind of hunting which was then in season, because they had all their furniture and family in the canoe. The loon expressed the intention to go without stopping anywhere before they arrived at the hunting ground, as the loon, from the shortness of its legs, walking with great difficulty, never alighted on its way.

It was sketched with charcoal on a piece of wood cut from a spruce tree and firmly attached to the top of a stake. It depicted two Native American men paddling a canoe with great effort, and in the canoe were bundles of supplies and a woman with a baby; above them was a bird in flight identified as a loon. An Indian guide on the St. Lawrence interpreted it as a Wickheegan or Awickheegan, which had been left by a group of Indians for the benefit of their friends. The sense of effort indicated that the group, consisting of two men, a woman, and a child, were traveling upstream. They planned to stay for the entire duration designated by the Indians for the type of hunting that was in season, as they had all their belongings and family in the canoe. The loon symbolized their intention to travel directly to their hunting ground without stopping, because the loon, due to its short legs, struggles to walk and never lands on its journey.

The following account is from Doc. Hist. N.Y. (a).

The following account is from Doc. Hist. N.Y. (a).

When they go to war and wish to inform those of the party who may pass their path, they make a representation of the animal of their tribe, with a hatchet in his dexter paw; sometimes a saber or a club; and if there be a number of tribes together of the same party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all on a tree from which they remove the bark. The animal of the tribe which heads the expedition is always the foremost.

When they go to war and want to notify those in their group who might come across their path, they create a depiction of the animal of their tribe, holding a hatchet in its right paw; sometimes it's a saber or a club. If several tribes from the same group are present, each one draws their tribal animal and their numbers on a tree after stripping it of its bark. The animal representing the tribe leading the expedition is always placed at the front.

The three following figures show the actual use of the wikhegan by the Abnaki in the last generation. Wikhegan is a Passamaquoddy word which corresponds in meaning nearly to our missive, or letter, being intelligence conveyed to persons at a distance by marks on a piece of birch bark, which may be either sent to the person or party with whom it is desired to hold communication, or may be left in a conspicuous place for such persons to notice on their expected arrival. In the cases now figured the wikhegan was left as notice of departure and direction. They were made at different times by the brother, now[331] dead, of Big Raven, baptized as Noel Joseph, who lived all alone on Long Lake, a few miles from Princeton, Maine. He would not have anything to do with civilization, and subsisted by hunting and fishing in the old fashion, nor would he learn a word of French or English. When he would go on any long expedition his custom was to tie to a stick conspicuously attached to his wigwam a small roll of birch bark, with the wikhegan on it for the information of his friends.

The three figures below depict how the Abnaki used the wikhegan in the last generation. Wikhegan is a Passamaquoddy word that is similar in meaning to our term for a message or letter, which conveys information to people at a distance through marks on a piece of birch bark. This can either be sent directly to the person or group they want to communicate with or left in a visible spot for those people to notice upon their arrival. In the examples shown, the wikhegan served as a notice of departure and direction. These were made at different times by Big Raven's now-deceased brother, Noel Joseph, who lived alone on Long Lake, a few miles from Princeton, Maine. He avoided civilization entirely, surviving by hunting and fishing in the traditional way, and he refused to learn any French or English. Whenever he went on a long trip, he would tie a small roll of birch bark with the wikhegan on it to a stick prominently attached to his wigwam for his friends' information.

Fig. 438.—Hunting notices.

The upper device of Fig. 438 means, I am going across the lake to hunt deer.

The upper device of Fig. 438 means, I'm going across the lake to hunt deer.

The middle device means, I am going towards the lake and will turn off at the point where there is a pointer, before reaching the lake.

The middle device means I'm heading toward the lake and will take a turn at the signpost before I get to the lake.

The lower device means, I am going hunting—will be gone all winter, the last information indicated by snowshoes and packed sledge.

The lower device means I'm going hunting—I'll be gone all winter, as shown by the snowshoes and packed sled.

The following description of a pictograph on the Pacific coast is extracted from Dr. Gibbs’ (a) account, “Tribes of Western Washington,” etc., Contrib. to N. A. Ethn. I, p. 222, of the Sound tribes.

The following description of a pictograph on the Pacific coast is taken from Dr. Gibbs’ (a) account, “Tribes of Western Washington,” etc., Contrib. to N. A. Ethn. I, p. 222, of the Sound tribes.

A party of Snakes are going to hunt strayed horses. A figure of a man, with a long queue or scalp lock, reaching to his heels, denoted Shoshone; that tribe being in the habit of braiding horse or other hair into their own in that manner. A number of marks follow, signifying the strength of the party. A footprint, pointing in the direction they take, shows their course, and a hoof mark turned backward, that they expect to return with animals. If well armed, and expecting a possible attack, a little powder mixed with sand tells that they are ready, or a square dotted about the figures indicates that they have fortified. These pictographs are often an object of study to decipher the true meaning. The shrewder or more experienced old men consult over them. It is not everyone that is sufficiently versed in the subject to decide correctly.

A group of Snakes is going to hunt down stray horses. A man with a long braid or scalp lock reaching down to his heels indicates he's Shoshone; that tribe often weaves horse or other hair into their own like that. Several marks follow, showing the strength of the group. A footprint pointing in their direction shows their path, and a backward hoof print suggests they plan to return with animals. If they’re well-armed and anticipating a possible attack, a little powder mixed with sand indicates they’re ready, or a square dotted around the figures shows that they’ve fortified their position. These pictographs are often studied to decipher their real meaning. The wiser or more experienced elders discuss them. Not everyone is knowledgeable enough to interpret them correctly.

Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained the original of the accompanying drawing,[332] Fig. 439, from Naumoff, an Alaskan, in San Francisco in 1882; also the interpretation.

Dr. W. J. Hoffman got the original of the drawing included here,[332] Fig. 439, from Naumoff, an Alaskan, in San Francisco in 1882; he also got the interpretation.

The drawing was in imitation of similar ones made by the natives to inform their visitors or friends of their departure for a purpose designated. They are depicted upon strips of wood, which are placed in conspicuous places near the doors of the habitations.

The drawing was inspired by similar ones created by the locals to let their visitors or friends know they were leaving for a specific reason. They are shown on pieces of wood, which are put in visible spots near the entrances of their homes.

Fig. 439.—Alaskan notice of hunt.

The following is the explanation of the characters: a, the speaker, with the right hand indicating himself and with the left pointing in the direction to be taken; b, holding a boat-paddle, going by boat; c, the right hand to the side of the head, to denote sleep, and the left elevated with one finger erect to signify one night; d, a circle with two marks in the middle, signifying an island with huts upon it; e, same as a; f, a circle to denote another island; g, same as c, with an additional finger elevated, signifying two nights; h, the speaker, with his harpoon, making the sign of a sea-lion with the left hand. The flat hand is held edgewise with the thumb elevated, then pushed outward from the body in a slightly downward curve. At i is represented a sea-lion; j, shooting with bow and arrow; k, the boat with two persons in it, the paddles projecting downward; l, the winter or permanent habitation of the speaker.

The following is the explanation of the characters: a, the speaker, with the right hand indicating himself and the left pointing in the direction to go; b, holding a paddle, traveling by boat; c, the right hand to the side of the head to signify sleep, and the left raised with one finger up to represent one night; d, a circle with two marks in the middle, representing an island with huts on it; e, the same as a; f, a circle to denote another island; g, the same as c, with an extra finger raised, signifying two nights; h, the speaker, with his harpoon, making the sign of a sea lion with his left hand. The flat hand is held edgewise with the thumb raised, then pushed outward from the body in a slight downward curve. At i is depicted a sea lion; j, shooting with a bow and arrow; k, the boat with two people in it, the paddles pointing downward; l, the winter or permanent home of the speaker.

The following, Fig. 440, is of a similar nature to the preceding, and was obtained under similar circumstances.

The following, Fig. 440, is similar to the one before it, and was obtained under the same circumstances.

Fig. 440.—Alaskan notice of departure.

The explanation of the above characters is as follows:

The explanation of the characters mentioned above is as follows:

The letters a, c, e, g, represent the person spoken to.

The letters a, c, e, g refer to the person being addressed.

b. Indicates the speaker with his right hand to the side or breast, indicating self, the left hand pointing in the direction in which he is going.

b. The speaker points to his right side or chest with his right hand, indicating self, while his left hand points in the direction he is headed.

d. Both hands elevated, with fingers and thumbs signifies many, according to the informant. When the hands are thus held up, in sign-language, it signifies ten, but when they are brought toward and backward from one another, many.

d. Both hands raised, with fingers and thumbs extended means a lot, according to the informant. When the hands are held up like this in sign language, it means ten, but when they come together and pull away from each other, it means many.

f. The right hand is placed to the head to denote sleep—many sleeps, or, in other words, many nights and days; the left hand points downward, at that place.

f. The right hand is on the head to indicate sleep—many sleeps, or, in other words, many nights and days; the left hand points downward, to that place.

h. The right hand is directed toward the starting point, while the left is brought upward toward the head—to go home, or whence he came.

h. The right hand is pointing toward the starting point, while the left is raised toward the head—to go home, or where he came from.

The drawing presented in Fig. 441 was made by a native Alaskan, and represents information to the effect that the artist contemplates[333] making a journey to hunt deer. The drawing is made upon a narrow strip of wood, and placed on or near the door of the house, where visitors will readily perceive it.

The drawing shown in Fig. 441 was created by a native Alaskan and indicates that the artist is thinking about[333] going on a deer hunting trip. The drawing is done on a small piece of wood and is positioned on or near the front door of the house, making it easy for visitors to notice.

Fig. 441.—Alaskan notice of hunt.

In this figure the curves a a represent the contour lines of the country and mountain peaks; b, native going away from home; c, stick placed on hilltop, with bunch of grass attached, pointing in the direction he has taken; d, native of another settlement, with whom the traveler remained over night; e, lodge; f, line representing the end of the first day, i. e., the time between two days; rest; g, traveler again on the way; h, making signal that on second day (right hand raised with two extended fingers) he saw game (deer, i,) on a hilltop, which he secured, so terminating his journey; i, deer.

In this figure, the curves a a show the landscape and mountain peaks; b represents a person leaving home; c is a stick placed on a hilltop with a bunch of grass attached, indicating the path he took; d is a person from another settlement where the traveler stayed overnight; e is a lodge; f is a line marking the end of the first day, meaning the time between two days; rest; g is the traveler back on the journey; h is a signal showing that on the second day (right hand raised with two extended fingers) he spotted game (deer, i,) on a hilltop, which he captured, thus ending his journey; i is the deer.

Figs. 442, 443, and 444 were drawn by Naumoff and signify “Have gone home.”

Figs. 442, 443, and 444 were illustrated by Naumoff and mean "Have gone home."

Fig. 442.—Alaskan notice of direction.

His explanation of this figure is as follows:

His explanation of this figure is as follows:

When one of a hunting party is about to return home and wishes to inform his companions that he has started, he ascends the hilltop nearest to which they became separated, where he ties a bunch of grass or other light-colored material to the top of a long stick or pole. The lower end of the stick is placed firmly in the ground, leaning in the direction taken. When another hill is ascended, another stick with similar attachment is erected, again leaning in the direction to be taken. These sticks are placed at proper intervals until the village is sighted. This device is employed by Southern Alaskan Indians.

When someone in a hunting party is getting ready to head home and wants to let their teammates know they've started, they go up to the nearest hilltop where they split up. There, they tie a bunch of grass or another light-colored material to the top of a long stick or pole. The bottom end of the stick is firmly planted in the ground, leaning in the direction they went. When they reach another hill, they set up another stick with a similar attachment, again leaning in the direction they’re headed. These sticks are placed at appropriate intervals until they can see the village. This method is used by Southern Alaskan Indians.

Fig. 443.—Alaskan notice of direction.

He explained Fig. 443 as follows:

He explained Fig. 443 like this:

Seal hunters thus inform their comrades that they have returned to the settlement. The first to return to the regular landing place sometimes sticks a piece of wood into the ground, leaning toward the village, upon which is drawn or scratched the outline of a baidarka, or skin canoe, heading toward one or more outlines of lodges, signifying that the occupants of the boat have gone toward their homes.

Seal hunters let their fellow hunters know that they've come back to the settlement. The first one to return to the usual landing spot sometimes plants a piece of wood in the ground, leaning it toward the village, which has the outline of a baidarka, or skin canoe, carved or drawn on it, showing that the people in the boat have headed toward their homes.

Fig. 444.—Alaskan notice of direction.

This device is used by coast natives of Southern Alaska and Kadiak. He explained Fig. 444 as follows:

This device is used by the coastal natives of Southern Alaska and Kodiak. He explained Fig. 444 as follows:

When hunters become separated, the one first returning to the forks of the trail puts a piece of wood in the ground, on the top of which he makes an incision, into which a short piece of wood is secured horizontally, so as to point in the direction taken.

When hunters get separated, the first one to return to the fork in the trail sticks a piece of wood in the ground and makes a cut on top. Then, he secures a short piece of wood horizontally in the cut to point in the direction he went.

Maj. Long—Keating’s Long (a)—says:

Maj. Long—Keating’s Long (a)—says:

When we stopped to dine, White Thunder (the Winnebago chief that accompanied me), suspecting that the rest of his party were in the neighborhood, requested a piece of paper, pen, and ink, to communicate to them the intelligence of his having come up with me. He then seated himself and drew three rude figures, which, at my request, he explained to me. The first represented my boat with a mast and flag, with three benches of oars and a helmsman. To show that we were Americans, our heads were represented by a rude cross, indicating that we wore hats. The representation of himself was a rude figure of a bear over a kind of cipher, representing a hunting ground. The second figure was designed to show that his wife was with him; the device was a boat with a squaw seated in it; over her head lines were drawn in a zigzag direction, indicating that she was the wife of White Thunder. The third was a boat with a bear sitting at the helm, showing that an Indian of that name [or of the bear gens] had been seen on his way up the river and had given intelligence where the party were. This paper he set up at the mouth of Kickapoo creek, up which the party had gone on a hunting trip.

When we stopped to eat, White Thunder (the Winnebago chief who was with me), suspecting that the rest of his group was nearby, asked for a piece of paper, pen, and ink to let them know he had caught up with me. He then sat down and drew three simple figures, which he explained at my request. The first one showed my boat with a mast and flag, three benches with oars, and a helmsman. To indicate that we were Americans, our heads were represented by a simple cross, suggesting that we wore hats. His representation was a simple figure of a bear over a sort of symbol, representing a hunting ground. The second figure was meant to indicate that his wife was with him; it depicted a boat with a woman sitting in it, and lines drawn in a zigzag pattern over her head meant she was White Thunder's wife. The third was a boat with a bear sitting at the helm, showing that an Indian by that name (or of the bear clan) had been seen on his way up the river and had shared information on where the group was. He set this paper up at the mouth of Kickapoo creek, where the group had gone on a hunting trip.

An ingenious mode of giving intelligence is practiced at this day by the Abnaki, as reported by H. L. Masta, chief of that tribe, lately living at Pierreville, Quebec. When they are in the woods, to say “I am going to the east,” a stick is stuck in the ground pointing in that direction, Fig. 445, a. “I am not gone far,” another stick is stuck across the former, close to the ground, same figure, b. “Gone far” is the reverse, same figure, c. The number of days’ journey of proposed absence is shown by the same number of sticks across the first; thus, same figure, d, signifies five days’ journey.

An clever method of sharing information is currently used by the Abnaki, as reported by H. L. Masta, the chief of that tribe, who recently lived in Pierreville, Quebec. When they are in the woods, to indicate “I am going to the east,” they stick a stick in the ground pointing in that direction, Fig. 445, a. To convey “I am not gone far,” they place another stick across the first one, close to the ground, same figure, b. “Gone far” is shown by reversing this, same figure, c. The number of days they will be gone is represented by that many sticks across the first; thus, same figure, d, means five days’ journey.

Fig. 445.—Abnaki notice of direction.

Fig. 446, scratched on birch bark, was given to the present writer at Fredericton, New Brunswick, in August, 1888, by Gabriel Acquin, an Amalecite, then 66 years old, who spoke English quite well. The circumstances under which it was made and used are in the Amalecite’s words, as follows:

Fig. 446, scratched on birch bark, was given to me in Fredericton, New Brunswick, in August 1888, by Gabriel Acquin, an Amalecite, who was 66 years old and spoke English quite well. He described the circumstances under which it was made and used in his own words, as follows:

Fig. 446.—Amalecite notice of trip.

“When I was about 18 years old I lived at a village 11 miles above Fredericton and went with canoe and gun. I canoed down to Washademoak lake, about 40 miles below Fredericton; then took river until it became too narrow for canoe; then ‘carried’ to Buctoos river; followed down to bay of Chaleur; went up the northwest Mirimachi, and[335] ‘carried’ into the Nepisigiut. There spent the summer. On that river met a friend of my time; we camped there.

“When I was around 18 years old, I lived in a village 11 miles north of Fredericton and often went out with a canoe and a gun. I canoed down to Washademoak Lake, which is about 40 miles south of Fredericton; then I followed the river until it got too narrow for my canoe; after that, I carried it to Buctoos River and made my way down to the Bay of Chaleur. I then went up the northwest Mirimachi and[335] carried it into the Nepisigiut. I spent the summer there. On that river, I met a friend from that time; we set up camp together there."

“One time while I was away my friend had gone down the river by himself and had not left any wikhe'gan for me. I had planned to go off and left for him this wikhe'gan, to tell where I would be and how long gone. The wigwam at the lower left-hand corner showed the one used by us, with the river near it. The six notches over the door of the wigwam meant that I would be gone six days. The canoe and man nearest to the wigwam referred to my friend, who had gone in the opposite direction to that I intended to travel. Next to it I was represented in my own canoe, with rain falling, to show the day I started, which was very rainy. Then the canoe carried by me by a trail through woods shows the ‘carry’ to Nictaux lake, beside which is a very big mountain. I stayed at that lake for six days, counting the outgoing and returning. As I had put the wikhe'gan in the wigwam before I started, my friend on his return understood all about me, and, counting six from and including[336] the rainy day, knew just when I was coming back, and was waiting for me.”

“One time while I was away, my friend went down the river by himself and didn’t leave any message for me. I had planned to head out and left him this message to say where I would be and how long I’d be gone. The wigwam in the lower left corner was the one we used, and the river was close to it. The six notches over the door of the wigwam indicated that I would be gone for six days. The canoe and the man closest to the wigwam represented my friend, who went in the opposite direction from where I planned to travel. Next to that, I was shown in my canoe with rain falling, marking the day I set out, which was very rainy. Then, the canoe I was carrying on a trail through the woods shows the ‘carry’ to Nictaux Lake, which is next to a very large mountain. I stayed at that lake for six days, counting both the outgoing and returning trips. Since I had put the message in the wigwam before I left, when my friend returned, he understood everything about me and, counting six days from and including[336] the rainy day, he knew exactly when I would be back and was waiting for me.”

The chief point of interest in this notice is the ingenious mode of fixing the date of departure. The marks for rain are nearly obliterated, but it flows from the man’s hair. The topography is also delineated.

The main point of interest in this notice is the clever way of determining the departure date. The rain marks are almost gone, but they run from the man's hair. The landscape is also described.

The following is extracted from James Long’s Expedition (b):

The following is extracted from James Long’s Expedition (b):

On the bank of the Platte river was a semicircular row of sixteen bison skulls, with their noses pointing down the river. Near the center of the circle which this row would describe, if continued, was another skull marked with a number of red lines.

On the bank of the Platte River was a semicircular row of sixteen bison skulls, with their noses facing downstream. Near the center of the circle that this row would create if it were extended, there was another skull marked with several red lines.

Our interpreter informed us that this arrangement of skulls and other marks here discovered were designed to communicate the following information, namely, that the camp had been occupied by a war party of the Skeeree or Pawnee Loup Indians, who had lately come from an excursion against the Cumancias, Ietans, or some of the western tribes. The number of red lines traced on the painted skull indicated the number of the party to have been thirty-six; the position in which the skulls were placed, that they were on their return to their own country. Two small rods stuck in the ground, with a few hairs tied in two parcels to the end of each, signified that four scalps had been taken.

Our interpreter told us that the arrangement of skulls and other markings we found here was meant to convey some important information: that the camp had been occupied by a war party of the Skeeree or Pawnee Loup Indians, who had recently returned from a raid against the Cumancias, Ietans, or some of the western tribes. The number of red lines painted on the skull indicated that the party consisted of thirty-six members; the way the skulls were arranged showed that they were on their way back to their own territory. Two small sticks stuck in the ground, with a few hairs tied in bundles at the end of each, indicated that four scalps had been taken.

When a hunting party of the Hidatsa arrived at any temporary camping ground from which some of them had left on a short reconnoitering expedition, the remainder, having occasion to move, erect a pole and cause it to lean in the direction taken. At the foot of this pole a buffalo shoulder blade or other flat bone is placed, upon which is depicted the reason of departure; e. g. should buffalo or antelope be seen, the animal is drawn with a piece of charred wood or red lead.

When a hunting party of the Hidatsa arrived at a temporary campsite after some of them had gone on a short scouting trip, the others, needing to move, would set up a pole and lean it in the direction they went. At the base of this pole, they would place a buffalo shoulder blade or another flat bone, where they would draw the reason for leaving; for example, if they spotted buffalo or antelope, they would depict the animal using a piece of charred wood or red lead.

When a Hidatsa party has gone on the warpath, and a certain number[337] is detailed to take another direction, the point of separation is taken as the rendezvous. After the return of the first party to the rendezvous, should the second not come up in a reasonable length of time, they will set sticks in the ground leaning in the direction to be taken, and notches are cut into the upper ends of the sticks to represent the number of nights spent there by the waiting party.

When a Hidatsa group goes on a warpath, and a specific number[337] is assigned to take a different route, the meeting point is established at the separation location. After the first group returns to the meeting point, if the second group hasn’t arrived within a reasonable time, they will place sticks in the ground leaning in the direction they plan to go, and they will notch the upper ends of the sticks to indicate how many nights the waiting group has spent there.

A party of Hidatsa who may be away from home for any purpose whatever often appoint a rendezvous, from which point they return to their respective lodges. Should one of the party return to the rendezvous before any others and wish to make a special trip, he will, for the information of the others, place a stick of about 3 or 4 feet in length in the ground, upon the upper end of which a notch is cut, or perhaps a split made for the reception of a thinner piece of twig or branch having a length of about a foot. This horizontal top piece is inserted at one end, so that the whole may point in the direction to be taken. Should he wish to say that the trail would turn at a right angle, to either side, at about half the distance of the whole journey in prospect, the horizontal branch is either bent in that direction or a naturally curved branch is selected having the turn at the middle of its entire length, thus corresponding to the turn in the trail. Any direction can be indicated by curves in the top branch.

A group of Hidatsa who might be away from home for any reason often set a meeting point, from which they return to their individual lodges. If someone in the group gets back to the meeting point before the others and wants to make a special trip, they will stick a piece of wood about 3 or 4 feet long in the ground. On the upper end of this stick, they'll cut a notch or make a split to hold a thinner twig or branch about a foot long. This horizontal piece is inserted at one end so that it points in the direction they plan to go. If they want to indicate that the trail will turn at a right angle to either side about halfway through the journey, they can either bend the horizontal branch in that direction or choose a naturally curved branch that has the turn in the middle of its length, matching the trail's turn. Any direction can be shown by bending the top branch.

No prescribed system of characters is used at the present time by the Ojibwa, in the indication of direction or travel. When anyone leaves camp or home for any particular hunting or berry ground, a concerted arrangement is made by which only those interested can, with any certainty, recognize “blaze” or trail marks.

No specific system of symbols is currently used by the Ojibwa to show directions or travel. When someone leaves camp or home to go to a specific hunting or berry spot, a coordinated plan is put in place so that only those involved can easily recognize the “blaze” or trail marks.

Fig. 447.—Ojibwa notice of direction.

Three characters cut upon the bark of large pine trees observed in the forest near Red Lake, Minnesota, are shown in Fig. 447. The Ojibwa using such a mark will continue on a trail leading from his home, until he leaves the trail, when a conspicuous tree, or in its absence a piece of wood or bark, is selected upon which a human figure is cut, with one arm elevated and pointing in the direction to be taken. These figures measure about 18 inches in height. Those represented on the two sides of the copy were cut into the bark of a “jack pine” without coloration, and the one in the middle had been rubbed with red chalk upon the wood of the trunk after the bark had been removed and the incision made. The middle figure indicates the direction by its bearings, although the pointers are differently arranged.

Three characters carved into the bark of large pine trees seen in the forest near Red Lake, Minnesota, are shown in Fig. 447. The Ojibwa who uses this mark will continue on a trail from his home until he leaves the path. At that point, a noticeable tree, or if that’s not available, a piece of wood or bark, is chosen, and a human figure is carved on it, with one arm raised and pointing in the direction to go. These figures are about 18 inches tall. The ones on either side of the copy were carved into the bark of a “jack pine” without any color, while the one in the middle had been rubbed with red chalk on the trunk after the bark was removed and the carving was made. The middle figure indicates the direction by its position, although the pointing arms are arranged differently.

Plain sticks are sometimes used by the Ojibwa to indicate direction. These vary in length according to the fancy of the person and the requirements of the case. They are stuck into the ground, and lean in the direction to which notice is invited.

Plain sticks are sometimes used by the Ojibwa to show direction. These vary in length depending on the preference of the person and the needs of the situation. They are planted into the ground and lean in the direction that attention is called to.

When a preconcerted arrangement is made, scrolls of birch bark are used, upon which important geographic features are delineated, so that the reader can, with little difficulty, learn the course taken by the traveler. For instance, a hunter upon leaving his home, deposits there a scroll bearing marks such as appear in Fig. 448:

When a planned arrangement is made, scrolls of birch bark are used, on which important geographic features are marked, so that the reader can easily understand the route taken by the traveler. For example, a hunter leaving his home will leave a scroll with markings similar to those shown in Fig. 448:

Fig. 448.—Ojibwa notice of direction.

a is a stream to be followed to a lake b, where the hunter will erect his lodge c, during his stay. The do-dém (totem) is added, used between persons or parties communicating, to show who was the one that drew it. It is in the nature of a signature.

a is a stream that leads to a lake b, where the hunter will set up his lodge c during his time there. The do-dém (totem) is included and is used between individuals or groups communicating, to indicate who created it. It's like a signature.

Fig. 449 shows a still existing use of the wikhegan between a Penobscot Indian and his nephew. It is copied from the original, incised on birch bark, by Nicholas Francis, a Penobscot, of Oldtown, Maine, which was obtained and kindly presented by Miss A. L. Alger of Boston.

Fig. 449 shows a current use of the wikhegan between a Penobscot Indian and his nephew. It is copied from the original, carved on birch bark, by Nicholas Francis, a Penobscot from Oldtown, Maine, which was obtained and generously given by Miss A. L. Alger of Boston.

Fig. 449.—Penobscot notice of direction.

Pitalo (Roaring Lion), English name, Noel Lyon, and his old uncle, aged over 70 years, went trapping for beaver in 1885 and camped at d, near Moosehead Lake h, having their supply tent at e. They visited the ponds a and b and knew there were beaver there, and set traps for them, f f. The beaver dams are also shown extending across the outlets of the streams. Noel came back from pond b one day to the[339] camping tent and found this birch-bark wikhegan made by the old uncle, who still used the pictographic method, as he does not know how to write, and by this Noel knew his uncle had gone to pond c to see if there were any beaver there and would be gone one night, the latter expressed by one line g drawn between the two arrows pointing in opposite directions, showing the going and returning on the same trail.

Pitalo (Roaring Lion), known in English as Noel Lyon, and his elderly uncle, who was over 70 years old, went beaver trapping in 1885 and set up camp at d, near Moosehead Lake h, with their supply tent at e. They checked the ponds a and b and knew there were beavers there, so they set traps for them, f f. The beaver dams are also shown extending across the outlets of the streams. One day, Noel returned from pond b to the[339]camping tent and found a birch-bark wikhegan made by his uncle, who still used pictographs since he couldn't write. From this, Noel understood that his uncle had gone to pond c to check for beavers and would be gone for one night, indicated by the single line g drawn between two arrows pointing in opposite directions, showing the path of going and returning on the same trail.

The notable part of the above description is that the wikhegan consisted of the chart of the geographic features before traversed by the two trappers, with the addition of new features of the country undoubtedly known to both of the Indians, but not before visited in the present expedition. This addition exhibited the departure, its intent, direction, and duration.

The key point of the above description is that the wikhegan included the map of the geographical features previously traveled by the two trappers, along with new features of the land that both Indians were likely aware of, but had not encountered during the current expedition. This addition showed the departure, its purpose, direction, and length of time.

Fig. 450.—Passamaquoddy notice of direction.

Sapiel Selmo, a chief of the Passamaquoddy tribe, who gave to the writer the wikhegan copied as Fig. 450, in 1887, was then a very aged man and has since died. He lived at Pleasant point, 7 miles north of Eastport, Maine. He was the son of a noted chief, Selmo Soctomah (a corruption of St. Thomas), who, as shown by a certificate exhibited, commanded 600 Passamaquoddy Indians in the Revolutionary war. When a young man Sapiel, with his father, had a temporary camp, a, at Machias Lake. He left his father and went to their permanent home at Pleasant Point, b, to get meat, and then returned to the first camp (route shown by double track) and found that his father had gone, but that he had left in the temporary wigwam the wikhegan on birch bark, showing that he had killed one moose, the meat of which Sapiel found in the snow, and that the father was going to hunt moose[340] on the other lake (East Machias lake) and would camp there three days, shown by the same number of strokes at c; so he waited for him until he came back.

Sapiel Selmo, a chief of the Passamaquoddy tribe, who shared the wikhegan shown as Fig. 450 with the writer in 1887, was an elderly man at the time and has since passed away. He lived at Pleasant Point, 7 miles north of Eastport, Maine. He was the son of a well-known chief, Selmo Soctomah (a variation of St. Thomas), who, as indicated by an exhibited certificate, led 600 Passamaquoddy Indians during the Revolutionary War. As a young man, Sapiel, alongside his father, set up a temporary camp, a, at Machias Lake. He left his father to head back to their permanent home at Pleasant Point, b, to get some meat, and then returned to the original camp (route indicated by double track) only to find that his father had left. However, he discovered that his father had left the wikhegan on birch bark in the temporary wigwam, which showed that he had killed one moose. Sapiel found the meat in the snow, indicating that his father was going to hunt moose[340] at the other lake (East Machias Lake) and would camp there for three days, as shown by the three strokes at c; so he waited for him to return.

Josiah Gregg (a) says of the Plains tribes:

Josiah Gregg (a) talks about the Plains tribes:

When traveling they will also pile heaps of stones upon mounds or conspicuous points so arranged as to be understood by their passing comrades; and sometimes they set up the bleached buffalo heads, which are everywhere scattered over those plains, to indicate the direction of their march, and many other facts which may be communicated by those simple signs.

When traveling, they will also stack piles of stones on mounds or noticeable spots arranged so their fellow travelers can understand them; and sometimes they set up the bleached buffalo skulls, which are found all over those plains, to show the direction of their march and communicate various other facts using these simple signs.

Putnam (a) gives one example of this character:

Putnam (a) gives one example of this character:

A family of five persons were killed—a tall man, a short, fat woman, and three children—at some place to the north. Five sticks were cut of various lengths. The longest being forked or split indicated the man, the thick short one the woman, and three of smaller sizes and lengths the children. They were all scalped, as is shown by the peeling of the bark. There were thirteen Indians, as we are informed by the stick with stripes and thirteen notches; and they have fled south with two prisoners, as we judge from the pointer and little strips of bark seemingly tied together. Sometimes all the intimations would be on one stick or piece of bark. A spy finding, at places well known, some of these mysterious articles, would bring them to the station, where a consultation would be held and conclusion drawn as to the meaning. A spy or hunter would intimate to his friend his want of powder or lead or other want and the place at which he would look for supplies.

A family of five was killed—a tall man, a short, heavyset woman, and three children—somewhere to the north. Five sticks were cut to different lengths. The longest, which was forked, represented the man; the thick, short one represented the woman; and the three smaller ones represented the children. They had all been scalped, as indicated by the peeled bark. There were thirteen Indians, as shown by the stick with stripes and thirteen notches; they fled south with two prisoners, as suggested by the pointer and the small strips of bark tied together. Often, all the clues would be on one stick or piece of bark. A spy, upon finding some of these mysterious items in well-known places, would bring them to the station, where a meeting would be held to figure out their meaning. A spy or hunter would hint to a friend about needing powder or lead or other supplies and where he would look for them.

Hind (a) speaks of a special form of notice by the natives of the Labrador peninsula:

Hind (a) talks about a unique way the local people of the Labrador peninsula show their awareness:

To indicate their speed and direction on a march, the Nasquapees of the Labrador peninsula thrust a stick in the ground, with a tuft of grass at the top, pointing toward their line of route, and they show the rate at which they are traveling by the greater or less inclination of the stick. This mode of communicating intelligence to those who may follow is universal among Indians; but the excellent and simple contrivance for describing the speed at which they travel is not generally employed as far as I am aware, by other nations.

To show their speed and direction while marching, the Nasquapees of the Labrador peninsula stick a pole in the ground, with a tuft of grass on top pointing toward their route. They indicate how fast they're moving by the angle of the pole. This way of conveying information to those who might follow is common among Indigenous peoples, but as far as I know, this clever and simple method for showing speed isn't widely used by other nations.

Mr. Charles G. Leland, in a letter, tells that the English gypsies, at a crossroad, drew the ordinary Latin cross with the long arm pointing in the direction taken. Others pulled up three bunches of grass by the roots and laid the green points in the direction. Others again, at the present time, take a small stick and set it up inclining at an angle of 45 degrees in the line of travel.

Mr. Charles G. Leland, in a letter, mentions that the English gypsies, at a crossroads, would draw a standard Latin cross with the long arm pointing in the direction they intended to go. Some would pull up three clumps of grass by the roots and arrange the green ends to show the way. Nowadays, others take a small stick and position it at a 45-degree angle in the direction of travel.

Dr. George M. Dawson (a) reports of the Shuswap people of British Columbia—

Dr. George M. Dawson (a) reports on the Shuswap people of British Columbia—

A rag of clothing, particularly a small piece or pieces of colored or other easily recognizable material from a woman’s dress, left in a forked twig, indicates that a person or party of persons has passed. If the stick stands upright, it means that the hour was noon, if inclined it may either point to the direction of the sun at the time or show the direction in which the person or party went. If it is desired to show both, a larger stick points to the position of the sun, a smaller to that of the route followed. If those for whose information the signs are left are likely to arrive after an interval of several days, a handful of fresh grass or a leafy branch may be left, from the condition of which an estimate of the time which has elapsed can be formed. Such signs are usually placed near the site of the camp fire.

A piece of fabric, especially a small section or pieces of colorful or easily identifiable material from a woman's dress, left on a forked twig shows that someone or a group has passed by. If the stick is standing straight up, it indicates that it was noon; if it's leaning, it might either point to where the sun was at that time or show the direction that the person or group went. If both need to be indicated, a larger stick will point to the sun's position, while a smaller one will indicate the path taken. If the people the signs are meant for are expected to arrive after several days, a handful of fresh grass or a leafy branch can be left, from which they can estimate how much time has passed. These signs are usually placed close to the campsite.

The device to indicate the time of depositing the notice may be compared with that shown in Fig. 446.

The device used to show the time of submitting the notice can be compared to the one shown in Fig. 446.

SECTION 2.
Guidance through drawing topographic features.

Fig. 451.—Micmac notice of direction.

Fig. 451 is a notice by Micmac scouts, which tribe was then at war with the Passamaquoddy, erected on a tree, to warn the rest of the tribe that ten Passamaquoddy Indians have been observed in canoes on the lake going toward the outlet of the lake and probably down the river. The Passamaquoddy tribal pictograph is shown and the whole topography is correctly drawn.

Fig. 451 is a notice by Micmac scouts, who were at war with the Passamaquoddy tribe at the time, posted on a tree to alert the rest of the tribe that ten Passamaquoddy Indians were spotted in canoes on the lake heading toward the lake's outlet and likely down the river. The Passamaquoddy tribal pictograph is displayed, and the entire landscape is accurately depicted.

Notes in literature relating to the skill of the North American Indians in delineating geographic features are very frequent. The following are selected for reference:

Notes in literature about the abilities of North American Indians to depict geographic features are quite common. Here are some selected for reference:

Champlain (c), in 1605, described how the natives on the coast drew with charcoal its bays, capes, and the mouths of rivers with such accuracy that Massachusetts bay and Merrimack river have been identified.

Champlain (c), in 1605, described how the natives on the coast drew with charcoal its bays, capes, and the mouths of rivers with such accuracy that Massachusetts Bay and Merrimack River have been identified.

Lafitau (d) says of the northeastern tribes of Indians—

Lafitau (d) talks about the northeastern tribes of Indians—

Ils tracent grossierement sur des écorces, on sur le sable, des Cartes exactes, et ausquelles il ne manque que la distinction des degrés. Ils conservent même de ces sortes de Cartes Geographiques dans leur Trésor public, pour les consulter dans le besoin.

Ils tracent grossièrement sur des écorces ou sur le sable des cartes précises, et il ne manque que la distinction des degrés. Ils conservent même ce type de cartes géographiques dans leur trésor public, pour les consulter en cas de besoin.

Sir Alexander Mackenzie, (a) in 1793, spoke of the skilled manner of chart-making by an Athabascan tribe, in which the Columbia river was drawn.

Sir Alexander Mackenzie, (a) in 1793, talked about the expert way an Athabascan tribe created maps, which included the Columbia River.

An interesting facsimile of a map with which the treaty of Hopewell, in 1875, made by the Cherokees, is connected, appears in American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I, 40.

An interesting replica of a map associated with the Hopewell treaty, made by the Cherokees in 1875, appears in American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I, 40.

Hind (b) writes:

Hind (b) says:

On lake Tash-ner-nus-kow, Labrador, was found a “letter” stuck in a cleft pole overhanging the bank. It was written on birchbark, and consisted of a small map of the country, with arrows showing the direction the writer had taken, some crosses indicating where he had camped, and a large cross to show where he intended to make his first winter quarters. It was probably written by some Nasquapees as a guide to others who might be passing up the river or hunting in the country.

On Lake Tash-ner-nus-kow in Labrador, a “letter” was discovered stuck in a split pole hanging over the bank. It was written on birch bark and included a small map of the area, with arrows showing the route the writer took, some crosses marking where he had camped, and a large cross indicating where he planned to set up his first winter quarters. It was likely written by some Nasquapees as a guide for others who might be traveling up the river or hunting in the region.

The Tegua Pueblos, of New Mexico, “traced upon the ground a sketch of their country, with the names and locations of the pueblos occupied in New Mexico,” a copy of which, “somewhat improved,” is given by Lieut. Whipple (c).

The Tegua Pueblos of New Mexico "drew a rough outline of their land on the ground, showing the names and locations of the pueblos they inhabited in New Mexico,” with a copy that is “somewhat improved” provided by Lieut. Whipple (c).

A Yuma map of the Colorado river, with the names and locations of tribes within its valley, is also figured in the last mentioned volume, page 19. The map was originally traced upon the ground.

A Yuma map of the Colorado River, showing the names and locations of tribes in its valley, is also included in the last mentioned volume, page 19. The map was originally drawn onto the ground.

A Piute map of the Colorado river, which was obtained by Lieut. Whipple, is also figured in the same connection.

A Piute map of the Colorado River, which was obtained by Lieutenant Whipple, is also shown in the same context.

Fig. 452.—Lean-Wolf’s map. Hidatsa.

Lean-Wolf, of the Hidatsa, who drew the picture of which Fig. 452 is a copy, made a trip on foot from Fort Berthold to Fort Buford, Dakota, to steal a horse from the Dakotas encamped there. The returning horse tracks show that he was successful and that he rode home. The following is his explanation of the characters:

Lean-Wolf, from the Hidatsa tribe, who created the drawing that Fig. 452 is a copy of, took a walking trip from Fort Berthold to Fort Buford, Dakota, to steal a horse from the Dakotas camping there. The tracks of the horse on his way back indicate that he succeeded and rode home. Here’s his explanation of the symbols:

Lean-Wolf is represented at a by the head only of a man to which is attached the outline of a wolf; b, Hidatsa earth lodges, circular in form, the spots representing the pillars supporting the roof—Indian village at Fort Berthold, Dakota; c, human footprints, the course taken by the recorder; d, the Government buildings at Fort Buford (square); e, several Hidatsa lodges (round), the occupants of which had intermarried with the Dakotas; f, Dakota lodges; g, a small square—a white man’s house—with a cross marked upon it to represent a Dakota lodge, which denotes that the owner, a white man, had married a Dakota woman, who dwelt there; h, horse tracks returning to Fort Berthold; i, the Missouri river; j, Tule creek; k, Little Knife river; l, White Earth river; m, Muddy creek; n, Yellowstone river; o, Little Missouri river; p, Dancing Beard creek.

Lean-Wolf is shown at a as just the head of a man with the outline of a wolf attached; b, Hidatsa earth lodges, which are circular in shape, with dots representing the pillars that hold up the roof—Indian village at Fort Berthold, Dakota; c, human footprints showing the path taken by the recorder; d, the Government buildings at Fort Buford (square); e, several round Hidatsa lodges, whose occupants intermarried with the Dakotas; f, Dakota lodges; g, a small square—a white man’s house—with a cross marked on it to signify a Dakota lodge, indicating that the owner, a white man, had married a Dakota woman who lived there; h, horse tracks leading back to Fort Berthold; i, the Missouri river; j, Tule creek; k, Little Knife river; l, White Earth river; m, Muddy creek; n, Yellowstone river; o, Little Missouri river; p, Dancing Beard creek.

The following illustration, Fig. 453, is the chart of the field of a battle between Ojibwas and Sioux with its description. The illustration, made by Ojibwa, the old Indian elsewhere mentioned, was drawn on birch bark, while the details of the description were oral. The locality referred to is above the mouth of Crow river, near Sauk rapids, Minnesota.

The following illustration, Fig. 453, shows the battlefield between the Ojibwas and Sioux, along with its description. The illustration, created by Ojibwa, the old Indian mentioned elsewhere, was drawn on birch bark, while the details of the description were shared orally. The location mentioned is upstream from the mouth of the Crow River, near Sauk Rapids, Minnesota.

Fig. 453.—Chart of battle field.

Fig. 453. —Battlefield map.

In the description a is the Mississippi river; b, Crow river; c, branch of Crow river; d, e, f, Crow lakes; g, Rice lake; h, Clear Water lake; i, Clear Water river; j, Sauk river; k, Big Sauk lake; l, Big prairie lake; m, Osakis lake; n, Sauk rapids; o and p, canoe and deer-hunting and fishing grounds; q, 1 man and 2 women killed (Ojibwas); r, Sauk Center; s, copses of timber—known as timber islands—on the prairie.

In the description a is the Mississippi River; b is the Crow River; c is a branch of the Crow River; d, e, and f are Crow Lakes; g is Rice Lake; h is Clear Water Lake; i is Clear Water River; j is Sauk River; k is Big Sauk Lake; l is Big Prairie Lake; m is Osakis Lake; n is Sauk Rapids; o and p are areas for canoeing, deer hunting, and fishing; q indicates 1 man and 2 women killed (Ojibwas); r is Sauk Center; s are patches of forest—known as timber islands—on the prairie.

The chart refers to an episode of war in 1854, when 3 Ojibwa were pursued by 50 Dakota. Many of the lakes appear to be duplicated in name, simply because no special name for them was known.

The chart refers to a war episode in 1854, when 3 Ojibwa were chased by 50 Dakota. Many of the lakes seem to have duplicate names because no specific names for them were known.

Dr. Hoffman tells how at Grapevine springs, Nevada, in 1871, the Paiute living at that locality informed the party of the relative position of Las Vegas, the objective point. The Indian sat upon the sand and with his hands formed an oblong ridge to represent Spring mountain, and southeast of this ridge another gradual slope, terminating on the eastern side more abruptly; over the latter he passed his fingers to represent the side valleys running eastward. He then took a stick and showed the direction of the old Spanish trail running east and west over the lower portion of the last-named ridge. When this was completed, with a mixture of English, Spanish, Paiute, and gesture signs, he told that from where they were now they would have to go southward east of Spring mountain to the camp of Paiute Charlie, where they would have to sleep; then indicated a line southeastward to another spring (Stump’s) to complete the second day; then he followed the line representing the Spanish trail to the east of the divide of the second ridge above named, where he left it, and passing northward to the first valley he thrust the short stick into the ground and said, “Las Vegas.”

Dr. Hoffman recounts that at Grapevine Springs, Nevada, in 1871, the Paiute people living in the area informed the group about the location of Las Vegas, their destination. The Indian sat on the sand and shaped an oblong ridge with his hands to represent Spring Mountain. To the southeast of this ridge, he created a gradual slope that dropped off more steeply on the eastern side, running his fingers over it to indicate the side valleys heading east. He then grabbed a stick and pointed out the direction of the old Spanish trail running east and west over the lower part of the ridge he just made. Once he finished, using a blend of English, Spanish, Paiute, and gestures, he explained that from their current location, they would need to head south, east of Spring Mountain, to Paiute Charlie’s camp where they would spend the night. He then pointed southeast to another spring (Stump’s) to outline their route for the second day. Next, he traced the Spanish trail east across the divide of the second ridge mentioned, then veered north to the first valley, where he stuck the short stick into the ground and said, “Las Vegas.”

Mr. W. von Streeruwitz, of the Geological Survey of Texas, contributes[344] the copy of a map, evidently the work of Indians, which is received too late for reproduction. The map is roughly scratched into the flat surface of a large granite block, and is an approximately correct sketch of a pass and the nearest surrounding. The rock is situated in the pass above the so-called rattlesnake or mica tank, in a spur on the west side of the Van Horn mountains, El Paso county, Texas. An Indian trail passes near the very rough and weathered rear part of the rock, which on this side shows weak traces of some scratched-in drawings, which are nearly weathered off, made no doubt with the purpose to lead the attention of passing parties to the other side of the rock upon which the map is drawn. An old trail leads from the Rio Grande across the Eagle mountains to this pass and in the shortest line from the Green river valley to the northern main range of the Van Horn and from there east to the Davis mountains, formerly Apache mountains, and thence through the southern extension of the Guadeloupe mountains to this range and into New Mexico; also through the Sierra Carrizo to the Sierra Diablo; so that this trail must be regarded as one of the best warpaths for raids across the Rio Grande. An arrowhead at the upper end of the trail points out water (small or doubtful supply), as far as could be ascertained from drawings made by Apaches.

Mr. W. von Streeruwitz from the Geological Survey of Texas has contributed[344] a copy of a map, clearly created by Native Americans, which arrived too late to be reproduced. The map is roughly carved into the flat surface of a large granite block and is a fairly accurate sketch of a pass and its nearby surroundings. The rock is located in the pass above what is known as the rattlesnake or mica tank, on a spur to the west side of the Van Horn mountains in El Paso County, Texas. An Indian trail runs close to the very rough and weathered back part of the rock, which displays faint traces of some scratched drawings that are nearly worn away. These markings were likely intended to catch the attention of people passing by, directing them to the other side of the rock where the map is drawn. An old trail leads from the Rio Grande across the Eagle mountains to this pass and provides the shortest route from the Green river valley to the northern main range of the Van Horn, and from there east to the Davis mountains—previously known as the Apache mountains—and then through the southern extension of the Guadeloupe mountains into New Mexico. It also connects through the Sierra Carrizo to the Sierra Diablo, making this trail one of the best pathways for raids across the Rio Grande. An arrowhead at the upper end of the trail indicates the location of water (small or uncertain supply), as determined from drawings made by Apaches.

Following are modes of exhibiting pictographically topographic features, Fig. 454:

Following are ways to display topographic features using pictures, Fig. 454:

Fig. 454.—Topographic features.

a, from Copway’s Ojibway Nation, p. 136, represents “mountains.”

a, from Copway’s Ojibway Nation, p. 136, stands for “mountains.”

b is the Chinese character for “mountain,” from Edkins, p. 14. “A picture of the object. More anciently, two upright cones or triangles connected at their bases.”

b is the Chinese character for “mountain,” from Edkins, p. 14. “A depiction of the object. In earlier times, two upright cones or triangles joined at their bases.”

c is the representation by the Dakotas of a gap in the mountains, taken from Red-Cloud’s census.

c is how the Dakotas show a gap in the mountains, based on Red-Cloud’s census.

d, from Copway, p. 135, represents “islands.”

d, from Copway, p. 135, represents “islands.”

e, from the same, p. 134, is a representation of the character for “sea” or “water,” probably a large body of water, e. g., lake, such as the Ojibwa were familiar with.

e, from the same, p. 134, is a symbol for “sea” or “water,” likely referring to a large body of water, like a lake, that the Ojibwa were familiar with.

f is from the same authority, p. 134. It shows the character for “river” or “stream.”

f is from the same source, p. 134. It shows the symbol for "river" or "stream."

g gives two Chinese characters for “river,” “stream,” from Edkins, p. 14. Three parallel lines drawn downward express “flowing” in all cases.

g provides two Chinese characters for “river” and “stream,” as referenced in Edkins, p. 14. Three parallel lines drawn downward represent “flowing” in all instances.

h is the Chinese character for “flowing water,” from Edkins, p. 23. “In the Chwen wen three strokes descending indicate the appearance of flowing water as seen in a river. The two outside strokes are broken in the middle.”

h is the Chinese character for “flowing water,” from Edkins, p. 23. “In the Chwen wen, three downward strokes represent the look of flowing water like that in a river. The two outer strokes are broken in the middle.”

The same authority, p. 155, gives another character, i, with the same meaning as the last. The author says: “It is supposed to be turned on end. It is better to regard the old form with its three descending lines as a picture of water flowing downward.”

The same authority, p. 155, gives another character, i, with the same meaning as the last. The author says: “It is thought to be oriented upright. It's better to see the old form with its three downward lines as an image of water flowing down.”

k, from Copway (a), represents the character for “land.” It is a turtle,[346] and refers to a common cosmologic myth concerning the recovery of land after the deluge.

k, from Copway (a), stands for the character meaning “land.” It symbolizes a turtle,[346] and relates to a well-known cosmological myth about the emergence of land after the flood.

G. Holm (a) gives the following account, translated and condensed, descriptive of Fig. 455, a wooden map made by the natives of the east coast of Greenland:

G. Holm (a) provides the following description, translated and summarized, of Fig. 455, a wooden map created by the indigenous people of the east coast of Greenland:

Fig. 455.—Greenland map.

In reference to map making I will only remark that many are inclined to enlarge the scale as they approach the better known places, which in fact is quite natural, as they would not otherwise find room for all details. As a natural result, map drawing in the form of ground plat is something quite new to them. Their mode of representing their land is by carving it on wood. This has the advantage that not only the contour of the land, but also its appearance and rock forms, can in a certain degree be represented.

In talking about map-making, I just want to point out that many people tend to increase the scale as they get closer to more familiar areas, which makes sense since they wouldn’t have enough space for all the details otherwise. Consequently, drawing maps in the form of a ground plan is something completely new to them. They typically represent their land by carving it into wood. This method has the advantage of allowing them to represent not just the shape of the land, but also its appearance and rock formations to some extent.

The block of wood brought back represents the tract between Kangerdluarsikajik, east of Sermiligak, and Sieralik, north of Kangerdlugsuatsiak. The mainland continues from one side of the wooden block to the other, while the islands are located on the accompanying block without regard to the distance between them in reference to the mainland. All places where there are old ruins of houses, and therefore good storage places, are marked on the wood map, which also shows the points where a kayak can be carried over the ground between two fiords when the sea ice blocks the headland outside. This kind of models serves to represent the route the person in question has followed, inasmuch as during his recital he moves the stick, so that the islands are shown in their relative positions. The other wooden map, which was prepared by request, represents the peninsula between Sermiligak and Kangerdluarsikajik.

The block of wood represents the area between Kangerdluarsikajik, east of Sermiligak, and Sieralik, north of Kangerdlugsuatsiak. The mainland stretches from one side of the wooden block to the other, while the islands are placed on the accompanying block, regardless of the actual distance to the mainland. All locations with old house ruins, which are good storage spots, are marked on the wooden map, along with spots where a kayak can be carried overland between two fjords when sea ice blocks the headland nearby. These kinds of models illustrate the route taken by the individual, as they move the stick to show the islands in their correct positions. The other wooden map, made at someone's request, represents the peninsula between Sermiligak and Kangerdluarsikajik.

A and B represent the tract between Kangerdluarsikajik (immediately east of Sermiligak) and Sieralik (slightly north of Kangerdlugsuatsiak). B represents the coast of the mainland, and is continuous from one side of the block to the other, while the outlying islands are represented by the wooden block of A, on which the connecting pieces between the various islands must be imagined as being left out. While the narrator explains the map he moves the stick to and fro, so as to get the islands into the right position in reference to the mainland.

A and B represent the area between Kangerdluarsikajik (just east of Sermiligak) and Sieralik (a bit north of Kangerdlugsuatsiak). B stands for the mainland coast and runs continuously from one side of the block to the other, while A, the wooden block, symbolizes the outlying islands, with the connections between the different islands needing to be imagined as missing. As the narrator describes the map, he moves the stick back and forth to align the islands correctly with the mainland.

Kunit explained the map to me. The names of the islands on A are: a, Sardlermiut, on the west side of which is the site of an old settlement; b, Nepinerkit (from napavok), having the shape of a pyramid; c, Ananak, having the site of an old settlement on the southwest point. (Note.—Others give the name Ananak to the cape on the mainland directly opposite, calling the island Kajartalik.) d, Aputitek; e, Itivdlersuak; f, Kujutilik; g, Sikivitik.

Kunit explained the map to me. The names of the islands on A are: a, Sardlermiut, on the west side of which is the site of an old settlement; b, Nepinerkit (from napavok), shaped like a pyramid; c, Ananak, which has the site of an old settlement on the southwest point. (Note.—Others refer to the cape on the mainland directly opposite as Ananak, calling the island Kajartalik.) d, Aputitek; e, Itivdlersuak; f, Kujutilik; g, Sikivitik.

For B I obtained the following names, beginning at the north, as in the case of the islands: h, Itivdlek, where there are remains of a house; i, Sierak, a small fiord, in which salmon are found; k, Sarkarmiut, where there are remains of a house; l, Kangerdlugsuatsiak, a fiord of such length that a kayak can not even in a whole day row from the mouth to the head of the fiord and back again; m, Erserisek, a little fiord; n, Nutugat, a little fiord with a creek at the bottom; o, Merkeriak, kayak portage from Nutugkat to Erserisek along the bank of the creek, when the heavy ice blocks the headland between the two fiords; p, Ikerasakitek, a bay in which the land ice goes straight out to the sea; q, Kangerajikajik, a cape; r, Kavdlunak, a bay into which runs a creek; s, Apusinek, a long stretch where the land ice passes out into the sea; t, Tatorisik; u, Iliartalik, a fiord with a smaller creek; v, Nuerniakat; x, Kugpat; y, Igdluarsik; z, Sangmilek, a little fiord with a creek; aa, Nutugkat; bb, Amagat; cc, Kangerdluarsikajik, a smaller fiord; dd, Kernertuarsik.

For B, I gathered the following names, starting from the north, like with the islands: h, Itivdlek, where there are remnants of a house; i, Sierak, a small fjord where salmon can be found; k, Sarkarmiut, where there are remnants of a house; l, Kangerdlugsuatsiak, a fjord so long that even in a whole day, a kayak cannot row from the mouth to the head of the fjord and back; m, Erserisek, a small fjord; n, Nutugat, a small fjord with a creek at the bottom; o, Merkeriak, the kayak portage from Nutugat to Erserisek along the creek bank when heavy ice blocks the headland between the two fjords; p, Ikerasakitek, a bay where the land ice extends straight out to the sea; q, Kangerajikajik, a cape; r, Kavdlunak, a bay into which a creek flows; s, Apusinek, a long stretch where the land ice flows out into the sea; t, Tatorisik; u, Iliartalik, a fjord with a smaller creek; v, Nuerniakat; x, Kugpat; y, Igdluarsik; z, Sangmilek, a small fjord with a creek; aa, Nutugkat; bb, Amagat; cc, Kangerdluarsikajik, a smaller fjord; dd, Kernertuarsik.

C represents the peninsula between the fiords Sermiligak and Kangerdluarsikajik.

C represents the peninsula between the fjords Sermiligak and Kangerdluarsikajik.

SECTION 3.
Condition Notice.

In the curious manuscript of Gideon Lincecum, written with Roman characters in the Choctaw language about 1818, and referring to the ancient customs of that tribe, appears the following passage (p. 276):

In the interesting manuscript of Gideon Lincecum, written with Roman letters in the Choctaw language around 1818, discussing the traditional practices of that tribe, there is this passage (p. 276):

They had a significant and very ingenious method of marking the stakes so that each iksa could know its place as soon as they saw the stake that had been set up for them. Every clan had a name, which was known to all the rest. It was a species of heraldry, each iksa having its coat of arms. The iksas all took the name of some animal—buffalo, panther, dog, terrapin, any race of animals—and a little picture of whatever it might be, sketched on a blazed tree or stake, indicated the clan to which it belonged. They could mark a tree when they were about to leave a camp, in their traveling or hunting excursions, with a set of hieroglyphs, that any other set of hunters or travelers who might pass that way could read, telling what iksa they belonged to, how long they had remained at that camp, how many there were in the company, if any were sick or dead, and if they had been successful or otherwise in the hunt. Thus, drawn very neatly on a peeled tree near the camp, a terrapin; five men marching in a row, with bows ready strung in their hands, large packs on their backs, and one man behind, no pack, bow unstrung; one circle, half circle, and six short marks in front of the half circle; below, a bear’s head, a buffalo head, and the head of an antelope. The reading is, “Terrapin iksa, 6 men in company, one sick; successful hunt in killing bear, buffalo, and antelope; that they remained at the camp a moon and a half and six days, and that they have gone home.”

They had a smart and effective way of marking the stakes so that each iksa could recognize its spot as soon as they saw the stake set up for them. Every clan had a name that everyone else knew. It was a kind of heraldry, with each iksa having its own coat of arms. The iksas were named after animals—buffalo, panther, dog, terrapin, and other kinds of animals—and a small drawing of that animal, carved on a blazed tree or stake, showed which clan it belonged to. They could mark a tree when they were leaving a camp during their travels or hunting trips with a series of symbols that any other hunters or travelers passing by could understand. This showed what iksa they belonged to, how long they stayed at that camp, how many were in the group, if anyone was sick or dead, and whether they had been successful in the hunt or not. For example, neatly drawn on a peeled tree near the camp, you might see a terrapin; five men marching in a row, bows strung and ready, with large packs on their backs, and one man behind without a pack and with an unstrung bow; one circle, a half circle, and six short marks in front of the half circle; below, a bear’s head, a buffalo head, and the head of an antelope. This would mean, “Terrapin iksa, 6 men in the group, one sick; successful hunt in killing a bear, buffalo, and antelope; they stayed at the camp for a moon and a half plus six days, and they have gone home.”

Among the Abnaki of the Province of Quebec, as reported by Masta, their chief, cutting the bark off from a tree on one, two, three, or four sides near the butt means “Have had poor, poorer, poorest luck.” Cutting it off all around the tree means “I am starving.” Smoking a piece of birch bark and hanging it on a tree means “I am sick.”

Among the Abnaki of Quebec, as reported by Masta, their chief, cutting the bark off a tree on one, two, three, or four sides near the base signifies “I’ve had bad luck.” Cutting it off all around the tree signifies “I am starving.” Smoking a piece of birch bark and hanging it on a tree means “I am sick.”

Tanner’s Narrative (c) mentions regarding the Ojibwa that, in cases where the information to be communicated is that the party mentioned is starving, the figure of a man is sometimes drawn, and his mouth is painted white, or white paint may be smeared about the mouth of the animal, if it happens to be one, which is his totem.

Tanner’s Narrative (c) notes that when the Ojibwa need to convey that the person involved is starving, they sometimes draw a figure of a man with a white-painted mouth. Alternatively, if the totem is an animal, they might smear white paint around the animal's mouth.

Fig. 456.—Passamaquoddy wikhegan.

Fig. 456 is a copy of a drawing incised on birch bark by the old Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, who made comments upon it as follows: Two hunters followed the river a until it branches off b, c. Indian d takes one river and its lakes and small branches, and the other hunter (not figured in the chart) follows the other branch and also claims its small streams and lakes. Sometimes during the winter they visit one another. If it happen that the other hunter was away from his wigwam e and if the visiting hunter wishes to leave word with his friend and wishes to inform him of his luck, he makes a picture on a piece of birch bark and describes such animals he has killed with the number of animals as seen in f and g (figure of moose’s head) which, with two crosses to each, means 20 moose. He killed in each hunt altogether 40. h is a whole moose, also with two crosses, and means 20, and also the figure of a caribou i with one cross means 10 caribou,[348] and also a figure of a bear with four crosses j means 40 bears, and k shows a figure of bear with one cross which means 10 bears, and also a sable l with five crosses means 50 sables. If he wish to inform him he is in poor luck and hungry, he marked a figure of an Indian with a pot on one hand, the pot upside down; this means hunger. A figure of an Indian in lying position means sickness.

Fig. 456 is a copy of a drawing carved into birch bark by the old Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, who commented on it as follows: Two hunters followed the river a until it splits into b and c. Indian d takes one river along with its lakes and smaller branches, while the other hunter (not shown in the chart) follows the other branch and claims its smaller streams and lakes too. Sometimes during the winter, they visit each other. If the other hunter is away from his wigwam e and if the visiting hunter wants to leave a message for his friend to share his luck, he makes a drawing on a piece of birch bark and describes the animals he has hunted along with the number of animals, as indicated in f and g (drawing of a moose's head), which, with two crosses next to each, signifies 20 moose. He killed a total of 40 in all. h represents a whole moose, also with two crosses, meaning 20, and the drawing of a caribou i with one cross represents 10 caribou,[348] along with a drawing of a bear with four crosses j indicating 40 bears, while k depicts a bear with one cross representing 10 bears, and a sable l with five crosses signifies 50 sables. If he wants to convey that he is having bad luck and is hungry, he draws a figure of an Indian with a pot in one hand, the pot upside down; this means hunger. A figure of an Indian lying down represents sickness.

Fig. 457 was also incised on birch bark by Sapiel Selmo and described by him.

Fig. 457 was also carved into birch bark by Sapiel Selmo and explained by him.

Fig. 457.—Passamaquoddy wikhegan.

Two Indian hunters follow the river to hunt. They go together as far as the river’s forks and then separate. One went to the river c. The other follows river e and kills a moose. They both build their winter wigwams.

Two Indian hunters follow the river to hunt. They travel together to the river’s forks and then split up. One goes to river c. The other follows river e and hunts a moose. They both build their winter wigwams.

Indian b went to hunt and found a bear’s den under the foot of a big tree. He attempted to stab the bear, but missed the vital part. The bear got hold of him, bit him severely, and mortally wounded him. He went to his wigwam h and thinks he is going to die, so he makes his mark or wikhegan on a birch-bark. He makes notches j on the bark to mean his tracks and also marks a tree as in f and also a bear as in g. His friend d came to visit him and found him lying dead in his wigwam, and also found the marks on the piece of birch-bark, which he read and knew at once his partner was killed by the bear, and he followed his bear tracks, and he also found the bear dead.

Indian b went out to hunt and discovered a bear's den at the base of a large tree. He tried to stab the bear but missed the critical spot. The bear caught him, bit him badly, and mortally wounded him. He returned to his wigwam h, thinking he was going to die, so he made his mark, or wikhegan, on a piece of birch-bark. He etched notches j on the bark to represent his tracks and also marked a tree like in f and a bear as in g. His friend d came to visit him and found him lying dead in his wigwam, along with the marks on the birch-bark. After reading them, he immediately realized his partner was killed by the bear, so he followed the bear's tracks and eventually found the bear dead.

a. Main river. b. One of the Indians who goes up c, branch of river.[349] d. The other Indian who goes on e, another branch of river. f. Tree above the bear’s den. g. Bear. h. Wigwam of Indian b. i. Moose which Indian d killed. j. Tracks of Indian b. k. Bear’s den under the tree. l. Indian d’s wigwam.

a. Main river. b. One of the Native Americans who goes up c, a branch of the river.[349] d. The other Native American who goes on e, another branch of the river. f. Tree above the bear’s den. g. Bear. h. Wigwam of Native American b. i. Moose that Native American d killed. j. Tracks of Native American b. k. Bear’s den under the tree. l. Native American d’s wigwam.

Fig. 458.—Passamaquoddy wikhegan.

Fig. 458 originally scraped on birch bark tells its own story, but was described by Sapiel Selmo, who drew it, thus:

Fig. 458 originally scraped on birch bark tells its own story, but was described by Sapiel Selmo, who drew it, as follows:

Two Indian hunters, b and c, went to hunt and follow river, a. They continued together as far as d, where the river branches off. Indian c follows the east branch e. He went as far as lake f, where he built his wigwam g. Indian c is very unlucky; he doesn’t kill any bears or moose, so he became very hungry. Indian b, who had followed the north branch and built his wigwam, l, near lake k, went to visit Indian c, who was away at the time, but b found mark on the birch bark, a pot upside down, h; this means hunger. He also makes his own mark, i, a moose’s head, showing success. He appoints lake j, where he killed moose, and wants him, c, to come to his, b’s, wigwam l.

Two Indian hunters, b and c, went to hunt along river a. They traveled together until they reached d, where the river splits off. Indian c took the east branch e. He went all the way to lake f, where he built his wigwam g. Indian c is having a tough time; he doesn’t catch any bears or moose, so he became very hungry. Indian b, who followed the north branch and built his wigwam l near lake k, went to visit Indian c, but c was away. However, b found a mark on the birch bark, a pot flipped upside down, h; this signifies hunger. He also made his own mark, i, a moose’s head, indicating success. He designated lake j, where he killed a moose, and wanted c to come to his wigwam l.

o, lower lake, not connected with the story, but doubtless drawn[350] to complete the topography. The two trails, m and n, are designated by notches showing foot-path or snow-shoe tracks. The Abnaki have footpaths or snow-shoe tracks where the line of kelhign sisel, or sable dead falls, extends from one hunting camp to another, between two lakes or rivers.

o, lower lake, not part of the story, but likely included[350] to round out the landscape. The two trails, m and n, are marked by notches that indicate footpaths or snowshoe tracks. The Abnaki have footpaths or snowshoe trails that connect hunting camps, spanning from one camp to another between two lakes or rivers.

The Ottawa and the Pottawatomi Indians indicate hunger and starvation by drawing a black line across the breast or stomach of the figure of a man. (See Fig. 1046.) This drawing is either incised upon a piece of wood, or drawn on it with a mixture of powdered charcoal and glue water, or red ocher. The piece of wood is then attached to a tree or fastened to a pole, and erected near the lodge on a trail, where it will be observed by passers by, who are thus besought to come to the rescue of the sufferer who erected the notice.

The Ottawa and Pottawatomi Indians show hunger and starvation by drawing a black line across the chest or stomach of a man's figure. (See Fig. 1046.) This drawing is either carved into a piece of wood or created using a mixture of powdered charcoal and glue water or red ocher. The wood is then tied to a tree or fastened to a pole and placed near the lodge on a trail, where it can be seen by people passing by, who are urged to come to the aid of the person who put up the notice.

Fig. 459 illustrates information with regard to distress in another village, which occasioned the departure of the party giving the notification. The drawing was made in 1882 by the Alaskan, Naumoff, in imitation of drawings used at his home. The designs are traced upon[351] a strip of wood, which is then stuck upon the roof of the house belonging to the draftsman.

Fig. 459 shows details about distress in another village, leading to the departure of the group that sent the notification. The drawing was created in 1882 by the Alaskan, Naumoff, as an imitation of drawings from his home. The designs are outlined on[351] a wooden strip, which is then attached to the roof of the artist's house.

Fig. 459.—Alaskan notice of distress.

a, the summer habitation, showing a stick leaning in the direction to be taken; b, the baidarka, containing the residents of the house; the first person is observed pointing forward, indicating that they “go by boat to the other settlement”; c, a grave stick, indicating a death in the settlement; d, e, summer and winter habitations, denoting a village.

a, the summer home, showing a stick leaning in the direction to go; b, the baidarka, carrying the inhabitants of the house; the first person is seen pointing forward, suggesting that they “travel by boat to the other settlement”; c, a grave stick, marking a death in the settlement; d, e, summer and winter homes, representing a village.

The drawing, Fig. 460, also made in 1882, by a native Alaskan, in imitation of originals familiar to him in Alaska, is intended to be placed in a conspicuous portion of a settlement which has been attacked by a hostile force and finally deserted. The last one to leave prepares the drawing upon a strip of wood to inform friends of the resort of the survivors.

The drawing, Fig. 460, also created in 1882 by a native Alaskan, imitates originals that he knows well from Alaska. It's meant to be displayed prominently in a settlement that has been attacked by an enemy force and ultimately abandoned. The last person to leave creates the drawing on a piece of wood to let friends know where the survivors have gone.

Fig. 460. Alaskan notice of departure and refuge.

a represents three hills or ranges, signifying that the course taken would carry them beyond that number of hills or mountains; b, the draftsman, indicating the direction, with the left hand pointing to the ground, one hill, and the right hand indicating the number two, the number still to be crossed; c, a circular piece of wood or leather, with the representation of a face, placed upon a pole and facing the direction to be taken from the settlement; in this instance the drawing of the character denotes a hostile attack upon the town, for which misfortune such devices are sometimes erected; d, e, winter and summer habitations; f, storehouse, erected upon upright poles. The latter device is used by Alaskan coast natives generally.

a represents three hills or ranges, meaning that the path taken would lead them beyond that number of hills or mountains; b, the draftsman, showing the direction, with the left hand pointing to the ground, one hill, and the right hand indicating the number two, the number left to cross; c, a round piece of wood or leather, with a face drawn on it, fixed to a pole and facing the direction to be taken from the settlement; in this case, the drawing indicates a potential attack on the town, for which such markers are sometimes put up; d, e, winter and summer living spaces; f, a storehouse built on raised poles. This last setup is commonly used by Alaskan coastal natives.

The design shown in Fig. 461 is in imitation of drawings made by natives of Southern Alaska to convey to the observer the information that the draftsman had gone away to another settlement, the inhabitants of which were in distress. The drawings were made on a strip of wood which was placed at the door of the house, where it might be seen by visitors or inquirers.

The design shown in Fig. 461 imitates drawings created by the locals of Southern Alaska to let onlookers know that the artist had traveled to another settlement where the residents were in trouble. These drawings were made on a piece of wood that was placed at the entrance of the house, so visitors or anyone asking for information could see them.

Fig. 461.—Notice of departure to relieve distress. Alaska.

Naumoff gave the following explanation: a, a native making the gesture of indicating self with the right hand and with the left indicating direction of going; b, the native’s habitation; c, scaffold used for drying fish; upon the top of a pole is placed a piece of wood tied so that the longest end points in the direction to be taken by the relief party; d, the baidarka conveying it; e, a native of the settlement to be visited; f, summer habitation; g, “shaman stick,” or grave stick, erected to the memory of a recently deceased person, the cause which has necessitated the journey; h, winter habitation. This, together with f, indicates a settlement.

Naumoff provided the following explanation: a, a local person making a gesture to indicate self with their right hand while using their left hand to show the direction of going; b, the person’s home; c, a scaffold used for drying fish; on top of a pole, there’s a piece of wood tied so that the longest end points in the direction the relief party should take; d, the baidarka carrying it; e, a resident of the settlement that will be visited; f, summer quarters; g, “shaman stick,” or grave stick, set up in memory of a recently deceased person, which is the reason for the journey; h, winter quarters. This, along with f, indicates a settlement.

Fig. 462, also drawn by Naumoff, means “ammunition wanted.”

Fig. 462, also drawn by Naumoff, means “ammo wanted.”

Fig. 462.—Ammunition wanted. Alaska.

When a hunter is tracking game and exhausts his ammunition, he returns to the nearest and most conspicuous part of the trail and sticks his ihúnŭk in the ground, the top leaning in the direction taken. The ihúnŭk is the pair of sticks arranged like the letter A, used as a gun-rest. This method of transmitting the request to the first passer is resorted to by the coast people of Southern Alaska.

When a hunter is tracking game and runs out of ammunition, he goes back to the nearest and most noticeable part of the trail and sticks his ihúnŭk in the ground, with the top leaning in the direction he went. The ihúnŭk is a pair of sticks arranged like the letter A, used as a gun rest. This method of sending a message to the first passerby is used by the coastal people of Southern Alaska.

Fig. 463, also drawn by Naumoff, means “discovery of bear; assistance wanted.”

Fig. 463, also drawn by Naumoff, means “bear sighted; help needed.”

Fig. 463.—Assistance wanted in hunt. Alaska.

When a hunter discovers a bear and requires assistance, he ties together a bunch of grass, or other fibrous matter, in the form of the animal and places it upon a long stick or pole which is erected at a conspicuous point. The head of the effigy is directed toward the locality where the animal was last seen.

When a hunter spots a bear and needs help, he bundles up some grass or other fibrous material to make a figure that looks like the animal and puts it on a tall stick or pole set up in a visible spot. The head of the figure is pointed toward the area where the bear was last seen.

This device is used by most of the Alaskan Indians.

This device is used by most of the Alaskan Native communities.

Fig. 464 was also drawn by Naumoff, and signifies “starving hunters.”

Fig. 464 was also drawn by Naumoff and represents "starving hunters."

Hunters who have been unfortunate, and are suffering from hunger, scratch or draw on a piece of wood characters similar to those figured, and place the lower end of the stick in the ground on the trail where there is the greatest chance of its discovery. The stick is inclined toward their shelter. The following are the details of the information contained in the drawing:

Hunters who are struggling and facing hunger carve or draw symbols on a piece of wood and stick the bottom end into the ground along the path where it's most likely to be found. The stick angles towards their shelter. Here are the specifics of the information shown in the drawing:

Fig. 464.—Starving hunters. Alaska.

a, A horizontal line denoting a canoe, showing the persons to be fishermen; b, a man with both arms extended signifying nothing, corresponding with the gesture for negation; c, a person with the right hand to the mouth, signifying to eat, the left hand pointing to the house occupied by the hunters; d, the shelter.

a, A horizontal line representing a canoe, showing that the people are fishermen; b, a man with both arms raised indicating nothing, corresponding to the gesture for negation; c, a person with the right hand to the mouth, meaning to eat, with the left hand pointing to the house where the hunters are staying; d, the shelter.

The whole signifies that there is nothing to eat in the house. This is used by natives of Southern Alaska.

The whole means there is nothing to eat in the house. This is used by people from Southern Alaska.

Fig. 465.—Starving hunters. Alaska.

Fig. 465, with the same signification and from the same hand, is similar to the preceding in general design. This is placed in the ground near the landing place of the canoemen, so that the top points toward the lodge. The following is the explanation of the characters:

Fig. 465, with the same meaning and from the same source, is similar to the previous one in overall design. This is positioned in the ground near the landing area of the canoeists, so that the top points toward the lodge. The following is the explanation of the symbols:

a, Baidarka, showing double projections at bow, as well as the two men, owners, in the boat; b, a man making the gesture for nothing (see in this connection Fig. 983); c, gesture drawn, denoting to eat, with the right hand, while the left points to the lodge; d, a winter habitation.

a, Baidarka, displaying double projections at the front, along with the two men, owners, in the boat; b, a man making the gesture for nothing (see in this connection Fig. 983); c, gesture drawn, indicating to eat, with the right hand, while the left points to the lodge; d, a winter dwelling.

This is used by the Alaskan coast natives.

This is used by the Native people of the Alaskan coast.

SECTION 4.
Warning and Guidance.

The following description of an Ojibwa notice of a murderer’s being at large is extracted from Tanner’s Narrative: (d).

The following description of an Ojibwa notice about a murderer on the loose is taken from Tanner’s Narrative: (d).

As I was one morning passing one of our usual encamping places I saw on shore a little stick standing in the bank and attached to the top of it a piece of birchbark. On examination I found the mark of a rattlesnake with a knife, the handle touching the snake and the point sticking into a bear, the head of the latter being down. Near the rattlesnake was the mark of a beaver, one of its dugs, it being a female, touching the snake. This was left for my information, and I learned from it that Wa-me-gon-a-biew, whose totem was She-she-gwah, the rattlesnake, had killed a man whose totem was Muk-kwah, the bear. The murderer could be no other than Wa-me-gon-a-biew, as it was specified that he was the son of a woman whose totem was the beaver, and this I knew could be no other than Net-no-kwa.

As I was passing by one of our usual camping spots one morning, I saw a small stick standing on the riverbank with a piece of birch bark attached to the top. Upon closer inspection, I found a carving of a rattlesnake made with a knife, with the handle touching the snake and the point piercing a bear, its head pointing downward. Next to the rattlesnake was the mark of a beaver, its genitalia visible, indicating it was female, and it was touching the snake. This was left for my understanding, and I figured out that Wa-me-gon-a-biew, whose totem was She-she-gwah (the rattlesnake), had killed a man whose totem was Muk-kwah (the bear). The murderer could only be Wa-me-gon-a-biew, as it was specified that he was the son of a woman whose totem was the beaver, and I knew that could only refer to Net-no-kwa.

An amusing instance of the notice or warning, “No thoroughfare,” is presented in Fig. 466. It was taken in 1880 from a rock drawing in Canyon de Chelly, New Mexico, by Mr. J. K. Hillers, photographer of the U. S. Geological Survey.

An amusing example of the sign “No thoroughfare” is shown in Fig. 466. It was taken in 1880 from a rock drawing in Canyon de Chelly, New Mexico, by Mr. J. K. Hillers, photographer for the U.S. Geological Survey.

Fig. 466.—No thoroughfare.

The design on the left is undoubtedly a notice in the nature of warning, that, although a goat can climb up the rocky trail, a horse would tumble down.

The design on the left is definitely a warning that, while a goat can navigate the rocky path, a horse would fall.

During his connection with the geographic surveys west of the one hundredth meridian, Dr. Hoffman observed a practice among the Tivátikai Shoshoni, of Nevada, of erecting heaps of stones along or near trails to indicate the direction to be taken and followed to reach springs[354] of water. Upon slight elevations of ground, or at points where a trail branched into two or more directions, or at the intersection of two trails, a heap of stones would be placed varying in height according to the elevation requisite to attract attention. Upon the top of this would be fixed an elongated piece of rock so placed that the most conspicuous point projected and pointed in the course to be followed. This was continued sometimes at intervals of several miles unless indistinct portions of a trail or intersections demanded a repetition at shorter distances. A knowledge of this custom proved very beneficial to the early prospectors and pioneers.

During his work with the geographic surveys west of the one hundredth meridian, Dr. Hoffman noticed a practice among the Tivátikai Shoshoni of Nevada, where they would pile stones along or near trails to show the direction to take in order to reach springs of water. On slight rises in the ground, or at points where a trail split into two or more directions, or at intersections of two trails, a pile of stones would be placed, varying in height to catch attention. On top of this pile, they would set a long piece of rock, positioned so that the most noticeable point pointed in the direction to follow. This was done sometimes at intervals of several miles, unless unclear sections of a trail or intersections required it to be repeated at shorter distances. Knowing about this custom was really helpful for the early prospectors and pioneers.[354]

Fig. 467 is a copy, one-sixteenth actual size, of colored petroglyphs found by Dr. Hoffman in 1884 on the North fork of the San Gabriel river, also known as the Azuza canyon, Los Angeles county, California.

Fig. 467 is a one-sixteenth actual size replica of colored petroglyphs found by Dr. Hoffman in 1884 on the North Fork of the San Gabriel River, also known as the Azusa Canyon, Los Angeles County, California.

Fig. 467.—Rock painting, Azuza canyon, California.

The bowlder upon which the paintings occur measures 8 feet long, about 4 feet high, and the same in width. The figures are on the eastern side of the rock, so that the left arm of the human figure on the right points toward the north.

The boulder where the paintings are located is 8 feet long, about 4 feet high, and the same in width. The figures are on the eastern side of the rock, so the left arm of the human figure on the right points to the north.

Fig. 468 is a map drawn on a scale of 1,000 yards to the inch, showing the topography of the immediate vicinity and the relative positions of the rocks bearing the paintings.

Fig. 468 is a map created at a scale of 1,000 yards per inch, displaying the landscape of the surrounding area and the locations of the rocks that have the paintings.

Fig. 468.—Site of paintings in Azuza canyon, California.

The stream is hemmed in by precipitous mountains, with the exception of two points marked c c, over which the old Indian trail passed in going from the Mojave desert on the north to the San Gabriel valley below, this course being the nearest for reaching the mission settlements at San Gabriel and Los Angeles. In attempting to follow the water course the distance would be greatly increased and a rougher trail encountered. Fig. 467, painted on the rock marked b on the map, shows characters in pale yellow upon a bowlder of almost white granite partly obliterated by weathering and annual floods, though still enough remains to indicate that the right-hand figure is directing the observer to the northeast, although upon taking that course it would be necessary to round the point a short distance to the west. It may have been[356] placed as a notification of direction to those Indians who might have come up the canyon instead of on the regular trail. Farther west, at the spot marked a on the map, is a granite bowlder bearing a large number of paintings, part of which have become almost obliterated. These were drawn with red ocher (ferric oxide). A selection of these is shown in Fig. 469.

The stream is surrounded by steep mountains, except for two points marked c c, where the old Indian trail went from the Mojave Desert to the San Gabriel Valley below. This route was the quickest way to reach the mission settlements at San Gabriel and Los Angeles. Following the watercourse would greatly increase the distance and involve a rougher trail. Fig. 467, painted on the rock marked b on the map, shows faint characters in pale yellow on a nearly white granite boulder, partially worn away by weathering and annual floods, though enough remains to suggest that the right-hand figure is pointing the observer to the northeast. However, taking that direction would require rounding the point a short distance to the west. It may have been placed as a directional sign for those Indians who might have come up the canyon instead of the regular trail. Further west, at the location marked a on the map, there is a granite boulder with many paintings, some of which have nearly faded away. These were created with red ocher (ferric oxide). A selection of these is shown in Fig. 469.

Fig. 469.—Sketches from Azuza canyon, California.

This is on the almost vertical western face of the rock. These characters also appear to refer to the course of the trail, which might readily be lost on account of the numerous mountain ridges and spurs. The left-hand human figure appears to place its hand upon a series of ridges, as if showing pantomimically the rough and ridged country over the mountains.

This is on the nearly vertical western side of the rock. These symbols also seem to indicate the path of the trail, which could easily be overlooked due to the many mountain ridges and spurs. The human figure on the left appears to be placing its hand on a series of ridges, as if illustrating the rough and uneven terrain across the mountains.

The middle figure is making a gesture which in its present connection may indicate direction of the trail, i. e., toward the left, or northward in an uphill course, as indicated by the arm and leg, and southward, or downward, as suggested by the lower inclination of the leg and lower forearm and hand on the right of the painting.

The middle figure is making a gesture that, in this context, could show the direction of the trail—going to the left or northward on an upward path, as shown by the arm and leg, and southward or downwards, as hinted by the lower tilt of the leg and the lower forearm and hand on the right side of the painting.

These illustrations, as well as other pictographs on the same rock, not now represented, exhibit remarkable resemblance to the general type of Shoshonean drawing, and from such evidence as is now attainable it is probable that they are of Chemehuevi origin, as that tribe at one time ranged far to the west, though north of the mountains, and also visited the valley and settlements at Los Angeles to trade. It is also known that the Mojaves came at stated periods to Los Angeles as late as 1845, and the trail indicated at point a of the map would appear to have been their most practicable and convenient route. There is strong evidence that the Moki sometimes visited the Pacific coast and might readily have taken this same course, marking the important portions of the route by drawings in the nature of guideboards.

These illustrations, along with other pictographs on the same rock that aren't shown here, show a striking similarity to the typical style of Shoshonean art. Based on the evidence we have now, it's likely that they originated from the Chemehuevi tribe, who once traveled far to the west, north of the mountains, and also visited the Los Angeles area to trade. It's also known that the Mojaves came to Los Angeles at regular intervals as recently as 1845, and the trail marked at point a on the map seems to be their most practical and convenient route. There's strong evidence that the Moki occasionally made trips to the Pacific coast and could have easily taken this same path, marking key points along the route with drawings that served as guides.

The following curious account is taken from The Redman, Carlisle, October, 1888:

The following interesting story is from The Redman, Carlisle, October, 1888:

A ranchman visiting a deserted camp of Piegans found the following notice:

A rancher visiting an abandoned camp of Piegans found this notice:

We called at this ranch at dinner time. They treated us badly, giving us no dinner and sending us away. There is a head man who has two dogs, one of which has no tail. There are two larger men who are laborers. They have two pairs of large horses and two large colts, also another smaller pair of horses and two ponies which have two colts.

We stopped by this ranch around dinner time. They didn’t treat us well, refusing to feed us and sending us away. There’s a guy in charge who has two dogs, one of which is missing its tail. There are two bigger guys who work there. They have two sets of big horses and two large colts, as well as another smaller set of horses and two ponies that each have a colt.

The notice was composed thus: A circle of round stones represented the horses and ponies, the latter being smaller stones; the stones outside of the circle meant there were so many colts. Near the center was a long narrow stone, upon the end of which was a small one. This denoted the head man or owner, whose two dogs were shown by two pieces of bark, one with a square end while the other had a twig stuck in for a tail. Two other long narrow stones, larger than the first, stood for the laborers; these had no small stones on them. Some sticks of wood, upon which was a small pile of buffalo chips, meant that dinner was ready; and empty shells turned upside down told they got nothing to eat, but were sent away.

The notice was written like this: A circle of round stones represented the horses and ponies, with the ponies being smaller stones; the stones outside the circle indicated there were several colts. Near the center was a long narrow stone, with a small stone on one end. This represented the head man or owner, whose two dogs were shown by two pieces of bark, one with a square end and the other with a twig stuck in as a tail. Two other long narrow stones, larger than the first, stood for the workers; these didn’t have any small stones on them. Some sticks of wood with a small pile of buffalo chips meant that dinner was ready, and empty shells turned upside down indicated they had nothing to eat and were sent away.

Mr. Charles W. Cunningham, formerly of Phœnix, Arizona, reports[357] the finding of petroglyphs in Rowe canyon, one-half mile from the base of Bradshaw mountain, Arizona. The characters are pecked upon its vertical wall of hard porphyry, covering a space between 12 or 15 feet in length and about 30 feet above the surface of the earth. They consist of human figures with outstretched arms, apparently driving animals resembling sheep or goats, while at the head of the procession appears the figure of a bear. The explanation given seems to be a notification to Indian herders that in going through the canyon they should be careful to guard against bears or possibly other dangerous animals, as the trail or canyon leads down to some water tanks where the herders may habitually have driven the stock.

Mr. Charles W. Cunningham, previously from Phoenix, Arizona, reports[357] the discovery of petroglyphs in Rowe Canyon, half a mile from the base of Bradshaw Mountain, Arizona. The figures are etched into its vertical wall of hard porphyry, covering an area about 12 to 15 feet long and around 30 feet above the ground. They depict human figures with outstretched arms, seemingly herding animals that look like sheep or goats, while at the front of the group is a figure of a bear. The interpretation provided suggests this is a warning to Indian herders that while passing through the canyon, they should be cautious of bears or possibly other dangerous animals, as the trail or canyon leads down to some water tanks where the herders may regularly have driven their livestock.

D’Albertis (b) mentions of the Papuans that a warning not to enter a dwelling is made by erecting outside of it a stick, on the top of which is a piece of bark or a cocoanut, and in Yule island these warnings or taboo sticks are furnished with stone heads.

D’Albertis (b) notes that the Papuans signal a warning to stay out of a dwelling by putting up a stick outside, topped with a piece of bark or a coconut. On Yule Island, these warning or taboo sticks have stone heads.

When a Tartar shaman wished to be undisturbed he placed a dried goat’s-head, with its prominent horns, over a wooden peg outside of his tent and then dropped the curtain. No one would dare to venture in.

When a Tartar shaman wanted to be left alone, he would put a dried goat's head, with its big horns, on a wooden peg outside his tent and then close the curtain. No one would dare to come in.

The following is quoted from Franz Keller (b):

The following is quoted from Franz Keller (b):

In the immense primeval forests, extending between the Ivahy and the Paranapanama, the Paraná and the Tibagy, the rich hunting grounds of numerous Coroado hordes, one frequently encounters, chiefly near forsaken palm sheds, a strange collection of objects hung up between the trees on thin cords or cipós, such as little pieces of wood, feathers, bones, and the claws and jaws of different animals.

In the vast ancient forests that stretch between the Ivahy and the Paranapanama, the Paraná and the Tibagy, which are rich hunting grounds for various Coroado groups, you often come across, especially near abandoned palm shacks, an odd assortment of items suspended between the trees on thin cords or vines, like small pieces of wood, feathers, bones, and the claws and jaws of different animals.

In the opinion of those well versed in Indian lore these hieroglyphs are designed as epistles to other members of the tribe regarding the produce of the chase, the number and stay of the huntsmen, domestic intelligence, and the like; but this strange kind of composition, reminding one of the quippus (knotted cords), of the old Peruvians, has not yet been quite unraveled, though it is desirable that it should be, for the naïve son of the woods also uses it sometimes in his intercourse with the white man.

In the view of experts in Indian culture, these symbols are meant as messages to other tribe members about the results of the hunt, the number and presence of hunters, local news, and similar topics. However, this unusual form of writing, which is reminiscent of the quipus (knotted cords) used by the ancient Peruvians, has not been fully decoded yet, even though it would be beneficial to do so, as the innocent child of the forest also uses it at times in his interactions with white people.

Settlers in this country, on going in the morning to look after their very primitive mills near their cottages, have frequently discovered them going bravely, but bruising pebbles instead of the maize grains, while on the floor of the open shed names and purposes of the unwelcome nocturnal visitors have been legibly written in the sand. Among the well-drawn zigzag lines were inserted the magnificent long tail feathers of the red and blue macaw, which are generally used by the Coroados for their arrows; and, as these are the symbols of war and night attacks, the whole was probably meant for a warning and admonition ad hominem: “Take up your bundle and go or beware of our arrows.”

Settlers in this country, when they head out in the morning to check on their very basic mills near their cottages, often find them running smoothly but crushing pebbles instead of the maize grains. Meanwhile, on the floor of the open shed, the names and intentions of the unwelcome nighttime visitors have been clearly marked in the sand. Among the well-drawn zigzag lines are the beautiful long tail feathers of the red and blue macaw, which the Coroados typically use for their arrows. As these feathers symbolize war and nighttime raids, the entire display was likely intended as a warning: "Pack your things and leave, or watch out for our arrows."

CHAPTER XII.
COMMUNICATIONS.

Under this heading notes and illustrations are grouped of transmitted drawings, which were employed as letters and missives now are by people who possess the art of writing. To the drawings are added some descriptions of objects sent for the same purposes. These are sometimes obviously ideographic, but often appear to be conventional or arbitrary. It is probable that the transmittal or exchange of such objects anteceded the pictorial attempt at correspondence, so that the former should be considered in connection with the latter. The topic is conveniently divided by the purposes of the communications, viz, (1) declaration of war, (2) profession of peace and friendship, (3) challenge, (4) social and religious missives, (5) claim or demand.

Under this heading, notes and illustrations are grouped together from transmitted drawings, which were used like letters and messages by people who knew how to write. Along with the drawings, there are some descriptions of objects sent for the same purposes. These are sometimes clearly ideographic, but often seem to be conventional or arbitrary. It’s likely that the sending or exchanging of such objects happened before attempts at pictorial communication, so the former should be viewed in relation to the latter. The topic is conveniently divided by the purposes of these communications: (1) declaration of war, (2) profession of peace and friendship, (3) challenge, (4) social and religious messages, (5) claim or demand.

SECTION 1.
War Declaration.

Le Page du Pratz (a), in 1718, reported the following:

Le Page du Pratz (a), in 1718, reported the following:

The Natchez make a declaration of war by leaving a hieroglyphic picture against a tree in the enemy’s country, and in front of the picture they place, saltierwise, two red arrows. At the upper part of the picture at the right is the hieroglyphic sign which designates the nation that declares war; next, a naked man, easy to recognize, who has a casse-tête in his hand. Following is an arrow, drawn so as in its flight to pierce a woman, who flees with her hair spread out and flowing in the air. Immediately in front of this woman is a sign belonging to the nation against which war is declared; all this is on the same line. That which is below is not so clear or so much relied upon in the interpretation. This line begins with the sign of a moon (i. e., month) which will follow in a short time. The days that come afterward are indicated by straight strokes and the moon by a face without rays. There is also a man who has in front of him many arrows which seem directed to hit a woman who is in flight. All that announces that when the moon will be so many days old they will come in great numbers to attack the designated nation.

The Natchez declare war by leaving a pictogram on a tree in enemy territory, and in front of the image, they place two red arrows. At the top right of the image is the symbol representing the nation declaring war, followed by a recognizable naked man holding a club. Next is an arrow drawn as if it will pierce a woman who is fleeing with her hair flowing in the wind. Directly in front of her is a symbol representing the nation they're going to war against; all of this is on the same line. The section below is less clear and less relied upon for interpretation. This line starts with a moon symbol (i.e., month) that will appear soon. The days that follow are marked with straight lines and the moon is represented by a face without rays. There's also a man in front of many arrows that seem aimed at hitting a fleeing woman. All of this indicates that when the moon reaches a certain age, they will gather in large numbers to attack the targeted nation.

Lahontan (a) writes:

Lahontan (a) states:

The way of declaring war by the Canadian Algonquian Indians is this: They send back to the nation that they have a mind to quarrel with a slave of the same country, with orders to carry to the village of his own nation an axe, the handle of which is painted red and black.

The method the Canadian Algonquian Indians use to declare war is as follows: They send a captive from the nation they intend to fight back to that nation, with instructions to take an axe with a red and black painted handle to the village of his own people.

The Huron-Iroquois of Canada sent a belt of black wampum as a declaration of war.

The Huron-Iroquois of Canada sent a black wampum belt as a declaration of war.

Material objects were often employed in declaration of war, some of which may assist in the interpretation of pictographs. A few instances are mentioned:

Material objects were often used to declare war, some of which might help in understanding pictographs. A few examples are noted:

Capt. Laudonnière (a) says: “Arrows, to which long hairs are attached, were stuck up along the trail or road by the Florida Indians, in 1565, to signify a declaration of war.”

Capt. Laudonnière (a) says: “Arrows with long hairs attached were placed along the trail or road by the Florida Indians in 1565 to signal a declaration of war.”

Dr. Georg. Schweinfurth (a) gives the following:

Dr. Georg Schweinfurth (a) provides the following:

I may here allude to the remarkable symbolism by which war was declared against us on the frontiers of Wando’s territory. * * * Close on the path, and in full view of every passenger, three objects were suspended from the branch of a tree, viz, an ear of maize, the feather of a fowl, and an arrow. * * * Our guides readily comprehended and as readily explained the meaning of the emblems, which were designed to signify that whoever touched an ear of maize or laid his grasp upon a single fowl would assuredly be the victim of the arrow.

I can reference the striking symbolism used to declare war on us at the borders of Wando’s territory. * * * Right along the path, clearly visible to everyone passing by, three objects hung from a tree branch: an ear of corn, a bird's feather, and an arrow. * * * Our guides quickly understood and easily explained the meaning of these symbols, which were meant to convey that anyone who touched an ear of corn or grabbed a bird would definitely become the target of the arrow.

In the Notes on Eastern Equatorial Africa, by MM. V. Jacques (a) and É. Storms, it is stated that when a chief wishes to declare war he sends to the chief against whom he has a complaint an ambassador bearing a leaden bullet and a hoe. If the latter chooses the bullet, war ensues; if the hoe, it means that he consents to enter into negotiations to maintain peace.

In the Notes on Eastern Equatorial Africa, by MM. V. Jacques (a) and É. Storms, it’s mentioned that when a chief wants to declare war, he sends an ambassador to the chief he has an issue with, carrying a lead bullet and a hoe. If the recipient picks the bullet, war starts; if he chooses the hoe, it means he agrees to enter negotiations to keep the peace.

Terrien de Lacouperie, op. cit., pp. 420, 421, reports:

Terrien de Lacouperie, op. cit., pp. 420, 421, reports:

The following instance in Tibeto-China is of a mixed character. The use of material objects is combined with that of notched sticks. When the Li-su are minded to rebel they send to the Moso chief (who rules them on behalf of the Chinese Government) what the Chinese call a muhki and the Tibetans a shing-tchram. It is a stick with knife-cut notches. Some symbols are fastened to it, such, for instance, as a feather, calcined wood, a little fish, etc. The bearer must explain the meaning of the notches and symbols. The notches may indicate the number of hundreds or thousands of soldiers who are coming; the feather shows that they arrive with the swiftness of a bird; the burnt wood, that they will set fire to everything on their way; the fish, that they will throw everybody into the water, etc. This custom is largely used among all the savage tribes of the region. It is also the usual manner in which chiefs transmit their orders.

The following example from Tibet and China has a mixed nature. The use of physical objects is combined with notched sticks. When the Li-su plan to rebel, they send a message to the Moso chief (who governs them on behalf of the Chinese Government) called a muhki by the Chinese and a shing-tchram by the Tibetans. It’s a stick with notches cut by a knife. Some symbols, like a feather, burnt wood, or a small fish, are attached to it. The messenger must explain what the notches and symbols mean. The notches can indicate how many hundreds or thousands of soldiers are coming; the feather signifies that they arrive with the speed of a bird; the burnt wood shows they will burn everything in their path; the fish indicates they will throw everyone into the water, and so on. This practice is commonly used among all the native tribes in the area. It’s also the usual way for chiefs to convey their orders.

SECTION 2.
Career in Peace and Friendship.

The following account of pictorial correspondence leading to peace was written by Governor Lewis Cass, while on one of his numerous missions to the Western tribes, before 1820:

The following account of visual communication that led to peace was written by Governor Lewis Cass during one of his many missions to the Western tribes before 1820:

Some years before, mutually weary of hostilities, the chiefs of the Ojibwas and the Dakotas met and agreed upon a truce. But the Sioux, disregarding the solemn contract which they had formed, and actuated by some sudden impulse, attacked the Ojibwas and murdered a number of them.

Some years earlier, tired of constant fighting, the leaders of the Ojibwas and the Dakotas came together and agreed on a truce. But the Sioux, ignoring the serious agreement they had made, and driven by some sudden urge, attacked the Ojibwas and killed several of them.

On our arrival at Sandy lake I proposed to the Ojibwa chiefs that a deputation should accompany us to the mouth of the St. Peters, with a view to establish a permanent peace between them and the Sioux. The Ojibwas readily acceded to this, and ten of their principal men descended the Mississippi with us. The computed distance from Sandy lake to the St. Peters is 600 miles. As we neared this part of the country we found our Ojibway friends cautious and observing.

On our arrival at Sandy Lake, I suggested to the Ojibwa chiefs that a group should join us to the mouth of the St. Peters to establish a lasting peace between them and the Sioux. The Ojibwas quickly agreed to this, and ten of their leading men traveled down the Mississippi with us. The estimated distance from Sandy Lake to the St. Peters is 600 miles. As we got closer to this area, we noticed our Ojibway friends were careful and watchful.

The Ojibwa landed occasionally to examine whether any of the Sioux had recently visited that quarter. In one of these excursions an Ojibwa found in a conspicuous place a piece of birch bark, made flat by fastening between two sticks at each end, and about 18 inches long by 2 broad.

The Ojibwa occasionally landed to check if any Sioux had recently visited that area. On one of these trips, an Ojibwa found a noticeable piece of birch bark, flattened by being held between two sticks at each end, measuring about 18 inches long and 2 inches wide.

This bark contained the answer of the Sioux nation. So sanguinary had been the contest between these two tribes that no personal communication could take place. Neither the sanctity of office nor the importance of the message could protect the ambassador of either party from the vengeance of the other.

This message held the response from the Sioux nation. The conflict between these two tribes had been so violent that no direct communication was possible. Neither the dignity of the role nor the significance of the message could spare the ambassador of either side from the wrath of the other.

Some time preceding, the Ojibwas, anxious for peace, had sent a number of their young men into these plains with a similar piece of bark, upon which they represented their desire. This bark had been left hanging to a tree, in an exposed situation, and had been found and taken away by a party of Sioux.

Some time before, the Ojibwas, eager for peace, sent several young men into these plains with a similar piece of bark, where they expressed their wishes. This bark was left hanging on a tree in a visible spot and was discovered and taken by a group of Sioux.

The proposition had been examined and discussed in the Sioux villages, and the bark contained their answer. The Ojibwa explained to us with great facility the intention of the Sioux.

The proposal had been reviewed and talked about in the Sioux villages, and the bark held their response. The Ojibwa clearly explained to us what the Sioux meant.

The junction of the St. Peters with the Mississippi, where the principal part of the Sioux reside, was represented, and also the American fort, with a sentinel on duty, and a flag flying.

The meeting point of the St. Peters and the Mississippi, where most of the Sioux live, was shown, along with the American fort, featuring a guard on duty and a flag waving.

The principal Sioux chief was named The-Six, alluding, I believe, to the band of villages under his influence. To show that he was not present at the deliberation upon the subject of peace, he was represented on a smaller piece of bark, which was attached to the other. To identify him, he was drawn with six heads and a large medal. Another Sioux chief stood in the foreground, holding a pipe in his right hand and his weapons in his left. Even we could not misunderstand that; like our own eagle with the olive branch and arrows, he was desirous for peace, but prepared for war.

The main Sioux chief was called The-Six, which I think referred to the group of villages he led. To indicate that he wasn’t involved in the discussion about peace, he was depicted on a smaller piece of bark that was attached to the larger one. To identify him, he was illustrated with six heads and a big medal. Another Sioux chief was in the front, holding a pipe in his right hand and his weapons in his left. We couldn't mistake that; like our own eagle with the olive branch and arrows, he wanted peace but was ready for war.

The Sioux party contained fifty-nine warriors, indicated by fifty-nine guns, drawn upon one corner of the bark.

The Sioux group had fifty-nine warriors, shown by fifty-nine guns, positioned on one corner of the bark.

The encampment of our troops had been removed from the low grounds upon the St. Peters to a high hill upon the Mississippi. Two forts were therefore drawn upon the bark, and the solution was not discovered until our arrival at St. Peters.

The camp of our troops had been moved from the lowlands by the St. Peters to a high hill by the Mississippi. Two forts were then marked on the map, and the solution wasn't found until we got to St. Peters.

The effect of the discovery of the bark upon the minds of the Ojibwas was visible and immediate.

The impact of discovering the bark on the Ojibwas' minds was evident and instant.

The Ojibwa bark was drawn in the same general manner, and Sandy lake, the principal place of their residence, was represented with much accuracy. To remove any doubts respecting it, a view was given of the old northwestern establishment, situated upon the shore, and now in the possession of the American Fur Company.

The Ojibwa bark was illustrated in a similar way, and Sandy Lake, their main settlement, was depicted quite accurately. To clear up any uncertainties about it, there was a view provided of the old northwestern establishment, located on the shore and currently owned by the American Fur Company.

No proportion was preserved in their attempt at delineation. One mile of the Mississippi, including the mouth of the St. Peters, occupied as much space as the whole distance to Sandy Lake, nor was there anything to show that one part was nearer to the spectator than another.

No scale was maintained in their attempt at drawing. One mile of the Mississippi, including the mouth of the St. Peters, took up as much space as the entire distance to Sandy Lake, and there was nothing to indicate that one section was closer to the viewer than another.

The above pictorially professed attitude of being ready for either peace or war may be compared with the account in Champlain—Voyages (d)—of the chief whose name was Mariston, but he assumed that of Mahigan Atticq, translated as Wolf Deer. He thereby proclaimed that when at peace he was mild as a deer, but when at war was savage as a wolf.

The earlier illustrated attitude of being prepared for either peace or war can be likened to the account in Champlain—Voyages (d)—about the chief named Mariston, who went by the name Mahigan Atticq, translated as Wolf Deer. He declared that in times of peace he was gentle like a deer, but in times of war he was fierce like a wolf.

In Davis’ Conquest of New Mexico (a) it is stated that Vargas’ Expedition in 1694 was met by the Utes, who hoisted a deerskin in token of peace.

In Davis’ Conquest of New Mexico (a) it is stated that Vargas’ Expedition in 1694 was met by the Utes, who raised a deerskin as a sign of peace.

The following “speech of an Ojibwa chief in negotiating a peace with the Sioux, 1806,” from Maj. Pike’s (a) Expeditions, etc., shows the pictographic use of the pipe as a profession of peace:

The following “speech of an Ojibwa chief negotiating peace with the Sioux in 1806,” from Maj. Pike’s (a) Expeditions, etc., demonstrates the pictorial representation of the pipe as a symbol of peace:

My father, tell the Sioux on the upper part of the river St. Peters that they mark trees with the figure of a calumet; that we of Red lake who may go that way should we see them, that we may make peace with them, being assured of their pacific disposition when we shall see the calumet marked on the trees.

My father, please tell the Sioux living upstream on the St. Peters River to mark trees with the image of a calumet. We from Red Lake who might travel that way should look for these marks so that we can make peace with them, knowing they are friendly when we see the calumet symbols on the trees.

D’Iberville, in 1699, as printed in Margry, IV, 153, said that the Indians met by him near the mouth of the Mississippi river indicated their peaceful and friendly purposes by holding up in the air a small stick of whitened wood. The same authority, in the same volume, p. 175, tells that the Oumas bore a white cross as a similar declaration; and another journal, in the same volume, p. 239, describes a stick also so borne as being fashioned like a pipe. The actual use of the pipe in profession of peace and friendship is mentioned in several parts of the present paper. See, also, the passport mentioned on p. 214 and wampum, p. 225.

D'Iberville, in 1699, as noted in Margry, IV, 153, reported that the Indians he encountered near the mouth of the Mississippi River showed their peaceful and friendly intentions by holding up a small stick made of light-colored wood. The same source, in the same volume, p. 175, indicates that the Oumas displayed a white cross for the same purpose; and another journal entry, in the same volume, p. 239, describes a stick that was also held up and shaped like a pipe. The actual use of the pipe to signify peace and friendship is mentioned in several sections of this paper. See also the passport referenced on p. 214 and wampum, p. 225.

Lieut. Col. Woodthorpe, in Jour. Anthr. Inst. Gr. Br. and I., XI, p. 211, says of the wild tribes of the Naga Hills, on the northeastern frontier of India:

Lieut. Col. Woodthorpe, in Jour. Anthr. Inst. Gr. Br. and I., XI, p. 211, talks about the wild tribes of the Naga Hills, located on India's northeastern border:

On the road to Niao we saw on the ground a curious mud figure of a man in slight relief presenting a gong in the direction of Senua. This was supposed to show that the Niao men were willing to come to terms with Senua, then at war with Niao. Another mode of evincing a desire to turn away the wrath of an approaching enemy and induce him to open negotiations is to tie up in his path a couple of goats, sometimes also a gong, with the universal symbol of peace, a palm leaf planted in the ground hard by.

On the way to Niao, we spotted an interesting mud figure of a man slightly raised, holding out a gong towards Senua. This was meant to indicate that the Niao people were open to negotiating with Senua, who was then at war with Niao. Another way of showing a desire to avoid the anger of an approaching enemy and encourage them to start negotiations is to place a couple of goats in their path, sometimes alongside a gong, with the universal symbol of peace, a palm leaf, planted nearby.

Fig. 470.—West African message.

G. W. Bloxam (a) gives the following description of Fig. 470:

G. W. Bloxam (a) provides this description of Fig. 470:

It represents a message of peace and good news from the King of Jebu to the King of Lagos, after his restoration to the throne on the 28th of December, 1851. It appears complicated, but the interpretation is simple enough. First we find eight cowries arranged in pairs, and signifying the people in the four corners of the world, and it will be observed that, while three of the pairs are arranged with their faces upwards, the fourth and uppermost, i. e., the pair in the most important position, are facing one another, thus signifying that the correspondents, or the people of Jebu and Lagos, are animated by friendly feeling towards each other; so, too, there are two each of all the other objects, meaning, “you and I,” “we two.” The two large seeds or warres, a, a, express a wish that “you and I” should play together as intimate friends do, at the game of “warre,” in which these seeds are used and which is the common game of the country, holding very much the same position as chess or draughts with us; the two flat seeds, b, b, are seeds of a sweet fruit called “osan,” the name of which is derived from the verb, “san,” to please [Mem. Notice the rebus] they, therefore, indicate a desire on the part of a sender of the message to please and to be pleased; lastly, the two pieces of spice, c, c, signify mutual trust. The following is the full meaning of the hieroglyphic:

It conveys a message of peace and good news from the King of Jebu to the King of Lagos, following his restoration to the throne on December 28, 1851. It may seem complicated, but it is quite easy to interpret. First, we find eight cowries arranged in pairs, representing the people in the four corners of the world. It’s worth noting that while three of the pairs are positioned with their faces upwards, the fourth and topmost pair, which holds the most significance, face each other, symbolizing that the correspondents, or the people of Jebu and Lagos, share a friendly sentiment toward one another. Additionally, there are two of each of the other objects, meaning, “you and I,” “we two.” The two large seeds or warres, a, a, express a desire for “you and I” to play together like close friends do in the game of “warre,” which uses these seeds and is the popular game of the country, much like chess or checkers for us. The two flat seeds, b, b, come from a sweet fruit called “osan,” a name derived from the verb “san,” which means to please [Mem. Notice the rebus]. They thus express the sender's wish to please and be pleased. Lastly, the two pieces of spice, c, c, signify mutual trust. The following is the complete meaning of the hieroglyphic:

Of all the people by which the four corners of the world are inhabited, the Lagos and Jebu people are the nearest.

Of all the people living in every corner of the world, the Lagos and Jebu people are the closest.

As “warre” is the common play of the country, so the Jebus and Lagos should always play and be friendly with each other.

As "war" is the common game of the land, so the Jebus and Lagos should always play and get along with each other.

Mutual pleasantness is my desire; as it is pleasant with me so may it be pleasant with you.

Mutual friendliness is what I want; just as it’s enjoyable for me, may it also be enjoyable for you.

Deceive me not, because the spice would yield nothing else but a sweet and genuine odor unto god. I shall never deal doubly with you.

Deceive me not, because the spice would produce nothing but a sweet and authentic scent to God. I will never be dishonest with you.

SECTION 3.
CHALLENGE.

H. H. Bancroft (a), in Native Races, says that the Shumeias challenged the Pomos (in central California) by placing three little sticks notched in the middle and at both ends, on a mound which marked the boundary between the two tribes. If the Pomos accept they tie a string round the middle notch. Heralds then meet and arrange time and place and the battle comes off as appointed.

H. H. Bancroft (a), in Native Races, says that the Shumeias challenged the Pomos (in central California) by placing three small sticks notched in the middle and at both ends on a mound that marked the boundary between the two tribes. If the Pomos accept, they tie a string around the middle notch. Heralds then meet to arrange the time and place, and the battle takes place as planned.

The sending of material objects was the earliest and most natural mode for low cultured tribes to communicate when out of sight and hearing. Such was the system in use among the Scythians at the time of the invasion of their land by Darius. The version of the story in Herodotus is that commonly cited, but there is another by Pherecydes of Heros, who relates that Idanthuras, the Scythian king, when Darius had crossed the Ister, threatened him with war, sending him not a letter, but a composite symbol, which consisted of a mouse, a frog, a bird, an arrow, and a plow. When there was much discussion concerning the meaning of this message, Orontopagas, the chiliarch, maintained that it was a surrender; for he conjectured the mouse to mean their dwelling, the frog their waters, the bird their air, the arrow their arms, and the plow their country. But Xiphodres offered a contrary interpretation, thus: “Unless like birds we fly aloft, or like mice burrow under the ground, or like frogs take ourselves to the water, we shall never escape their weapons, for we are not masters of their country.”

The sending of physical items was the earliest and most natural way for low-cultured tribes to communicate when they were out of sight and hearing. This was the method used by the Scythians during the time Darius invaded their land. The version of the story told by Herodotus is the one most often referenced, but Pherecydes of Heros provides a different account. He recounts that Idanthuras, the Scythian king, threatened Darius with war when he crossed the Ister, not by sending a letter but a combination of symbols — a mouse, a frog, a bird, an arrow, and a plow. There was much debate about what this message meant, and Orontopagas, the chiliarch, argued that it signified a surrender, interpreting the mouse as their homes, the frog as their waters, the bird as their air, the arrow as their arms, and the plow as their land. However, Xiphodres presented a different interpretation: “Unless we fly like birds, burrow like mice, or seek refuge in the water like frogs, we will never escape their weapons, since we do not control their land.”

SECTION 4.
Social and religious messages.

Fig. 471 is a letter, one-half actual size, written by an Ojibwa girl, the daughter of a Midē', to a favored lover, requesting him to call at her lodge. This girl had taken no Midē' degrees, but had simply acquired her pictographic skill from observation in her home.

Fig. 471 is a letter, half actual size, written by an Ojibwa girl, the daughter of a Midē', to a special boyfriend, asking him to come by her lodge. This girl hadn't taken any Midē' degrees but had just learned her pictographic skill from watching at home.

Fig. 471.—Ojibwa love letter.

The explanation of the figure is as follows:

The description of the figure is as follows:

a. The writer of the letter, a girl of the Bear totem, as indicated by that animal, b.

a. The author of the letter, a girl representing the Bear totem, as shown by that animal, b.

e and f. The companions of a, the crosses signifying that the three girls are Christians.

e and f. The friends of a, the crosses indicating that the three girls are Christians.

c and g. The lodges occupied by the girls. The lodges are near a large lake, j, a trail leading from g to h, which is a well-traveled road.

c and g. The cabins where the girls stay. The cabins are close to a big lake, j, with a path that goes from g to h, which is a busy road.

The letter was written to a man of the Mud Puppy totem, as indicated in d.

The letter was written to a man with the Mud Puppy totem, as indicated in d.

i. The road leading to the lodge occupied by the recipient of the letter.

i. The road leading to the cabin where the letter's recipient lives.

k and l. Lakes near which the lodges are built.

k and l. Lakes where the lodges are located.

In examining c, the writer’s hand is seen protruding from an opening to denote beckoning and to indicate which lodge to visit. The clear indications of the locality serve as well as if in a city a young woman had sent an invitation to her young man to call at a certain street and number.

In looking at c, the writer’s hand is visible reaching out from an opening to signal someone to come over and show which lodge to visit. The clear signs of the location are as effective as if a young woman in a city had sent an invite to her guy to come to a specific street and address.

Fig. 472.—Cheyenne letter.

Fig. 472 is a letter sent by mail from a Southern Cheyenne, named Turtle-following-his-Wife, at the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory, to his son Little-Man, at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota. It was drawn on a half-sheet of ordinary writing paper, without a word written, and was inclosed in an envelope, which was addressed to “Little-Man, Cheyenne, Pine Ridge Agency,” in the ordinary manner, written by some one at the first named agency. The letter was evidently understood by Little-Man, as he immediately called upon Dr. V. T. McGillycuddy, Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, and was aware that the sum of $53 had been placed to his credit for the purpose of enabling him to pay his expenses in going the long journey to his father’s home in Indian Territory. Dr. McGillycuddy had, by the same mail, received a letter from Agent Dyer, inclosing $53, and explaining the reason for its being sent, which enabled him also to understand the pictographic letter. With the above explanation it very clearly shows, over the head of the figure to the left, the turtle following the turtle’s wife united with the head of the figure by a line, and over the head of the other figure, also united by a line to it, is a little man. Also over the right arm of the last-mentioned figure is another little man in the act of springing or advancing toward Turtle-following-his-Wife, from whose[364] mouth proceed two lines, curved or hooked at the end, as if drawing the little figure toward him. It is suggested that the last mentioned part of the pictograph is the substance of the communication, i. e., “come to me,” the larger figures with their name totems being the persons addressed and addressing. Between and above the two large figures are fifty-three round objects intended for dollars. Both the Indian figures have on breechcloths, corresponding with the information given concerning them, which is that they are Cheyennes who are not all civilized or educated.

Fig. 472 is a letter mailed from a Southern Cheyenne named Turtle-following-his-Wife at the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory, to his son Little-Man at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota. It was written on a half-sheet of regular writing paper without any words and was placed in an envelope addressed to "Little-Man, Cheyenne, Pine Ridge Agency," in the usual format, written by someone at the first agency. Little-Man clearly understood the letter, as he promptly visited Dr. V. T. McGillycuddy, the Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, and learned that $53 had been credited to him to help cover his travel expenses for the long journey to his father's home in Indian Territory. Dr. McGillycuddy had also received a letter from Agent Dyer via the same mail, which included the $53 and explained its purpose, allowing him to comprehend the pictographic letter as well. The explanation makes it clear that above the figure on the left, there’s a turtle following another turtle (the turtle’s wife), connected by a line, and above the head of the other figure, also linked by a line, is a little man. Additionally, above the right arm of this little man is another little man leaping towards Turtle-following-his-Wife, from whose mouth extend two lines, curved or hooked at the ends, as if to pull the little figure toward him. It’s interpreted that this last part of the pictograph conveys the message, "come to me," with the larger figures representing the people involved in the communication. Between and above the two large figures are fifty-three round shapes representing dollars. Both Indian figures are wearing breechcloths, consistent with the information provided about them, which indicates that they are Cheyennes who are not fully civilized or educated.

Sagard (a) tells of the Algonkins of the Ottawa river, that when a feast was to be given, the host sent to each person whose presence was desired a little stick of wood, peculiar to them (i. e., probably marked or colored) of the length and thickness of the little finger, which he was obliged to show on entering the lodge, as might be done with a card of invitation and admission. The precaution was seemingly necessary both for the host’s larder and the satisfaction of the guests, as on an occasion mentioned by the good brother, each of the guests was provided with a big piece of sturgeon and plenty of “sagamite huylée.” There was probably some principle of selection connected with totems or religious societies on such occasions, not told by the narrator, as the ordinary custom among Indians is to keep open house[365] to all comers, who generally were the aboriginal “tramps,” with the result of waste and subsequent famine.

Sagard (a) describes the Algonquin people along the Ottawa River. When a feast was planned, the host would send a small piece of wood, unique to each guest (likely marked or colored), about the size of a pinky finger. Each guest was required to show this stick upon entering the lodge, similar to presenting an invitation. This measure seemed necessary for both the host's supplies and to ensure the guests’ satisfaction. On one occasion mentioned by the good brother, every guest received a large piece of sturgeon and plenty of “sagamite huylée.” There was likely a selection principle linked to totems or religious societies on such occasions that the narrator didn't elaborate on, since the usual practice among Indians was to keep their homes open to anyone, typically including wandering aboriginals, which often led to waste and later hunger.

The Rev. Peter Jones (b), an educated Ojibwa missionary, in speaking of the eastern bands of the Ojibwa says:

The Rev. Peter Jones (b), an educated Ojibwa missionary, when discussing the eastern bands of the Ojibwa says:

Their method of imploring the favor or appeasing the anger of their deities is by offering sacrifices to them in the following order: When an Indian meets with ill-luck in hunting, or when afflictions come across his path, he fancies that by the neglect of some duty he has incurred the displeasure of his munedoo, for which he is angry with him; and in order to appease his wrath, he devotes the first game he takes to making a religious feast, to which he invites a number of the principal men and women from the other wigwams. A young man is generally sent as a messenger to invite the guests, who carries with him a bunch of colored quills or sticks, about 4 inches long. On entering the wigwam he shouts out “Keweekomegoo;” that is, “You are bidden to a feast.” He then distributes the quills to such as are invited; these answer to the white people’s invitation cards. When the guests arrive at the feast-maker’s wigwam the quills are returned to him; they are of three colors, red, green, and white; the red for the aged, or those versed in the wahbuhnoo order; the green for the media order, and the white for the common people.

Their way of asking for help or calming the anger of their gods is by offering sacrifices to them in this order: When an Indian faces bad luck while hunting, or when hardships arise, he thinks that by neglecting some responsibility, he has upset his munedoo, and he feels angry about it. To calm this anger, he dedicates the first game he catches to holding a religious feast and invites several important men and women from nearby wigwams. A young man is usually sent as a messenger to invite the guests, carrying a bunch of colored quills or sticks, about 4 inches long. Upon entering the wigwam, he calls out “Keweekomegoo,” which means, “You are invited to a feast.” He then hands out the quills to those invited; these are similar to invitation cards in the white community. When the guests arrive at the feast-maker’s wigwam, they return the quills to him. They come in three colors: red, green, and white; red is for the elders or those knowledgeable about the wahbuhnoo order; green is for the middle-ranking individuals, and white is for the common people.

Mr. David Boyle (b) refers to the above custom, and quotes Rev. Peter Jones, also giving as illustrations copies of the quills and sticks presented by Dr. P. E. Jones which had been brought by his father, the author above mentioned, from the Northwest fifty years ago. These are reproduced in Fig. 473.

Mr. David Boyle (b) talks about the custom mentioned above and quotes Rev. Peter Jones. He also includes examples of the quills and sticks given by Dr. P. E. Jones, which were brought by his father, the author mentioned earlier, from the Northwest fifty years ago. These are shown in Fig. 473.

Fig. 473.—Ojibwa invitations.

When the ceremony of the Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa is to be performed, the chief midē' priest sends out a courier to deliver to each member an invitation to attend. These invitations consist of sticks of cedar, or other wood when that can not be found, measuring from 4 to 6 inches in length and of the thickness of an ordinary lead pencil. They may be plain, though the former custom of having one end painted red or green is sometimes continued. The colored band is about the width of one-fifth of the length of the stick. It is stated that in old times these invitation sticks were ornamented with colored porcupine quills, or strands of beads, instead of with paint.

When the Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa is about to hold a ceremony, the chief midē' priest sends out a messenger to invite each member to attend. These invitations are made from cedar sticks, or another type of wood if cedar isn't available, measuring between 4 to 6 inches long and as thick as a regular pencil. They can be plain, but sometimes the old custom of painting one end red or green is still followed. The colored section is roughly one-fifth the length of the stick. It’s said that in the past, these invitation sticks were decorated with colorful porcupine quills or strands of beads instead of paint.

The courier detailed to deliver invitations is also obliged to state the day, and locality of the place of meeting. It is necessary for the invited member to present himself and to deposit the invitation stick upon the floor of the inclosure in which the meeting is held; should he be deprived[366] of the privilege of attending, he must return the stick with an explanation accounting for his absence.

The courier assigned to deliver invitations is also required to specify the date and location of the meeting. It’s essential for the invited member to show up and place the invitation stick on the floor of the area where the meeting is taking place; if he cannot attend, he must return the stick with an explanation for his absence.

Fig. 474.—Ojibwa invitation sticks.

Fig. 474 exhibits the sticks without coloration.

Fig. 474 shows the sticks in their natural color.

Another mode of giving invitations for the same ceremony is by sending around a piece of birch bark bearing characters similar to those in Fig. 475, taken from Copway, p. 136.

Another way to send invitations for the same ceremony is by passing around a piece of birch bark with symbols similar to those in Fig. 475, taken from Copway, p. 136.

Fig. 475.—Summons to Midē' ceremony.

The characters, beginning at the left hand, signify as follows: Medicine house; great lodge; wigwam; woods; lake; river; canoe; come; Great Spirit.

The characters, starting from the left, represent the following: Medicine house; big lodge; wigwam; forest; lake; river; canoe; arrival; Great Spirit.

Copway remarks as follows:

Copway says the following:

“In the above, the wigwam and the medicine pale, or worship, represent the depositories of medicine, record, and work. The lodge is represented with men in it; the dots above indicate the number of days.

“In the above, the wigwam and the medicine pale, or worship, represent the places where medicine, records, and work are stored. The lodge shows men inside it; the dots above indicate the number of days.”

“The whole story would thus read:

“The entire story would go like this:

‘Hark to the words of the Sa-ge-mah'. The Great Medicine Lodge will be ready in eight days. Ye who live in the woods and near the lakes and by streams of water come with your canoes or by land to the worship of the Great Spirit.’”

‘Listen to the words of the Sa-ge-mah.' The Great Medicine Lodge will be ready in eight days. Those of you who live in the woods, near the lakes, and by streams of water, come with your canoes or by land to worship the Great Spirit.’”

The above interpretation is too much adapted to the ideas and language of Christianity. The more simple and accurate expression would change the rendition from “worship” and “Great Spirit” to the simple notice about holding a session of the Grand Medicine Society.

The above interpretation is too closely aligned with the ideas and language of Christianity. A simpler and more accurate expression would change the wording from “worship” and “Great Spirit” to just a straightforward notice about holding a session of the Grand Medicine Society.

Fig. 476.—Passamaquoddy wikhegan.

Fig. 476, drawn by a Passamaquoddy, shows how the Indians of the tribe would now address the President of the United States, or the governor of Maine for help, and formerly would have made wikhegan for transmittal to a great chief having power over them. They say by this: “You are at the top of the pole, so no one can be higher than you. From this pole you can see the farthest of your country and can see all your children, and when any of your children come to see you they must work hard to get where you are, on top of the high pole. They must climb up this pole to reach you. You must pity them because they come long ways to see you, the man of power on the high pole.” This kind of wikhegan the old men called kinjemeswi waligoh, homage or salutation to the great chief. It was always in the old time accompanied by a belt of wampum.

Fig. 476, drawn by a Passamaquoddy, illustrates how the tribe's members would now approach the President of the United States or the governor of Maine for assistance, whereas in the past they would have sent a wikhegan to a great chief with authority over them. They express this by saying: “You are at the top of the pole, so no one can be higher than you. From this pole, you can see the farthest part of your country and can see all your children, and when any of your children come to see you, they have to work hard to reach where you are, at the top of the high pole. They must climb up this pole to get to you. You should show compassion for them because they travel a long way to see you, the man of power on the high pole.” This type of wikhegan the elders referred to as kinjemeswi waligoh, homage or greeting to the great chief. In the past, it was always accompanied by a belt of wampum.

A highly interesting illustration and account of a diplomatic packet from the pueblo of Tesuque appears in Schoolcraft (g), and in the same series (h) is a pictograph from the Caroline islands still more in point.

A very interesting illustration and description of a diplomatic packet from the pueblo of Tesuque can be found in Schoolcraft (g), and in the same series (h) is a pictograph from the Caroline Islands that is even more relevant.

A. W. Howitt (c) reports:

A. W. Howitt (c) reports:

Messengers in central Australia were sent to gather people together for dances from distances even up to 100 miles. Such messengers were painted with red ocher and wore a headdress of feathers.

Messengers in central Australia were sent out to gather people for dances from distances of up to 100 miles. These messengers were painted with red ocher and wore feathered headdresses.

In calling people together for the ceremonies of Wilyaru or Mindari the messengers were painted with diagonal stripes of yellow ocher, and had their beards tied tightly into a point. They carried a token shaped like a Prince of Wales feather, and made of emu feathers tied tightly with string.

In bringing people together for the Wilyaru or Mindari ceremonies, the messengers were painted with diagonal stripes of yellow ocher and had their beards tightly tied to a point. They carried a symbol shaped like a Prince of Wales feather, made from emu feathers tightly secured with string.

The sending of a handful of red ocher tied up in a small bundle signifies the great Mindari or peace festival. In giving notice of the intention to “make some young men” the messenger takes a handful of charcoal and places a piece in the mouth of each person present without saying a word. This is fully understood to mean the “making of young men” at the Wilyaru ceremony.

The sending of a small bundle of red ocher represents the great Mindari or peace festival. When announcing the intention to “make some young men,” the messenger takes a handful of charcoal and puts a piece in the mouth of each person present without saying anything. This is clearly understood to signify the “making of young men” at the Wilyaru ceremony.

The following is a description of a Turkish love letter, which was obtained by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (a) in 1717:

The following is a description of a Turkish love letter, which was obtained by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (a) in 1717:

I have got for you a Turkish love letter. * * * The translation of it is literally as follows. The first piece you should pull out of the purse is a little pearl, which must be understood in this manner:

I have a Turkish love letter for you. * * * The translation is literally as follows. The first thing you should take out of the purse is a small pearl, which should be understood this way:

PearlFairest of the young.
CloveYou are as slender as the clove.
 You are an unblown rose.
 I have long loved you and you have not known it.
JonquilHave pity on my passion.
PaperI faint every hour.
PearGive me some hope.
SoapI am sick with love.
CoalMay I die and all my years be yours.
A roseMay you be pleased and your sorrows mine.
A strawSuffer me to be your slave.
ClothYour price is not to be found.
CinnamonBut my fortune is yours.
A matchI burn, I burn! My flame consumes me.
Gold threadDon’t turn away your face from me.
HairCrown of my head.
GrapeMy two eyes.
Gold wireI die; come quickly.

And, by way of postscript:

And, as a postscript:

PepperSend me an answer.

You see this letter is all in verse, and I can assure you there is as much fancy shown in the choice of them as in the most studied expressions of our letters, there being, I believe, a million of verses designed for this use. There is no color, no flower, no weed, no fruit, herb, pebble, or feather that has not a verse belonging to it; and you may quarrel, reproach, or send letters of passion, friendship, or civility, or even of news without ever inking your fingers.

You see, this letter is entirely in verse, and I can assure you that there’s just as much creativity in choosing these lines as in the most carefully crafted expressions in our letters. I believe there are a million verses made for this purpose. There’s no color, flower, weed, fruit, herb, pebble, or feather that doesn’t have a verse associated with it; and you can argue, criticize, or send letters of love, friendship, politeness, or even news without ever getting ink on your fingers.

The use by Turks and Persians of flower letters or communications, the significance of which is formed by the selection and arrangement of flowers, is well known. A missive thus composed of flowers is called sélam, but the details are too contradictory and confused to furnish materials for an accurate dictionary of the flower language, though dictionaries and treatises on it have been published. (See Magnat.) Individual fancy and local convention, it seems, fix the meanings.

The practice of using flower letters or messages by Turks and Persians, where the meaning comes from the choice and arrangement of flowers, is widely recognized. A message created this way is called sélam, but the details are too inconsistent and unclear to provide a solid reference for the flower language, even though dictionaries and writings about it have been published. (See Magnat.) It appears that individual creativity and local customs determine the meanings.

A Japanese girl who decides to discourage the further attentions of a lover sends to him, instead of the proverbial “mitten” of New England, a sprig of maple, because the leaf changes its color more markedly than any other. In this connection it is told that the Japanese word for love also means color, which would accentuate the lesson of the changing leaf.

A Japanese girl who wants to dissuade a lover from pursuing her sends him a sprig of maple instead of the traditional "mitten" from New England, since the leaf changes color more dramatically than any other. In this context, it's said that the Japanese word for love also means color, which emphasizes the message of the changing leaf.

MESSAGE STICKS.

The following extracts are made from Curr’s (a) Australian Race:

The following excerpts are taken from Curr’s (a) Australian Race:

I believe every tribe in Australia has its messenger, whose life, whilst he is in the performance of his duties, is held sacred in peace and war by the neighboring tribes. His duties are to convey the messages which the tribe desires to send to its neighbors, and to make arrangements about places of meeting on occasions of fights or corroborees. In many tribes it is the custom to supply the messenger when he sets out with a little carved stick, which he delivers with his message to the most influential man of the tribe to which he is sent. This carved stick he often carries whilst traveling stuck in the netted band which the blacks wear round the head. I have seen many of them, and been present when they were received and sent, and have some from Queensland in my possession at present. They are often flat, from 4 to 6 inches long, an inch wide, and a third of an inch thick; others are round, of the same length, and as thick as one’s middle finger. When flat their edges are often notched, and their surface always more or less carved with indentations, transverse lines, and squares; in fact, with the same sort of figures with which the blacks ornament their weapons throughout the continent; when round, fantastic lines are cut around them or lengthwise. I have one before me at this moment which is a miniature boomerang, carved on both sides, notched at the edges, and colored with red ocher. Any black could fashion sticks of this sort in an hour or two. Some of my correspondents have spoken of them as a sort of writing, but when pressed on the subject have admitted that their surmise, all the circumstances weighed, was not tenable. The flat sticks especially have that sort of regularity and repetition of pattern which wall papers exhibit. That they do not serve the purpose of writing or hieroglyphics I have no hesitation in asserting; and I may remark that in all cases which have come under my notice the messenger delivered his message before he presented the carved stick. That done the recipient would attempt to explain to those about him how the stick portrayed the message. Still this eminently childish proceeding leads one to consider whether the most savage mind does not contain the germ of writing. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, in his Discovery and Conquest of New Spain, relates that, when his country sent verbal messages by Mexican bearers to distant tribes, the messengers who had seen the Spaniards write always asked to be supplied with a letter, which, of course, neither they nor the people to whom they were sent could read.

I believe every tribe in Australia has its messenger, whose life, while he's doing his job, is respected in both peace and war by neighboring tribes. His responsibilities include delivering messages the tribe wants to send to others and organizing meeting places for fights or gatherings. In many tribes, it's common to give the messenger a small carved stick when he sets out, which he hands over along with his message to the most important person in the tribe he's visiting. He often carries this carved stick stuck in the netted band that the Indigenous people wear around their heads. I've seen many of these sticks and have witnessed their sending and receiving; I even have some from Queensland with me now. They're usually flat, measuring 4 to 6 inches long, an inch wide, and a third of an inch thick; some are round, the same length, and as thick as a person's middle finger. When they're flat, their edges are often notched, and the surface is typically carved with indentations, horizontal lines, and squares—similar to the designs the Indigenous people use to decorate their weapons across the continent. When they’re round, they have intricate lines cut around them or lengthwise. I’m looking at one right now that resembles a miniature boomerang, carved on both sides, notched at the edges, and colored with red ocher. Any Indigenous person could make sticks like this in an hour or two. Some of my contacts have referred to them as a form of writing, but when pressed, they admitted that this idea wasn’t really valid. The flat sticks, in particular, have that kind of regularity and pattern repetition that reminds one of wallpaper. I confidently assert that they don’t function as writing or hieroglyphics; it’s worth noting that in all cases I’ve seen, the messenger delivered his message before showing the carved stick. After that, the recipient would try to explain to those around him how the stick represented the message. Still, this rather simplistic action makes one wonder if even the most primitive mind holds the seed of writing. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, in his Discovery and Conquest of New Spain, recounts that when his country sent verbal messages via Mexican messengers to distant tribes, the messengers who had seen the Spaniards write always asked for a letter, even though neither they nor the people they delivered it to could read it.

Fig. 477.—Australian message sticks.

Fig. 477 reproduces the illustration of the message sticks published in the work above mentioned.

Fig. 477 shows the illustration of the message sticks published in the work mentioned above.

Vol. I, p. 306.—In the Majanna tribe messengers are sent with a notched or carved stick, and the bearer has to explain its meaning. If it be a challenge to fight, and the challenge is accepted, another stick is returned.

Vol. I, p. 306.—In the Majanna tribe, messengers carry a notched or carved stick, and the person delivering it has to explain what it means. If it’s a challenge to fight and the challenge is accepted, another stick is sent back.

Vol. II, p. 183.—The bearer of an important communication from one party to another often carries a message stick with him, the notches and lines on which he refers to whilst delivering his message. This custom, which prevails from the north coast to the south, is a very curious one. No black fellow ever pretends to be able to understand a message from a notched stick, but always looks upon it as confirmatory of the message it accompanies.

Vol. II, p. 183.—The person delivering an important message from one group to another often carries a message stick with them, using the notches and lines to reference while delivering their message. This practice, which exists from the north coast to the south, is quite interesting. No Indigenous person claims to understand a message from a notched stick, but they always see it as supporting the message it comes with.

Vol. II, p. 427.—Message sticks are in use, the marks carved on them being a guaranty of the messenger, the same as a ring with us in former times.

Vol. II, p. 427.—Message sticks are used, with the symbols carved on them serving as a guarantee of the messenger, similar to how a ring was used in the past.

Vol. III, p. 263.—Message sticks are used by the Maranoa river tribe. An informant has in his possession a reed necklace attached to a piece of flat wood about 5 inches long; on the wood are carved straight and curved lines, and this piece of wood was sent by one portion of the tribe to another by a messenger, the two parties being about 60 miles apart. The interpretation of the carving was: “My wife has been stolen; we shall have to fight; bring your spears and boomerangs.” The[370] straight lines, it was explained, meant spears and the curved ones boomerangs; but the stealing of the wife seems to have been left to the messenger to tell.

Vol. III, p. 263.—The Maranoa river tribe uses message sticks. An informant has a reed necklace attached to a flat piece of wood about 5 inches long; on the wood are carved straight and curved lines. This piece of wood was sent by one part of the tribe to another through a messenger, with the two groups being about 60 miles apart. The message from the carving was: “My wife has been stolen; we need to fight; bring your spears and boomerangs.” The [370] straight lines indicated spears, while the curved lines represented boomerangs; however, it seems the details about the wife being stolen were left for the messenger to explain.

A. W. Howitt (a) gives a further account on this topic:

A. W. Howitt (a) provides more information on this topic:

The messenger carries with him as the emblems of his missions a complete set of male attire, together with the sacred humming instrument, which is wrapped in a skin and carefully concealed from women and children. It is, therefore, in such cases, the totem which assembles the whole community.

The messenger brings along a full set of men's clothing and the sacred humming instrument, which is wrapped in a skin and kept hidden from women and children. In these situations, it serves as the totem that unites the entire community.

In the Adjadura tribe of South Australia the ceremonies are ordered to be held by the headman of the whole tribe by his messenger, who carries a message stick marked in such a manner that it serves to illustrate his message; together with this there is also sent a sacred humming instrument.

In the Adjadura tribe of South Australia, the ceremonies are arranged by the tribe's leader through his messenger, who carries a message stick marked in a way that visually represents his message; along with this, a sacred humming instrument is also sent.

Drs. Houzé and Jacques (a) give a different view of the significance of the marks on message sticks:

Drs. Houzé and Jacques (a) offer a different perspective on the importance of the marks on message sticks:

It proves very difficult to discover the signification of the notched message sticks. The Europeans have not succeeded in deciphering them. Some marks may represent a whole history. The following anecdote on this subject is reported by M. Cauvin (according to J. M. Davis, Aborigines of Victoria, v. I, p. 356, note): A European, having formed the project of establishing a new station, started from Edward river with a herd of cattle and some Indians. When, all being arranged, the colonist was on the point of returning home, one of the young blacks requested him to take a letter to his father, and, on the consent of his patron, he gave him a stick about a foot long covered with notches and signs. On arriving home the colonist went to the camp of the blacks and delivered the letter to the father of his young follower, who, calling around him the whole encampment, to the great surprise of the European, read from this stick a daily account of the doings of the company from the departure from Edward river until the arrival at the new station, describing[371] the country which they had traversed and the places where they had camped each night.

It’s really hard to figure out what the notched message sticks mean. The Europeans haven’t been able to decode them. Some marks might represent an entire story. The following anecdote on this topic is reported by M. Cauvin (according to J. M. Davis, Aborigines of Victoria, v. I, p. 356, note): A European, planning to set up a new station, left Edward River with a herd of cattle and some Indigenous people. Just as everything was settled and the settler was about to head back home, one of the young Indigenous men asked him to take a letter to his father. With the settler’s agreement, he handed over a stick about a foot long, marked with notches and symbols. When he got home, the settler went to the camp of the Indigenous people and delivered the letter to the young man’s father, who then gathered everyone around. To the settler's astonishment, he read from the stick a daily account of what had happened since they left Edward River until they arrived at the new station, detailing the land they had crossed and the places where they had set up camp each night.

The Queenslanders did not give Drs. Houzé and Jacques such a long translation of their message sticks, but they informed them that one of the sticks related to the crossing from Australia into America, which is recounted by Tambo, the author of the message. An illustration of it is presented on p. 93 of the above cited work of Houzé and Jacques, but is not sufficiently distinct for reproduction.

The Queenslanders didn't provide Drs. Houzé and Jacques with a lengthy translation of their message sticks, but they let them know that one of the sticks was about the journey from Australia to America, as told by Tambo, the author of the message. An illustration of it can be found on p. 93 of the work by Houzé and Jacques mentioned above, but it isn't clear enough to reproduce.

WEST AFRICAN AROKO.

Fig. 478.—West African aroko.

G. W. Bloxam (b) says of the aroko, or symbolic letters, used by the tribe of Jebu, in West Africa, describing Fig. 478:

G. W. Bloxam (b) talks about the aroko, or symbolic letters, used by the Jebu tribe in West Africa, describing Fig. 478:

This is a message from a native general of the Jebu force to a native prince abroad. It consists of six cowries. Six in the Jebu language is E-fà, which is derived from the verb fà, to draw. They are arranged two and two, face to face, on a long string; the pairs of cowries set face to face indicate friendly feeling and good fellowship; the number expresses a desire to draw close to the person to whom the message is sent [note the rebus]; while the long string indicates considerable distance or a long road. This is the message: “Although the road between us be very long, yet I draw you to myself and set my face towards you. So I desire you to set your face towards me and draw to me.”

This is a message from a native general of the Jebu force to a native prince abroad. It consists of six cowrie shells. Six in Jebu is E-fà, which comes from the verb fà, meaning to draw. They are arranged two by two, facing each other, on a long string; the pairs of cowries facing each other symbolize friendship and good rapport; the number shows a desire to come closer to the person receiving the message [note the rebus]; while the long string signifies a considerable distance or a long journey. This is the message: “Although the road between us is very long, I draw you to myself and face you. I hope you will also face me and come to me.”

On p. 298 he adds:

On p. 298 he notes:

Among the Jebu in West Africa odd numbers in their message are of evil import, while even numbers express good will. Thus a single cowrie may be sent as an unfavorable answer to a request or message.

Among the Jebu in West Africa, odd numbers in their messages are seen as unlucky, while even numbers convey goodwill. Therefore, sending a single cowrie can be interpreted as a negative response to a request or message.

Fig. 479.—West African aroko.

The same author writes, on p. 297, describing Fig. 479:

The same author writes, on p. 297, describing Fig. 479:

It is a message from His Majesty Awnjale, the King of Jebu, to his nephew abroad; and here we find other substances besides cowries included in the aroko. Taking the various articles in order, commencing from the knot, we observe four cowries facing in the same direction, with their backs to the knot; this signifies agreement. Next a piece of spice, a, which produces when burnt a sweet odor and is never unpleasant; then come three cowries facing in the same direction; then a piece of mat,[372] b; then a piece of feather, c; and, lastly, a single cowrie turned in the same direction as all the others. The interpretation is:

It’s a message from His Majesty Awnjale, the King of Jebu, to his nephew overseas; and we note that besides cowries, other items are included in the aroko. Looking at the different items in order, starting from the knot, we see four cowries all facing the same way, with their backs to the knot; this indicates agreement. Next is a piece of spice, a, which, when burned, gives off a pleasant scent and is never offensive; then there are three more cowries facing the same direction; followed by a piece of mat, [372] b; then a piece of feather, c; and finally, a single cowrie facing in the same direction as all the others. The interpretation is:

“Your ways agree with mine very much. Your ways are pleasing to me and I like them.

“Your ways are very much in line with mine. I find your ways appealing and I like them.”

“Deceive me not, because the spice would yield nothing else but a sweet and genuine odor unto God.

“Don’t deceive me, because the spice would produce nothing but a sweet and genuine fragrance to God.

“I shall never deal doubly with you all my life long.

“I will never be dishonest with you for my entire life.”

“The weight of your words to me is beyond all description.

“The impact of your words on me is beyond anything I can describe.

“As it is on the same family mat we have been sitting and lying down together, I send to you.

“As we have been sitting and lying on the same family mat together, I'm sending this to you.

“I am, therefore, anxiously awaiting and hoping to hear from you.”

“I am eagerly waiting and hoping to hear from you.”

The following account of “African Symbolic Messages,” condensed from the paper of the Rev. C. A. Gollmer, which appeared in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Bn. and I., XIV, p. 169, et. seq., is highly interesting as showing the ideography attached to the material objects transmitted. The step in evolution by which the graphic delineation of those objects was substituted for their actual presence was probably delayed only by the absence of convenient material, such as birch bark, parchment, or other portable rudimentary form of paper on which to draw or paint, or at least by the want of a simple invention for the application of such material:

The following account of “African Symbolic Messages,” summarized from the paper by Rev. C. A. Gollmer, which was published in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Bn. and I., XIV, p. 169, et seq., is quite intriguing as it illustrates the ideography linked to the material objects conveyed. The evolution of using graphic representation for these objects instead of having them physically present was likely only held back by the lack of accessible materials, like birch bark, parchment, or some other portable basic form of paper for drawing or painting, or at least by the absence of a simple invention to use such materials:

The natives in the Yoruba country, West Africa, in the absence of writing, and as a substitute for it, send to one another messages by means of a variety of tangible objects, such as shells, feathers, pepper, corn, stone, coal, sticks, powder, shot, razors, etc., through which they convey their ideas, feelings, and wishes, good and bad, and that in an unmistakable manner. The object transmitted is seen, the import of it known and the message verbally delivered by the messenger sent, and repeated by one or more other persons accompanying the messenger for the purpose as the importance of the message is considered to require.

The people of the Yoruba region in West Africa, lacking a writing system, use a variety of physical objects to send messages to each other. They utilize items such as shells, feathers, pepper, corn, stones, coal, sticks, powder, shot, and razors to express their thoughts, emotions, and desires, both positive and negative, clearly. The object sent is visible, its meaning is understood, and the message is verbally communicated by the messenger, who is often accompanied by one or more people to help convey the importance of the message.

Cowry shells in the symbolic language are used to convey, by their number and the way in which they are strung, a variety of ideas. One cowry may indicate “defiance and failure;” thus: A cowry (having a small hole made at the back part, so as to be able to pass a string through it and the front opening) strung on a short bit of grass fiber or cord, and sent to a person known as a rival, or one aiming at injuring the other, the message is: “As one finger can not take up a cowry (more than one are required), so you one I defy; you will not be able to hurt me, your evil intentions will come to nothing.”

Cowry shells in symbolic language are used to communicate a range of ideas based on their quantity and the way they’re strung together. One cowry might signify “defiance and failure.” For example: A cowry (with a small hole made in the back to thread a string through and an opening at the front) strung on a short piece of grass fiber or cord and sent to someone considered a rival or someone trying to harm you sends the message: “Just as one finger can’t hold a cowry (more than one is needed), so I defy you; you won’t be able to hurt me, and your evil plans will amount to nothing.”

Two cowries may indicate “relationship and meeting;” thus: Two cowries strung together, face to face, and sent to an absent brother or sister, the message is: “We are children of one mother, were nursed by the same breasts.”

Two cowries may symbolize “relationship and meeting;” therefore: Two cowries tied together, facing each other, and sent to an absent brother or sister, carry the message: “We are children of the same mother, nourished by the same breasts.”

Two cowries may indicate “separation and enmity;” thus: Two cowries strung back to back and sent to a person gone away, the message is: “You and I are now separated.”

Two cowries may signify “separation and hostility;” thus: Two cowries tied back to back and sent to someone who has left convey the message: “You and I are now apart.”

Two cowries and a feather may indicate “speedy meeting;” thus: Two cowries strung face to face, with a small feather (of a chicken or other bird) tied between the two cowries, and sent to a friend at a distance, the message is: “I want to see you, as the bird (represented by the feather) flies straight and quickly, so come as quickly as you can.”

Two cowries and a feather can suggest a “quick meeting.” Here’s how: two cowries facing each other, with a small feather (from a chicken or another bird) tied between them, are sent to a friend far away. The message is: “I want to see you; just like the bird (symbolized by the feather) flies straight and fast, so please come as quickly as you can.”

The following fivefold painful symbolic message was sent by D., whilst in captivity at Dahomey, to his wife, who happened to be staying with Mr. Gollmer, at Badagry, at the time. The symbols were a stone, a coal, a pepper, corn, and a rag. During the attack of the King of Dahomey, with his great army of Amazons and[373] other soldiers, upon Abeokuta in March, 1852, D., one of the native Christians and defenders of his town, home, and family, was taken captive and carried to Dahomey, where he suffered much for a long time. Whilst waiting for weeks to know the result his wife received the symbolic letter which conveyed the following message:

The following five painful symbols were sent by D., while he was being held captive in Dahomey, to his wife, who was staying with Mr. Gollmer in Badagry at the time. The symbols were a stone, a piece of coal, a pepper, corn, and a rag. During the attack by the King of Dahomey, along with his large army of Amazons and other soldiers, on Abeokuta in March 1852, D., a native Christian and defender of his town, home, and family, was captured and taken to Dahomey, where he suffered for a long time. While waiting for weeks to learn the outcome, his wife received the symbolic letter that conveyed the following message:

The stone indicated “health” (the stone was a small, common one from the street); thus the message was: “As the stone is hard, so my body is hardy, strong—i. e., well.”

The stone showed “health” (it was a small, ordinary one picked up from the street); so, the message was: “Just like the stone is hard, my body is tough, strong—i.e., healthy.”

The coal indicated “gloom” (the coal was a small piece of charcoal); thus the message was: “As the coal is black, so are my prospects dark and gloomy.”

The coal represented “gloom” (the coal was a small piece of charcoal); therefore, the message was: “Just like the coal is black, my prospects are dark and depressing.”

The pepper indicated “heat” (the pepper was of the hot cayenne sort); thus the message was: “As the pepper is hot so is my mind heated, burning on account of the gloomy prospect—i. e., not knowing what day I may be sold or killed.”

The pepper signaled “heat” (it was the spicy cayenne type); so the message was: “Just like the pepper is hot, my mind is burning with anxiety over the dark future—meaning, I don’t know what day I might be sold or killed.”

The corn indicated “leanness” (the corn was a few parched grains of maize or Indian corn); thus the message was: “As the corn is dried up by parching; so my body is dried up or become lean through the heat of my affliction and suffering.”

The corn represented "leanness" (the corn was just a few dried grains of maize or Indian corn); so the message was: "Just as the corn becomes dry from being parched, my body has become dry or lean due to the heat of my suffering and affliction."

The rag indicated “worn out;” thus (the rag was a small piece of worn and torn native cloth, in which the articles were wrapped) the message was: “As the rag is, so is my cloth cover—i. e., native dress, worn and torn to a rag.”

The rag showed it was “worn out;” so (the rag was a small piece of worn and torn local fabric, in which the items were wrapped) the message was: “Just like the rag, my clothing cover is—meaning, my traditional outfit is worn and torn to pieces.”

A tooth brush may indicate “remembrance;” thus: It is a well-known fact that the Africans in general can boast of a finer and whiter set of teeth than most other nations. And those Europeans who lived long among them know from constant observation how much attention they pay to their teeth, not only every morning, but often during the day. The tooth brush made use of is simply a piece of wood about 6 to 9 inches long, and of the thickness of a finger. One end of the stick, wetted with the saliva, is rubbed to and fro against the teeth, which end after awhile becomes soft. This sort of tooth brush is frequently given to friends as an acceptable present, and now and then it is made use of as a symbolic letter, and in such a case the message is: “As I remember my teeth the first thing in the morning, and often during the day, so I remember and think of you as soon as I get up, and often afterwards.”

A toothbrush may symbolize “remembrance;” here’s why: It’s well-known that Africans generally have a finer and whiter set of teeth than most other nations. Europeans who have lived among them for a long time see from constant observation how much they focus on their teeth, not just every morning, but often throughout the day. The toothbrush used is simply a piece of wood about 6 to 9 inches long and roughly the thickness of a finger. One end of the stick, moistened with saliva, is rubbed back and forth against the teeth, and that end eventually becomes soft. This type of toothbrush is often given to friends as a thoughtful gift, and sometimes it’s used as a symbolic letter; in that case, the message is: “Just as I think of my teeth first thing in the morning and often throughout the day, I think of you as soon as I wake up and often afterwards.”

Sugar may indicate “peace and love;” in the midst of a war this good disposition was made known from one party to another by the following symbol: A loaf of white sugar was sent by messengers from the native church at A. to the native church at I., and the message was: “As the sugar is white, so there is no blackness (i. e., enmity) in our hearts towards you; our hearts are white (i. e., pure and free from it). And as the sugar is sweet, so there is no bitterness among us against you; we are sweet (i. e., at peace with you) and love you.”

Sugar may symbolize “peace and love;” even during a war, this goodwill was communicated from one group to another with the following symbol: A loaf of white sugar was sent by messengers from the local church at A. to the local church at I., along with the message: “Just like the sugar is white, there is no darkness (i.e., hostility) in our hearts towards you; our hearts are pure (i.e., clear of it). And since the sugar is sweet, there is no resentment between us; we are sweet (i.e., at peace with you) and care for you.”

A fagot may indicate “fire and destruction;” when a fagot (i. e., a small bundle of bamboo poles, burnt on one end) is found fastened to the bamboo fence inclosing a compound, or premises, it conveys the message: “Your house will be burnt down”—i. e., destroyed.

A fagot can represent “fire and destruction;” when a fagot (i.e., a small bundle of bamboo poles, burned on one end) is found attached to the bamboo fence surrounding a property, it sends the message: “Your house will be burned down”—i.e., destroyed.

Powder and shot are often made use of and sent as a symbolic letter; the message is to either an individual or a people, viz: “As we can not settle the quarrel, we must fight it out” (i. e., “we shall shoot you, or make war upon you”).

Powder and shot are often used and sent as a symbolic letter; the message is to either an individual or a group, namely: “Since we can’t resolve the conflict, we must settle it with a fight” (i.e., “we will shoot you, or declare war on you”).

A razor may indicate “murder.” A person suspected and accused of having by some means or other been the cause of death of a member of a family, the representative of that family will demand satisfaction by sending the symbolic objects, viz, a razor or knife, which is laid outside the door of the house of the accused offender and guilty party, and the message is well understood to be: “You have killed or caused the death of N., you must kill yourself to avenge his death.”

A razor can signify “murder.” If someone is suspected and accused of causing the death of a family member, the head of that family will seek justice by placing symbolic items, like a razor or knife, outside the door of the accused person’s house. The message is clear: “You have killed or caused the death of N.; you need to take your own life to atone for it.”

The following examples indicate a still further step in evolution by which the names of the objects or of the numbers are of the same sound as words in the language the significance of which constitutes the real message. This objective rebus corresponds with the pictorial rebus so common in Mexican pictographs, and which is well known to have[374] borne a chief part in the development of Egyptian and other ancient forms of writing.

The following examples show another step in evolution where the names of the objects or numbers sound the same as words in the language, and their meanings convey the real message. This objective rebus aligns with the pictorial rebus that is common in Mexican pictographs, which is well known to have[374] played a key role in the development of Egyptian and other ancient writing forms.

Three cowries with some pepper may indicate “deceit;” thus: Three cowries strung with their faces all looking one way (as mentioned before) with an alligator pepper tied to the cowries. Eru is the name of the pepper in the native language, which in English means “deceit.” The message may be either a “caution not to betray one another,” or, more frequently, an accusation of having deceived and defrauded the company.

Three cowries with some pepper might signal “deceit;” like this: Three cowries arranged with their faces all pointing the same way (as mentioned earlier) tied together with alligator pepper. The native term for the pepper is Eru, which translates to “deceit” in English. The message could be a “warning not to betray each other,” or, more commonly, an accusation of having deceived and cheated the group.

Six cowries may indicate “attachment and affection;” thus: Efa in the native language means “six” (cowries implied); it also means “drawn,” from the verb fa, to draw. Mora is always implied as connected with Efa; this means “stick to you,” from the verb mo, to stick to, and the noun ara, body—i. e. you. Six cowries strung (as before mentioned) and sent to a person or persons, the message is: “I am drawn (i. e. attached) to you, I love you,” which may be the message a young man sends to a young woman with a desire to form an engagement.

Six cowries may represent “attachment and affection;” specifically, Efa in the native language means “six” (with cowries implied); it also means “drawn,” stemming from the verb fa, which means to draw. Mora is always associated with Efa; it means “stick to you,” coming from the verb mo, meaning to stick to, and the noun ara, meaning body—i.e., you. Six cowries strung together (as mentioned before) and sent to someone conveys the message: “I am drawn (i.e., attached) to you, I love you,” which might be the message a young man sends to a young woman when he hopes to start an engagement.

Rev. Richard Taylor (b) says:

Rev. Richard Taylor (b) states:

The Maori used a kind of hieroglyphical or symbolical way of communication; a chief, inviting another to join in a war party, sent a tattooed potato and a fig of tobacco bound up together, which was interpreted to mean that the enemy was a Maori and not European by the tattoo, and by the tobacco that it represented smoke; he therefore roasted the one and eat it, and smoked the other, to show he accepted the invitation, and would join him with his guns and powder. Another sent a waterproof coat with the sleeves made of patchwork, red, blue, yellow, and green, intimating that they must wait until all the tribes were united before their force would be waterproof, i. e., able to encounter the European. Another chief sent a large pipe, which would hold a pound of tobacco, which was lighted in a large assembly, the emissary taking the first whiff, and then passing it around; whoever smoked it showed that he joined in the war.

The Maori communicated in a sort of symbolic way; a chief inviting another to join a war party would send a tattooed potato and a bundle of tobacco, which meant that the enemy was a Maori, not European, as indicated by the tattoo, and that the tobacco represented smoke. The recipient would then roast and eat the potato and smoke the tobacco to show he accepted the invitation and would join with his weapons and supplies. Another chief sent a waterproof coat with patchwork sleeves in red, blue, yellow, and green, signaling that they needed to wait until all the tribes were united before their combined strength would be strong enough to face the Europeans. Another chief sent a large pipe that could hold a pound of tobacco, which was lit in a big gathering; the messenger would take the first puff and then pass it around, and anyone who smoked it indicated they were joining in the war.

SECTION 5.
Claim or request.

Stephen Powers (b) states that the Nishinam of California have the following mode of collecting debts:

Stephen Powers (b) states that the Nishinam of California have the following way of collecting debts:

When an Indian owes another, it is held to be in bad taste, if not positively insulting, for the creditor to dun the debtor, as the brutal Saxon does, so he devises a more subtle method. He prepares a certain number of little sticks, according to the amount of the debt, and paints a ring around the end of each. These he carries and tosses into the delinquent’s wigwam without a word and goes his way; whereupon the other generally takes the hint, pays the debt, and destroys the sticks.

When one Indian owes another, it’s considered rude, if not outright insulting, for the lender to aggressively demand repayment like the harsh Saxon does, so he comes up with a more subtle approach. He makes a certain number of small sticks, corresponding to the amount owed, and paints a ring at the end of each. He carries these and casually tosses them into the debtor’s hut without saying a word and then leaves; the debtor usually takes the hint, pays back the money, and gets rid of the sticks.

The San Francisco (California) Western Lancet, XI, 1882, p. 443, thus reports:

The San Francisco (California) Western Lancet, XI, 1882, p. 443, thus reports:

When a patient has neglected to remunerate the shaman [of the Wikehumni tribe of the Mariposan linguistic stock] for his services, the latter prepares short sticks of wood, with bands of colored porcupine quills wrapped around them at one end only, and every time he passes the delinquent’s lodge a certain number of them are thrown in as a reminder of the indebtedness.

When a patient hasn’t paid the shaman [of the Wikehumni tribe of the Mariposan language family] for his services, the shaman prepares short wooden sticks, with colorful porcupine quills wrapped around one end. Each time he walks past the delinquent’s lodge, he throws in a certain number of these sticks as a reminder of the debt.

Fig. 480.—Jebu complaint.

G. W. Bloxam (c) describes Fig. 480 thus:

G. W. Bloxam (c) describes Fig. 480 like this:

Among the Jehu of West Africa two cowries facing one another signify two blood relations; two cowries, however, back to back may be sent as a message of reproof[375] for nonpayment of debt, meaning: “You have given me the back altogether; after we have come to an arrangement about the debt you have owed me, I will also turn my back against you.”

Among the Jehu of West Africa, two cowries facing each other represent two blood relatives. However, when two cowries are placed back to back, it serves as a message of disapproval for unpaid debts, meaning: “You have completely turned your back on me; once we settle the debt you owe me, I will also turn my back on you.”[375]

Fig. 481.—Jebu complaint.

The same authority, p. 299, describes Fig. 481:

The same authority, p. 299, describes Fig. 481:

It consists of two cowries face to face, followed by one above facing upwards, and is a message from a creditor to a bad debtor, meaning: “After you have owed me a debt you kicked against me; I also will throw you off, because I did not know that you could have treated me thus.”

It consists of two cowries facing each other, followed by one on top facing up, and it’s a message from a lender to a bad borrower, meaning: “After you owed me money, you disrespected me; I will also cut ties with you because I didn’t expect you would treat me this way.”

Fig. 482.—Samoyed requisition.

Prof. Anton Schrifner (a) describing Fig. 482, says:

Prof. Anton Schrifner (a) describing Fig. 482, says:

On this plank the cuts marked b signify the number of reindeer required. Opposite these cuts are placed the hand marks, a, of various Samoyeds of whom the reindeer are demanded. At the bottom is found the official mark, c, of the Samoyed chief who forwarded this board to the various Samoyed settlements in place of a written communication.

On this board, the cuts marked b indicate the number of reindeer needed. Across from these cuts are the handprints, a, of different Samoyeds from whom the reindeer are being requested. At the bottom is the official mark, c, of the Samoyed chief who sent this board to the various Samoyed communities instead of a written message.

CHAPTER XIII.
Totems, Titles, and Names.

The employment of pictographs to designate tribes, groups within tribes, and individual persons has been the most frequent of all the uses to which they have been applied. Indeed, the constant need that devices to represent the terms styled by grammarians proper names should be readily understood for identification has, more than any other cause, maintained and advanced pictography as an art, and in some parts of the world has evolved from it syllabaries and afterwards alphabets. From the same origin came heraldry, which in time designated with absolute accuracy persons and families for the benefit of letterless people. Trade-marks have the same history.

The use of pictographs to represent tribes, sub-groups within tribes, and individual people has been the most common application of them all. In fact, the ongoing need for symbols that clearly identify proper names, as described by grammarians, has been the main reason for the continued development of pictography as an art form. In some regions, this practice has led to the creation of syllabaries and eventually alphabets. Heraldry also originated from this concept, accurately identifying individuals and families for those who could not read. Trade-marks share a similar history.

From the earliest times men have used emblems to indicate their tribes or clans. Homer makes no clear allusion to their manifestation at the poetic siege of Troy; but even if his Greeks did not bear them, other nations of the period did. The earlier Egyptians carried images of bulls and crocodiles into battle, probably at first with religious sentiments. Each of the twelve tribes of Israel had a special ensign of its own, which is now generally considered to have been totemic. The subjects of Semiramis adopted doves and pigeons as their token in deference to their queen, whose name meant “dove.”

From ancient times, people have used symbols to represent their tribes or clans. Homer doesn’t directly mention them during the poetic siege of Troy, but even if his Greeks didn’t use them, other nations at that time definitely did. The early Egyptians took images of bulls and crocodiles into battle, probably starting out of religious significance. Each of the twelve tribes of Israel had its own unique standard, which is now usually thought to be totemic. The followers of Semiramis chose doves and pigeons as their symbol in honor of their queen, whose name meant “dove.”

At later dates Athens chose an owl for her sign, as a compliment to Minerva; Corinth, a winged horse, in memory of Pegasus and his fountain; Carthage, a horse’s head, in homage to Neptune; Persia, the sun, because its people worshiped fire; Rome, an eagle, in deference to Jupiter. These objects appear to have been carved in wood or metal. There is no evidence of anything resembling modern flags, except, perhaps, in parts of Asia, until the Romans began to use something like them about the time of Cæsar. But these small signs had no national or public character so as to be comparable with the eagles on the Roman standard; nor was any floating banner associated with ruling power until Constantine gave a religious meaning to the labarum.

At later times, Athens chose an owl as her symbol, honoring Minerva; Corinth selected a winged horse to remember Pegasus and his fountain; Carthage picked a horse’s head to pay tribute to Neptune; Persia opted for the sun because its people worshiped fire; and Rome chose an eagle in honor of Jupiter. These symbols seemed to have been carved from wood or metal. There’s no evidence of anything that looks like modern flags, except maybe in parts of Asia, until the Romans started using something similar around the time of Caesar. However, these small symbols didn’t have a national or public significance to be compared with the eagles on the Roman standard, nor was there any floating banner associated with ruling power until Constantine gave a religious meaning to the labarum.

Emblems also were often adopted by political and religious parties, e. g., the cornstalks and slings of the Mazarinists and anti-Mazarinists during the Fronde, the caps and hats in the Swedish diet in 1788, the scarf of the Armagnacs, and the cross of the Burgundians. The topic of emblems is further discussed in Chapter XVIII.

Emblems were frequently used by political and religious groups, like the cornstalks and slings of the Mazarinists and anti-Mazarinists during the Fronde, the caps and hats during the Swedish diet in 1788, the scarf of the Armagnacs, and the cross of the Burgundians. The subject of emblems is further explored in Chapter XVIII.

As with increased culture clans and tribes have become nations, so there has been an evolution by which the ensigns of bands and[377] orders have been discontinued and replaced by the emblems of nationalities. Frederic Marshall (a) well says: “Images of animals, badges, war cries, cockades, liveries, coats of arms, tokens, tattooing, are all replaced practically by national ensigns.” This change is toward the higher and nobler significance and employment, all members of the community being protected and designated by the simple exhibition of a single emblem.

As societies have grown from clans and tribes into nations, there has been a shift where the symbols of groups and[377] orders have been phased out and replaced with national emblems. Frederic Marshall (a) aptly states: “Images of animals, badges, war cries, cockades, uniforms, coats of arms, tokens, and tattoos have all been largely replaced by national flags.” This change signifies a move towards a higher, more noble meaning, with all community members being represented and protected by the simple display of a single emblem.

This chapter is naturally divided into (1) Pictorial tribal designations, (2) Gentile and clan designations, (3) Significance of tattoo, (4) Designations of individuals.

This chapter is naturally divided into (1) Pictorial tribal names, (2) Gentile and clan names, (3) Meaning of tattoos, (4) Names of individuals.

SECTION 1.
Visual tribal identifiers.

Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (a) writing in the year 1696 of the Algonquians of the Great Lake region near Mackinac, etc., describes the emblems on their canoes as follows: “On y voit la natte de guerre le corbeau, l’ours on quelque autre animal * * * estant l’esprit qui doit conduire cette enterprise.

Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (a) writing in the year 1696 about the Algonquians of the Great Lake region near Mackinac, etc., describes the symbols on their canoes as follows: “It shows the war banner, the raven, the bear, or some other animal * * * representing the spirit that should lead this venture.

This, however, was a mistake as applicable to the time when it was written. The animals used as emblems may originally have been regarded as supernatural totemic beings, but had probably become tribal designations.

This, however, was a mistake considering the time it was written. The animals used as symbols may have originally been seen as supernatural totemic beings but had likely become tribal identifiers.

IROQUOIAN TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS.

Bacqueville de la Potherie (c) says that a treaty with the French in Canada, about 1700, was “sealed” with the “proper arms,” pictorially drawn, of the Indian tribes which were parties to it. The following is a copy of the original statement in its archaic form:

Bacqueville de la Potherie (c) mentions that a treaty with the French in Canada around 1700 was “sealed” with the “proper arms,” illustrated, of the Indian tribes involved. Below is a copy of the original statement in its old-fashioned form:

Monsieur de Callieres, de Champigni, & de Vaudreüil, en signerent le Traité, que chaque Nation scella de ses propres armes. Les Tsonnontouans & les Onnontaguez designerent une araignée, le Goyogouin un calumet, les Onneyouts un morceau de bois en fourche, une pierre au milieu, un Onnontagué mit un Ours pour les Aniez, quoi qu’ils ne vinrent pas. Le Rat mit un Castor, les Abenaguis un Chevreüil, les Outaouaks un Liévre, ainsi des autres.

Monsieur de Callieres, de Champigni, & de Vaudreüil signed the Treaty, which each Nation sealed with their own marks. The Tsonnontouans & the Onnontaguez chose a spider, the Goyogouin chose a peace pipe, the Onneyouts picked a forked stick with a stone in the middle, and an Onnontagué made a bear for the Aniez, even though they didn't come. The Rat chose a beaver, the Abenaguis picked a deer, the Outaouaks chose a hare, and so on with the others.

From this it appears that—

From this it seems that—

The Seneca and Onondaga tribes were represented by a “spider.” [This was doubtless a branching tree, so badly drawn as to be mistaken for a spider.]

The Seneca and Onondaga tribes were represented by a “spider.” [This was likely a branching tree, so poorly drawn that it could be mistaken for a spider.]

The Cayuga tribe, by a calumet.

The Cayuga tribe, by a peace pipe.

The Oneida tribe, by a forked stick with a stone in the fork. [The forked stick was really designed for the fork of a tree.]

The Oneida tribe used a forked stick with a stone in the split. [The forked stick was actually meant for the branch of a tree.]

The Mohawk tribe, by a bear.

The Mohawk tribe, near a bear.

Le Rat, who was a representative Huron of Mackinaw, by a beaver.

Le Rat, who was a typical Huron from Mackinaw, by a beaver.

The Abnaki, by a deer.

The Abnaki, near a deer.

The Ottawa, by a hare.

The Ottawa, by a rabbit.

Several other accounts of the tribal signs of the Iroquois are published,[378] often with illustrations, e. g., in Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York (a), with the following remarks:

Several other accounts of the tribal signs of the Iroquois have been published,[378] often featuring illustrations, for example, in Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York (a), with the following remarks:

When they go to war, and wish to inform those of the party who may pass their path, they make a representation of the animal of their tribe, with a hatchet in his dexter paw; sometimes a saber or a club; and if there be a number of tribes together of the same party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all on a tree, from which they remove the bark. The animal of the tribe which heads the expedition is always the foremost.

When they go to war and want to let their fellow party members know they're nearby, they create an image of their tribe's animal holding a hatchet in its right paw; sometimes it's a saber or a club. If multiple tribes are joining forces for the same mission, each tribe draws their animal on a tree after stripping away the bark. The animal representing the tribe leading the expedition is always placed at the front.

Another account of interest, which does not appear to have been published, was traced and contributed by Mr. William Young, of Philadelphia. It is a deed from the representatives of the Six Nations (the Tuscaroras then being admitted) to the King of Great Britain, dated November 4, 1768, and recorded at the recorder’s office, Philadelphia, in Deed Book I, vol. 5, p. 241. Nearly all of these accounts and illustrations are confused and imperfect. An instructive blunder occurs in the translated signature representing the Mohawk tribe in the above mentioned deed. It is called “The Steel,” which could hardly have been an ancient tribal name, but after study it was remembered that the Mohawks have sometimes been called by a name properly translated the “Flint people.” By some confusion about flint and steel, which were still used in the middle of the last century to produce sparks of fire, perhaps assisted by the pantomime of striking those objects together, the one intended to be indicated, viz, the flint, was understood to be the other, the steel, and so these words were written under the figure, which was so roughly drawn that it might have been taken for a piece of flint or of steel or, indeed, anything else.

Another interesting account, which seems to have never been published, was found and shared by Mr. William Young from Philadelphia. It’s a deed from the representatives of the Six Nations (with the Tuscaroras now included) to the King of Great Britain, dated November 4, 1768, and recorded at the recorder’s office in Philadelphia, in Deed Book I, vol. 5, p. 241. Most of these accounts and illustrations are confusing and incomplete. A notable mistake appears in the translated signature representing the Mohawk tribe in the previously mentioned deed. It’s referred to as “The Steel,” which probably wasn’t an ancient tribal name. However, after some consideration, it was recalled that the Mohawks have sometimes been called by a name that translates to “Flint people.” Due to some mix-up between flint and steel, which were still used in the middle of the last century to create sparks, perhaps aided by the action of striking those objects together, what was meant to be flint was mistakenly interpreted as steel, leading to these terms being written beneath a figure that was so poorly drawn that it could have been mistaken for a piece of flint, steel, or indeed, anything else.

EASTERN ALGONQUIAN TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS.

The illustrations in Fig. 483 were drawn in 1888 by a Passamaquoddy Indian, in Maine, near the Canada border. The Passamaquoddy, Penobscot, and Amalecite are tribal divisions of the Abnaki, who formerly were also called Tarrateens by the more southern New England tribes and Owenunga by the Iroquois. The Micmacs are congeners of the Abnaki, but not classed in their tribal divisions. All the four tribes belong to the Algonquian linguistic stock.

The illustrations in Fig. 483 were created in 1888 by a Passamaquoddy Indian in Maine, close to the Canadian border. The Passamaquoddy, Penobscot, and Amalecite are tribal divisions of the Abnaki, who were also known as Tarrateens by the tribes further south in New England and Owenunga by the Iroquois. The Micmacs are related to the Abnaki but are not included in their tribal divisions. All four tribes are part of the Algonquian language family.

Fig. 483.—Eastern Algonquian tribal designations.

Fig. 483 a is the tribal emblem of the Passamaquoddy. It shows two Indians in a canoe, both using paddles and not poles, following a fish, the pollock. The variation which will appear in the represented use of poles and paddles in the marks of the Algonquian tribes in Maine, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, etc., is said to have originated in the differing character of the waters, shoal or deep, sluggish or rapid, of the regions of the four bodies of Indians whose totems are indicated as next follows, thus requiring the use of pole and paddle, respectively, in a greater or less degree. The animals figured are in all cases repeated consistently by each one of the several delineators, and in all cases there is some device to show a difference between the four canoes, either in their structure or in their mode of propulsion, but these devices are[379] not always consistent. It is therefore probable that the several animals designated constitute the true and ancient totemic emblems, and that the accompaniment of the canoes is a modern differentiation.

Fig. 483 a is the tribal emblem of the Passamaquoddy. It depicts two Indigenous people in a canoe, both using paddles instead of poles, pursuing a fish, the pollock. The differences in the use of poles and paddles among the marks of the Algonquian tribes in Maine, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, etc., are believed to have originated from the varying nature of the waters—whether shallow or deep, slow or fast—where the four groups of Indigenous peoples live, thus requiring different levels of pole and paddle usage. The animals depicted are consistently represented by each of the various artists, and each canoe features some distinguishing element, either in its design or method of movement, though these distinctions are[379] not always consistent. Therefore, it’s likely that the animals identified are the authentic and ancient totemic symbols and that the addition of the canoes is a more recent differentiation.

b The Maresquite or Amalecite emblem. Two Indians in a canoe, both with poles, following a muskrat.

b The Maresquite or Amalecite emblem. Two Native Americans in a canoe, both using poles, chasing after a muskrat.

c The Micmac emblem. Two Indians, both with paddles, in a canoe built with high middle parts familiarly called “humpback,” following a deer.

c The Micmac emblem. Two Native Americans, both holding paddles, in a canoe with a high middle section commonly referred to as “humpback,” chasing a deer.

d The Penobscot emblem. Two Indians in a canoe, one with a paddle and the other with a pole, following an otter.

d The Penobscot emblem. Two Native Americans in a canoe, one with a paddle and the other with a pole, chasing an otter.

In Margry (a) is an account, written about 1722, of the “Principal divisions of the Sioux and their distinctive marks,” thus translated:

In Margry (a) is a report, written around 1722, about the “Main divisions of the Sioux and their unique identifiers,” translated as:

There are from twenty to twenty-six villages of Scioux and they comprise the nations of the prairies:

There are between twenty to twenty-six Scioux villages, and they make up the nations of the prairies:

(1) The Ouatabatonha, or Scioux des Rivières, living on the St. Croix river or Lake de la Folle-Avoine which is below, and 15 leagues from the Serpent river. Their distinctive sign is a bear wounded in the neck.

(1) The Ouatabatonha, or Sioux of the Rivers, live on the St. Croix River or Lake de la Folle-Avoine, located below and 15 leagues from the Serpent River. Their distinctive symbol is a bear with a wound on its neck.

(2) The Menesouhatoba, or Scioux des Lacs, having for their mark a bear wounded in the neck.

(2) The Menesouhatoba, or Sioux of the Lakes, have as their symbol a bear with a wounded neck.

(3) The Matatoba, or Scioux des Prairies, having for their mark a fox with an arrow in its mouth.

(3) The Matatoba, or Sioux of the Prairies, are identified by a fox with an arrow in its mouth.

(4) The Hictoba, or Scioux de la Chasse, having for their symbol the elk.

(4) The Hictoba, or Sioux of the Hunt, represented by the elk as their symbol.

(5) The Titoba, or Scioux des Prairies, whose emblem is the deer. It bears a bow on its horns.

(5) The Titoba, or Sioux of the Prairies, whose symbol is the deer. It has a bow on its horns.

We have as yet had no commerce save with five nations. The Titoba live 80 leagues west of Sault Saint-Antoine.

We haven't had any trade except with five nations. The Titoba live 80 leagues west of Sault Saint-Antoine.

The above early, though meager, notice will serve as an introduction to the following series of pictorial tribal signs, all drawn by Sioux Indians, and many of them representing tribal divisions of the Siouan linguistic stock. The history and authority of the several “Winter Counts” mentioned are referred to supra, chapter X, section 2. Red-Cloud’s census and the Oglala roster are also described below. Explanations of some figures are added which have no reference to the present topic, but which seemed necessary and could not be separated and transferred to more appropriate division without undue multiplication of figures and text.

The brief notice above, though limited, will introduce the following series of pictorial tribal signs, all created by Sioux Indians, many of which represent the various tribal divisions of the Siouan language family. The history and sources of the different “Winter Counts” mentioned can be found in chapter X, section 2. Red Cloud’s census and the Oglala roster are also detailed below. Some explanations of the figures are included that are not directly related to the current topic, but they seemed important and couldn't be separated without creating unnecessary duplication of figures and text.

ABSAROKA OR CROW.
Fig. 484.—Absaroka.

Fig. 484.—Dakota and Crow, Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1819-’20. In an engagement between the Dakotas and the Crows both sides expended all of their arrows, and then threw dirt at each other. A Crow is represented on the right, and is distinguished by the manner in which the hair is worn. Hidatsa and Absaroka are represented with striped or spotted hair, which denotes the red clay they apply to it.

Fig. 484.—Dakota and Crow, Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1819-’20. In a fight between the Dakotas and the Crows, both sides used up all their arrows and then started throwing dirt at each other. A Crow is shown on the right and can be recognized by how the hair is styled. Hidatsa and Absaroka are depicted with striped or spotted hair, which indicates the red clay they use on it.

The custom which prevails among these tribes, and is said to have originated with the Crows, is to wear a wig of horse hair attached to the occiput, thus resembling the natural growth, but much increased in length. These wigs are made in strands having the thickness of a finger, varying from eight to fifteen in number, and held apart and in place by means of thin cross strands, thus resembling coarse network. At every intersection of strands of hair and crossties, lumps of pine gum are attached to prevent disarrangement and as in itself ornamental, and to these lumps dry vermilion clay is applied by the richer classes and red ocher or powdered clay by the poorer people.

The custom among these tribes, believed to have started with the Crows, is to wear a wig made of horsehair attached at the back of the head, which mimics natural hair but is much longer. These wigs are made of strands about the thickness of a finger, typically ranging from eight to fifteen strands, held apart and secured with thin cross strands, resembling a coarse network. At every intersection of the hair strands and cross strands, chunks of pine gum are added to keep everything in place and to serve as decoration. Wealthier individuals apply dry vermilion clay to these gum chunks, while those from poorer backgrounds use red ocher or powdered clay.

Pictures drawn by some of the northern tribes of the Dakota show the characteristic and distinctive features for a Crow Indian to be the distribution of the red war paint which covers the forehead.

Pictures created by some of the northern Dakota tribes illustrate that a key characteristic of a Crow Indian is the pattern of red war paint that covers the forehead.

Fig. 485.—Absaroka.

Fig. 485.—Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1830-’31. The Crows were approaching a village at a time when there was a great deal of snow on the ground and intended to surprise it, but, some herders discovering them, the Dakotas went out, laid in wait for the Crows, surprised them, and killed many. A Crow’s head is represented in the figure.

Fig. 485.—Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1830-’31. The Crows were approaching a village during a heavy snowfall and planned to catch it off guard. However, some herders spotted them, so the Dakotas went out, ambushed the Crows, and killed many of them. A Crow’s head is shown in the illustration.

The Crow is designated not only by the arrangement of back hair, before mentioned, but by a topknot of hair extending upward from the forehead, brushed upward and slightly backward. See also the seated figure in the record of Running Antelope, in Fig. 820, infra.

The Crow is identified not just by the style of back hair mentioned earlier, but by a tuft of hair that sticks up from the forehead, styled upwards and slightly backward. See also the seated figure in the record of Running Antelope, in Fig. 820, infra.

Fig. 486.—Absaroka.

Fig. 486.—The Dakotas surrounded and killed ten Crows. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1857-’58.

Fig. 486.—The Dakotas surrounded and killed ten Crows. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1857-’58.

The hair is somewhat shortened and not intentionally foreshortened, which was beyond the artist’s skill.

The hair is slightly shorter and not intentionally shortened, which was beyond the artist's ability.

Fig. 487.—Absaroka.

Fig. 487.—The Dakotas killed a Crow and his squaw who were found on a trail. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1839-’40.

Fig. 487.—The Dakotas killed a Crow and his wife who were found on a trail. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1839-’40.

This is a front view. The union line signifies husband and wife.

This is a front view. The union line represents husband and wife.

ARAPAHO.
Fig. 488.—Arapaho.

Fig. 488.—Arapaho, in the Dakota language, magpi-yato, blue cloud, is here shown by a circular cloud, drawn in blue in the original, inclosing the head of a man. Red-Cloud’s census.

Fig. 488.—Arapaho, in the Dakota language, magpi-yato, blue cloud, is illustrated here by a circular cloud, drawn in blue in the original, surrounding a man's head. Red-Cloud’s census.

ARIKARA OR REE.
Fig. 489.—Arikara.

Fig. 489 is the tribal sign of the Arikara, made by the Dakota, taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1823-’24, which he calls “General-——-first-appeared-and-the-Dakotas-aided-in-an-attack-on-the-Rees winter,” also “Much corn winter.”

Fig. 489 is the tribal symbol of the Arikara, created by the Dakota, taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1823-’24, which he refers to as “General-——-first-appeared-and-the-Dakotas-aided-in-an-attack-on-the-Rees winter,” also known as “Much corn winter.”

The gun and the arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that both whites and Indians fought the Rees. The ear of corn signifies “Ree” or Arikara Indians, who are designated in gesture language as “corn shellers.”

The gun and the arrow touching the ear of corn indicate that both whites and Native Americans battled the Rees. The ear of corn represents the "Ree" or Arikara Indians, who are referred to in sign language as “corn shellers.”

Fig. 490.—Arikara.

Fig. 490.—A Dakota kills one Ree. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1874-’75. Here the ear of corn, the conventional sign for Arikara, has become abbreviated.

Fig. 490.—A Dakota kills one Ree. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1874-’75. Here, the ear of corn, the standard symbol for Arikara, has been shortened.

ASSINIBOIN.
Fig. 491.—Assiniboin.

Fig. 491 is the tribal designation for Assiniboin or Hohe made by the Dakota, as taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1709-’10.

Fig. 491 is the tribal name for Assiniboin or Hohe used by the Dakota, as recorded in the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1709-’10.

The Hohe means the voice, or, as some say, the voice of the musk ox, and the device is the outline of the vocal organs, according to the Dakota concept, and represents the upper lip and roof of the mouth, the tongue, the lower lip, and chin and neck. The view is lateral, and resembles the sectional aspect of the mouth and tongue.

The Hohe means "the voice," or as some say, "the voice of the musk ox." The device outlines the vocal organs based on the Dakota concept and represents the upper lip, roof of the mouth, tongue, lower lip, chin, and neck. It has a lateral view and looks like a cross-section of the mouth and tongue.

BRULÉ.
Fig. 492.—Brulé.

Fig. 492.—A Brulé, who had left the village the night before, was found dead in the morning outside the village, and the dogs were eating his body. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1822-’23.

Fig. 492.—A Brulé, who had left the village the night before, was found dead in the morning outside the village, and the dogs were eating his body. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1822-’23.

The black spot on the upper part of the thigh shows he was a Brulé.

The black spot on the upper part of the thigh indicates he was a Brulé.

Fig. 493.—Brulé.

Fig. 493.—A Brulé was found dead under a tree, which had fallen on him. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1808-’10.

Fig. 493.—A Brulé was discovered dead under a tree that had collapsed on him. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1808-’10.

Again the burnt thigh is suggested by the black spot.

Again, the burned thigh is indicated by the black spot.

The significance of these two figures is explained by the gesture sign for Brulé as follows: Rub the upper and outer part of the right thigh in a small circle with the open right hand, fingers pointing downward. These Indians were once caught in a prairie fire, many burned to death, and others badly burned about the thighs; hence the name Si-can-gu, burnt thigh, and the sign. According to the Brulé chronology, this fire occurred in 1763, which they call “The-people-were-burned winter.”

The importance of these two figures is clarified by the gesture sign for Brulé as follows: Use your open right hand to rub the upper and outer part of your right thigh in a small circle, with your fingers pointing down. These Native Americans were once trapped in a prairie fire, resulting in many fatalities and others suffering severe burns on their thighs; that's how they got the name Si-can-gu, meaning burnt thigh, and the sign. According to the Brulé timeline, this fire took place in 1763, which they refer to as “The-people-were-burned winter.”

CHEYENNE.
Fig. 494.—Cheyenne.

Fig. 494.—The Cheyenne who boasted that he was bullet and arrow proof was killed by white soldiers, near Fort Robinson, Nebraska, in the intrenchments behind which the Cheyennes were defending themselves after they had escaped from the fort. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1878-’79.

Fig. 494.—The Cheyenne who claimed he was bullet and arrow proof was killed by white soldiers near Fort Robinson, Nebraska, in the trenches where the Cheyennes were defending themselves after they had escaped from the fort. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1878-’79.

Fig. 495.—Cheyenne.

The marks on the arm constitute the tribal pictographic emblem. It is explained by the gesture sign as follows: Pass the ulnar side of the extended index finger repeatedly across extended finger and back of the left hand. Fig. 495 illustrates this gesture sign. Frequently, however, the index is drawn across the wrist or forearm, or the extended index, palm upward, is drawn across the forefinger of the left hand (palm inward), several times, left hand stationary, right hand is drawn toward the body until the index is drawn clear off; then repeat. Some Cheyennes believe this to have reference to the former custom of cutting the arms as offerings to spirits, while others think it refers to a more ancient custom of cutting[383] off the enemy’s fingers for necklaces, and sometimes to cutting off the whole hand or forearm as a trophy to be displayed as scalps more generally are.

The marks on the arm represent the tribal pictographic emblem. It's described by the gesture sign as follows: Move the ulnar side of the extended index finger back and forth across the extended finger and the back of the left hand repeatedly. Fig. 495 shows this gesture sign. Often, though, the index is moved across the wrist or forearm, or the extended index, with the palm facing up, is drawn across the forefinger of the left hand (palm facing in) several times, while the left hand stays still and the right hand moves toward the body until the index is pulled away completely; then it’s repeated. Some Cheyennes believe this relates to the old practice of cutting the arms as offerings to spirits, while others think it refers to the ancient practice of cutting off enemies’ fingers for necklaces, and sometimes cutting off an entire hand or forearm as a trophy to be displayed like scalps more commonly are.

Fig. 496.—Cheyenne.

Fig. 496 is from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1785-’86. In that record this is the only instance where the short vertical lines below the arrow signify Cheyenne. In all others those marks are numerical and denote the number of persons killed. That these short lines here signify Cheyenne is explained by the foregoing remarks.

Fig. 496 is from Battiste Good's Winter Count for the year 1785-’86. In this record, this is the only instance where the short vertical lines below the arrow represent Cheyenne. In all other cases, those marks are numerical and indicate the number of people killed. The explanation for these short lines signifying Cheyenne is provided in the previous comments.

Fig. 497.—Cheyenne.

Fig. 497.—Picket-Pin went against the Cheyennes. A picket-pin is represented in front of him and is connected with his mouth by the usual line. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1790-’91.

Fig. 497.—Picket-Pin faced off against the Cheyennes. A picket-pin is shown in front of him, attached to his mouth by the standard line. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1790-’91.

The black band across his face denotes that he was brave and had killed enemies. The cross is the symbol for Cheyenne. This mark stands for the scars on their arms or stripes on their sleeves, and also to the gesture sign for this tribe. The cross is, therefore, the conventionalized form both for the emblem and the gesture.

The black band across his face shows that he was brave and had killed enemies. The cross is the symbol for the Cheyenne. This mark represents the scars on their arms or the stripes on their sleeves, as well as the gesture sign for this tribe. The cross is, therefore, the accepted form for both the emblem and the gesture.

DAKOTA OR SIOUX.
Fig. 498.—Dakota.

Fig. 498.—Standing-Bull, the great grandfather of the present Standing-Bull, discovered the Black Hills. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1775-’76. He carried home with him a pine tree of a species he had never seen before. In this count the Dakotas are usually distinguished by the braided scalp lock and the feather they wear at the crown of the head, or by the manner in which they brush back and tie the hair with ornamented strips. Many illustrations are given in the present paper in which this arrangement of the hair is shown more distinctly.

Fig. 498.—Standing-Bull, the great-grandfather of the current Standing-Bull, discovered the Black Hills. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1775-’76. He brought home a pine tree of a species he had never encountered before. In this count, the Dakotas are typically identified by the braided scalp lock and the feather they wear at the top of their heads, or by how they style and tie their hair with decorated strips. Many illustrations are provided in this paper that more clearly depict this hairstyle.

With regard to the designation of this tribe by paint it seems that pictures made by the northern Dakotas represent themselves as distinguished from other Indians by being painted red from below the eyes to the end of the chin. But this is probably rather a special war painting than a tribal design.

With respect to the way this tribe is identified by their paint, it appears that images created by the northern Dakotas show themselves as different from other Native Americans by having red paint from just below the eyes down to the chin. However, this is likely more of a specific war paint than a tribal symbol.

HIDATSA, GROS VENTRE, OR MINITARI.
Fig. 499.—Hidatsa.

Fig. 499 shows the tribal designation of the Gros Ventres by the Dakotas, on the authority of Battiste Good, 1789-’90.

Fig. 499 shows how the Dakotas referred to the Gros Ventres tribe, based on information from Battiste Good, 1789-’90.

Two Gros Ventres were killed on the ice by the Dakotas. The two are designated by two spots of blood on the ice, and killed is expressed by a blood-tipped arrow against the figure of the man above. The long hair, with a red forehead, denotes the Gros Ventre. In other Dakota records the same style of painting the forehead red designates the Arikara and Absaroka Indians. The horizontal band, which is blue in the original, signifies ice.

Two Gros Ventres were killed on the ice by the Dakotas. The two victims are marked by two spots of blood on the ice, and "killed" is indicated by a blood-tipped arrow pointing at the figure of the man above. The long hair with a red forehead represents the Gros Ventre. In other Dakota records, painting the forehead red in the same style indicates the Arikara and Absaroka Indians. The horizontal band, which is blue in the original, represents ice.

KAIOWA.
Fig. 500.—Kaiowa.

Fig. 500 shows the tribal designation of the Kaiowa by the Dakota, taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good, 1814-’15. He calls the winter “Smashed-a-Kaiowa’s-head-in winter.” The tomahawk with which it was done is in contact with the Kaiowa’s head.

Fig. 500 shows how the Dakota refer to the Kaiowa tribe, based on Battiste Good's Winter Count from 1814-’15. He names that winter "Smashed-a-Kaiowa’s-head-in winter." The tomahawk used for that act is in contact with the Kaiowa’s head.

The sign for Kaiowa is sometimes made by passing one or both hands, naturally extended, in short horizontal circles on either side of the head, together with a shaking motion, the conception being “rattle-brained” or “crazy heads.” The picture is drawn to represent the man in the attitude of making this gesture, and not the involuntary raising of the hands upon receiving the blow, such attitudes not appearing in Battiste Good’s system.

The sign for Kaiowa is sometimes made by moving one or both hands, naturally extended, in short horizontal circles on either side of the head, along with a shaking motion, conveying the idea of being "rattle-brained" or having "crazy heads." The image shows a person in the position of making this gesture, not the unintentional raising of the hands after being hit, which does not appear in Battiste Good’s system.

Fig. 501.—Kaiowa.

This gesture is illustrated in Fig. 501.

This gesture is shown in Fig. 501.

MANDAN.

Fig. 502.—Mandan.

Fig. 502.—Mandan.

Fig. 502.—Two Mandans killed by Minneconjous. The peculiar arrangement of the hair distinguishes the tribe. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1789-’90.

Fig. 502.—Two Mandans killed by Minneconjous. The unique hairstyle sets the tribe apart. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1789-’90.

MANDAN AND ARIKARA.

Fig. 503.—Mandan and Arikara.

Fig. 503.—Mandan and Arikara.

Fig. 503.—The Mandans and Rees made a charge on a Dakota village. An eagle’s tail, which is worn on the head, stands for Mandan and Ree. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1783-’84.

Fig. 503.—The Mandans and Rees attacked a Dakota village. An eagle’s tail, worn on the head, represents the Mandan and Ree. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1783-’84.

The mark on the tipi, which represents a village, is not, as it at first sight appears, a hatchet, but a conventional sign for “it hit.” See Fig. 987 and accompanying remarks.

The mark on the tipi, which stands for a village, is not, as it first seems, a hatchet, but a traditional symbol for “it hit.” See Fig. 987 and the notes that go with it.

OJIBWA.

Carver (a), writing in 1776-’78, tells that an Ojibwa drew the designation of his own tribe as a deer. The honest captain of provincial troops may have mistaken a clan mark to be a tribal mark, but the account is mentioned for what it is worth, and the context serves to support the statement.

Carver (a), writing between 1776 and 1778, reports that an Ojibwa identified his own tribe with the symbol of a deer. The honest captain of the provincial troops might have confused a clan symbol for a tribal symbol, but this account is noted for its worth, and the context helps to back up the claim.

OMAHA.

Fig. 504.—Omaha.

Fig. 504.—Omaha.

Fig. 504 is the tribal designation of the Omahas by the Dakotas, taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good, for the year 1744-’45. The pictograph is a human head with cropped hair and red cheeks. It is a front view. This tribe cuts the hair short and uses red paint upon the cheeks very extensively. This character is of frequent occurrence in Battiste Good’s count.

Fig. 504 is the name the Dakotas used to refer to the Omahas, taken from Battiste Good's Winter Count for the year 1744-’45. The pictograph shows a human head with short hair and red cheeks. It's a front view. This tribe typically cuts their hair short and commonly paints their cheeks red. This symbol appears often in Battiste Good’s count.

Fig. 505.—Omaha.

Fig. 505.—Omaha.

Fig. 505.—The Dakotas killed an Omaha in the night. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1806-’07.

Fig. 505.—The Dakotas killed an Omaha during the night. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1806-’07.

This is a side view of the same. The illustration does not show the color of the cheeks.

This is a side view of the same. The illustration doesn't show the color of the cheeks.

Fig. 506.—Omaha.

Fig. 506.—Omaha.

Fig. 506.—The Dakotas and Omahas made peace. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1791-’92.

Fig. 506.—The Dakotas and Omahas made peace. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1791-’92.

The Omaha is on the right and the Dakota on the left.

The Omaha is on the right and the Dakota is on the left.

PAWNEE.

Fig. 507.—Pawnee.

Fig. 507.—Pawnee.

Fig. 507 is the tribal designation of the Pawnee by the Dakotas, taken from Battiste Good’s Winter Count for the year 1704-’05.

Fig. 507 is the tribal name for the Pawnee used by the Dakotas, taken from Battiste Good’s Winter Count for the year 1704-’05.

He says: The lower part of the legs are ornamented with slight projections resembling the husks on the bottom of an ear of corn.

He says: The lower part of the legs is decorated with small bumps that look like the husks at the bottom of an ear of corn.

Fig. 508.—Pawnee.

Fig. 508.—Pawnee.

Fig. 508.—Brulés kill a number of Pawnees. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1873-’74.

Fig. 508.—Brulés kill several Pawnees. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1873-’74.

This is the abbreviated or conventionalized form of the one preceding.

This is the shortened or standardized version of the one before it.

Fig. 509.—Pawnee.

Fig. 509.—Pawnee.

Fig. 509.—They killed many Pawnees on the Republican river. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1873-’74.

Fig. 509.—They killed many Pawnees on the Republican River. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1873-’74.

Here the arrangement of the hair makes the distinction.

Here, the way the hair is styled makes the difference.

In this connection it is useful to quote Dunbar (a):

In this regard, it's helpful to quote Dunbar (a):

The tribal mark of the Pawnees in their pictographic or historic painting was the scalp lock dressed to stand nearly erect or curving slightly backwards, somewhat like a horn. This, in order that it should retain its position, was filled with vermillion or other pigment, and sometimes lengthened by means of a tuft of horse hair skillfully appended so as to form a trail back over the shoulders. This usage was undoubtedly the origin of the name Pawnee. * * * It is most probably derived from pá-rĭk-ĭ, a horn, and seems to have been once used by the Pawnees themselves to designate their peculiar scalp lock. From the fact that this was the most noticeable feature in their costume, the name came naturally to be the denominative term of the tribe.

The tribal mark of the Pawnees in their pictographic or historic painting was the scalp lock styled to stand almost upright or curve slightly backward, resembling a horn. To keep it in place, it was filled with vermillion or other pigments, and sometimes extended using a tuft of horse hair cleverly attached to create a trail that flowed over the shoulders. This practice was likely the origin of the name Pawnee. * * * It probably comes from pá-rĭk-ĭ, meaning horn, and seems to have been used by the Pawnees themselves to refer to their unique scalp lock. Since this was the most striking feature of their costume, the name naturally became the defining term for the tribe.

PONKA.

Fig. 510.—Ponka.

Fig. 510.—Ponca.

Fig. 510.—The Ponkas came and attacked a village, notwithstanding peace had just been made with them. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1778-’79.

Fig. 510.—The Ponkas came and attacked a village, even though peace had just been established with them. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1778-’79.

Some elk hair which is used to form a ridge about 8 inches long and 2 in breadth, worn from the forehead to the back of the neck, and a feather, represent Ponka. Horse tracks are used for horses. Attack is indicated by marks which represent bullet marks, and which convey the idea that the bullet struck. The marks are derived from the gesture-sign “it struck.” See Chapter XVIII, section 4.

Some elk hair is used to create a ridge about 8 inches long and 2 inches wide, worn from the forehead to the back of the neck, along with a feather, to represent the Ponka. Horse tracks symbolize horses. An attack is shown by marks that represent bullet strikes, conveying the idea that a bullet hit. These marks come from the gesture sign “it struck.” See Chapter XVIII, section 4.

Fig. 511.—Ponka.

Fig. 511.—Ponka.

Fig. 511.—An Indian woman, who had been unfaithful to a white man to whom she was married, was killed by an Indian named Ponka. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1804-’05.

Fig. 511.—An Indian woman, who had been unfaithful to a white man she was married to, was killed by an Indian named Ponka. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1804-’05.

The emblem for Ponka is the straight elk hair ridge.

The symbol for Ponka is the straight elk hair ridge.

Fig. 512.—Ponka.

Fig. 512.—Ponka.

Fig. 512.—A Ponka, who was captured when a boy by the Oglalas, was killed while outside the village by a war party of Ponkas. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1793-’94.

Fig. 512.—A Ponka, who was taken as a boy by the Oglalas, was killed outside the village by a Ponka war party. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1793-’94.

The artificial headdress, consisting of a ridge of elk hair, is again portrayed.

The fake headdress, made from a strip of elk hair, is shown again.

SHOSHONI.

Dr. George Gibbs (b) describes a pictograph made by one of the Indian tribes of Oregon and Washington, upon which “the figure of a man with a long queue or scalp lock reached to his heels denoted a Shoshoni, that tribe being in the habit of braiding horse or other hair into their own in that manner.”

Dr. George Gibbs (b) describes a pictograph created by one of the Indian tribes in Oregon and Washington, showing “the figure of a man with a long braid or scalp lock that reached his heels, indicating a Shoshoni, as that tribe typically braided horse hair or other hair into their own like that.”

This may be correct regarding the Shoshoni Indians among the extreme northwestern tribes, but the mark of identification could not be based upon the custom of braiding with their own hair that of animals, to increase the length and appearance of the queue, as this custom also prevails among the Absaroka, Hidatsa, and Arikaa Indians, respectively, as before mentioned in this work.

This might be true for the Shoshoni Indians among the far northwestern tribes, but identification can’t be based on the custom of braiding animal hair with their own to enhance the length and look of their hairstyles, as this practice is also common among the Absaroka, Hidatsa, and Arikaa Indians, as previously mentioned in this work.

Tanner’s Narrative (e) gives additional information on this topic regarding the absence of any tribal sign in connection with a human figure.

Tanner’s Narrative (e) provides more details on this topic about the lack of any tribal symbol associated with a human figure.

The men of the same tribe are extensively acquainted with the totems which belong to each, and if on any record of this kind the figure of a man appears without any designatory mark, it is immediately understood that he is a Sioux or at least a stranger. Indeed, in most instances the figures of men are not used at all, merely the totem or surname, being given. * * * It may be observed that the Algonkins believe all other Indians to have totems, though from the necessity they are in general under of remaining ignorant of those hostile bands, the omission of the totem in their picture writing serves to designate an enemy. Thus, those bands of Ojibbeways who border on the country of the Dahcotah or Sioux, always understand the figure of a man without totem to mean one of that people.

The men from the same tribe know a lot about each other’s totems, and if a man’s figure appears in a record without any identifying mark, it’s immediately clear that he’s a Sioux or at least an outsider. In fact, most of the time, figures of men aren’t used at all; only the totem or surname is included. * * * It’s worth noting that the Algonkins believe all other Indians have totems, but because they generally have to stay unaware of hostile groups, the absence of a totem in their pictographs indicates an enemy. So, the Ojibbeways who live near the Dahcotah or Sioux territory always interpret a man’s figure without a totem as being one of that group.

Fig. 513.—Tamga of Kirghise tribes.

Fig. 513.—Emblem of Kirghiz tribes.

In Sketches of Northwestern Mongolia, (a) are the tamga or seals of Kirghise tribes, of which Fig. 513 is a copy.

In Sketches of Northwestern Mongolia, (a) are the tamga or seals of Kirghise tribes, of which Fig. 513 is a copy.

The explanation given is as follows: a. Kipchaktamga: letter alip. b. Arguin tamga: eyes. c. Naiman tamga: posts (of door). d. Kong-rat, Kirei, tamga: vine. e. Nak tamga: prop. f. Tarakti tamga: comb. g. Tyulimgut tamga: pike.

The explanation provided is as follows: a. Kipchaktamga: letter alip. b. Arguin tamga: eyes. c. Naiman tamga: doorposts. d. Kong-rat, Kirei, tamga: vine. e. Nak tamga: prop. f. Tarakti tamga: comb. g. Tyulimgut tamga: pike.

SECTION 2.
GENTILE AND CLAN NAMES.

The clan and totemic system formerly called the gentile system undoubtedly prevailed anciently in Europe and Asia, but first became understood by observations of its existence in actual force among the aborigines of America and Australia, and typical representations of it are still found among them. In Australia it is called kobong. An animal or a plant, or sometimes a heavenly body was mythologically at first and at last sociologically connected with all persons of a certain stock, who believe, or once believed, that it was their tutelar god and they bear its name.

The clan and totem system once referred to as the gentile system definitely existed in ancient Europe and Asia, but it was first recognized through observations of its active presence among the indigenous peoples of America and Australia, where typical examples can still be seen today. In Australia, it is known as kobong. An animal, a plant, or sometimes a celestial body was initially linked to all individuals of a particular group, who believe, or once believed, that it was their guardian spirit, and they carry its name.

Each clan or gens took as a badge or objective totem the representation of the tutelar daimon from which it was named. As most Indian tribes were zootheistic, the object of their devotion was generally an animal—e. g., an eagle, a panther, a buffalo, a bear, a deer, a raccoon, a tortoise, a snake, or a fish, but sometimes was one of the winds, a celestial body, or other impressive object or phenomenon.

Each clan or tribe adopted the image of their guardian spirit as a totem. Since most Native American tribes believed in animal deities, their object of devotion was typically an animal—like an eagle, panther, buffalo, bear, deer, raccoon, tortoise, snake, or fish—but it could also be one of the winds, a celestial body, or another significant object or phenomenon.

American Indians once generally observed a prohibition against killing the animal connected with their totem or eating any part of it. For instance, most of the southern Indians abstained from killing the wolf; the Navajo do not kill bears; the Osage never killed the beaver until the skins became valuable for sale. Afterward some of the animals previously held sacred were killed; but apologies were made to them at the time, and in almost all cases the prohibition or taboo survived with regard to certain parts of those animals which were not to be eaten on the principle of synecdoche, the temptation to use the food being too strong to permit entire abstinence. The Cherokee forbade the use of the tongues of the deer and bear for food. They cut these members out and cast them into the fire sacramentally. A practice still exists among the Ojibwa as follows: There is a formal restriction against members of the bear clan eating the animal, yet by a subdivision within the same clan an arrangement is made so that sub-clans may among them eat the whole animal. When a bear is killed, the head and paws are eaten by those who form one branch of the bear totem, and the remainder is reserved for the others. Other Indian tribes have invented a differentiation in which some clansmen may eat the ham and not the shoulder of certain animals, and others the shoulder and not the ham.

American Indians generally used to avoid killing the animal associated with their totem or eating any part of it. For example, most southern tribes didn’t kill wolves; the Navajo don’t kill bears; and the Osage traditionally never killed beavers until their skins became valuable for trade. Later on, some animals that were once seen as sacred were killed, but rituals of apology were performed at that time, and in many cases, the prohibition or taboo remained for certain parts of those animals that weren’t to be eaten. This was based on the principle of synecdoche, as the temptation to eat the food was too strong for complete abstinence. The Cherokee prohibited the consumption of deer and bear tongues. They would remove these parts and ceremonially throw them into the fire. A similar practice still exists among the Ojibwa: there's an official ban on bear clan members eating the animal, yet within sub-groups of the clan, arrangements allow some to eat the entire animal. When a bear is hunted, one branch of the bear totem eats the head and paws, while the rest is saved for others. Other Indian tribes have created distinctions where some clan members may eat the ham but not the shoulder of certain animals, while others eat the shoulder but not the ham.

It follows, therefore, that sometimes the whole animal is designated as a clan totem, and also that sometimes only parts of it is selected.[389] Many of the devices given in this paper under the heading of personal names have this origin. The following figures show a selection of parts of animals that may further illustrate the subject. It must, however, be borne in mind that some of the cases may be connected with individual visions or with personal adventures and not directly with the clan system. In the absence of detailed information in each instance discrimination is impossible.

It follows that sometimes the entire animal is used as a clan totem, while at other times only certain parts are chosen.[389] Many of the examples provided in this paper under personal names have this origin. The following figures show a selection of animal parts that may further illustrate the topic. However, it’s important to remember that some cases may be linked to individual visions or personal experiences and not directly tied to the clan system. Without detailed information for each case, it's impossible to make distinctions.

Schoolcraft says that the Ojibwa always placed the totemic or clan[390] pictorial mark upon the adjedatig or grave-post, thereby sinking the personal name which is not generally indicative of the totem. The same practice is found in other tribes. The Pueblos depict the gentile or totemic pictorial sign upon their various styles of ceramic work.

Schoolcraft states that the Ojibwa always put the totemic or clan[390] pictorial mark on the adjedatig or grave-post, which ends up overshadowing the personal name that usually doesn't represent the totem. This same practice is seen in other tribes. The Pueblos show the gentile or totemic pictorial symbol on their different styles of pottery.

Fig. 514.—Dakota gentile designations.

Fig. 514.—Dakota gentle designations.

Fig. 514, gives examples taken from Dakota drawings, which appear to be pictured totemic marks of gentes or clans. If not in every instance veritable examples, they illustrate the mode of their representation as distinct from the mere personal designations mentioned below, and yet without positive information in each case, it is not possible to decide on their correct assignment to this section of the present chapter.

Fig. 514 shows examples from Dakota drawings that seem to depict totemic symbols of tribes or clans. Even if they aren't all authentic examples, they demonstrate how these symbols are represented differently from the personal names described below. However, without clear information for each one, we can't definitively categorize them within this section of the current chapter.

a. Bear-Back. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Bear-Back. Red-Cloud's Census.

This and the six following figures exhibit respectively the portions of the bear, viz, the back or chine, the ears, the head, the paw, the brains, and the nostrils or muzzle, which are probably the subject of taboo and are the sign of a clan or subclan.

This and the six following figures show the different parts of the bear, including the back or spine, the ears, the head, the paw, the brain, and the nostrils or snout, which are likely considered taboo and represent a clan or subclan.

b. Bear’s-Ears, a Brulé, was killed in an Oglala village by the Crows. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1785-’86.

b. Bear’s-Ears, a Brulé, was killed in an Oglala village by the Crows. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1785-’86.

c. Bear’s-Ears was killed in a fight with the Rees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1793-’94.

c. Bear’s Ears was killed in a battle with the Rees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1793-’94.

This is another and more graphic delineation of the animal’s ears.

This is another and more detailed description of the animal's ears.

d. Bear-Head. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Bear-Head. Red-Cloud’s Census.

e. Bear-Paw. Red-Cloud’s Census. The paws of the bear are considered to be a delicacy.

e. Bear-Paw. Red-Cloud’s Census. Bear paws are thought to be a delicacy.

f. Bear-Brains. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Bear-Brains. Red-Cloud's Census.

g. Bear-Nostrils. Red-Cloud’s Census.

g. Bear Nostrils. Red Cloud’s Census.

h. Hump. Red-Cloud’s Census. The hump of the buffalo has been often praised as a delicious dish.

h. Hump. Red-Cloud’s Census. The hump of the buffalo has often been praised as a tasty dish.

i. Elk-Head. Red-Cloud’s Census.

i. Elk-Head. Red-Cloud's Census.

Fig. 515 represents carved uprights in a house of the Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia, taken from a work of Dr. Franz Boas (b).

Fig. 515 shows carved posts in a house of the Kwakiutl Indians from British Columbia, taken from a work by Dr. Franz Boas (b).

Fig. 515.—Kwakiutl carvings.

Fig. 515.—Kwakiutl sculptures.

The author says that these uprights are always carved according to the crest of the gens of the house owner, and represent men standing on the heads of animals. This use of the term “crest” is not heraldically correct, as literally it would require the men to be standing on the coverings of their own heads, but the idea is plain, the word being used for a device similar in nature and significance to the crest in heraldry, and it was adopted by the ancestors of the Kwakiutl gentes in relation to certain exploits that they had made. Both human figures show painting and probably also tattooing on their faces.

The author explains that these upright figures are always carved based on the emblem of the household owner’s clan and depict men standing on the heads of animals. This use of the term “emblem” isn’t technically correct, as it would literally mean the men are standing on their own head coverings, but the idea is clear. The word is being used to refer to a symbol that’s similar in nature and importance to the emblems in heraldry, which was adopted by the ancestors of the Kwakiutl clans in connection with specific achievements they accomplished. Both human figures show paint and likely also tattoos on their faces.

The character on the left hand also shows a design on the breast. That on the right hand presents a curious artifice of carving by which the legs and an arm are exhibited while preserving the solidity of the upright.

The character on the left also has a design on its chest. The one on the right features an interesting carved technique that reveals the legs and an arm while keeping the upright figure intact.

SECTION 3.
IMPORTANCE OF TATTOO.

Tattooing proper is a permanent marking of the skin accomplished by the introduction of coloring matter under the cutaneous epidermis. In popular expression and often in literature it includes penetration of the skin by cuts, gashes, or sometimes burns, without the insertion of coloring matter, the cicatrix being generally whiter than the sound skin of the people, most frequently of the dark races, among whom the practice is found. This form of figuration is distinguished as scarification and some examples of it are given below. The two varieties of tattoo may, however, for the purpose of this paper, be considered together and also in relation to painting the human body, which in its early use differs from them only in duration.

Tattooing is a permanent marking of the skin done by injecting color underneath the outer layer. In everyday conversation and often in literature, it also includes making cuts, gashes, or even burns on the skin without adding color, resulting in scars that are usually whiter than the surrounding skin, especially among darker-skinned individuals where this practice is common. This type of body modification is known as scarification, and some examples of it are provided below. For the purpose of this paper, both types of tattooing can be viewed together, especially in relation to body painting, which in its earliest forms differs only in how long it lasts.

Mr. Herbert Spencer (a) considers all forms of tattoo to be originally tribal marks, and draws from that assumption additional evidence for his favorite theory of the deification of a dead tribal chief. Miss A. W. Buckland (a), in her essay on tattooing, follows in the same track, although recognizing modern deviations from the rule. A valuable article in the literature of the subject entitled “Tattooing among civilized people,” by Dr. Robert Fletcher should be consulted. Also A tatuagem em Portugal, by Rocha Peixoto.

Mr. Herbert Spencer (a) believes all types of tattoos originated as tribal marks and uses that idea to support his ongoing theory about the deification of a deceased tribal chief. Miss A. W. Buckland (a), in her essay on tattooing, takes a similar approach, although she acknowledges modern variations from the norm. A valuable article on the topic titled “Tattooing among civilized people,” by Dr. Robert Fletcher, is worth checking out. Additionally, A tattoo in Portugal, by Rocha Peixoto, is also recommended.

Dr. C. N. Starcke (a) lays down the law still more distinctly, thus:

Dr. C. N. Starcke (a) states the law even more clearly, like this:

The tattoo-marks make it possible to discover the remote connection between clans, and this token has such a powerful influence on the mind that there is no feud between tribes which are tattooed in the same way. * * * Tattooing may also lead to the formation of a group within the tribe.

The tattoo marks reveal the distant connections between clans, and this symbol has such a strong impact on the mind that there is no conflict between tribes that have the same tattoos. * * * Tattooing can also help create a group within the tribe.

Prof. Frederick Starr (a) makes these remarks:

Prof. Frederick Starr (a) makes these remarks:

As a sign of war prowess the gash of the Kaffir warrior may be described. After an act of bravery the priest cuts a deep gash in the hero’s thigh. This heals blue and is a prized honor. To realize the value of a tribal mark think for a moment of the savage man’s relation to the world outside. He is a very Ishmaelite. So long as he remains on his own tribal territory he is safe; when on the land of another tribe his life is the legitimate prey of the first man he meets. To men in such social relations the tribal mark is the only safety at home; without it he would be slain unrecognized by his own tribesmen. There must have been a time when the old Hebrews knew all about this matter of tribe marks. By this custom only can we fully understand the story of Cain (Gen. IV, 14, 15), who fears to be sent from his own territory lest he be slain by the first stranger he meets, but is protected by the tribal mark of those among whom he is to wander being put upon him. But in scarring, as in so many other cases, the original idea is often lost and the mark becomes merely ornamental. This is particularly true among women. Among men it more frequently retains its tribal significance.

As a sign of a warrior's skill, the scar of the Kaffir warrior can be described. After a brave act, the priest makes a deep cut in the hero’s thigh. This heals into a blue mark and is a respected honor. To understand the importance of a tribal mark, think for a moment about a savage man's connection to the outside world. He is very much like an Ishmaelite. As long as he stays within his own tribal land, he is safe; but when he steps onto another tribe's territory, his life is fair game for the first person he encounters. For men in such social structures, the tribal mark is the only protection at home; without it, he would be killed without recognition by his own people. There must have been a time when the old Hebrews understood the significance of tribal marks. This custom is the key to fully grasping the story of Cain (Gen. IV, 14, 15), who fears being sent away from his own land lest he be killed by the first stranger he meets, but is given protection through a tribal mark placed on him as he ventures out. However, in scarring, as in many cases, the original meaning is often lost, and the mark becomes merely decorative. This is especially true for women. Among men, it more often retains its tribal importance.

After careful study of the topic, less positive and conclusive authority is found for this explanation of tattooing than was expected, considering its general admission.

After closely examining the topic, there is less solid and definitive evidence for this explanation of tattooing than anticipated, given its widespread acceptance.

The great antiquity of tattooing is shown by reference to it in the Old Testament, and in Herodotus, Xenophon, Tacitus, Ammianus, and Herodian. The publications on the topic are so numerous that the notes now to be presented are by no means exhaustive. They mainly refer to the Indian tribes of North America with only such comparatively recent reports from other lands as seem to afford elucidation.

The long history of tattooing is highlighted by its mention in the Old Testament, as well as in the works of Herodotus, Xenophon, Tacitus, Ammianus, and Herodian. There are so many publications on this topic that the notes provided here are far from complete. They mostly focus on the Indigenous tribes of North America, along with a few recent reports from other regions that seem to offer clarification.

TATTOO IN NORTH AMERICA.

G. Holm (b) says of the Greenland Innuit that geometric figures consisting of streaks and points, are used in tattooing on the breasts, arms, and legs of the females.

G. Holm (b) states that the Greenland Inuits use geometric shapes made up of lines and dots in the tattoos on the breasts, arms, and legs of women.

H. H. Bancroft (b) says:

H. H. Bancroft (b) states:

The Eskimo females tattoo lines on their chins; the plebeian female of certain bands has one vertical line in the center and one parallel to it on either side. The higher classes mark two vertical lines from each corner of the mouth. * * * Young Kadiak wives tattoo the breast and adorn the face with black lines. The Kuskoquim women sew into their chin two parallel blue lines.

The Inuit women tattoo lines on their chins; the common women from certain groups have one vertical line in the center and one parallel line on each side. The higher-status women mark two vertical lines from each corner of the mouth. * * * Young Kadiak wives tattoo their breasts and decorate their faces with black lines. The Kuskoquim women sew two parallel blue lines into their chins.

William H. Gilder (a) reports:

William H. Gilder reports:

The Esquimau wife has her face tattooed with lampblack and is regarded as a matron in society. * * * The forehead is decorated with the letter V in double lines, the angle very acute, passing down between the eyes almost to the bridge of the nose, and sloping gracefully to the right and left before reaching the roots of the hair. Each cheek is adorned with an egg-shaped pattern, commencing near the wing of the nose and sloping upward toward the corner of the eye; these lines are also double. The most ornamented part, however, is the chin, which receives a gridiron pattern; the lines double from the edge of the lower lip, and reaching to[393] the throat toward the corners of the mouth, sloping outward to the angle of the lower jaw. This is all that is required by custom, but some of the belles do not stop here. * * * None of the men are tattooed.

The Eskimo wife has her face tattooed with black ink and is seen as a respected member of society. * * * Her forehead features a V shape made of double lines, with a sharp angle that extends down between her eyes almost to the bridge of her nose, gracefully sloping to the right and left before reaching her hairline. Each cheek displays an egg-shaped design, starting near her nose and sloping upward toward the outer corner of her eye; these lines are also double. However, the most decorated area is the chin, which has a gridiron pattern; the lines are doubled from the edge of her lower lip, extending down toward her throat and the corners of her mouth, sloping outward to the angle of her jaw. This is all that is required by tradition, but some of the fashionable women go beyond this. * * * None of the men have tattoos.

An early notice of tattooing in the territory now occupied by the United States, mentioned in Hakluyt (d), is in the visit of the Florida chief, Satouriona, in 1564, to Réné Laudonnière. His tattooed figure was drawn by Le Moyne, Tabulæ VIII, IX.

An early mention of tattooing in the area now known as the United States, noted by Hakluyt (d), is from the visit of the Florida chief, Satouriona, in 1564 to Réné Laudonnière. His tattooed figure was illustrated by Le Moyne, Tabulæ VIII, IX.

Capt. John Smith (a) is made to say of the Virginia Indians:

Capt. John Smith (a) is made to say about the Virginia Indians:

They adorne themselues most with copper beads and paintings. Their women, some haue their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly imbrodered with divers workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially wrought into their flesh with blacke spots.

They decorate themselves mostly with copper beads and body paint. Their women have intricate designs, like animals and snakes, skillfully tattooed on their legs, hands, breasts, and faces, with black spots incorporated into their skin.

Fig. 516.—Virginian tattoo designs.

Fig. 516.—Virginia tattoo designs.

Thomas Hariot (a), in Pl. XXIII, here reproduced as Fig. 516, Discoveries of 1585, discussing “The Marckes of sundrye of the Chief mene of Virginia,” says:

Thomas Hariot (a), in Pl. XXIII, here reproduced as Fig. 516, Discoveries of 1585, discussing “The Marks of various Chief Men of Virginia,” says:

The inhabitats of all the cuntrie for the most parte haue marks rased on their backs, wherby yt may be knowen what Princes subiects they bee, or of what place they haue their originall. For which cause we haue set downe those marks in this figure, and haue annexed the names of the places, that they might more easelye be discerned. Which industrie hath god indued them withal although they be verye simple, and rude. And to confesse a truthe I cannot remember, that euer I saw a better or quietter people than they.

The inhabitants of all the countries mostly have marks etched on their backs, which indicate which prince they’re subjects of, or where their origins are from. For this reason, we have included those marks in this figure and added the names of the places, so they can be more easily recognized. This effort has been given to them by God, even if they are very simple and unrefined. Honestly, I can’t recall ever seeing a better or more peaceful people than they.

The marks which I observed amonge them, are heere put downe in order folowinge.

The marks that I noticed among them are listed here in the following order.

The marke which is expressed by A. belongeth tho Wingino, the cheefe lorde of Roanoac.

The mark mentioned by A. belongs to Wingino, the chief lord of Roanoac.

That which hath B. is the marke of Wingino his sisters husbande.

That which has B. is the mark of Wingino, her sister's husband.

Those which be noted with the letters of C. and D. belonge vnto diverse chefe lordes in Secotan.

Those marked with the letters C. and D. belong to various chief lords in Secotan.

Those which haue the letters E. F. G. are certaine cheefe men of Pomeiooc, and Aquascogoc.

Those with the letters E. F. G. are prominent leaders of Pomeiooc and Aquascogoc.

Frère Gabriel Sagard (b) says (about 1636) of the Hurons that they tattooed by scratching with a bone of bird or fish, a black powder being applied to the bleeding wounds. The operation was not completed at[394] once, but required several renewals. The object was to show bravery by supporting great pain as well as to terrify enemies.

Frère Gabriel Sagard (b) mentions (around 1636) that the Hurons tattooed themselves by scratching their skin with a bone from a bird or fish, and then applying a black powder to the bleeding wounds. The process wasn’t finished in one go, but needed multiple sessions. The goal was to demonstrate bravery by enduring significant pain and to instill fear in their enemies.

In the Jesuit Relation for 1641, p. 75, it is said of the Neuter Nation that on their bodies from head to foot they marked a thousand diverse figures with charcoal pricked into the flesh on which beforehand they have traced lines for them.

In the Jesuit Relation for 1641, p. 75, it is said of the Neuter Nation that they marked a thousand different designs all over their bodies, from head to toe, using charcoal pricked into the skin, after tracing lines on them beforehand.

Lemoyne D’Iberville, in 1649, Margry (b), remarked among the Bayogoulas that some of the young women had their faces and breasts pricked and marked with black.

Lemoyne D’Iberville, in 1649, Margry (b), noted among the Bayogoulas that some of the young women had their faces and breasts pricked and marked with black.

In the Jesuit Relation for 1663, p. 28, there is an account that the head chief of the Iroquois, called by the French Nero, had killed sixty enemies with his own hand, the marks of which he bears printed on his thigh, which, therefore, appears covered over with black characters.

In the Jesuit Relation for 1663, p. 28, there's a story about the head chief of the Iroquois, known as Nero by the French, who killed sixty enemies with his own hands. The scars from this can be seen on his thigh, which appears to be marked with black symbols.

Joutel, in Margry (c), speaks of tattooing among the Texas Indians in 1687. Some women make a streak from the top of the forehead to chin, some make a triangle at the corners of their eyes, others on the breast and shoulders, others prick the lips. The marks are indelible.

Joutel, in Margry (c), talks about tattooing among the Texas Indians in 1687. Some women create a streak from the top of their forehead to their chin, some form a triangle at the corners of their eyes, others tattoo their breasts and shoulders, and some prick their lips. The marks are permanent.

Bacqueville de la Potherie (b) says of the Iroquois:

Bacqueville de la Potherie (b) talks about the Iroquois:

They paint several colors on the face, as black, white, yellow, blue, and vermillion. Men paint snakes from the forehead to the nose, but they prick the greater part of the body with a needle to draw blood. Bruised gunpowder makes the first coat to receive the other colors, of which they make such figures as they desire and they are never effaced.

They apply various colors to the face, such as black, white, yellow, blue, and red. Men paint snakes from the forehead to the nose, but they puncture most of the body with a needle to draw blood. Bruised gunpowder creates the base for the other colors, which they use to make whatever designs they want, and these designs never fade.

M. Bossu (a) says of tatooing among the Osages in 1756:

M. Bossu (a) talks about tattooing among the Osages in 1756:

It is a kind of knighthood to which they are only entitled by great actions; they suffer with pleasure in order to pass for men of courage.

It’s a sort of knighthood that they only earn through remarkable deeds; they endure hardship willingly to be seen as courageous individuals.

If one of them should get himself marked without having previously distinguished himself in battle he would be degraded, and looked upon as a coward, unworthy of an honor. * * *

If one of them were to get marked without having proved himself in battle first, he would be looked down upon, considered a coward, and unworthy of an honor. * * *

I saw an Indian, who, though he had never signalized himself in defense of the nation, got a mark made on his body in order to deceive those who only judged from appearance. The council agreed that, to obviate such an abuse, which would confound brave men with cowards, he who had wrongfully adorned himself with the figure of a club on his skin, without ever having struck a blow at war, should have the mark torn off; that is, the place should be flayed, and that the same should be done to all who would offend in the same case.

I saw a Native American who, although he had never distinguished himself in defending the nation, had a mark made on his body to mislead those who judged based solely on appearances. The council decided that to prevent such deceit, which would confuse brave individuals with cowards, anyone who adorned themselves with a mark of a club on their skin without ever having fought in battle should have the mark removed; that is, the area should be flayed, and the same action should be taken against anyone else who committed the same offense.

The Indian women are allowed to make marks all over their body, without any bad consequences; they endure it firmly, like the men, in order to please them, and to appear handsomer to them.

The Indian women are free to mark their bodies however they like, without facing any negative consequences; they endure it bravely, just like the men, in order to impress them and look more attractive to them.

James Adair (a) says of the Chikasas in 1720:

James Adair (a) says of the Chikasas in 1720:

They readily know achievements in war by the blue marks over their breasts and arms, they being as legible as our alphabetical characters are to us. Their ink is made of the root of pitch pine, which sticks to the inside of a greased earthen pot; then delineating the parts, they break through the skin with gairfish teeth, and rub over them that dark composition, to register them among the brave, and the impression is lasting. I have been told by the Chikasah that they formerly erased any false marks their warriors proudly and privately gave themselves, in order to engage them to give real proofs of their martial virtue, being surrounded by the French and their red allies; and that they degraded them in a public manner, by stretching the marked parts, and rubbing them with the juice of green corn, which in a great degree took out the impression.

They easily recognize achievements in battle by the blue marks on their chests and arms, which are as clear to them as our alphabet is to us. Their ink comes from the root of pitch pine, which adheres to the inside of a greased clay pot. They then use gairfish teeth to pierce the skin and apply that dark mixture to create their marks, permanently branding them as brave individuals. The Chikasah have told me that in the past, they would remove any false marks their warriors gave themselves in private pride, encouraging them to prove their true martial skills, especially when surrounded by the French and their Native allies. They would publicly humiliate those warriors by stretching the marked areas and rubbing them with the juice of green corn, which significantly faded the marks.

Sir Alex. Mackenzie (b) tells that the Slave and Dog Rib Indians of the Athabaskan stock practiced tatooing. The men had two double lines, either black or blue, tattooed upon each cheek from the ear to the nose.

Sir Alex. Mackenzie (b) mentions that the Slave and Dog Rib Indians from the Athabaskan tribe practiced tattooing. The men had two double lines, either black or blue, tattooed on each cheek from the ear to the nose.

In James’s Long (c) it is reported that—

In James’s Long (c), it is reported that—

The Omahas are often neatly tattooed in straight lines, and in angles on the breast, neck, and arms. The daughters of chiefs and those of wealthy Indians generally are denoted by a small round spot tattooed on the forehead. The process of tattooing is performed by persons who make it a business of profit.

The Omahas often have neat tattoos in straight lines and angles on their chest, neck, and arms. The daughters of chiefs and wealthy Indians usually have a small round spot tattooed on their foreheads. Tattooing is done by people who do it for profit.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey (a) says:

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey (a) says:

In order that the ghost may travel the ghost-road in safety it is necessary for each Dakota, during his life, to be tattooed either in the middle of the forehead or on the wrists. In that event his spirit will go directly to the “Many Lodges.”

In order for the ghost to safely travel the ghost road, it's essential for each Dakota, during their life, to be tattooed either in the center of the forehead or on the wrists. This way, their spirit will go straight to the “Many Lodges.”

The female Midē' of the Ojibwa frequently tattoo the temples, forehead, or cheeks of sufferers from headache or toothache, which varieties of pain are believed to be caused by some malevolent manido or spirit. By this operation such demons are expelled, the ceremony being also accompanied by songs and gesticulations of exorcism. Relief is sometimes actually obtained through the counterirritant action of the tattooing, which is effected by using a small bunch of needles, though formerly several spicules of bone were tied together or used singly.

The female Midē' of the Ojibwa often tattoo the temples, forehead, or cheeks of people suffering from headaches or toothaches, which are thought to be caused by an evil spirit or manido. This process is meant to drive out these demons, and the ceremony also includes songs and exorcism gestures. Sometimes, relief is actually felt due to the counterirritant effect of the tattooing, which is done with a small group of needles, although in the past, they used several pieces of bone tied together or used individually.

One old Ojibwa woman who was observed in 1887 had a round spot over each temple, made there to cure headache. The spots were of a bluish-black color, and about five-eighths of an inch in diameter. Another had a similar spot upon the nasal eminence, and a line of small dots running from the nostrils, horizontally outward over either cheek, two-thirds of the distance to the ears.

One old Ojibwa woman who was seen in 1887 had a round mark over each temple, made there to relieve headaches. The marks were a bluish-black color and about five-eighths of an inch in diameter. Another woman had a similar mark on the bridge of her nose, with a line of small dots extending horizontally from her nostrils out over each cheek, two-thirds of the way to her ears.

The men of the Wichita wore tattoo lines from the lips downward, and it is a significant fact that their tribal sign means “tattooed people,” the same expression being used to designate them in the language of several neighboring tribes. This would imply that tattooing was not common in that region. The Kaiowa women, however, frequently had small circles tattooed on their foreheads, and the Sixtown Choctaws still are distinguished by perpendicular lines tatooed on the chin.

The Wichita men had tattoo lines running from their lips downward, and it’s noteworthy that their tribal name translates to “tattooed people,” which is the same term used for them by several neighboring tribes. This suggests that tattooing wasn’t widespread in that area. In contrast, Kaiowa women often had small circles tattooed on their foreheads, while the Sixtown Choctaws are still identified by vertical lines tattooed on their chins.

Mr. John Murdoch (b) reports of the Eskimo:

Mr. John Murdoch (b) reports on the Eskimo:

The custom of tattooing is almost universal among the women, but the marks are confined almost exclusively to the chin, and form a very simple pattern. This consists of one, three, five, or perhaps as many as seven vertical lines from the under lip to the tip of the chin, slightly radiating when there are more than one. When there is a single line, which is rather rare, it is generally broad, and the middle line is sometimes broader than the others. The women, as a rule, are not tattooed until they reach a marriageable age, though there were a few little girls in the two villages who had a single line on the chin. I remember seeing but one married woman in either village who was not tattooed, and she had come from a distant settlement, from Point Hope, as well as we could understand.

The practice of tattooing is nearly universal among women, but the designs are mostly limited to the chin, creating a very simple pattern. This pattern consists of one, three, five, or sometimes up to seven vertical lines stretching from the bottom lip to the tip of the chin, slightly spreading out when there are multiple lines. A single line, which is quite rare, is usually wide, and the middle line can sometimes be thicker than the others. Typically, women aren’t tattooed until they reach a marriageable age, although I did see a few young girls in the two villages with a single line on their chins. I recall seeing only one married woman in either village who didn't have tattoos, and she was said to have come from a faraway settlement, specifically Point Hope, as best as we could tell.

Tattooing on a man is a mark of distinction. Those men who are, or have been, captains of whaling umiaks that have taken whales have marks to indicate this tattooed somewhere on their persons, sometimes forming a definite tally. For instance, An̄oru had a broad band across each cheek from the corners of the mouth, made up[396] of many indistinct lines, which was said to indicate “many whales.” Amaiyuna had the “flukes” of seven whales in a line across his chest, and Mû'n̄ialu had a couple of small marks on one forearm. Niăksára, the wife of An̄oru, also had a little mark tattooed in each corner of her mouth, which she said were “whale marks,” indicating that she was the wife of a successful whaleman. Such marks, according to Petitot (Monographie, etc., p. 15), are a part of the usual pattern in the Mackenzie district—“deux traits aux commissures de la bouche.” One or two men at Nuwŭk had each a narrow line across the face over the bridge of the nose, which were probably also “whale marks,” though we never could get a definite answer concerning them.

Tattoos on men are a sign of status. Those men who are or have been captains of whaling umiaks that have caught whales often have tattoos that mark this achievement somewhere on their bodies, sometimes creating a clear tally. For example, An̄oru had a wide band across each cheek from the corners of his mouth, made up of many indistinct lines, which was said to signify "many whales." Amaiyuna had the tails of seven whales tattooed in a line across his chest, and Mû'n̄ialu had a couple of small marks on one forearm. Niăksára, An̄oru's wife, also had a small tattoo in each corner of her mouth, which she said were "whale marks," indicating that she was the wife of a successful whaleman. According to Petitot (Monograph, etc., p. 15), these marks are part of the typical pattern in the Mackenzie district—“two lines at the corners of the mouth.” One or two men at Nuwŭk had a narrow line across their faces over the bridge of their noses, which were likely also "whale marks," though we could never get a clear answer about them.

The tattooing is done with a needle and thread, smeared with soot or gunpowder, giving a peculiar pitted appearance to the lines. It is rather a painful operation, producing considerable inflammation and swelling, which lasts several days. The practice of tattooing the women is almost universal among the Eskimo from Greenland to Kadiak, including the Eskimo of Siberia, the only exception being the natives of Smith sound, though the custom is falling into disuse among the Eskimo who have much intercourse with the whites.

The tattooing is done with a needle and thread, coated with soot or gunpowder, creating a distinct pitted look to the lines. It's quite a painful process, causing significant inflammation and swelling that lasts for several days. The practice of tattooing women is nearly universal among the Eskimo from Greenland to Kadiak, including those in Siberia, with the only exception being the natives of Smith Sound. However, this custom is declining among the Eskimo who interact a lot with white people.

The simple pattern of straight, slightly diverging lines on the chin seems to prevail from the Mackenzie district to Kadiak, and similar chin lines appear always to form part of the more elaborate patterns, sometimes extending to the arms and other parts of the body, in fashion among the eastern Eskimo and those of Siberia, St. Lawrence island, and the Diomedes.

The straightforward pattern of straight, slightly diverging lines on the chin appears to be consistent from the Mackenzie district to Kadiak, and similar chin lines seem to always be part of the more complex designs, sometimes extending to the arms and other areas of the body, in style among the eastern Eskimo and those from Siberia, St. Lawrence Island, and the Diomedes.

TATTOO ON THE PACIFIC COAST.

During the summer of 1884 Dr. Hoffman met, at Port Townsend, Washington, a party of Haida Indians from Queen Charlottes island, who were encamped there for a short time. Most of them were tattooed after the manner of the Haidas, the breast, back, forearm, and legs bearing partial or complete designs of animate forms relating to totems or myths. Some of the persons had been tattooed only in part, the figures upon the forearms, for instance, being incomplete, because the operation at a previous “potlatch” or festival had to be suspended on account of the great length of time required, or on account of an extra inflammatory condition of the affected parts.

During the summer of 1884, Dr. Hoffman encountered a group of Haida Indians from Queen Charlotte Island in Port Townsend, Washington, where they were temporarily camped. Most of them were tattooed in the traditional Haida style, with designs depicting animals and mythical figures on their chests, backs, forearms, and legs. Some individuals had only partial tattoos; for example, the designs on their forearms were incomplete because the tattooing process had to be halted during a previous “potlatch” or festival due to the lengthy time it took or an excessive inflammatory reaction in the treated areas.

Among this party of Haidas was Makdē'gos, the tattooer of the tribe, whose work is truly remarkable. The designs made by him are symmetrical, while the lines are uniform in width and regular and graceful in every respect. In persons tattooed upon the breast or back the part operated upon is first divided into halves by an imaginary vertical line upon the breast through the middle of the sternum and upon the back along the middle of the vertebral column. Such designs are drawn double, facing outward from this imaginary line. One side is first drawn and completed, while the other is merely a reverse transfer, made immediately afterwards or at such future time as the operation of tattooing may be renewed.

Among this group of Haidas was Makdē'gos, the tribe's tattoo artist, whose work is truly impressive. His designs are symmetrical, with uniform line widths that are regular and graceful in every way. For people getting tattooed on their chest or back, the area is first divided in half by an imaginary vertical line down the middle of the chest and along the spine on the back. The designs are drawn as a mirrored image, facing outward from this imaginary line. One side is fully drawn and completed first, while the other side is just a reverse outline, done right after or whenever the tattooing process is continued later.

The colors are black and red, the former consisting of finely powdered charcoal, gunpowder, or India ink, while the latter is Chinese vermilion. The operation was formerly performed with sharp thorns, spines of certain fishes, or spicules of bone; but recently a small bunch of needles is used, which serves the purpose to better effect.

The colors are black and red, with the black made from finely powdered charcoal, gunpowder, or India ink, and the red being Chinese vermilion. In the past, the process was done using sharp thorns, spines from certain fish, or tiny bone fragments; however, nowadays a small bunch of needles is used, which works much better.

As is well known, the black pigments, when picked into the human skin, become rather bluish, which tint, when beneath the yellowish tinge of the Indian’s cuticle, appears of an olive or sometimes a greenish-blue shade. The colors, immediately after being tattooed upon the skin, retain more or less of the blue-black shade; but by absorption of the pigment and the persistence of the coloring matter of the pigmentary membrane the greenish tint soon appears, becoming gradually less conspicuous as time progresses, so that in some of the oldest tattooed Indians the designs are greatly weakened in coloration.

As we know, black pigments, when applied to human skin, turn a bluish color. This bluish tint, when underneath the yellowish tone of an Indian's skin, looks olive or sometimes has a greenish-blue hue. Right after getting tattooed, the colors keep a blue-black shade, but as the pigment gets absorbed and the coloring of the pigmentary membrane persists, the greenish tint soon shows up. Over time, this tint becomes less noticeable, so much so that in some of the oldest tattooed Indians, the designs are significantly faded in color.

Upon the bodies of some persons examined the results of ulceration are conspicuous. This destruction of tissue is the result of inflammation caused by the tattooing and the introduction under the skin of so great a quantity of irritating foreign matter that, instead of designs in color, there are distinct, sharply defined figures in white or nearly white cicatrices, the pigmentary membrane having been totally destroyed by the ulceration.

Upon examining the bodies of some individuals, the effects of ulceration are clearly visible. This tissue damage results from inflammation caused by the tattooing and the introduction of a large amount of irritating foreign material under the skin. Instead of colorful designs, there are clear, sharply defined figures in white or nearly white scars, as the pigmentary layer has been completely destroyed by the ulceration.

Fig. 517.—Haida tattoo, sculpin and dragon fly.

Fig. 517.—Haida tattoo, sculpin and dragonfly.

The figures represented upon the several Indians met with, as above-mentioned, were not all of totemic signification, one arm, for instance, bearing the figure of the totem of which the person is a member, while the other arm presents the outline of a mythic being, as shown in Fig. 517, copied from the arms of a woman. The left device is taken from the left forearm, and represents kul, the skulpin, a totemic animal, whereas the right hand device, taken from the right arm of the same subject, represents mamathlóna, the dragon fly, a mythic insect.

The figures depicted on the various Indians mentioned above weren't all totem-related. For example, one arm shows the totem of which the person is a member, while the other arm features the outline of a mythical being, as illustrated in Fig. 517, taken from the arms of a woman. The design on the left side comes from the left forearm and represents kul, the sculpin, which is a totemic animal, whereas the design on the right hand, from the right arm of the same person, depicts mamathlóna, the dragonfly, a mythical insect.

Fig. 518.—Haida tattoo, thunder-bird.

Fig. 518.—Haida tattoo, thunderbird.

In Fig. 518 two forms of the thunderbird are presented, copied from the right and left forearms and hands, respectively, of a Haida woman. The right hand device is complete, but that on the left, copied from the opposite forearm and hand, is incomplete, and it was expected that the design would be entirely finished at the “potlatch” which was to be held in the autumn of 1884. In the completed design the transverse curve in the body of the tail was red, as also the three diagonal lines upon the body of the bird running outward from the central vertical toward the radial side of the hand. The brace-shaped lines within the head ornament had also been tattooed in red.

In Fig. 518, you can see two versions of the thunderbird, taken from the right and left forearms and hands of a Haida woman. The design on the right hand is complete, but the one on the left, taken from the other forearm and hand, is unfinished. It was anticipated that the design would be fully completed at the “potlatch” scheduled for autumn 1884. In the finished design, the curved part of the tail was red, along with the three diagonal lines on the bird's body that extend outward from the central vertical line toward the radial side of the hand. The brace-shaped lines within the head ornament were also tattooed in red.

Fig. 519.—Haida tattoo, thunder-bird and tshimō's.

Fig. 519.—Haida tattoo, thunderbird and tshimō's.

In some instances the totem and mythic character are shown upon the same member, as is represented in Fig. 519. This tattooing was copied from the left arm of a woman, the complete figure upon the forearm and hand being that of a thunder bird, while the four heads upon the fingers represent that of the tshimō's, a mythic animal. The thunder-bird had been tattooed upon the arms a number of years before the heads were added, probably because the protracted and painful operation of tattooing so large a figure deterred the sufferer from further sitting. Sometimes, however, such, postponement or noncompletion of an operation is the result of inability on the part of the subject to defray the expense.

In some cases, the totem and mythic character are depicted on the same body part, as shown in Fig. 519. This tattoo was taken from the left arm of a woman, where the entire figure on the forearm and hand is that of a thunderbird, while the four heads on the fingers represent the tshimō's, a mythic animal. The thunderbird had been tattooed on the arms several years before the heads were added, likely because the long and painful process of tattooing such a large design discouraged the person from further sessions. However, sometimes this delay or incomplete process is due to the person's inability to cover the costs.

Fig. 520.—Haida tattoo, bear.

Fig. 520.—Haida bear tattoo.

Another instance of the interrupted condition of tattooed designs is presented in Fig. 520. The figure upon the forearm and hand is that of the bear totem, and was made first. At a subsequent festival the bear heads were tattooed upon the fingers, and, last of all, the body was tattoed upon the middle finger, leaving three yet to be completed.

Another example of how tattoo designs can be interrupted is shown in Fig. 520. The tattoo on the forearm and hand depicts the bear totem, which was done first. At a later festival, the bear heads were tattooed on the fingers, and finally, the body was tattooed on the middle finger, leaving three still to be completed.

Fig. 521.—Haida tattoo, mountain goat.

Fig. 521.—Haida tattoo, mountain goat.

Fig. 521 shows tattoo designs upon the leg. These represent mēt, the mountain goat.

Fig. 521 shows tattoo designs on the leg. These represent mēt, the mountain goat.

Fig. 522.—Haida tattoo, double thunder-bird.

Fig. 522.—Haida tattoo, double thunderbird.

It is seldom that double designs occur on the extremities, such being reserved for the breast and back, but an instance was noted, represented in Fig. 522, which is a representation of hélinga, the thunder-bird, and was on the left arm of a man.

It rarely happens that double designs appear on the extremities, as these are usually reserved for the chest and back. However, one example was found, shown in Fig. 522, depicting hélinga, the thunder-bird, and it was located on the man's left arm.

Fig. 523.—Haida tattoo, double raven.

Fig. 523.—Haida tattoo, double raven.

One of the most conspicuous examples of the art observed among the party of traveling Haidas mentioned, was that of a double raven tattooed upon the breast of Makdē'gos, copied here as Fig. 523.

One of the most noticeable examples of the art seen among the traveling Haida group mentioned was a double raven tattooed on the chest of Makdē'gos, depicted here as Fig. 523.

Fig. 524.—Haida tattoo, dogfish.

Fig. 524.—Haida tattoo, dogfish.

Upon the back of this Indian is also the figure of kahátta, the dog-fish, Fig. 524. In addition to these marks he bears also upon his extremities totemic and mythic animals.

Upon the back of this Indian is also the figure of kahátta, the dog-fish, Fig. 524. In addition to these marks, he also has totemic and mythic animals on his extremities.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV
HAIDA DOUBLE THUNDERBIRD.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV
HAIDA DOUBLE THUNDERBIRD.

Sometimes the simple outline designs employed in tattooing are painted upon property belonging to various persons, such as boats, housefronts, etc. In such instances colors are employed that could not be used in tattooing. One fine example of such is presented in Pl. XXIV and another of more elaborate design in Pl. XXV.

Sometimes the simple outline designs used in tattooing are painted on property belonging to different people, like boats and housefronts. In these cases, colors are used that wouldn’t work for tattooing. A great example of this can be seen in Pl. XXIV and another, with a more detailed design, in Pl. XXV.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV
HAIDA DOG-FISH.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV
HAIDA DOG-FISH.

Mr. James G. Swan made a valuable contribution on tattoo marks of the Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte islands, British Columbia, and the Prince of Wales archipelago, Alaska, published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, which, much condensed, is reproduced as follows:

Mr. James G. Swan made an important contribution regarding tattoo marks of the Haida Indians from the Queen Charlotte Islands in British Columbia and the Prince of Wales Archipelago in Alaska, published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, which, in a much shorter form, is reproduced as follows:

Among all the tribes or bands belonging to the Haida family, the practice of tattooing the person in some manner is common; but the most marked are the Haidas proper, or those living on Queen Charlotte islands, and the Kaiganis, of Prince of Wales archipelago, Alaska.

Among all the tribes or groups that make up the Haida family, tattooing is a common practice; however, it is most prominent among the Haidas themselves, or those living on Queen Charlotte Islands, and the Kaiganis from the Prince of Wales Archipelago in Alaska.

I am of the opinion, judging from my own observation of over twenty years among the coast tribes, that but few females can be found among the Indians, not only on Vancouvers island, but all along the coast to the Columbia river, and perhaps even to California, that are not marked with some device tattooed on their hands, arms, or ankles, either dots or straight lines; but of all of the tribes mentioned, the Haidas stand preeminent for tattooing, and seem to be excelled only by the natives of the Fiji islands or the King’s Mills group in the south seas. The tattoo marks of the Haidas are heraldic designs or the family totem, or crests of the wearers, and are similar to the carvings depicted on the pillars and monuments around the homes of the chiefs, which casual observers have thought were idols.

I believe, based on my observations over more than twenty years among the coastal tribes, that there are very few females among the Indians—not just on Vancouver Island, but all along the coast to the Columbia River, and possibly even to California—who are not marked with some kind of tattoo on their hands, arms, or ankles, whether it’s dots or straight lines. Among all the tribes mentioned, the Haidas are particularly known for their tattooing and are only surpassed by the natives of the Fiji Islands or the King’s Mills group in the South Seas. The tattoos of the Haidas feature heraldic designs or the family totem or crests of the wearers, and they resemble the carvings found on the pillars and monuments around the homes of the chiefs, which casual observers have mistaken for idols.

These designs are invariably placed on the men between the shoulders just below the back of the neck, on the breast, on the front part of both thighs, and on the legs below the knee. On the women they are marked on the breast, on both shoulders,[404] on both forearms, from the elbow down over the back of the hands to the knuckles, and on both legs below the knee to the ankle.

These designs are always located on men between the shoulders just below the back of the neck, on the chest, on the front of both thighs, and on the lower legs below the knees. For women, they are marked on the chest, on both shoulders, [404] on both forearms from the elbow down to the backs of the hands and the knuckles, and on both legs below the knee down to the ankles.

Almost all of the Indian women of the northwest coast have tattoo marks on their hands and arms, and some on the face; but as a general thing these marks are mere dots or straight lines having no particular significance. With the Haidas, however, every mark has its meaning; those on the hands and arms of the women indicate the family name, whether they belong to the bear, beaver, wolf, or eagle totems, or any of the family of fishes. As one of them quaintly remarked to me, “If you were tattooed with the design of a swan, the Indians would know your family name.”

Almost all the Indian women from the northwest coast have tattoos on their hands and arms, and some on their faces; generally, these markings are just dots or straight lines without any particular meaning. However, with the Haidas, every tattoo has a purpose; those on the hands and arms of women denote their family name, indicating whether they belong to bear, beaver, wolf, or eagle totems, or any of the fish families. As one of them amusingly pointed out, “If you had a tattoo of a swan, the Indians would know your family name.”

In order to illustrate this tattooing as correctly as possible I inclose herewith sketches of the tattoo marks on two women and their husbands, taken by me at Port Townsend.

To accurately show this tattooing, I’m including sketches of the tattoo designs on two women and their husbands that I took in Port Townsend.

Fig. 525.—Tattooed Haidas.

Fig. 525.—Tattooed Haida people.

The man on the left hand of Fig. 525 is a tattooed Haida. On his breast is the cod (kahátta), split from the head to the tail and laid open; on each thigh is the octopus (noo), and below each knee is the frog (flkamkostan).

The man on the left side of Fig. 525 is a tattooed Haida. On his chest is a cod (kahátta), cut from head to tail and laid open; on each thigh is an octopus (noo), and below each knee is a frog (flkamkostan).

The woman in the same figure has on her breast the head and forepaws of the beaver (tsching); on each shoulder is the head of the eagle or thunder-bird (skamskwin); on each arm, extending to and covering the back of the hand, is the halibut (hargo); on the right leg is the skulpin (kull); on the left leg is the frog (flkamkostan).

The woman in the same figure has the head and front paws of a beaver on her chest; on each shoulder is the head of an eagle or thunderbird; on each arm, extending to cover the back of the hand, is a halibut; on her right leg is a sculpin; and on her left leg is a frog.

Fig. 526.—Tattooed Haidas.

Fig. 526.—Tattooed Haida people.

The woman in Fig. 526 has a bear’s head (hoorts) on her breast. On each shoulder is the eagle’s head, and on her arms and legs are figures of the bear.

The woman in Fig. 526 has a bear’s head (hoorts) on her chest. On each shoulder is an eagle’s head, and on her arms and legs are images of the bear.

The back of the man in the same figure has the wolf (wasko), split in halves and tattooed between his shoulders, which is shown enlarged in Fig. 531. Wasko is a mythological being of the wolf species, similar to the chu-chu-hmexl of the Makah Indians, an antediluvian demon supposed to live in the mountains.

The back of the man in the same figure has a wolf (wasko), split in halves and tattooed between his shoulders, which is shown enlarged in Fig. 531. Wasko is a mythological creature of the wolf species, similar to the chu-chu-hmexl of the Makah Indians, an ancient demon believed to live in the mountains.

Fig. 527.—Two forms of skulpin, Haida.

Fig. 527.—Two types of sculpin, Haida.

Fig. 528.—Frog, Haida.

Fig. 528.—Haida Frog.

Fig. 529.—Cod, Haida.

Fig. 529.—Cod, Haida.

Fig. 530.—Squid, Haida.

Fig. 530.—Squid, Haida.

Fig. 531.—Wolf, Haida.

Fig. 531.—Wolf, Haida.

The skulpin, on the right leg of the woman in Fig. 525, is shown enlarged in Fig. 527; the frog on the left leg in Fig. 528. The codfish on the man in Fig. 525 is shown enlarged in Fig. 529; the octopus or squid in Fig. 530.

The skulpin on the right leg of the woman in Fig. 525 is displayed larger in Fig. 527; the frog on the left leg is in Fig. 528. The codfish on the man in Fig. 525 is shown larger in Fig. 529; the octopus or squid is in Fig. 530.

As the Haidas, both men and women, are very light-colored, some of the latter—full blooded Indians, too—having their skins as fair as Europeans, the tattoo marks show very distinct.

As the Haidas, both men and women, have very light skin, some of the women—who are full-blooded Indigenous people—have skin as fair as Europeans, making the tattoo marks stand out clearly.

The same author continues:

The same author goes on:

This tattooing is not all done at one time, nor is it everyone who can tattoo. Certain ones, almost always men, have a natural gift which enables them to excel in this kind of work. One of the young chiefs, named Geneskelos, was the best designer I knew, and ranked among his tribe as a tattooer.

This tattooing isn't done all at once, and not everyone can tattoo. Some people, usually men, have a natural talent that helps them excel in this art form. One of the young chiefs, named Geneskelos, was the best designer I knew and was highly regarded as a tattoo artist in his tribe.

He told me the plan he adopted was first to draw the design carefully on the person with some dark pigment, then prick it in with needles, and then rub over the wound with some more coloring matter till it acquired the proper hue. He had a variety of instruments composed of needles tied neatly to sticks. His favorite one was a flat strip of ivory or bone, to which he had firmly tied five or six needles, with their points projecting beyond the end just far enough to raise the skin without inflicting a dangerous wound, but these needle points stuck out quite sufficiently to make the operation very painful, and although he applied some substance to deaden the sensation of the skin, yet the effect was on some to make them quite sick for a few days; consequently, the whole process of tattooing was not done at one time. As this tattooing is a mark of honor, it is generally done at or just prior to a Tomanawos performance and at the time of raising the heraldic columns in front of the chief’s houses. The tattooing is done in open lodge and is witnessed by the company assembled. Sometimes it takes several years before all the tattooing is done, but when completed and the person well ornamented, then they are happy and can take their seats among the elders.

He explained that his method was to first carefully draw the design on the person's skin with dark pigment, then use needles to prick it in, and finally rub some more coloring over the wound until it reached the right shade. He had a variety of tools made up of needles tied neatly to sticks. His favorite was a flat strip of ivory or bone, to which he had tightly secured five or six needles, with their points sticking out just enough to lift the skin without causing a serious injury. However, the needle points were sharp enough to make the process really painful, and even though he applied something to numb the skin, some people felt pretty sick for a few days afterward. Because of this, the entire tattooing process wasn't completed all at once. Since tattooing is a symbol of honor, it’s usually done during or just before a Tomanawos performance and when raising the heraldic columns in front of the chief's houses. The tattooing takes place in an open lodge and is witnessed by everyone who is gathered. Sometimes it can take several years to finish all the tattooing, but once it’s done and the person is beautifully decorated, they feel happy and can take their place among the elders.

Other notices about the tattooing of the Indians of the Pacific slope of North America are subjoined.

Other notices about the tattooing of the Native Americans on the Pacific slope of North America are included.

Stephen Powers (c) says the Karok (California) squaws tattoo in blue three narrow fern leaves perpendicularly on the chin, one falling from each corner of the mouth and one in the middle.

Stephen Powers (c) says the Karok (California) women tattoo three narrow blue fern leaves vertically on their chins, with one leaf hanging down from each corner of the mouth and one in the center.

The same author reports, page 76:

The same author mentions on page 76:

Nearly every (Hupâ, California) man has ten lines tattooed across the inside of the left arm about halfway between the wrist and the elbow; and in measuring shell money he takes the string in his right hand, draws one end over his left thumb nail, and if the other end reaches to the uppermost of the tattoo lines the five shells are worth $25 in gold, or $5 a shell. Of course, it is only one in ten thousand that is long enough to reach this high value.

Nearly every man from Hupâ, California has ten lines tattooed on the inside of his left arm, about halfway between the wrist and the elbow. When measuring shell money, he holds the string in his right hand, drapes one end over his left thumb nail, and if the other end reaches the top line of the tattoos, the five shells are worth $25 in gold, or $5 per shell. Of course, only about one in ten thousand is long enough to reach this high value.

Also on page 96:

Also on page 96:

The Pátawāt (California) squaws tattoo in blue three narrow pinnate leaves perpendicularly on their chins, and also lines of small dots on the backs of their hands.

The Pátawāt (California) women get blue tattoos of three narrow leaves on their chins, placed vertically, as well as lines of small dots on the backs of their hands.

On page 148, of the Kástel Pomo:

On page 148 of the Kástel Pomo:

The women of this and other tribes of the Coast range frequently tattoo a rude representation of a tree or other object covering nearly the whole abdomen and breast.

The women of this and other tribes in the Coast range often tattoo a simple depiction of a tree or another object that covers almost their entire abdomen and chest.

Of the Wintūns he says, page 233: “The squaws all tattoo three narrow lines, one falling from each corner of the mouth and one between.”

Of the Wintūns he says, page 233: “The women all tattoo three narrow lines, one extending from each corner of the mouth and one in the center.”

The same author says, on page 109:

The same author states on page 109:

The Mattoal, of California, differ from other tribes in that the men tattoo. Their distinctive mark is a round blue spot in the center of the forehead. The women tattoo pretty much all over their faces.

The Mattoal tribe of California is different from other tribes because the men get tattoos. Their unique mark is a round blue spot in the center of the forehead. The women tattoo most of their faces.

In respect to this matter of tattooing there is a theory entertained by some old pioneers which may be worth the mention. They hold that the reason why the women alone tattoo in all other tribes is that in case they are taken captives their own people may be able to recognize them when there comes an opportunity of ransom. There are two facts which give some color of probability to this reasoning. One is that the California Indians are rent into such infinitesimal divisions, any one of which may be arrayed in deadly feud against another at any moment, that the slight differences in their dialects would not suffice to distinguish the captive squaws. The second is that the squaws almost never attempt any ornamental tattooing, but adhere closely to the plain regulation mark of the tribe.

In relation to the topic of tattooing, there's a theory from some old pioneers that might be worth mentioning. They believe that the reason women are the only ones who tattoo in other tribes is so that if they are captured, their people can recognize them when the chance for ransom arises. There are two facts that lend some credibility to this idea. One is that the California Indians are divided into such small groups, any one of which might be in a deadly feud with another at any moment, that the subtle differences in their dialects wouldn't be enough to identify the captured women. The second is that women rarely engage in decorative tattooing, instead sticking closely to the simple, standard marks of their tribe.

Blue marks tattooed upon a Mohave woman’s chin denote that she is married. See Whipple (f).

Blue marks tattooed on a Mohave woman's chin signify that she is married. See Whipple (f).

Mr. Gatschet reports that very few Klamath men now tattoo their faces, but such as are still observed have but a single line of black running from the middle of the lower lip to the chin. Half-breed girls appear to have but one perpendicular line tattooed down over the chin while the full-blood women have four perpendicular lines on the chin.

Mr. Gatschet reports that very few Klamath men now tattoo their faces, but those who do only have a single black line running from the middle of the lower lip to the chin. Half-breed girls seem to have just one vertical line tattooed down over the chin, while the full-blood women have four vertical lines on the chin.

In Bancroft’s Native Races (c), it is stated that the Modoc women tattoo three blue lines, extending perpendicularly from the center and corners of the lower lip to the chin.

In Bancroft’s Native Races (c), it is noted that Modoc women tattoo three blue lines that stretch vertically from the center and corners of the lower lip down to the chin.

The same author on pages 117 and 127 of the same volume says:

The same author on pages 117 and 127 of the same volume says:

The Chippewas have tattooed cheeks and foreheads. Both sexes have blue or black bars or from one to four straight lines to distinguish the tribe to which they[407] belong. They tattoo by entering an awl or needle under the skin and drawing it out, immediately rubbing powdered charcoal into the wounds. * * * On the Yukon river among the Kutchins, the men draw a black stripe down the forehead and the nose, frequently crossing the forehead and cheeks with red lines and streaking the chin alternately with red and black, and the women tattoo the chin with a black pigment.

The Chippewas have tattoos on their cheeks and foreheads. Both men and women have blue or black bars or anywhere from one to four straight lines to show which tribe they belong to. They tattoo by inserting an awl or needle under the skin and pulling it out, then immediately rubbing powdered charcoal into the wounds. * * * Along the Yukon River among the Kutchins, the men create a black stripe down the forehead and nose, often crossing the forehead and cheeks with red lines and alternating red and black on the chin, while women tattoo their chins with black pigment.

Stephen Powers, in Overland Monthly, XII, 537, 1874, says of the Normocs:

Stephen Powers, in Overland Monthly, XII, 537, 1874, says of the Normocs:

I saw a squaw who had executed on her cheeks the only representation of a living object which I ever saw done in tattooing. It was a couple of bird’s wings, one on each cheek, done in blue, bottom-edge up, the butt of the wing at the corner of the mouth, and the tip near the ear. It was quite well wrought, both in correctness of form and in delicateness of execution, not only separate feathers but even the filaments of the vane, being finely pricked in.

I saw a Native American woman who had tattooed the only living image I've ever seen on her cheeks. It was a pair of bird wings, one on each cheek, done in blue, with the bottom edge facing up. The base of the wing was at the corner of her mouth, and the tip was near her ear. It was really well done, both in terms of accurate shape and finesse, with individual feathers and even the tiny details in the vane finely crafted.

Dr. Franz Boas (c) says:

Dr. Franz Boas (c) says:

Tattooings are found on arms, breast, back, legs, and feet among the Haida; on arms and feet among the Tshimshian, Kwakiutl and Bilqula; on breast and arms among the Nootka; on the jaw among the Coast Salish women.

Tattooing is seen on the arms, chest, back, legs, and feet of the Haida; on the arms and feet of the Tshimshian, Kwakiutl, and Bilqula; on the chest and arms of the Nootka; and on the jaw of Coast Salish women.

Among the Nootka scars may frequently be seen running at regular intervals from the shoulder down the breast to the belly, and in the same way down the legs and arms. * * *

Among the Nootka, scars can often be seen running at regular intervals from the shoulder down to the chest and belly, and similarly down the legs and arms. * * *

Members of tribes practicing the Hamats'a ceremonies show remarkable scars produced by biting. At certain festivals it is the duty of the Hamats'a to bite a piece of flesh out of the arms, leg, or breast of a man.

Members of tribes that perform the Hamats'a ceremonies have noticeable scars from biting. During certain festivals, it's the responsibility of the Hamats'a to bite a piece of flesh from a man's arms, leg, or chest.

TATTOO IN SOUTH AMERICA.

Dr. im Thurn (c) says:

Dr. im Thurn (c) says:

Tattooing or any other permanent interference with the surface of the skin by way of ornament is practiced only to a very limited extent by the Indians; is used, in fact, only to produce the small distinctive tribal mark which many of them bear at the corners of their mouths or on their arms. It is true that an adult Indian is hardly to be found on whose thighs and arms, or on other parts of whose body are not a greater or less number of indelibly incised straight lines; but these are scars originally made for surgical, not ornamental purposes.

Tattooing or any other permanent alterations to the skin for decoration are practiced only to a very limited extent by the Indians. It's mainly used to create the small distinctive tribal mark that many of them have at the corners of their mouths or on their arms. It's true that it's rare to find an adult Indian without a number of indelibly incised straight lines on their thighs, arms, or other parts of their body; however, these are scars made initially for surgical, not decorative, reasons.

Herndon and Gibbon (a), p. 319, report:

Herndon and Gibbon (a), p. 319, report:

Following the example of the other nations of Brazil (who tattoo themselves with thorns, or pierce their nose, the lips, and the ears,) and obeying an ancient law which commands these different tortures, this baptism of blood, * * * the Mahués have preserved * * * the great festival of the Tocandeira.

Following the example of other nations in Brazil (who tattoo themselves with thorns or pierce their nose, lips, and ears), and adhering to an ancient law that mandates these various forms of torture, this baptism of blood, * * * the Mahués have maintained * * * the great festival of the Tocandeira.

Paul Marcoy (b) says of the Passés, Yuris, Barrés, and Chumanas, of Brazil, that they mark their faces (in tattoo) with the totem, or emblem of the nation to which they belong. It is possible at a few steps distant to distinguish one nation from another.

Paul Marcoy (b) writes about the Passés, Yuris, Barrés, and Chumanas of Brazil, noting that they tattoo their faces with the totem or emblem of their nation. You can tell one nation from another just from a short distance.

EXTRA-LIMITAL TATTOO.

Ancient monarchs adopted special marks to distinguish slaves; likewise for vengeance as an indelible and humiliating brand, a certain tattoo denounced him who had fallen into disgrace with a sovereign. Two monks having censured the iconoclastic frenzy of the emperor[408] Theophilus, he ordered to be imprinted on their foreheads eleven iambic verses; Philip of Macedon, from whom a soldier had solicited the possession of a man saved by him from shipwreck, ordered that on his forehead should be drawn signs indicative of his base greed; Caligula, without any object, commanded the tattooing of the Roman nobles.

Ancient kings used special marks to identify slaves; similarly, for punishment as a permanent and humiliating mark, a specific tattoo labeled anyone who had fallen out of favor with a ruler. Two monks who criticized the emperor Theophilus’s iconoclastic rage had eleven iambic verses branded on their foreheads; Philip of Macedon, after a soldier requested ownership of a man he rescued from a shipwreck, ordered that a mark representing the soldier's base greed be etched on his forehead; Caligula, without any reason, commanded the tattooing of the Roman nobles.

In the period of the decline of Rome, tattooing was extensively practiced. Regulative laws prescribed the adopted symbols which were a proof of enlistment in the ranks and on which the military oath was taken. The purpose of this ordinance, which continued in force for a long time, was similar to that which authorized the marking of the slaves, since, the spirit of the people having become degenerated, the army was composed of mercenaries who, if they should run away, must be recognized, pursued, and captured. Until recently the practice, though more as a mark of manhood, was followed by the soldiers of the Piedmontese army.

During the decline of Rome, tattooing was widely practiced. Laws regulated the symbols used, which served as proof of military service and were tied to the military oath. This rule, which remained in effect for a long time, had a purpose similar to the branding of slaves; as the character of the people declined, the army was made up of mercenaries who needed to be identifiable, tracked down, and captured if they deserted. Up until recently, this practice, though more as a sign of manhood, was also seen among the soldiers of the Piedmontese army.

Élisée Reclus (a) says:

Élisée Reclus says:

Tattooing was in Polynesia widespread, and so highly developed that the artistic designs covering the body served also to clothe it. In certain islands the operation lasted so long that it had to be begun before the children were six years old, and the pattern was largely left to the skill and cunning of the professional tattooers. Still traditional motives recurred in the ornamental devices of the several tribes, who could usually be recognized by their special tracings, curved or parallel lines, diamond forms and the like. The artists were grouped in schools like the old masters in Europe, and they worked not by incision as in most Melanesian islands, but by punctures with a small comb-like instrument slightly tapped with a mallet. The pigment used in the painful and even dangerous operation was usually the fine charcoal yielded by the nut of Aleurites triloba, an oleaginous plant used for illuminating purposes throughout eastern Polynesia.

Tattooing was widespread in Polynesia and so advanced that the intricate designs covering the body effectively served as clothing. In some islands, the process took so long that it had to start before children turned six, and the patterns were mostly left to the talent and creativity of the professional tattoo artists. However, traditional motifs appeared repeatedly in the decorative styles of various tribes, which could typically be identified by their unique patterns, curved or parallel lines, diamond shapes, and so on. The artists were organized into schools like the old masters in Europe, and they didn’t use incisions like in most Melanesian islands; instead, they created tattoos by making punctures with a small comb-like tool that was lightly tapped with a mallet. The pigment used in this painful and sometimes dangerous process was generally fine charcoal obtained from the nut of Aleurites triloba, an oily plant that was used for lighting throughout eastern Polynesia.

The following is from Rev. Richard Taylor (c) about the New Zealanders, Te Ika a Maui:

The following is from Rev. Richard Taylor (c) about the New Zealanders, Te Ika a Maui:

Before they went to fight, the youth were accustomed to mark their countenances with charcoal in different lines, and their traditions state that this was the beginning of the tattoo, for their wars became so continuous, that to save the trouble of thus constantly painting the face, they made the lines permanent by the moko; it is, however, a question whether it did not arise from a different cause; formerly the grand mass of men who went to fight were the black slaves, and when they fought side by side with their lighter colored masters, the latter on those occasions used charcoal to make it appear they were all one.

Before they went to fight, the young warriors would mark their faces with charcoal in different patterns. Their traditions say this was the start of tattoos, since their wars became so frequent that to avoid the hassle of constantly painting their faces, they made the designs permanent with moko. However, it’s debatable whether this practice originated for a different reason; in the past, the majority of those who went to battle were black slaves, and when they fought alongside their lighter-skinned masters, the masters used charcoal to make it look like they were all the same.

Whilst the males had every part of the face tattooed, and the thighs as well, the females had chiefly the chin and the lips, although occasionally they also had their thighs and breasts, with a few smaller marks on different parts of the body as well. There were regular rules for tattooing, and the artist always went systematically to work, beginning at one spot and gradually proceeding to another, each particular part having its distinguishing name.

While the men had their entire faces and thighs tattooed, the women primarily had tattoos on their chins and lips, though sometimes they also tattooed their thighs and breasts, along with a few smaller marks on various parts of their bodies. There were standard guidelines for tattooing, and the artist always worked in a systematic way, starting at one spot and gradually moving to another, with each specific area having its own unique name.

Fig. 532.—Australian grave and carved trees.

Fig. 532.—Australian graves and carved trees.

Fig. 532 is an illustration from the same work, facing page 378. It shows the “grave of an Australian native, with his name, rank, tribe, etc., cut in hieroglyphics on the trees,” which “hieroglyphics” are supposed to be connected with his tattoo marks.

Fig. 532 is an illustration from the same work, facing page 378. It shows the “grave of an Australian native, with his name, rank, tribe, etc., carved in symbols on the trees,” which “symbols” are thought to be linked to his tattoo marks.

Fig. 533.—New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark.

Fig. 533.—Tattooed head and chin mark from New Zealand.

Fig. 533 is a copy of a tattooed head carved by Hongi, and also of the tattooing on a woman’s chin, taken from the work last cited.

Fig. 533 is a replica of a tattooed head carved by Hongi, along with the tattooing on a woman’s chin, drawn from the previously mentioned work.

Fig. 534.—Tattoo design on bone, New Zealand.

Fig. 534.—Tattoo design on bone, New Zealand.

The accompanying illustration, Fig. 534, is taken from a bone obtained from a mound in New Zealand, by Prof. I. C. Russell, formerly of the U. S. Geological Survey. He says that the Maori formerly tattooed the bones of enemies, though the custom now seems to have been abandoned. The work consists of sharp, shallow lines, as if made[410] with a sharp-pointed steel instrument, into which some blackish pigment has been rubbed, filling up some of the markings, while in others scarcely a trace remains.

The illustration, Fig. 534, shows a bone that was found in a mound in New Zealand by Prof. I. C. Russell, who used to work for the U.S. Geological Survey. He mentions that the Maori used to tattoo the bones of their enemies, although this practice seems to have stopped now. The design features sharp, shallow lines, like those made[410] with a sharp steel tool, into which some dark pigment has been rubbed, filling in some of the markings while in others, hardly any trace is left.

In connection with the use of the tattoo marks as reproduced on artificial objects see Fig. 734.

In relation to the use of the tattoo designs shown on artificial objects, see Fig. 734.

Fig. 535.—Tattooed woman, New Zealand.

Fig. 535.—Tattooed woman, New Zealand.

Fig. 535 is a copy of a photograph obtained in New Zealand by Prof. Russell. It shows tattooing upon the chin.

Fig. 535 is a copy of a photograph taken in New Zealand by Prof. Russell. It shows tattoos on the chin.

Prof. Russell, in his sketch of New Zealand, published in the Am. Naturalist, XIII, 72, Feb., 1879, remarks, that the desire of the Maori for ornament is so great that they covered their features with tattooing, transferring indelibly to their faces complicated patterns of curved and spiral lines, similar to the designs with which they decorated their canoes and their houses.

Prof. Russell, in his overview of New Zealand, published in the Am. Naturalist, XIII, 72, Feb., 1879, notes that the Maori's desire for decoration is so strong that they covered their faces with tattoos, permanently marking complex patterns of curves and spirals, similar to the designs they used to adorn their canoes and houses.

E. J. Wakefield (a) reports of a man observed in New Zealand that he was a tangata tabu or sacred personage, and consequently was not adorned with tatu. He adds, p. 155, that the deeds of the natives are signed with elaborate drawings of the moko or tatu on the chiefs’ faces.

E. J. Wakefield (a) reports on a man observed in New Zealand who was a tangata tabu, or sacred person, and therefore was not decorated with tattoos. He adds, p. 155, that the actions of the natives are marked with intricate drawings of the moko or tattoos on the chiefs’ faces.

Dr. George Turner (b) says:

Dr. George Turner (b) says:

Herodotus found among the Thracians that the man who was not tattooed was not respected. It was the same in Samoa. Until a young man was tattooed he was considered in his minority. He could not think of marriage, and he was constantly exposed to taunts and ridicule, as being poor and of low birth, and as having no[411] right to speak in the society of men. But as soon as he was tattooed he passed into his majority, and considered himself entitled to the respect and privileges of mature years. When a youth, therefore, reached the age of 16, he and his friends were all anxiety that he should be tattooed. He was then on the outlook for the tattooing of some young chief with whom he might unite. On these occasions six or a dozen young men would be tattooed at one time, and for these there might be four or five tattooers employed. Tattooing is still kept up to some extent and is a regular profession, just as house-building, and well paid. The custom is traced to mythologic times and has its presiding deities.

Herodotus noticed that among the Thracians, a man who wasn’t tattooed wasn’t taken seriously. The same was true in Samoa. Until a young man got tattooed, he was seen as a minor. He couldn’t consider marriage and faced constant teasing and mockery, viewed as poor and of low status, and without any right to speak in the company of men. However, as soon as he got tattooed, he entered adulthood and believed he deserved the respect and privileges of being grown. When a young man turned 16, he and his friends were eager for him to get tattooed. He would look for a young chief to get tattooed alongside. During these occasions, six or a dozen young men would be tattooed at once, often with four or five tattoo artists working on them. Tattooing is still practiced to some degree and is a recognized profession, comparable to house-building, and pays well. The tradition dates back to mythological times and has its own deities.

In Révue d’Ethnographie (a) (translated) it is published that—

In Ethnography Review (a) (translated) it is published that—

Tattoo marks of Papuan men in New Guinea can be worn on the chest only when the man has killed an enemy. Fig. 26, p. 101, shows the marks upon the chest of Waara, who had killed five men.

Tattoo marks of Papuan men in New Guinea can only be worn on the chest when the man has killed an enemy. Fig. 26, p. 101, shows the marks on the chest of Waara, who had killed five men.

Tattoo marks upon parts other than the chest of the bodies of men and women do not seem to have significance. They are made according to the fancy of the designer. Frequently the professional tattooers have styles of their own, which, being popular and generally applied, become customary to a tribe.

Tattoo marks on areas of the body other than the chest for men and women don't seem to have much meaning. They're created based on the designer's preference. Often, professional tattoo artists have their own unique styles, which, when they're popular and widely used, become the norm for a tribe.

The illustration above mentioned is reproduced as Fig. 536.

The illustration mentioned above is reproduced as Fig. 536.

Fig. 536.—Tattoo on Papuan chief.

Fig. 536.—Tattoo of Papuan chief.

In the same article, p. 112, is the following, referring to Fig. 537:

In the same article, p. 112, is the following, referring to Fig. 537:

Fig. 537.—Tattooed Papuan woman.

Tattooed Papuan woman.

Among the Papuans of New Guinea tattooing the chest of females denotes that they are married, though all other parts of the body, including the face and legs, may be tattooed long before; indeed the tattooing of girls may begin at 5 years of age. Fig. 39, p. 112, gives an illustration of a married woman. * * * The different forms of tattoo depend upon the style of the several artists. Family marks are not recognizable, but exist.

Among the Papuans of New Guinea, tattooing the chest of females signifies that they are married, although other body parts, including the face and legs, can be tattooed long before that; in fact, girls may start getting tattoos as early as 5 years old. Fig. 39, p. 112, shows an illustration of a married woman. * * * The various tattoo designs depend on the styles of different artists. Family marks are not easily identifiable but do exist.

De Clercq (a) gives further particulars about tattooing among the Papuans of New Guinea. Among the Sègèt it is only on women. They call it “fadjan,” and the figures consist of two rows of little circles, on each side of the abdomen toward the region of the arm-pit, with a few cross strokes on the outer edge; it is done by pricking with a needle and afterwards the spots are fumigated with the smoke of burning resin. It is said to be intended as an ornament instead of dress, and that young girls do it because young men like to see it.

De Clercq (a) provides more details about tattooing among the Papuans of New Guinea. Among the Sègèt, it’s only done on women. They call it “fadjan,” and the designs consist of two rows of small circles on each side of the abdomen, near the armpit, with a few cross strokes on the outer edge. The process is done by pricking with a needle, and afterward, the spots are treated with the smoke from burning resin. It’s said to be decorative rather than part of clothing, and young girls get it done because young men find it attractive.

At Roembati tattooing is called “gomanroeri” and at Sĕkar “béti.” They do it there with bones of fish, with which they prick many holes[412] in the skin until the blood flows, and then smear on it in spots the soot from pans and pots, which, after the staunching of the blood, leaves an ineffaceable bluish spot or streak. Besides the breast and upper arm they also tattoo in the same way the calf of the leg, and in some cases the forehead, as a mere ornamentation, both of men and women—children only in very exceptional cases.

At Roembati, tattooing is called “gomanroeri,” and at Sĕkar, it’s known as “béti.” They use fish bones to make many tiny punctures in the skin until blood flows, and then they apply soot from pots in spots. Once the bleeding stops, this leaves a permanent bluish mark or streak. In addition to the breast and upper arm, they also tattoo the calf of the leg in the same way and, in some cases, the forehead as decoration for both men and women—children are only tattooed in very rare instances.[412]

The Bonggose and Sirito are much tattooed over the breast and shoulder. At Saoekorèm, a Doré settlement, a few women were seen tattooed on the breast and in the face. At Doré it is called “pa,” and is done with thorns, and charcoal is rubbed over the bloody spots; only here and at Mansinam is it a sign of mourning; everywhere else it merely serves as ornamentation.

The Bonggose and Sirito have a lot of tattoos on their chests and shoulders. In Saoekorèm, a Doré settlement, some women were seen with tattoos on their chests and faces. In Doré, it's called “pa,” and it's done using thorns, with charcoal rubbed over the wounds; only here and in Mansinam is it a sign of mourning; everywhere else, it just serves as decoration.

At Ansoes it does not occur much, and is principally in the face; it is there called “toi.” It is found somewhat more commonly on Noord-Japèn, and then on shoulder and upper arm. In Tarfia, Tana-mérah, and Humboldt bay but few persons were tattooed, mostly on the forehead.

At Ansoes, it doesn’t happen often, and when it does, it's mainly on the face, where it's called “toi.” It's somewhat more common on Noord-Japèn, particularly on the shoulder and upper arm. In Tarfia, Tana-mérah, and Humboldt Bay, only a few people were tattooed, mostly on their foreheads.

The tattooing is always the work of women, generally members of the family, both on men and on women. First the figure is drawn with charcoal, and if it suits the taste then begins the pricking with the thorn of a citrus or a fine bone of some animal. It is very painful and only a small spot can be pricked at one time, so long as the tattooee can stand it. If the pain is too violent, the wounds are gently pressed with a certain leaf that has been warmed, in order to soothe the pain, and the work is continued only after three or four days. No special names are given to the figures; those are chosen which suit the taste. Children are never tattooed at the wish of the parents; it is entirely a matter of individual choice.

Tattooing is always done by women, usually family members, on both men and women. First, the design is sketched with charcoal, and if it looks good, they start pricking with a thorn from a citrus plant or a fine bone from an animal. It’s very painful, and only a small area can be pricked at a time, as long as the person getting tattooed can handle it. If the pain is too intense, the wounds are gently pressed with a warmed leaf to ease the pain, and the work continues only after three or four days. There are no specific names for the designs; they are chosen based on personal preference. Children are never tattooed at their parents' request; it’s strictly up to the individual.

Mr. Forbes, in Journ. Anthrop. Inst. G. B. and I., August, 1883, p. 10, says that in Timor Laut, an island of the Malay archipelago—

Mr. Forbes, in Journ. Anthrop. Inst. G. B. and I., August, 1883, p. 10, says that in Timor Laut, an island of the Malay island chain—

Both sexes tattoo a few simple devices, circles, stars, and pointed crosses, on the breast, on the brow, on the cheek, and on the wrists, and scar themselves on the arms and shoulders with red-hot stones, in imitation of immense smallpox marks, in order to ward off that disease. * * * I have, however, seen no one variola-marked, nor can I learn of any epidemic of this disease among them.

Both men and women tattoo a few simple designs—like circles, stars, and pointed crosses—on their chests, foreheads, cheeks, and wrists, and they scar themselves on their arms and shoulders with red-hot stones, mimicking large smallpox scars, to protect themselves from that illness. * * * However, I haven't seen anyone with smallpox marks, nor can I find any evidence of an outbreak of this disease among them.

Prof. Brauns, of Halle, reports, Science, III, No. 50, p. 69, that among the Ainos of Yazo the women tattoo their chins to imitate the beards of the men.

Prof. Brauns, from Halle, reports, Science, III, No. 50, p. 69, that among the Ainos of Yazo, the women tattoo their chins to mimic the beards of the men.

Carl Bock (a) says:

Carl Bock says:

All the married women here are tattooed on the hands and feet and sometimes on the thighs. The decoration is one of the privileges of matrimony and is not permitted to unmarried girls.

All the married women here have tattoos on their hands and feet, and sometimes on their thighs. This decoration is one of the perks of being married and isn't allowed for unmarried girls.

In Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, London, 1876, p. 94, it is said that in Mangaia, of the Hervey group, the tattoo is in imitation of the stripes on the two kinds of fish, avini and paoro, the color of which is blue. The legend of this is kept in the song of Iná.

In Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, London, 1876, p. 94, it is mentioned that in Mangaia, part of the Hervey group, the tattoos mimic the stripes of two types of fish, avini and paoro, which are blue in color. The story behind this is preserved in the song of Iná.

Elisée Reclus (b) says:

Elisée Reclus (b) states:

Most of the Dayaks tattoo the arms, hands, feet, and thighs; occasionally also breast and temples. The designs, generally of a beautiful blue color on the coppery ground of the body, display great taste, and are nearly always disposed in odd numbers, which, as among so many other peoples, are supposed to be lucky.

Most Dayaks get tattoos on their arms, hands, feet, and thighs, and sometimes on their chests and temples. The designs, usually in a beautiful blue color on their tanned skin, show great style and are almost always arranged in odd numbers, which, like in many other cultures, are thought to bring good luck.

In L’Anthropologie (a), 1890, T. I, No. 6, p. 693, it is thus reported:

In L’Anthropologie (a), 1890, T. I, No. 6, p. 693, it is thus reported:

Tradition tells that the Giao chi, the alleged ancestors of the Annamites, were fishermen and in danger from marine monsters. To prevent disasters from the genii of the waters the king directed the people to tattoo their bodies with the forms of the marine monsters, and afterwards the dragons, crocodiles, etc., ceased their persecution. The custom became universal, and even the kings tattooed a dragon on their thighs as a sign of power and nobility. The same idea was in the painting of eyes, etc., on the prows of Annamite boats, which strongly resembled the sea monsters.

Tradition says that the Giao Chi, believed to be the ancestors of the Annamites, were fishermen who faced threats from sea monsters. To prevent disasters caused by the spirits of the waters, the king instructed the people to tattoo their bodies with images of these marine creatures, and afterward, the dragons, crocodiles, and others ceased their attacks. This custom became widespread, and even the kings tattooed a dragon on their thighs as a symbol of power and nobility. The same concept was reflected in the painting of eyes and similar designs on the bows of Annamite boats, which closely resembled the sea monsters.

Mr. O’Reilly, the professional tattooer of New York, in a letter, says that he is familiar with the tattoo system of Burmah, and that, besides the ruling principle of ordeal, the Burmese use special tattoo marks to charm and to bring love. They also believe that tattooing the whole person renders the skin impenetrable to weapons.

Mr. O’Reilly, the professional tattoo artist from New York, mentioned in a letter that he is familiar with the tattoo practices of Burma. He noted that, in addition to the principle of ordeal, the Burmese use specific tattoo designs to attract love and charm. They also believe that tattooing the entire body makes the skin impervious to weapons.

In Zeitschrift für Ethnologie (a) it is recounted of the Badagas in the Nilgiri mountains, India:

In Journal of Ethnology (a), it discusses the Badagas in the Nilgiri mountains, India:

All the women are tattooed on the forehead. The following [Fig. 538] a is the most usual form:

All the women have tattoos on their foreheads. The following [Fig. 538] a is the most common style:

Besides this there occur the following (same Fig., b, c, d, and e):

Besides this, the following also occur (same Fig., b, c, d, and e):

Besides the forehead, the tattooing of which is obligatory for women, other parts of the body are often tattooed thus (same Fig., f)

Besides the forehead, which women are required to tattoo, other parts of the body are often tattooed this way (same Fig., f)

Fig. 538.—Badaga tattoo marks.

Fig. 538.—Badaga tattoos.

on each shoulder. Other forms not infrequently found are variously grouped dots, also those shown in the same Fig., g, on the forearm and the back of the hand.

on each shoulder. Other forms that are often found include variously grouped dots, as well as those displayed in the same Fig., g, on the forearm and the back of the hand.

Nordenskiöld (a) gives the following account of tattooing among the Chukchis of Siberia:

Nordenskiöld (a) gives the following account of tattooing among the Chukchis of Siberia:

It is principally the women that tattoo. The operation is performed by means of pins and soot; perhaps also graphite is employed, which the Chukchis gather. The tattooing of the women seems to be the same along the whole Chukchi coast from Cape Shelagskoy to Bering strait. The usual mode of tattooing is found represented in Nordenskiöld’s “Voyage of the Vega around Asia and Europe,” second part, p. 104. Still the tattooing on the cheek is not rarely more compound than is there shown. The picture given below [Fig. 539] represents a design of tattooing on the cheek.

It’s mainly women who get tattoos. The process is done using pins and soot; they might also use graphite, which the Chukchis collect. The tattoo styles for women appear to be consistent all along the Chukchi coast from Cape Shelagskoy to the Bering Strait. The typical method of tattooing is illustrated in Nordenskiöld’s “Voyage of the Vega around Asia and Europe,” second part, p. 104. However, the tattoos on the cheek can often be more intricate than what's shown there. The image below [Fig. 539] shows a cheek tattoo design.

Girls under nine or ten years are never tattooed. On reaching that age they gradually receive the two streaks running from the point of the nose to the root of the hair; next follow the vertical chin streaks and lastly the tattooing on the cheeks, of which the anterior arches are first formed and the posterior part of the design last. The last named in fact is the part of the design which is oftenest wanting.

Girls under nine or ten years old are never tattooed. Once they reach that age, they gradually receive the two lines starting from the tip of the nose to the hairline; next come the vertical lines on the chin, and finally, tattoos on the cheeks, with the front arches created first and the back part of the design completed last. In fact, the latter part of the design is often the one that is missing.

The accompanying picture (the left hand of the same Fig.) represents the tattooing of the arms of a woman from the town of T’ápka. The design of the tattooing extends from the shoulder joint, where the upper triple ring is situated, to the hand joint at the bottom. As appears from the drawing, the tattooing on the right and left arm is different.

The accompanying picture (the left hand of the same Fig.) shows the tattooing on a woman's arms from the town of T’ápka. The tattoo design starts at the shoulder joint, where the upper triple ring is located, and goes down to the hand joint at the bottom. As can be seen in the drawing, the tattoos on the right and left arms are different.

The men at the winter station of the Vega tattooed themselves only with two short horizontal streaks across the root of the nose. Some of the men at Rerkaypiya (C. North), on the other hand, had a cross tattooed on each cheek bone; others had merely painted similar ones with red mold. Some Chukchis at the latter place had also the upper lip tattooed.

The guys at the winter station of the Vega tattooed two short horizontal lines across the root of their noses. In contrast, some of the men at Rerkaypiya (C. North) had a cross tattooed on each cheekbone; others just painted similar ones with red clay. Some Chukchis in that area also had tattoos on their upper lips.

Fig. 539.—Chukchi tattoo marks.

Fig. 539.—Chukchi tattoo designs.

The Chukchi designs are much simpler than those of the Eskimo.

The Chukchi designs are way simpler than the Eskimo ones.

Dr. Bazin, in “Étude sur le Tatouage dans la Régence de Tunis,” in L’Anthropologie (b), tells that the practice of tattooing is very widespread and elaborate in Tunisia, but chiefly among the natives of Arab race, who are nomads, workmen in the towns, and laborers, and also among the fellahs. The Berbers, on the contrary, who have remained mountaineers, the merchants of the coast towns, and the rich proprietors are little or not at all tattooed. In regard to the last class this proves that tattooing has become nothing but an ornament, since the members of this class are clothed in such a way that the legs and arms are completely covered, so that it would be useless to draw figures which would be invisible or almost entirely hidden. He adds[415] that the notables “du Tinge” do not disfigure themselves by incisions. The distinctive sign of the lower classes is the presence of three incisions on the temples, three on the cheeks, and three also on the lower part of the face.

Dr. Bazin, in “Study on Tattooing in the Regency of Tunis,” in Anthropology (b), explains that tattooing is quite common and detailed in Tunisia, especially among the native Arab population, who are nomads, city workers, and laborers, as well as among the fellahs. In contrast, the Berbers, who continue to live in the mountains, the merchants in coastal towns, and wealthy landowners have few or no tattoos at all. For the latter group, this indicates that tattooing has merely become decorative, as they dress in a way that completely covers their legs and arms, making it pointless to create designs that would be hidden or nearly invisible. He adds[415] that the prominent individuals “du Tinge” do not disfigure themselves with cuts. The main feature of the lower classes is three cuts on the temples, three on the cheeks, and three on the lower part of the face.

Notes on East-Equatorial Africa, in Bull. Soc. d’Anthro. de Bruxelles (a) contains the following memoranda: Tattooing is done by traveling artists. Perhaps at first it showed tribal characteristics, but now it is difficult to distinguish more than fancy. The exception is that Wawenba alone tattoo the face. The local fetiches bear marks of tattoo.

Notes on East-Equatorial Africa, in Bull. Soc. d'Anthro. de Bruxelles (a) includes the following notes: Tattooing is performed by traveling artists. It may have initially reflected tribal features, but now it’s hard to tell apart from decorative styles. The only exception is that the Wawenba tattoo the face. The local fetishes show signs of tattooing.

Gordon Cumming (a) says:

Gordon Cumming (a) says:

One of the “generals” of Mosielely, King of the Bakatlas group of the Bechuana tribe, had killed about twenty men in battle with his own hand, and bore a mark of honor for every man. This mark was a line tattooed on his ribs.

One of the "generals" of Mosielely, King of the Bakatlas group of the Bechuana tribe, had killed about twenty men in battle with his own hand and had a mark of honor for each one. This mark was a line tattooed on his ribs.

David Greig Rutherford (a) makes remarks on the people of Batanga, West Tropical Africa, from which the following is extracted:

David Greig Rutherford (a) comments on the people of Batanga, West Tropical Africa, from which the following is taken:

Tattooing evidently originated in certain marks being applied to the face and other parts of the body in order to distinguish the members of one tribe from those of another. The same marks would be used for both sexes, but as the tendency to ornamentation became developed, they would be apt to observe some artistic method in making them. Among the Dualles the custom at one time appears to have obtained with both sexes, with a preponderance, however, in the practice of it on the side of the women. The men did not always see the force of giving themselves needless pain, but the women, with a shrewd idea that it added to their charms, persisted in having it done. The men (and it is significant that in places where the men have ceased to tattoo themselves they continue to do it for the women) tattooed their children at an early age, but as the girls approached a marriageable age they added, on their own account, various ornamentations to those already existing. As an example that tattooing in its later stages is regarded as an increase of beauty, I may mention an instance given me by the wife of a missionary here. A woman belonging to some neighboring tribe having come to stay at the mission, was presented with a dress of some showy material as an inducement to her to discard the loin cloth she had been in the habit of wearing and as an introduction to the habits of civilized life. She objected to wear the dress, however, upon the ground that if she did so she would thereby hide her beauty. It appears certain that the unmarried woman who is most finely tattooed wins most admiration from the men.

Tattooing clearly started as a way to mark the faces and bodies of individuals to set apart one tribe from another. These marks were generally used by both men and women, but as decoration became more common, they began to adopt some artistic approaches in applying them. Among the Dualles, this tradition seemed to be practiced by both genders, though it was more prevalent among women. Men often questioned the need to inflict pain on themselves, but women believed it enhanced their attractiveness and insisted on getting tattooed. Notably, in cultures where men no longer tattoo themselves, they still continue to do it for women. Men would tattoo their children at a young age, but as girls grew closer to marrying age, they would add their own decorative designs to the existing tattoos. An example of how tattooing evolved into a symbol of beauty comes from a story shared with me by a missionary’s wife. A woman from a nearby tribe, who visited the mission, was given a fancy dress to encourage her to stop wearing the loincloth she was accustomed to and to start adapting to civilized life. However, she refused to wear the dress on the grounds that it would cover up her beauty. It seems clear that unmarried women with the most intricate tattoos attract the most admiration from men.

Oscar Peschel (a) describes tattooing as another substitute for raiment and remarks: “That it actually takes away from the impression of nudity is declared by all who have seen fully tattooed Albanese.” As bearing in the same direction Mr. Darwin, in “Voyage of the Beagle,” may be quoted, who, when at New Zealand, speaking of the clean, tidy, and healthy appearance of the young women who acted as servants within the houses, remarks: “The wives of the missionaries tried to persuade them not to be tattooed, but a famous operator having arrived from the south they said: ‘We really must have a few lines on our lips, else when we grow old our lips will shrivel, and we shall be so very ugly.’”

Oscar Peschel (a) talks about tattooing as another alternative to clothing and notes: “It's said by everyone who has seen fully tattooed Albanese that it actually reduces the impression of nudity.” Supporting this point, Mr. Darwin, in “Voyage of the Beagle,” recalls his time in New Zealand, where he observed the clean, neat, and healthy look of the young women working in the houses. He mentions: “The wives of the missionaries tried to convince them not to get tattooed, but a well-known tattoo artist had arrived from the south, and they said: ‘We really need a few lines on our lips; otherwise, when we get older, our lips will shrivel, and we’ll look quite ugly.’”

In September, 1891, a Zulu, claiming to be a son of the late Cetewayo, gave to a reporter of the Memphis Avalanche the following account:

In September 1891, a Zulu man, claiming to be a son of the late Cetewayo, provided a reporter from the Memphis Avalanche with the following account:

When some one expressed a doubt of his coming from Zululand he promptly rolled up his sleeve and showed on his right arm the brand of the tribe. The brand is just below the elbow-joint, and it is of a bright red color, showing conclusively that it had been burned into the flesh. The design is very much on the principle of a double heart with a cross running through the center. The same design has been branded over his left eye in a somewhat smaller shape. When questioned about these brands he said:

When someone doubted that he came from Zululand, he quickly rolled up his sleeve and showed the tribal brand on his right arm. The brand is just below the elbow joint and is bright red, clearly indicating that it was burned into his skin. The design resembles a double heart with a cross running through the center. A similar design has been branded over his left eye in a slightly smaller size. When asked about these brands, he said:

“In our country all the men have to have the brand of their tribe burned into their skin so that they can never desert us, and no matter where they are found, you can always tell a Zulu by the brand. Always look for it just over the left eye and on the inside of the right arm. Does it hurt? Oh, no: you see they just take the skin together in their fingers and when the brand is red hot touch it once to the skin and it is all done, and the brand can never wear away.”

“In our country, all men have to get their tribe's brand burned into their skin so they can never leave us. No matter where they are, you can always identify a Zulu by the brand. Just look for it just above the left eye and on the inside of the right arm. Does it hurt? Oh, no. They just pinch the skin together between their fingers, and when the brand is red hot, they touch it to the skin once, and that's it. The brand will never wear away.”

SCARIFICATION.

The following notes regarding scarification are presented:

The following notes about scarification are provided:

Edward M. Curr (b), p. 94, says:

Edward M. Curr (b), p. 94, says:

The principal and most general ornament throughout Australia consists of a number of scars raised on the skin. They are made by deep incisions with a flint or shell, which are kept powdered with charcoal or ashes. The wounds thus made remain open for about three months, and, when covered with skin, scars sometimes almost as thick and long as one’s middle finger remain raised above the natural surface of the skin. The incisions are made in rows on various parts of the body, principally on the chest, back, and on the upper muscle of the arm, and less frequently on the thighs and stomach. The breasts of the female are often surrounded with smaller scars. In some tribes dots cut in the skin take the place of scars. The operation is a very painful one, and is often carried out amidst yells of torture. Both sexes are marked in this manner, but the male more extensively than the female.

The main form of body decoration in Australia consists of several scars on the skin. These are created by making deep cuts with flint or shells, which are then kept filled with charcoal or ashes. The wounds stay open for about three months, and once healed, the scars can be almost as thick and long as a person's middle finger, raised above the skin's natural surface. The cuts are made in rows on different parts of the body, mainly on the chest, back, and upper arms, and less often on the thighs and stomach. Women often have smaller scars surrounding their breasts. In some tribes, dots cut into the skin serve as an alternative to scars. This process is very painful and is often done amidst cries of agony. Both men and women undergo this marking, but men are typically marked more extensively than women.

In the same volume, p. 338, is the following:

In the same volume, p. 338, is the following:

When, as often happens, a young man and girl of the Whajook tribe in Australia elope and remain away from the tribe for a time, it is not unusual for them to scar each other in the interim as a memorial of their illicit loves; a singular proceeding when one remembers the agony caused by the operation and the length of time required to get over it. This proceeding is a great aggravation of the original offense in the eyes of husbands.

When a young man and woman from the Whajook tribe in Australia run away together and stay away from the tribe for a while, it's not uncommon for them to scar each other as a symbol of their forbidden love. This is quite unusual when you consider the pain of the process and the long time it takes to heal. This act is seen as a significant worsening of their initial wrong in the eyes of their husbands.

In Vol. II, p. 414, the same author says:

In Vol. II, p. 414, the same author states:

Men of the Cape river tribe scar their backs and shoulders in this way. Scars are made generally on the left thigh both of the men and women, continues Mr. Chatfield, but occasionally on the right, for the purpose of denoting the particular class to which they belong; but as such a practice would conflict with the custom prevalent throughout the continent as far as known, which is to make these marks for ornament alone, the statement cannot be received without further evidence.

Men of the Cape River tribe scar their backs and shoulders like this. Scars are usually made on the left thigh of both men and women, Mr. Chatfield explains, but sometimes on the right, to show the specific class they belong to. However, since this practice would go against the custom found throughout the continent, where these marks are made purely for decoration, this claim cannot be accepted without more evidence.

Thomas Worsnop, in the Prehistoric Arts of the Aborigines of Australia, says:

Thomas Worsnop, in the Prehistoric Arts of the Aborigines of Australia, says:

This practice of tattooing by scarification was common all over the continent, varying in character amongst the respective tribes, each having its own distinctive marks, although all patterned upon one monotonous idea.

This practice of tattooing through scarification was widespread across the continent, differing in style among the various tribes, each with its own unique markings, although all based on one repetitive concept.

This is far from evidence of distinct tribal marks, the slight varieties of which may be only local or tribal fashions.

This is not proof of unique tribal markings; the small differences might just be local or tribal styles.

Alfred C. Haddon (a), p. 366, says:

Alfred C. Haddon (a), p. 366, says:

Tattooing is unknown, but the body used to be ornamented with raised cicatrices. * * * The Torres strait islanders are distinguished by a large, complicated, oval[417] scar, only slightly raised and of neat construction. This, which I have been told has some connection with a turtle, occupies the right shoulder and is occasionally repeated on the left. I suspect that a young man was not allowed to bear a cicatrice until he had killed his first turtle or dugong.

Tattooing is not practiced, but people used to decorate their bodies with raised scars. * * * The Torres Strait Islanders are known for a large, intricate, oval[417] scar that is only slightly raised and well-made. I’ve heard this has something to do with a turtle, and it typically covers the right shoulder, sometimes mirrored on the left. I think a young man wasn’t permitted to have a scar until he caught his first turtle or dugong.

The same author, op. cit., says of the Mabuiag of Torres straits:

The same author, op. cit., talks about the Mabuiag people of the Torres Strait:

The people were formerly divided up into a number of clans. * * * A man belonging to one clan could not wear the badge of the totem of another clan. * * * All the totems appear to have been animals—as the crocodile, snake, turtle, dugong, dog, cassowary, shark, sting-ray, kingfish, etc.

The people used to be split into several clans. * * * A man from one clan couldn't wear the totem badge of another clan. * * * All the totems seemed to be animals—like the crocodile, snake, turtle, dugong, dog, cassowary, shark, stingray, kingfish, and so on.

The same writer, in Notes on Mr. Beardsmore’s paper, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. and I. (a), says:

The same writer, in Notes on Mr. Beardsmore’s paper, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. and I. (a), says:

A large number of the women of Mowat, New Guinea, have a Λ-shaped scar above the breasts. * * * Maino of Tud told me that it was cut when the brother leaves the father’s house and goes to live with the men; and another informant’s story was that it was made when a brother harpooned his first dugong or turtle. Maino (who, by the by, married a Mowat woman) said that a mark on the cheek recorded the brother’s prowess.

A lot of the women in Mowat, New Guinea, have a Λ-shaped scar above their breasts. * * * Maino from Tud told me that it's made when a brother leaves his father's house to live with the men; another person I spoke to said it was made when a brother caught his first dugong or turtle. Maino (who, by the way, married a Mowat woman) mentioned that a mark on the cheek shows the brother's skills.

D’Albertis (c) tells that the people of New Guinea produced scars “by making an incision in the skin and then for a lengthened period irritating it with lime and soot. * * * They use some scars as a sign that they have traveled, and tattoo an additional figure above the right breast on the accomplishment of every additional journey. * * * In Yuli island women have nearly the whole body covered with marks. Children are seldom tattooed; slaves never. Men are hardly ever tattooed, though they have frequently marks on the chest and shoulders; rarely on the face. Tribes and families are recognized by tattoo marks.”

D’Albertis (c) states that the people of New Guinea create scars “by cutting the skin and then irritating it for an extended period with lime and soot. * * * They use some scars as a symbol of their travels, and tattoo an additional design above the right breast after each journey they complete. * * * On Yuli Island, women have their bodies almost entirely covered with marks. Children are rarely tattooed; slaves never are. Men are seldom tattooed, although they often have marks on their chests and shoulders; rarely on their faces. Tribes and families can be identified by their tattoo marks.”

Mr. Griffith, in his paper on Sierra Leone, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. and I. (b), says:

Mr. Griffith, in his paper on Sierra Leone, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. and I. (b), says:

The girls are cut on their backs and loins in such a manner as to leave raised scars, which project above the surface of the skin about one-eighth of an inch. They then receive Boondoo names, and after recovery from the painful operation are released from Boondoo with great ceremony and gesticulation by some who personate Boondoo devils. They are then publicly pronounced marriageable.

The girls have cuts on their backs and sides designed to leave raised scars that stick out about one-eighth of an inch from the surface of their skin. After this painful procedure, they receive Boondoo names and, once they’ve healed, are ceremoniously released from Boondoo by people acting as Boondoo devils. They are then publicly declared ready for marriage.

Dr. Holub (b), speaking of three cuts on the breast of a Koranna of Central South Africa, says:

Dr. Holub (b), discussing three cuts on the chest of a Koranna from Central South Africa, says:

They have among themselves a kind of freemasonry. Some of them have on their chest three cuts. When they were asked what was the reason of it they generally refused to answer, but after gaining their confidence they confessed that they belonged to something like a secret society, and they said, “I can go through all the valleys inhabited by Korannas and Griquas, and wherever I go when I open my coat and show these three cuts I am sure to be well received.”

They have a sort of brotherhood among themselves. Some of them have three cuts on their chests. When asked about the reason for them, they usually refused to answer, but after gaining their trust, they admitted that they were part of something like a secret society. They said, “I can travel through all the valleys where the Korannas and Griquas live, and wherever I go, when I open my coat and show these three cuts, I'm sure to be welcomed.”

Mr. H. H. Johnston (a) tells us that scarification is practiced right along the course of the Congo up to the Stanley falls. The marks thus made are tribal. Thus the Bateke are always distinguished by five or six striated lines across the cheek bones, while the Bayansi scar their foreheads with a horizontal or vertical band.

Mr. H. H. Johnston (a) tells us that scarification is practiced all along the Congo River up to the Stanley Falls. The marks made are tribal. For example, the Bateke are always recognized by five or six striated lines across their cheekbones, while the Bayansi scar their foreheads with either a horizontal or a vertical band.

E. Brussaux, in L’Anthropologie (c), reports that scarifications in Congo, which are chiefly on the back, are made for therapeutic reasons.

E. Brussaux, in Anthropology (c), reports that scarifications in Congo, mostly on the back, are done for therapeutic reasons.

Julian Thomas (a) gives the following description of a New Hebrides woman:

Julian Thomas (a) provides the following description of a New Hebrides woman:

She had a pattern traced over her throat and breast like a scarf. It was done with a shark’s tooth when a child. The women’s skins are blistered up into flowers and ferns. The skin is cut and earth and ashes placed inside the gashes, and the flesh grows into these forms. Of course they do not cover up these beauties by clothing.

She had a design marked across her throat and chest like a scarf. It was created with a shark’s tooth when she was a child. The women’s skin has raised patterns like flowers and ferns. The skin is cut, and earth and ashes are placed into the wounds, allowing the flesh to grow into these shapes. Naturally, they don’t hide these beauties with clothing.

According to Mr. Man, Journ. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. and I. (c), the Andamanese, who also tattoo by means of gashing, do so first by way of ornament, and, secondly, to prove the courage of the individual operated upon and his or her power of enduring pain.

According to Mr. Man, Journ. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. and I. (c), the Andamanese, who also tattoo by cutting the skin, do it primarily for decoration and, secondly, to demonstrate the courage of the person being tattooed and their ability to withstand pain.

SUMMARY OF STUDIES ON TATTOOING.

Many notes on the topic are omitted, especially those relating mainly to the methods of and the instruments used in the operation. But from those presented above it appears that tattooing still is or very recently was used in various parts of the world for many purposes besides the specific object of designating a tribe, clan, or family, and also apart from the general intent of personal ornament. The most notable of those purposes are as follows: 1, to distinguish between free and slave without reference to the tribe of the latter; 2, to distinguish between a high and low status in the same tribe; 3, as a certificate of bravery exhibited by supporting the ordeal of pain; 4, as marks of personal prowess, particularly, 5, as a record of achievements in war; 6, to show religious symbols; 7, as a therapeutic remedy for disease, and 8, as a prophylactic against disease; 9, as a brand of disgrace; 10, as a token of a woman’s marriage, or, sometimes, 11, of her marriageable condition; 12, identification of the person, not as tribesman or clansman, but as an individual; 13, to charm the other sex magically; 14, to inspire fear in the enemy; 15, to magically render the skin impenetrable by weapons; 16, to bring good fortune; and 17, as the device of a secret society.

Many notes on the topic are left out, especially those mainly regarding the methods and instruments used in the operation. However, from the information presented above, it seems that tattooing is still used or was very recently used in various parts of the world for many purposes beyond just marking a tribe, clan, or family, and also apart from the general idea of personal decoration. The most notable of these purposes are: 1, to distinguish between free individuals and slaves without considering the latter's tribe; 2, to differentiate between high and low status within the same tribe; 3, as a badge of bravery shown by enduring pain; 4, as marks of personal skill; 5, as a record of achievements in war; 6, to display religious symbols; 7, as a therapeutic remedy for sickness; 8, as a preventive measure against illness; 9, as a mark of shame; 10, as a sign of a woman’s marriage, or sometimes, 11, her eligibility for marriage; 12, to identify a person, not as a tribesman or clansman, but as an individual; 13, to magically attract the opposite sex; 14, to instill fear in enemies; 15, to magically make the skin impervious to weapons; 16, to bring good luck; and 17, as the symbol of a secret society.

The use of tattoo marks as certificates and records of prowess in war is considered to be of special importance in any discussion of their origin. A warrior returns from the field stained with blood from an honorable wound, the scars of which he afterwards proudly displays. It would be strictly in the line of ideography to make artificial scars or to paint the semblance of wounds on the person as designations of honor, and from such origin quite as well as from a totemic representation all other forms and uses may have been evolved. For instance, the vigor of manhood being thus signified, the similar use would show the maturity of women. Yet some of the practices of tattoo may have originated independently of either totem or glory mark. The mere idea of decoration as shown in what civilized people call deformations of nose, lip, ear, teeth, and in fact all parts of the body, is sufficient to account for the inception of any form of tattoo. Primitive man never[419] seemed to be content to leave the surface of his body in its natural condition, and from recognition of that discontent studies of clothing and of ornament should take their point of departure.

The use of tattoos as symbols and records of bravery in battle is particularly important when discussing their origins. A warrior comes back from the battlefield marked with blood from an honorable wound, the scars of which he later shows off with pride. It makes sense to create artificial scars or to paint fake wounds on the body as symbols of honor, and from this source, along with totemic representations, all other forms and uses of tattoos may have developed. For example, the representation of manhood could similarly signify women's maturity. However, some tattoo practices might have started independently of either totem or honor markings. The simple idea of decoration—as seen in what modern societies refer to as alterations of the nose, lip, ear, teeth, and all parts of the body—could explain why tattoos began. Primitive humans never seemed satisfied with leaving their bodies in their natural state, and this discontent serves as a starting point for the study of clothing and ornamentation.

In this paper many examples are presented of the use, especially by the North American Indians, of tribal signs carved or painted on rock, tree, bark, skin, and other materials, and suggestion is made of an interesting connection between these designs and those of heraldry in Europe. It would, therefore, seem natural that the same Indians who probably for ages used such totemic and tribal devices should paint or tattoo them on their own persons, and the meagerness of the evidence that they actually did so is surprising. Undoubtedly the statement has been made in a general way by some of the earlier explorers and travelers, but when analyzed it is frequently little more than a vague expression of opinion, perhaps based on a preconceived theory. Nearly all the Indian tribes have peculiarities of arrangement of the hair and of some article of apparel and accouterment by which they can always be distinguished. These are not totemic, nor are they by design expressions of a tribal character. They come under the heading of fashion, and such fashions in clothing and in arrangement of the hair still exist among civilized peoples, so that the people of one nation or province can at once be distinguished from others. Very little appears from the account of actual observers to show that the character of the tattoo marks of the North American Indians, perhaps excluding those of the northwest coast, was more than a tribal fashion. Such styles or fashions with no intent or deliberate purpose that they should serve as tribal signs prevail to-day in Africa and in some other regions, and have been introduced by the professional artists who had several styles. Besides the necessary influence of a school of artists, it is obvious that people living together would contract and maintain the same custom and fashion in their cutaneous decoration.

In this paper, many examples are presented of the use, particularly by North American Indians, of tribal signs carved or painted on rock, tree bark, skin, and other materials. It suggests an interesting connection between these designs and those of heraldry in Europe. So, it seems natural that the same Indians who likely used such totemic and tribal devices for ages would also paint or tattoo them on themselves, and it's surprising how little evidence there is that they actually did. Earlier explorers and travelers may have made general statements about this, but when analyzed, these are often vague opinions, possibly based on preconceived ideas. Almost all Indian tribes have distinctive styles of hair and specific clothing and accessories that distinguish them from one another. These are not totemic, nor are they intentionally tribal expressions. They fall under the category of fashion, and similar fashions in clothing and hairstyle still exist among civilized peoples, allowing people from one nation or region to be easily recognized from others. Very little evidence from actual observers shows that the tattoo marks of North American Indians, perhaps excluding those from the northwest coast, were anything more than a tribal fashion. Such styles or fashions, without any intent to serve as tribal signs, still exist today in Africa and other regions, influenced by professional artists who created various styles. Additionally, it's clear that people living together would adopt and maintain the same customs and fashions in their body decoration.

SECTION 4.
PERSONAL TITLES.

These are divided into: (1) Insignia or tokens of authority. (2) Signs of individual achievements. (3) Property marks. (4) Personal names.

These are broken down into: (1) Insignia or symbols of authority. (2) Marks of personal accomplishments. (3) Property identifiers. (4) Personal names.

INSIGNIA OR TOKENS OF AUTHORITY.

Champlain (e) says of the Iroquois in 1609:

Champlain (e) talks about the Iroquois in 1609:

Those who wore three large “pannaches” [plumes] were the chiefs, and the three chiefs delineated have their plumes much larger than those of their companions who were simple warriors.

Those who wore three large "pannaches" [plumes] were the chiefs, and the three chiefs described have plumes that are much larger than those of their companions who were just regular warriors.

In Travels of Lewis and Clarke (a) it is said:

In the Travels of Lewis and Clark (a), it states:

Among the Teton Sioux the interior police of a village is confided to two or three officers who are named by the chief for the purpose of preserving order, and remain in power some days, at least till the chief appoints a successor; they seem to be a sort of constable or sentinel, since they are always on the watch to keep tranquility during the day and guarding the camp in the night. * * * Their distinguishing mark is a collection of two or three raven skins fixed to the girdle behind the back in such a way that the tails stick out horizontally from the body. On the head too is a raven skin split into two parts and tied so as to let the beak project from the forehead.

Among the Teton Sioux, the responsibility for maintaining order in a village is entrusted to two or three officers appointed by the chief. They serve for several days or until the chief appoints someone new. They act like constables or sentinels, always on alert to keep peace during the day and to guard the camp at night. * * * Their unique identifier is a set of two or three raven skins attached to their belt at the back, with the tails sticking out horizontally. They also wear a raven skin that is split in two and secured on their head, allowing the beak to stick out from their forehead.

In James’s Long (d) it is reported that—

In James's Long (d), it is reported that

Among the Omaha on all occasions of public rejoicings, festivals, dances, or general hunts, a certain number of resolute warriors are previously appointed to preserve order and keep the peace. In token of their office they paint themselves entirely black; usually wear the crow, and arm themselves with a whip or war-club with which they punish on the spot those who misbehave, and are at once both judges and executioners.

Among the Omaha, during all public celebrations, festivals, dances, or group hunts, a specific number of determined warriors are chosen in advance to maintain order and ensure peace. To signify their role, they paint themselves completely black; typically wear crow feathers, and carry a whip or war club to immediately punish anyone who misbehaves, acting as both judges and executioners.

Prince Maximilian of Wied (a) says:

Prince Maximilian of Wied (a) says:

In every numerous war party there are four leaders (partisans, karokkanakah) sometimes seven, but only four are reckoned as the real partisans; the others are called bad partisans (karokkanakah-chakohosch, literally, partisans galeux). All partisans carry on their backs a medicine pipe in a case which other warriors dare not have. To become a chief (Numakschi) a man must have been a partisan and then kill an enemy when he is not a partisan. If he follows another partisan for the second time he must have first discovered the enemy, have killed one and then possessed the hide of a white buffalo cow complete with the horns to pretend to the title of chief (Numakschi). * * * All the warriors wear small war pipes round their necks, which are often very elegantly ornamented with porcupine quills.

In every large war party, there are four leaders (partisans, karokkanakah), sometimes seven, but only four are considered the true partisans; the others are called bad partisans (karokkanakah-chakohosch, literally, galeux partisans). All partisans carry a medicine pipe on their backs in a case that other warriors are not allowed to have. To become a chief (Numakschi), a man must have been a partisan and then kill an enemy while he is not a partisan. If he follows another partisan a second time, he must have first found the enemy, killed one, and then obtained the hide of a white buffalo cow complete with the horns to claim the title of chief (Numakschi). * * * All the warriors wear small war pipes around their necks, which are often very beautifully decorated with porcupine quills.

Pls. XXVI and XXVII are illustrations specially relating to insignia of office selected from an important and unique pictorial roster of the heads of Oglala families, eighty-four in number, in the band of Chief Big-Road, which were obtained by Rev. S. D. Hinman at Standing Rock Agency, Dakota, in 1883, from the United States Indian agent, Maj. McLaughlin, to whom the original had been delivered by Chief Big-Road when brought to that agency and required to give an account of his followers. Other selections from this Oglala Roster appear under the headings of Ideography, Personal names, Comparisons, Customs, Gestures, Religion, and Conventionalizing.

Pls. XXVI and XXVII are illustrations specifically related to the insignia of office taken from a significant and unique pictorial list of the heads of Oglala families, totaling eighty-four, in the band of Chief Big-Road. These were collected by Rev. S. D. Hinman at Standing Rock Agency, Dakota, in 1883, from the United States Indian agent, Maj. McLaughlin, who had received the originals from Chief Big-Road when he was brought to that agency and asked to account for his followers. Additional selections from this Oglala Roster can be found under the sections of Ideography, Personal names, Comparisons, Customs, Gestures, Religion, and Conventionalizing.

Chief Big Road and his people belong to the northern Oglala, and at the time mentioned had been lately associated with Sitting-Bull in various depredations and hostilities against settlers and the United States authorities. The translations of the names have been verified and the Oglala name attached. At the date of the roster Chief Big-Road was above 50 years old, and was as ignorant and uncompromising a savage in mind and appearance, as one could well find.

Chief Big Road and his people are part of the northern Oglala, and at the time mentioned, they had recently been involved with Sitting Bull in various attacks and conflicts against settlers and U.S. authorities. The translations of the names have been confirmed and the Oglala names included. At the time of the roster, Chief Big Road was over 50 years old and was as uninformed and unyielding a person in both mindset and appearance as could be found.

The drawings in the original are on a single sheet of foolscap paper, made with black and colored pencils, and a few characters are in yellow-ocher waters color paint. They were made for the occasion with the materials procured at the agency.

The drawings in the original are on a single sheet of foolscap paper, made with black and colored pencils, and a few characters are in yellow-ocher watercolor paint. They were created for the occasion with the materials obtained at the agency.

Pl. XXVI exhibits the five principal chiefs with their insignia. Each[421] has before him a decorated pipe and pouch, the design of each being distinct from the others. The use of pipes as insignia for leaders is frequently mentioned in this work. The five chiefs do not have the war club, their rank being shown by pipe and pouch. Each of the five chiefs has at least three transverse bands on the cheek, with differentiations of the pattern.

Pl. XXVI shows the five main chiefs with their emblems. Each[421] has a decorated pipe and pouch in front of him, with each design being unique. The use of pipes as symbols for leaders is often referred to in this work. The five chiefs don't carry a war club; their status is indicated by the pipe and pouch. Each of the five chiefs has at least three horizontal stripes on their cheek, with variations in the pattern.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI
OGLALA CHIEFS.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI
OGLALA CHIEFS.

Pl. XXVII shows the subchiefs of the band. The three red bands are the sign that they are Akicita-itacanpi, which means head soldiers—captains in war, and captains of police in civil administration. Each of them is decorated with three red transverse bands on the cheek and carries a war club held vertically before the person.

Pl. 27 shows the subchiefs of the group. The three red bands indicate that they are Akicita-itacanpi, which means head soldiers—captains in battle, and captains of law enforcement in civil matters. Each one is adorned with three red stripes across the cheek and holds a war club vertically in front of them.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII
OGLALA SUB-CHIEFS.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII
OGLALA SUB-CHIEFS.

The other male figures not represented in the plates have in general each but a single red band on the cheek; others, two bands, red and blue. These are merely ornamental and without significance.

The other male figures not shown in the illustrations generally have only one red stripe on their cheek; others have two stripes, red and blue. These are just decorative and have no meaning.

It will be noticed that in this series the device indicating the name is not generally connected by lines with the mouth but only when there is a natural connection with it. It appears attached by a line to the crown of the head, but sometimes without any connecting line.

It will be noticed that in this series, the device showing the name isn’t usually linked by lines to the mouth, but only when there’s a natural connection to it. It seems to be connected by a line to the crown of the head, but sometimes there’s no connecting line at all.

Pl. XXVI shows the five principal chiefs of the Oglala in 1883, who are severally designated as follows:

Pl. XXVI shows the five main chiefs of the Oglala in 1883, who are each identified as follows:

a. Cankutanka, Big-Road. Big-Road is often called Good-Road because a road that is big or broad and well traveled is good. The tracks on both sides of the line indicating a mere path show that the road is big. The bird flying through the dusk indicates the rapidity of travel which the good road allows. This is the same chief as the following:

a. Cankutanka, Big-Road. Big-Road is often known as Good-Road because a wide and frequently used road is a good one. The tracks on both sides of the line, showing just a simple path, indicate that the road is wide. The bird flying through the twilight illustrates how quickly one can travel on this good road. This is the same chief as the next one:

Fig. 540.—Big-Road.

Fig. 540.—Main Road.

Fig. 540, Big-Road as appearing in Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 96. The broad and big road is indicated by the artist of that series as having distinctly marked sides and horsetracks between these roadsides. In this instance as in several others it is obvious that the ideographic device was not fixed but elastic and subject to variation, the intention being solely to preserve the idea.

Fig. 540, Big-Road as shown in Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 96. The wide road is depicted by the artist in that series as having clearly defined sides and horse tracks in between those edges. In this case, as in several others, it’s clear that the symbolic representation wasn’t rigid but flexible and open to changes, with the aim being simply to convey the concept.

b. Sunka-kuciyela, Low-Dog. The dog figure is represented as “low” by the shortness of the legs as compared with the next figure of Long-Dog.

b. Sunka-kuciyela, Low-Dog. The dog figure is shown as “low” because its legs are shorter compared to the next figure, Long-Dog.

c. Sunka-hanska, Long-Dog. This term “long” is in the pictography of the Siouan tribes, but is differently translated as tall. There is a marked variation in the length of the legs between this and the next foregoing.

c. Sunka-hanska, Long-Dog. The term “long” appears in the pictographs of the Siouan tribes, but is often translated as tall. There is a noticeable difference in the leg length between this one and the previous one.

d. Kangi-maza, Iron-Crow. The term “iron” is explained above. The color blue is always used in Dakotan pictography for the word translated as iron.

d. Kangi-maza, Iron-Crow. The term “iron” is explained above. The color blue is consistently used in Dakotan pictography for the word translated as iron.

e. Cetan-cigala, Little-Hawk.

e. Cetan-cigala, Little Hawk.

Pl. XXVII shows the subchiefs or partisans of the Oglala at the time of the roster in 1883.

Pl. XXVII shows the subchiefs or followers of the Oglala at the time of the roster in 1883.

a. Represents Tatanka-he-luta, Red-horn-Bull. The bull’s horns have been made bloody by goring.

a. Represents Tatanka-he-luta, Red-horn-Bull. The bull's horns have been stained with blood from goring.

b. Represents Cetan-watakpe, Charging-Hawk. This subchief also appears with a slightly different form of “charging” in Red-Cloud’s Census, in which the bird is represented head downward.

b. Represents Cetan-watakpe, Charging-Hawk. This subchief also appears with a slightly different version of “charging” in Red-Cloud’s Census, where the bird is depicted upside down.

Fig. 541.—Charging-Hawk.

Fig. 541.—Charging Hawk.

Fig. 541.—Charging-Hawk, from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 142. On careful examination the bird is seen to be not erect, as at first appears, but is swooping down.

Fig. 541.—Charging-Hawk, from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 142. Upon closer inspection, the bird doesn’t appear to be upright as it first seems but is actually diving down.

c. Represents Wiyaka-aopazan, Wears-the-Feather. The feather in its conventional form is presented twice, once connected by a line with the mouth and also over the war club as in common with other pictures of this series. The same person is represented next below.

c. Represents Wiyaka-aopazan, Wears-the-Feather. The feather is shown in its usual form two times, once linked by a line to the mouth and also above the war club, similar to other images in this series. The same individual is depicted just below.

Fig. 542.—Feather-on-his-Head.

Fig. 542.—Feather on His Head.

Fig. 542.—Feather-on-his-Head, from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 86. In this case the feather droops while it is erect in the figure next above. No significance is indicated in the slight variation.

Fig. 542.—Feather-on-his-Head, from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 86. In this case, the feather droops while it is standing upright in the figure above. There’s no significance in the slight variation.

d. Represents Pankeskahoksila, Shell-Boy. The shell is the circular object over the head of the small human figure, which is without the proper number of legs, showing perhaps that he can not march, and his open, weaponless hands say that he is not a warrior, i. e., he is a boy. The object, now translated shell, was originally a large excrescence on the trunk of a tree which was often cut away by the Dakotas, hollowed out and used as a bowl.

d. Represents Pankeskahoksila, Shell-Boy. The shell is the circular object above the head of the small human figure, which has fewer legs than it should, suggesting he can't march, and his open, unarmed hands indicate that he is not a warrior, meaning he is a boy. The object, now called a shell, was originally a large growth on the trunk of a tree that the Dakotas often removed, hollowed out, and used as a bowl.

e. Mato-niyanpi, The-Bear-spares-him. The bear passing through the marks of several tracks indicates an incident not explained, in which the subchief was in danger.

e. Mato-niyanpi, The-Bear-spares-him. The bear leaving multiple tracks suggests an unexplained event where the subchief was in danger.

f. Represents Cetan-maza, Iron-Hawk. The bird is colored blue, as before explained.

f. Represents Cetan-maza, Iron-Hawk. The bird is blue, as previously explained.

g. Represents Kangi-luta, Red-Crow.

g. Represents Kangi-luta, Red Crow.

h. Represents Situpi-ska, White-Tail. The bird is probably one of the hawks, as is more distinctly indicated in the representation of the same name as follows:

h. Represents Situpi-ska, White-Tail. The bird is likely one of the hawks, as is more clearly shown in the depiction of the same name below:

Fig. 543.—White-Tail.

Fig. 543.—White Tail.

Fig. 543.—White-Tail; from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 190. This is inserted for convenient comparison with the foregoing, being a slightly variant device for the same person.

Fig. 543.—White-Tail; from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 190. This is included for easy comparison with the previous one, as it features a somewhat different design for the same individual.

i. Represents Mato-ska, White-Bear.

i. Represents Mato-ska, White Bear.

Fig. 544.—White-Bear.

Fig. 544.—Polar Bear.

Fig. 544.—White-Bear; from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 252. This is inserted here for comparison of the drawings. The characteristics of the animal appear in both.

Fig. 544.—White Bear; from Red Cloud's Census, No. 252. This is included here for comparing the drawings. The features of

k. Represents Mato-najin, Standing-Grizzly-Bear. The differentiations of these and other similar positions of the same object remind one of the heraldic devices “statant,” “regardant,” “passant,” and the like.

k. Stands for Mato-najin, Standing-Grizzly-Bear. The distinctions among these and other similar positions of the same object are reminiscent of heraldic terms like “statant,” “regardant,” “passant,” and others.

Fig. 545.—Standing-Bear.

Fig. 545.—Standing Bear.

Fig. 545.—Standing-Bear; from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 140. This is probably the same man as in the last-mentioned figure, though the fancy of the artist has blazoned the bear as demi. This was, however, for convenience and without special significance, as the forequarters are not indicated in the name. But that might well have been done if the device were strictly totemic and connected with the taboo. Some of the bear gens are only allowed to eat the fore quarters of the animal, others the hind quarters.

Fig. 545.—Standing-Bear; from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 140. This is likely the same person as in the previous figure, although the artist's creativity has portrayed the bear as half. This was done for convenience and doesn’t hold any special significance, as the front part isn’t included in the name. However, it could have been done that way if the design were strictly totemic and linked to the taboo. Some bear clans are only allowed to eat the front part of the animal, while others can eat the back part.

l. Represents Tatanka-najin, Standing-Buffalo-Bull.

l. Represents Tatanka Najin, Standing Buffalo Bull.

m. Represents Tasunke-inyanke, His-Running-Horse. This man was probably the owner of a well known racing pony.

m. Stands for Tasunke-inyanke, His-Running-Horse. This guy was likely the owner of a famous racing pony.

Fig. 546.—Four-Horn calumet.

Fig. 546.—Four-Horn peace pipe.

Fig. 546.—A Minneconjou Dakota, named Red-Fish’s-Son, danced the calumet dance. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1856-’57.

Fig. 546.—A Minneconjou Dakota, called Red-Fish’s-Son, performed the calumet dance. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1856-’57.

Maj. Bush says: “A Minneconjou, Red-Fish’s-Son, The-Ass, danced the Four-Horn calumet.”

Maj. Bush says: “A Minneconjou, Red-Fish’s-Son, The-Ass, danced the Four-Horn pipe.”

The peculiarly ornamented pipe, frequently portrayed and mentioned in the parts of the paper relative to the Dakotas, is, at least for the time of the duration of the ceremonies, the sign of the person who leads them.

The uniquely decorated pipe, often depicted and referenced in the sections of the paper about the Dakotas, represents, at least during the ceremonies, the individual who is leading them.

In connection with the display of pipes as insignia of authority and rank, Figs. 547 and 548 are introduced here.

In relation to the display of pipes as symbols of authority and rank, Figs. 547 and 548 are included here.

Fig. 547.—Two-Strike as partisan.

Fig. 547.—Two-Strike as a partisan.

Fig. 547, drawn and explained by an Oglala Dakota, exhibits four erect pipes, to show that he had led four war parties.

Fig. 547, drawn and explained by an Oglala Dakota, shows four upright pipes, indicating that he had led four war parties.

Fig. 548.—Lean-Wolf as partisan.

Fig. 548.—Lean-Wolf as supporter.

Fig. 548 is a copy of a drawing made by Lean-Wolf, when second chief of the Hidatsa, to represent himself. The horns on his head-dress show that he is a chief. The eagle feathers on his war bonnet, arranged in the special manner portrayed, also show high distinction as a warrior. His authority as “partisan,” or leader of a war party, is represented by the elevated pipe. His name is also added, with the usual line drawn from the head. He explained the outline character of the wolf, having a white body with the mouth unfinished, to show that it was hollow, nothing there; i. e., lean. The animal’s tail is drawn in detail and dark, to distinguish it from the body.

Fig. 548 is a copy of a drawing made by Lean-Wolf when he was the second chief of the Hidatsa, depicting himself. The horns on his headdress indicate that he is a chief. The eagle feathers on his war bonnet, arranged in a specific way, also signify high status as a warrior. His authority as a “partisan,” or leader of a war party, is symbolized by the elevated pipe. His name is included, with the usual line drawn from his head. He explained the outline of the wolf, showing it with a white body and an unfinished mouth to suggest that it is empty, meaning lean. The animal’s tail is drawn in detail and dark to differentiate it from the body.

The character for “partisan” is also shown in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the year 1842-’43.

The symbol for “partisan” is also displayed in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the year 1842-’43.

Fig. 549.—Micmac head dress in pictographs.

Fig. 549.—Micmac headpiece in pictures.

Fig. 549 gives three examples, actual size, of a large number of similar designs scratched on the rocks of Kejimkoojik lake, Nova Scotia. They were at first considered to be connected with the ceremonial or[425] mystery lodges, many sketches of which appear on the same rocks, and examples of which are given in Figs. 717 and 718. Undoubtedly there is some connection between the designs, but those now under consideration are recognized by the Indians of the general locality as the elaborate forms of head dress sometimes so extended as to become masks, which are still worn by a few of the Micmac and Abnaki women. Those women are or were of special authority and held positions in social and religious ceremonies. Their ornamental head coverings therefore were insignia of their rank. The modern specimens seen by the present writer are elaborately wrought with beads, quills, and embroidery on fine cloth, velvet or satin, but were originally of skin. The patterns still used show some fantastic connection with those of the rock drawings of this class, and again the latter reproduce some of the tracings on the ground plans of the mystery lodges before mentioned. The feathery branches of trees appearing on both of the two classes of illustrations are in the modern head coverings actual feathers. The first of the three figures shows the branch or feather inside of the pattern, and the other two have them outside, in which variation the bushes or branches of the medicine lodges show a similar proportion. The third sketch, in addition to the exterior feathers, shows flags or streamers, which in the ceremonial head gear in present use is imitated by ribbons.

Fig. 549 provides three actual-size examples of various similar designs etched into the rocks at Kejimkujik Lake, Nova Scotia. Initially, they were thought to be linked to the ceremonial or [425] mystery lodges, many sketches of which can be found on the same rocks, with examples shown in Figs. 717 and 718. There is certainly some relationship between the designs, but those now being discussed are recognized by the local Indigenous people as detailed forms of headdresses, sometimes so elaborate that they become masks. These are still worn by a few Micmac and Abnaki women, who hold or held significant authority and positions during social and religious ceremonies. Their decorative headpieces were symbols of their status. The modern examples seen by the author are intricately made with beads, quills, and embroidery on fine cloth, velvet, or satin, but they were originally made from animal hides. The patterns still in use have a fantastical link to those found in the rock drawings of this type, which also echo some of the designs on the floor plans of the mentioned mystery lodges. The feathery branches depicted in both sets of illustrations are represented in the modern head coverings as actual feathers. The first of the three figures shows the branch or feather incorporated within the pattern, while the other two have them outside, mirroring the proportions of the bushes or branches of the medicine lodges. The third sketch, in addition to the outer feathers, displays flags or streamers, which in current ceremonial headgear is echoed by ribbons.

Fig. 550.—Micmac chieftainess in pictograph.

Fig. 550.—Micmac chief woman in pictograph.

If there had been any doubt remaining of the interpretation of this class of drawing it would be removed by the presence of a number of contiguous and obviously contemporary sketches of which Fig. 550 is an example. Here the female chieftain or, perhaps, priestess appears in a ceremonial robe, with her head completely covered by one of these capote masks. The researches made not only establish the significance of this puzzling class of designs, but also show that their authors were of the Abnaki or Micmac branches of the Algonquian linguistic family.

If there were any remaining doubts about how to interpret this type of drawing, they would be cleared up by the presence of several nearby and clearly contemporary sketches, of which Fig. 550 is one example. Here, the female chieftain, or maybe a priestess, is shown in a ceremonial robe, with her head fully covered by one of these capote masks. The research conducted not only clarifies the meaning of this confusing group of designs but also reveals that their creators belonged to the Abnaki or Micmac branches of the Algonquian language family.

Fig. 551.—Insignia traced on rocks, Nova Scotia.

Fig. 551.—Symbols carved on rocks, Nova Scotia.

The two lower drawings in Fig. 551 were printed from the Kejimkoojik slate rocks, Nova Scotia, and are recognized by Micmacs of that peninsula as copies of insignia which they say their chiefs used to wear. The designs show some marks suggesting the artistic devices used in the Roman Catholic Church, though the figuration of the cross is by no means conclusive of European origin. The use of gorgets and other ornaments bearing special designs, as insignia of rank and authority, was well established, and it is quite possible that some of the Micmac designs were affected by the influence of the early missionaries, who indeed may have issued to the chiefs of their flock medals which adopted the general aboriginal style, but were redeemed by Christian symbols. There is no intrinsic evidence to decide whether these particular drawings were or were not made before the arrival of the earliest French missionaries.

The two lower drawings in Fig. 551 were printed from the Kejimkujik slate rocks in Nova Scotia and are recognized by the Micmacs of that peninsula as replicas of insignia that their chiefs supposedly wore. The designs feature some marks that suggest artistic styles used in the Roman Catholic Church, although the depiction of the cross doesn't definitively point to European origins. The use of gorgets and other ornaments with unique designs as symbols of rank and authority was well established, and it's quite possible that some Micmac designs were influenced by the early missionaries. They may have even given the chiefs of their community medals that incorporated a general Indigenous style but included Christian symbols. There is no clear evidence to determine whether these specific drawings were made before the arrival of the earliest French missionaries.

The upper right-hand drawing of the three trees with peculiar devices[427] near their several roots was also printed from one of the Kejimkoojik rocks. It became intelligible to the present writer after examination of a silver disk in the possession of Mrs. W. Wallace Brown, of Calais, Maine, which, not long before, had been owned by the head chief of the Passamaquoddy tribe, whose title had been modernized into “governor.” The disk, which is copied in the upper left-hand corner, was probably not of Indian workmanship, but appeared to have been ordered from a silversmith to be made from a Passamaquoddy design. It was known to represent the three superior officers of the tribe mentioned and had been worn by a former governor as a prized sign of his rank. The middle[429] device is for the governor and the right and left for the officers next in rank to him. The devices at the roots of the trees of the drawing before mentioned are noticeably similar. They may have been made, as were most of the other characters on the Kejimkoojik rocks, by the Micmacs, in which case it would seem that they designated their chiefs by emblems similar to those used by their congeners of the Passamaquoddy tribe or some member of the last-named tribe may have drawn the emblem on the rocks in the Micmac territory. In any case there is encouragement in the attempt to decipher petroglyphs from the fact that the tree drawing in Nova Scotia, which seemed without significance, was readily elucidated by a metal inscription found in Maine, the interpretation being verified through living Indians, not only in the two geographic divisions mentioned, but also by the Amalecites in New Brunswick.

The drawing in the upper right corner of the three trees with unusual symbols[427] near their roots was also printed from one of the Kejimkoojik rocks. The present author understood it after examining a silver disk owned by Mrs. W. Wallace Brown from Calais, Maine, which had recently been owned by the head chief of the Passamaquoddy tribe, whose title has been updated to “governor.” The disk, shown in the upper left corner, was probably not made by Native Americans but seems to have been commissioned from a silversmith based on a Passamaquoddy design. It was recognized to represent the three top officers of the tribe and had been worn by a former governor as a valued symbol of his position. The middle[429] symbol represents the governor, while the symbols on the right and left represent the officers directly below him. The symbols at the roots of the previously mentioned trees are noticeably similar. They may have been created, like many other characters on the Kejimkoojik rocks, by the Micmacs, suggesting they identified their chiefs with emblems similar to those used by the Passamaquoddy tribe. Alternatively, a member of the Passamaquoddy tribe might have drawn the emblem on the rocks within Micmac territory. In any case, the effort to interpret petroglyphs is encouraged by the fact that the tree drawing in Nova Scotia, which seemed meaningless, was easily explained by a metal inscription found in Maine. This interpretation was confirmed by living Native Americans, not only from the two mentioned regions but also by the Amalecites in New Brunswick.

Father P. J. De Smet (b), referring to the Piegan and Blackfeet or Satsika, describes the great Tail-Bearer:

Father P. J. De Smet (b), talking about the Piegan and Blackfeet or Satsika, describes the great Tail-Bearer:

His tail, composed of buffalo and horse hair, is about 7 or 8 feet long, and instead of wearing it behind, according to the usual fashion, it is fastened above his forehead and there formed into a spiral coil resembling a rhinoceros’s horn. Such a tail among the Blackfeet is a mark of greater distinction and bravery—in all probability the larger the tail the braver the person.

His tail, made of buffalo and horse hair, is about 7 or 8 feet long, and instead of hanging down like usual, it's attached above his forehead and shaped into a spiral coil that looks like a rhinoceros's horn. Among the Blackfeet, having such a tail signifies greater distinction and courage—in all likelihood, the bigger the tail, the braver the person.

The following description of a Chilkat ceremonial shirt, with the illustration reproduced in Fig. 552, is taken from Niblack (c):

The following description of a Chilkat ceremonial shirt, with the illustration shown in Fig. 552, is taken from Niblack (c):

Fig. 552.—Chilkat ceremonial shirt.

Fig. 552.—Chilkat ceremonial shirt.

The upper character in the figure represents the sea lion, and that below is a rear view of the same shirt ornamented with a design of wasko, a mythological animal of the wolf species. The edges and arm holes are bordered with red cloth and the whole garment is neatly made.

The upper figure shows the sea lion, and the one below is a rear view of the same shirt decorated with a design of wasko, a mythological wolf-like creature. The edges and armholes are lined with red cloth, and the entire garment is well-made.

The same authority describes a Chilkat cloak, with the illustration reproduced as Fig. 553, as follows:

The same source describes a Chilkat cloak, with the illustration shown as Fig. 553, as follows:

Fig. 553.—Chilkat ceremonial cloak.

Fig. 553.—Chilkat ceremonial robe.

It represents a cloak with a neck opening, ornamented in red cloth with the totemic design of the Orca or Killer. It is in the form of a truncated cone, with no openings for the arms.

It represents a coat with a neck opening, decorated in red fabric featuring the totemic design of the Orca or Killer Whale. It has the shape of a truncated cone, with no openings for the arms.

Fig. 554.—Chilkat ceremonial blanket.

Fig. 554.—Chilkat ceremonial blanket.

The same author gives description accompanying Pl. X, Figs. 33 and 34, of ceremonial blankets and coats. The first-mentioned drawing is reproduced here as Fig. 554:

The same author provides a description that goes along with Pl. X, Figs. 33 and 34, showing ceremonial blankets and coats. The first drawing mentioned is shown here as Fig. 554:

It is worn by Indians of rank and wealth on the northwest coast, commonly called a “Chilkat blanket,” because the best specimens come from the Chilkat country, although other tribes are more or less expert in weaving them. The warp is composed of twisted cord or twine of cedar bark fiber, and the woof of worsted spun from the wool of the mountain goat. Brown, yellow, black, and white are the colors used, and these are skillfully wrought into a pattern representing the totem or a totemic legend of the owner.

It is worn by wealthy and prominent Indigenous people on the northwest coast, commonly referred to as a “Chilkat blanket,” because the finest examples come from the Chilkat region, although other tribes also have varying levels of skill in weaving them. The warp is made from twisted cord or twine of cedar bark fiber, and the woof is from worsted spun from the wool of the mountain goat. The colors used include brown, yellow, black, and white, which are intricately woven into a pattern that represents the owner’s totem or a totemic legend.

The design on the blanket shown represents Hoorts, the bear.

The design on the blanket displayed shows Hoorts, the bear.

Fig. 555.—Chilkat ceremonial coat.

Fig. 555.—Chilkat ceremonial jacket.

Fig. 555 is described thus: “A ceremonial shirt or coat of similar workmanship as the blanket just described, is trimmed on the collar and cuffs with sea-otter fur.”

Fig. 555 is described as follows: “A ceremonial shirt or coat made with the same craftsmanship as the blanket mentioned earlier, is trimmed around the collar and cuffs with sea-otter fur.”

Fig. 556.—Bella Coola Indians.

Fig. 556.—Bella Coola Tribe.

In the Verhandl. der Berliner Gesellsch. für Anthrop. (a) is the illustration from which Fig. 556 is reproduced. It shows a group of Bella Coola Indians, which is made interesting by the elaborate ceremonial coat worn by the middle figure in the foreground.

In the Proceedings of the Berlin Society for Anthropology. (a) is the illustration from which Fig. 556 is reproduced. It shows a group of Bella Coola Indians, which is made interesting by the detailed ceremonial coat worn by the middle figure in the foreground.

Fig. 557.—Guatemala priest.

Fig. 557.—Guatemalan priest.

Dr. S. Habel (c) gives the following description of Fig. 557, which reproduces only the upper part of the sculpture:

Dr. S. Habel (c) provides the following description of Fig. 557, which shows just the upper part of the sculpture:

The design represents in low relief an erect human figure in profile, with the head and shoulders slightly inclined forward. The body is apparently naked, excepting those portions which are concealed by elaborate ornaments, the most prominent of which is a crab covering the head. Since there is every reason to believe the figure to represent a priest, the crab may be taken as the emblem of priestly rank.

The design shows a sideways view of a standing human figure, with the head and shoulders leaning slightly forward. The body looks mostly bare, except for some intricate decorations, with the most noticeable being a crab on the head. Since there's good reason to think the figure represents a priest, the crab can be seen as a symbol of priestly status.

Pls. LXV and LXVI of the Codex Mendoza, in Vol. I of Lord Kingsborough’s Antiquities of Mexico, exhibit the devices and insignia of[432] the soldiers who advanced step by step to higher command, according to their military achievements. The chief criterion, indeed the only one mentioned for these steps and promotions, was the number of prisoners severally taken by the soldiers in war. From the large number of degrees in rank and titles of valor expressed in the above-mentioned plates, a number have been selected and copies of them, exact in drawing, size, and coloration, are presented here in Pls. XXVIII and XXIX. The quaint text relating to them is in Kingsborough (p).

Plates LXV and LXVI of the Codex Mendoza, in Vol. I of Lord Kingsborough’s Antiquities of Mexico, show the symbols and insignia of[432] the soldiers who progressed step by step to higher ranks, based on their military accomplishments. The main criteria, actually the only one mentioned for these promotions, was the number of prisoners each soldier captured in battle. From the many ranks and titles of valor listed in the aforementioned plates, several have been chosen, and accurate copies of them, in drawing, size, and color, are presented here in Plates XXVIII and XXIX. The interesting text connected to them is found in Kingsborough (p).

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVIII
MEXICAN MILITARY INSIGNIA.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVIII
MEXICAN MILITARY INSIGNIA.

Pl. XXVIII.—a represents a young man who if he took any prisoners was presented with a square mantle bearing a device of flowers as a sign of valor. He holds a prisoner by the hair. b: This brave man has been presented with a device of arms, which he wears, and with a square orange-colored mantle with a scarlet fringe besides, as a sign of valor, on account of his having taken prisoner two of the enemy, one of whom he holds by the hair. c: This brave man, whose title is that of Quachie, and device of arms such as he wears, bears proof that he has captured five prisoners in war, besides having taken many other prisoners from the enemy in other wars. He also is drawn holding a prisoner. d: This brave man, whose title is Tlacatecatl and device the robe which he wears, with his braided hair and the insignia of a rich plume, declares by his presence that he has obtained the title of a valiant and distinguished person, by merit surpassing that of the others who are represented behind him.

Pl. XXVIII.—a shows a young man who, if he captured any prisoners, was awarded a square cloak with a floral design as a symbol of bravery. He's holding a prisoner by the hair. b: This courageous man has been given a coat of arms, which he wears, along with a square orange cloak with a red fringe, as a mark of honor for capturing two enemy soldiers, one of whom he holds by the hair. c: This brave man, known as Quachie, displays the coat of arms he wears as evidence that he has taken five prisoners in battle, in addition to capturing many others from the enemy in different conflicts. He is also depicted holding a prisoner. d: This courageous man, titled Tlacatecatl, wears a robe and has braided hair with a luxurious plume, signifying that he has earned the title of a valiant and distinguished individual, with merits exceeding those of the others depicted behind him.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIX
MEXICAN MILITARY INSIGNIA.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIX
MEXICAN MILITARY INSIGNIA.

In Pl. XXIX.—a: An Alfaqui or superior officer, who merits further promotion and to whom has been presented as a reward for his valor, on account of his having taken three prisoners in war, the device and arms which he wears. He grasps a prisoner by the hair. b: The same Alfaqui, who, as a sign of valor on account of his having captured four of the enemy, has been presented with the device of arms which he wears. He holds a prisoner as before.

In Pl. XXIX.—a: An Alfaqui or senior officer, who deserves a promotion and has been rewarded for his bravery by receiving the insignia and arms he is wearing, due to capturing three prisoners in battle. He is holding a prisoner by the hair. b: The same Alfaqui, who, as a symbol of bravery for having taken four enemy captives, has been given the insignia of arms he is wearing. He is holding a prisoner as before.

Each one of the remaining figures in the plate of Kingsborough declares the titles which officers gained and acquired in the exercise of arms, by which they rose to higher rank, the kings of Mexico creating them captains and generals of their forces or as officers of dispatch [similar to aids-de-camp] to execute their orders, whether they related to the affairs of their own kingdom or to those of the other vassal states, who promptly obeyed without in any manner deviating from the commands which they had received. The two selected are shown in the present Pl. XXIX, viz: c, Ezguaguacatl, an officer of dispatch, and d, Tocinltecatl, a man of distinguished courage in war and one of the officers who filled the post of generals of the Mexican armies.

Each of the figures remaining in Kingsborough’s plate illustrates the titles that officers earned during military service, which helped them rise to higher ranks. The kings of Mexico appointed them as captains and generals of their forces or as dispatch officers (similar to aids-de-camp) to carry out their orders, whether those orders were related to their own kingdom or to that of the other vassal states, which promptly obeyed without straying from the commands they received. The two selected are shown in the present Pl. XXIX, namely: c, Ezguaguacatl, a dispatch officer, and d, Tocinltecatl, a man known for his bravery in battle and one of the officers who served as generals of the Mexican armies.

Wiener (b), p. 763, says:

Wiener (b), p. 763, says:

Passing in review the numerous delineations of men on the different tissues in the Peruvian graves, it is to be remarked that a chief is always recognized by a panache, which for the decurion has two plumes, for the centurion four, for the chief of a thousand men six, and the colors of these plumes indicate civil or military functions.

Passing in review the numerous depictions of men on the different materials found in the Peruvian graves, it’s worth noting that a chief is always identified by a feather headdress, which has two plumes for a decurion, four for a centurion, six for a chief of a thousand men, and the colors of these plumes indicate civil or military roles.

A. W. Howitt (e) says:

A. W. Howitt (e) says:

Messengers in central Australia sent to form a Pinya to avenge a death wear a kind of net on the head and a white frontlet in which is stuck a feather. The messenger is painted with yellow ochre and pipeclay and bears a bunch of emu feathers stuck in his girdle at the back, at the spine. He carries part of the deceased’s beard or some balls of pipeclay from the head of one of those mourning for him. These are shown at the destination of the messenger and are at once understood.

Messengers in central Australia, sent to create a Pinya to avenge a death, wear a type of net on their heads and a white band around their forehead with a feather stuck in it. The messenger is painted with yellow ochre and pipe clay, and has a bunch of emu feathers attached to his girdle at the back, near the spine. He carries part of the deceased’s beard or some balls of pipe clay from one of those mourning for him. These are displayed at the messenger's destination and are immediately understood.

The same author, p. 78, reports:

The same author, p. 78, reports:

A third party which the Dieri sent out was the dreaded Pinya. It was the avenger of the dead, of those who were believed to have been done to death by sorcery.

A third party that the Dieri sent out was the feared Pinya. It was the avenger of the dead, those who were thought to have been killed by sorcery.

The appearance at a camp of one or more men marked each with a white band round the head, with diagonal white and red stripes across the breast and stomach, and with the point of the beard tied up and tipped with human hair, is the sign of a Pinya being about. These men do not converse on ordinary matters, and their appearance is a warning to the camp to listen attentively and to reply truly to such questions as may be put concerning the whereabouts of the condemned man. Knowing the remorseless spirit of the Pinya, any and every question is answered in terror.

The arrival at a camp of one or more men, each wearing a white band around their heads and diagonal white and red stripes across their chests and stomachs, with their beards tied up and tipped with human hair, signals that a Pinya is nearby. These men don't talk about regular things, and their presence serves as a warning for the camp to pay close attention and to answer honestly to any questions regarding the location of the condemned man. Given the relentless nature of the Pinya, every question is answered in fear.

SIGNS OF INDIVIDUAL ACHIEVEMENTS.

Prince Maximilian of Wied, (b) gives an account explanatory of Figs. 558 and 559:

Prince Maximilian of Wied, (b) provides an explanation of Figs 558 and 559:

Fig. 558.—Mark of exploit. Dakota.

Fig. 558.—Sign of achievement. Dakota.

Fig. 559.—Killed with fist. Dakota.

Fig. 559.—Killed by fist. Dakota.

The Sioux highly prize personal bravery, and therefore constantly wear the marks of distinction which they have received for their exploits; among these are, especially, tufts of human hair attached to the arms and legs, and feathers on their heads. He who, in the sight of the adversaries, touches a slain or living enemy places a feather horizontally in his hair for this exploit.

The Sioux greatly value personal bravery and therefore always display the marks of distinction they've earned for their deeds; these include, in particular, tufts of human hair attached to their arms and legs, and feathers in their hair. A person who, in front of their enemies, touches a dead or living opponent places a feather horizontally in their hair to signify this achievement.

They look upon this as a very distinguished act, for many are killed in the attempt before the object is attained. He who kills an enemy by a blow with his fist sticks a feather upright in his hair.

They see this as a very impressive feat, because many are killed in the attempt before achieving the goal. Someone who kills an enemy with a punch puts a feather standing up in their hair.

If the enemy is killed with a musket a small piece of wood is put in the hair, which is intended to represent a ramrod. If a warrior is distinguished by many deeds he has a right to wear the great feather-cap with ox-horns. This cap, composed of eagle feathers, which are fastened to a long strip of red cloth hanging down the back, is highly valued by all the tribes on the Missouri. * * * Whoever first[434] discovers the enemy and gives notice to his comrades of their approach is allowed to wear a small feather which is stripped except towards the top.

If an enemy is killed with a musket, a small piece of wood is placed in the hair to symbolize a ramrod. A warrior recognized for his many achievements has the right to wear the grand feather cap with ox horns. This cap, made of eagle feathers attached to a long strip of red cloth hanging down the back, is highly valued by all the tribes along the Missouri. * * * Whoever first[434] spots the enemy and alerts his comrades about their approach gets to wear a small feather that is stripped except for the top.

The following scheme, used by the Dakotas, is taken from Mrs. Eastman’s Dahcotah. Colors are not given, but red undoubtedly predominates, as is known from personal observation.

The following scheme, used by the Dakotas, is taken from Mrs. Eastman’s Dahcotah. Colors aren’t specified, but red clearly dominates, based on personal observation.

Fig. 560.—Killed an enemy. Dakota.

Fig. 560.—Took down an enemy. Dakota.

A spot upon the larger web denotes that the wearer has killed an enemy. Fig. 560.

A mark on the larger web indicates that the wearer has killed an enemy. Fig. 560.

Fig. 561.—Cut throat and scalped. Dakota.

Fig. 561.—Throat cut and scalp removed. Dakota.

Fig. 561 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy and taken his scalp.

Fig. 561 indicates that the person wearing it has killed their enemy and taken their scalp.

Fig. 562.—Cut enemy’s throat. Dakota.

Fig. 562.—Cut enemy's throat. Dakota.

Fig. 562 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy.

Fig. 562 shows that the wearer has killed his enemy by cutting their throat.

Fig. 563.—Third to strike. Dakota.

Fig. 563.—Third to hit. Dakota.

Fig. 563 denotes that the wearer was the third that touched the body of his enemy after he was killed.

Fig. 563 indicates that the wearer was the third person to touch the body of his enemy after he was killed.

Fig. 564.—Fourth to strike. Dakota.

Fig. 564.—Fourth to hit. Dakota.

Fig. 564 denotes that the wearer was the fourth that touched the body of his enemy after he was killed.

Fig. 564 indicates that the wearer was the fourth person to touch the body of his enemy after he had been killed.

Fig. 565.—Fifth to strike. Dakota.

Fig. 565.—Fifth to strike. Dakota.

Fig. 565 denotes that the wearer was the fifth that touched the body of his enemy after he was killed.

Fig. 565 indicates that the wearer was the fifth person to touch the body of his enemy after the enemy was killed.

Fig. 566.—Many wounds. Dakota.

Fig. 566.—Multiple wounds. Dakota.

Fig. 566 denotes that the wearer has been wounded in many places by the enemy.

Fig. 566 shows that the wearer has been injured in several places by the enemy.

The following variations in the scheme were noticed in 1883 among the Mdewakantanwan Dakotas, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota.

The following changes in the plan were observed in 1883 among the Mdewakantanwan Dakotas, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota.

Feathers of the eagle are used as among the other bands of Dakotas.

Feathers from the eagle are used alongside other bands of Dakotas.

A plain feather is used to signify that the wearer has killed an enemy, without regard to the manner in which he was slain.

A plain feather is worn to show that the wearer has killed an enemy, regardless of how the enemy was killed.

When the end is clipped transversely, and the edge colored red, it signifies that the throat of the enemy was cut.

When the end is cut across and the edge is colored red, it means the enemy's throat was slit.

A black feather denotes that an Ojibwa woman was killed. Enemies are considered as Ojibwas, that being the tribe with which the Mdewakantanwan Dakotas have been most in collision.

A black feather signifies that an Ojibwa woman was murdered. Enemies are seen as Ojibwas, which is the tribe that the Mdewakantanwan Dakotas have had the most conflict with.

When a warrior has been wounded a red spot is painted upon the broad side of a feather. If the wearer has been shot in the body, arms, or legs, a red spot is painted upon his clothing or blanket, immediately over the locality of the wound. These red spots are sometimes worked in porcupine quills, or in cotton fiber as now obtained from the traders.

When a warrior gets injured, a red spot is painted on the wide side of a feather. If the person has been shot in the body, arms, or legs, a red spot is painted on their clothes or blanket, right over the area of the wound. These red spots are sometimes made with porcupine quills, or in cotton fiber that is now acquired from traders.

Belden (a) says:

Belden says:

Among the Sioux an eagle’s feather with a red spot painted on it, worn by a warrior in the village, denotes that on the last war-path he killed an enemy, and for every additional enemy he has slain he carries another feather painted with an additional red spot about the size of a silver quarter.

Among the Sioux, an eagle feather with a red spot painted on it, worn by a warrior in the village, signifies that he killed an enemy on his most recent warpath. For each additional enemy he has slain, he carries another feather painted with an extra red spot about the size of a quarter.

A red hand painted on a warrior’s blanket denotes that he has been wounded by the enemy, and a black one that he has been unfortunate in some way.

A red hand painted on a warrior’s blanket indicates that he has been injured by the enemy, while a black one signifies that he has experienced misfortune in some way.

Boller (a) in Among the Indians, p. 284, describes a Sioux as wearing a number of small wood shavings stained with vermilion in his hair, each the symbol of a wound received.

Boller (a) in Among the Indians, p. 284, describes a Sioux as having a bunch of small wood shavings dyed with red in his hair, with each one representing a wound he’s received.

Lynd (c) gives a device differing from all the foregoing, with an explanation:

Lynd (c) presents a device that is different from all the ones mentioned earlier, along with an explanation:

To the human body the Dakotas give four spirits. The first is supposed to be a spirit of the body, and dies with the body. The second is a spirit which always remains with or near the body. Another is the soul which accounts for the deeds of the body, and is supposed by some to go to the south, by others to the west, after the death of the body. The fourth always lingers with the small bundle of the hair of the deceased kept by the relatives until they have a chance to throw it into the enemy’s country, when it becomes a roving, restless spirit, bringing death and disease to the enemy whose country it is in.

To the human body, the Dakotas assign four spirits. The first is believed to be a spirit of the body, which dies along with the body. The second is a spirit that always stays with or near the body. Another is the soul that accounts for the actions of the body, and some believe it goes to the south, while others think it goes to the west after the body dies. The fourth spirit stays with the small bundle of the deceased's hair, kept by relatives until they can throw it into enemy territory, where it becomes a wandering, restless spirit, bringing death and disease to the enemies in that land.

From this belief arose the practice of wearing four scalp-feathers for each enemy slain in battle, one for each soul.

From this belief came the tradition of wearing four scalp feathers for each enemy killed in battle, one for each soul.

It should be noted that all the foregoing signs of individual achievements are given by the several authorities as used by the same body of Indians, the Dakota or Sioux. This, however, is a large body, divided into tribes, and it is possible that a different scheme was used in the several tribes. But the accounts are so conflicting that error in either observation or description or both is to be suspected.

It should be noted that all the signs of individual achievements mentioned earlier are recognized by various authorities within the same group of Indians, the Dakota or Sioux. However, this is a large group divided into different tribes, and it's possible that each tribe had its own system. But the accounts are so conflicting that there may be mistakes in either observation, description, or both.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey (b) explains the devices on the shield of a Teton Dakota:

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey (b) explains the symbols on the shield of a Teton Dakota:

* * * The three pipes on the shield, in a colored sketch prepared by Bushotter, denote that on so many expeditions he carried a war pipe. The red stripes declare how many of the enemy were wounded by him, and the human heads show the number of foes that he killed. The half moon means that he shouted at his foes on a certain night. Once he threw aside his arms and engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle with a foe; this is shown by the human hand. The horse tracks indicate that he ran off with so many horses. If his name was Black Hawk, for instance, a black hawk was painted in the middle of his shield.

* * * The three pipes on the shield, in a colored sketch done by Bushotter, indicate how many expeditions he took with a war pipe. The red stripes show how many enemies he wounded, and the human heads represent how many foes he killed. The half moon signifies that he shouted at his enemies one night. Once he put down his weapons and fought a foe in close combat; this is represented by the human hand. The horse tracks indicate how many horses he ran off with. If his name was Black Hawk, for example, a black hawk was painted in the center of his shield.

Irving (a), in Astoria, says of the Arikara:

Irving (a), in Astoria, discusses the Arikara:

He who has killed an enemy in his own land is entitled to drag at his heels a fox skin attached to each moccasin; and he who has slain a grizzly bear wears a necklace of his claws, the most glorious trophy that a hunter can exhibit.

He who has killed an enemy on his own territory is allowed to drag a fox skin tied to each moccasin; and he who has slain a grizzly bear wears a necklace made of its claws, the greatest trophy a hunter can show off.

Prince Maximilian, of Wied (c), thus reports on the designations of the Mandans connected with the present topic:

Prince Maximilian of Wied (c) reports on the names of the Mandans related to the current topic:

The Mandans wear the large horned feather cap; this is a cap consisting of strips of white ermine with pieces of red cloth hanging down behind as far as the calves of the legs, to which is attached an upright row of black and white eagle feathers, beginning at the head and reaching to the whole length. Only distinguished warriors who have performed many exploits may wear this headdress.

The Mandans wear a large horned feather cap, which is made of strips of white ermine with pieces of red cloth hanging down behind to the calves. It features an upright row of black and white eagle feathers that starts at the top and goes all the way down. Only distinguished warriors who have accomplished many feats are allowed to wear this headdress.

If the Mandans give away one or more of these headdresses, which they estimate very highly, they are immediately considered men of great importance. * * * On their buffalo robes they often represent this feather cap under the image of a sun. Very celebrated and eminent warriors, when most highly decorated, wear in their hair various pieces of wood as signals of their wounds and heroic deeds. Thus Mato-Topé had fastened transversely in his hair a wooden knife painted red and about the length of a hand, because he had killed a Cheyenne chief with his knife; then six wooden sticks, painted red, blue, and yellow, with a brass nail at one end, indicating so many musket wounds which he had received. For an arrow wound he fastened in his hair the wing feather of a wild turkey; at the back of his head he wore a large bunch of owl’s feathers, dyed yellow, with red tips, as the badge of the Meniss-Ochata (the dog band). The half of his face was painted red and the other yellow; his body was painted reddish-brown, with narrow stripes, which were produced by taking off the color with the tip of the finger wetted. On his arms, from the shoulder downwards, he had seventeen yellow stripes, which indicated his warlike deeds, and on his breast the figure of a hand, of a yellow color, as a sign that he had captured some prisoners.

If the Mandans give away one or more of these headdresses, which they value highly, they are immediately seen as men of great importance. * * * On their buffalo robes, they often depict this feather cap under the image of a sun. Highly celebrated warriors, when most decorated, wear different pieces of wood in their hair as symbols of their wounds and heroic deeds. For example, Mato-Topé had tied a wooden knife painted red, about the length of a hand, across his hair because he killed a Cheyenne chief with it. He also had six wooden sticks painted red, blue, and yellow, with a brass nail at one end, representing the musket wounds he had incurred. To signify an arrow wound, he attached the wing feather of a wild turkey in his hair; at the back of his head, he wore a large bunch of owl feathers dyed yellow with red tips, showing his affiliation with the Meniss-Ochata (the dog band). Half of his face was painted red and the other yellow; his body was painted reddish-brown with narrow stripes made by rubbing off the pigment with a wet fingertip. On his arms, from the shoulder down, he had seventeen yellow stripes, indicating his acts of valor, and on his chest was a yellow handprint, signifying that he had taken some prisoners.

* * * A Mandan may have performed many exploits and yet not be allowed to wear tufts of hair on his clothes, unless he carries a medicine pipe and has been the leader of a war party. When a young man who has never performed an exploit is the first to kill an enemy on a warlike expedition he paints a spiral line round his arm, of whatever color he pleases, and he may then wear a whole wolf’s tail at the ankle or heel of one foot. If he has first killed and touched the enemy he paints a line running obliquely round the arm and another crossing it in the opposite direction, with three transverse stripes. On killing the second enemy he paints his left leg (that is, the leggin) a reddish-brown. If he kills the second enemy before another is killed by his comrades he may wear two entire wolves’ tails at his heels. On his third exploit he paints two longitudinal stripes on his arms and three transverse stripes. This is the exploit that is esteemed the highest; after the third exploit no more marks are made. If he kills an enemy after others of the party have done the same he may wear on his heel one wolf’s tail, the tip of which is cut off.

* * * A Mandan may have achieved many feats but still not be allowed to wear tufts of hair on his clothes unless he carries a medicine pipe and has led a war party. When a young man who hasn't yet achieved any feat is the first to kill an enemy during a military expedition, he paints a spiral line around his arm in any color he chooses, and he can then wear a whole wolf’s tail at the ankle or heel of one foot. If he kills and touches the enemy first, he paints a line running diagonally around his arm with another crossing it in the opposite direction, along with three horizontal stripes. After killing a second enemy, he paints his left leg (the legging) a reddish-brown. If he manages to kill the second enemy before anyone else in his group does, he can wear two whole wolves’ tails at his heels. For his third feat, he paints two vertical stripes on his arms and three horizontal stripes. This third feat is considered the highest honor; no additional marks are made after this. If he kills an enemy after others in the group have done so, he can wear one wolf’s tail on his heel, with the tip cut off.

The Hidatsa scheme of designating achievements was obtained by Dr. Hoffman, at Fort Berthold, North Dakota, during 1881, and now follows:

The Hidatsa way of recognizing achievements was gathered by Dr. Hoffman at Fort Berthold, North Dakota, in 1881, and is now as follows:

Fig. 567.—Marks of exploits, Hidatsa.

Fig. 567.—Signs of achievements, Hidatsa.

A feather, to the tip of which is attached a tuft of down or several strands of horse hair, dyed red, denotes that the wearer has killed an enemy and that he was the first to touch or strike him with the coup stick. Fig. 567 a.

A feather with a tuft of down or several strands of red-dyed horsehair attached to the tip indicates that the wearer has killed an enemy and was the first to touch or strike him with the coup stick. Fig. 567 a.

A feather bearing one red bar made with vermillion, signifies the wearer to have been the second person to strike the fallen enemy with the coup stick. Same Fig. b.

A feather with one red stripe made from vermillion indicates that the wearer was the second person to hit the fallen enemy with the coup stick. Same Fig. b.

A feather bearing two red bars signifies that the wearer was the third person to strike the body. Same Fig. c.

A feather with two red stripes indicates that the wearer was the third person to hit the body. Same Fig. c.

Fig. 568.—Marks of exploits, Hidatsa.

Fig. 568.—Hidatsa exploit marks.

A feather with three bars signifies that the wearer was the fourth to strike the fallen enemy. Fig. 568 a. Beyond this number honors are not counted.

A feather with three bars means that the person wearing it was the fourth to hit the defeated enemy. Fig. 568 a. Beyond this number, honors are not counted.

A red feather denotes that the wearer was wounded in an encounter with an enemy. Fig. 568 b.

A red feather signifies that the person wearing it was injured in a fight with an enemy. Fig. 568 b.

A narrow strip of rawhide or buckskin is wrapped from end to end with porcupine quills dyed red, though sometimes a few white ones are inserted to break the monotony of color. This strip is attached to the inner surface of the rib or shaft of the quill by means of very thin fibers of sinew, and signifies that the wearer killed a woman belonging to a hostile tribe. It is shown in Fig. 568 c. In very fine specimens the quills are directly applied to the shaft without resorting to the strap of leather.

A narrow strip of rawhide or buckskin is wrapped from end to end with red-dyed porcupine quills, although sometimes a few white ones are added to break up the color. This strip is secured to the inner surface of the rib or shaft of the quill using very thin sinew fibers and indicates that the wearer killed a woman from an enemy tribe. It is shown in Fig. 568 c. In high-quality specimens, the quills are attached directly to the shaft without using the leather strap.

Similar marks denoting exploits are used by the Hidatsa, Mandan, and Arikara Indians. The Hidatsa claim to have been the originators of the devices.

Similar symbols representing achievements are used by the Hidatsa, Mandan, and Arikara tribes. The Hidatsa assert that they were the pioneers of these symbols.

The following characters are marked upon robes and blankets, usually in red or blue colors, and often upon the boat paddles. Frequently an Indian has them painted upon his thighs, though this is generally resorted to only on festal occasions or for dancing.

The following characters are drawn on robes and blankets, usually in red or blue, and often on the boat paddles. Often, an Indian has them painted on his thighs, although this is generally done only during celebrations or for dancing.

Fig. 569.—Successful defense. Hidatsa, etc.

Fig. 569.—Successful defense. Hidatsa, etc.

Fig. 569 denotes that the wearer successfully defended himself against the enemy by throwing up a ridge of earth or sand to protect the body. The manner of depicting this mark upon the person or clothing is shown in Pl. XXX upon the shirt of the third figure in the lower row.

Fig. 569 shows that the wearer successfully defended himself against the enemy by creating a barrier of earth or sand to shield his body. The way this mark is represented on the person or clothing is illustrated in Pl. XXX on the shirt of the third figure in the bottom row.

Fig. 570.—Two successful defenses. Hidatsa, etc.

Fig. 570.—Two successful defenses. Hidatsa, etc.

Fig. 570 signifies that the wearer has upon two different occasions defended himself by hiding his body within low earthworks. The character is merely a compound of two of the preceding marks placed together. Both of the devices shown in Figs. 569 and 570 are displayed on the clothing in Fig. 575, drawn by a Hidatsa.

Fig. 570 indicates that the wearer has defended himself on two different occasions by taking cover behind low earthworks. The character is simply a combination of two of the earlier marks placed together. Both of the symbols shown in Figs. 569 and 570 appear on the clothing in Fig. 575, illustrated by a Hidatsa.

Fig. 571.—Captured a horse. Hidatsa, etc.

Fig. 571.—Caught a horse. Hidatsa, etc.

Fig. 571 signifies that the one who carries this mark upon his blanket, leggings, boat paddle, or any other property, or upon his person, has distinguished himself by capturing a horse belonging to a hostile tribe. This character appears upon the garments and legs of several of the human figures in Pl. XXX, drawn by a Hidatsa, at Fort Berthold, North Dakota.

Fig. 571 indicates that anyone who has this mark on their blanket, leggings, boat paddle, or other possessions, or on their body, has distinguished themselves by capturing a horse from an enemy tribe. This symbol appears on the clothing and legs of several human figures in Pl. XXX, created by a Hidatsa artist at Fort Berthold, North Dakota.

Fig. 572.—Exploit marks, Hidatsa.

Fig. 572.—Exploit marks, Hidatsa.

In Fig. 572, a signifies among the Hidatsa and Mandans that the wearer was the first person to strike a fallen enemy with a coup stick. It signifies among the Arikara simply that the wearer killed an enemy.

In Fig. 572, a indicates among the Hidatsa and Mandans that the wearer was the first to hit a fallen enemy with a coup stick. Among the Arikara, it simply means that the wearer killed an enemy.

b represents among the Hidatsa and Mandans the second person to strike a fallen enemy. It represents among the Arikara the first person to strike the fallen enemy.

b represents the second person to hit a fallen enemy among the Hidatsa and Mandans. It represents the first person to hit the fallen enemy among the Arikara.

c denotes the third person to strike the enemy, according to the Hidatsa and Mandan; the second person to strike him according to the Arikara.

c represents the third person to hit the enemy, according to the Hidatsa and Mandan; the second person to hit him according to the Arikara.

d shows among the Hidatsa and Mandan the fourth person to strike the fallen enemy. This is the highest and last number; the fifth person to risk the danger is considered brave for venturing so near the ground held by the enemy, but has no right to wear a mark therefor.

d shows that among the Hidatsa and Mandan, the fourth person to attack the fallen enemy is recognized. This is the highest and final number; the fifth person to take the risk is seen as brave for coming so close to the enemy's territory, but they are not entitled to wear a mark for it.

The same mark among the Arikara represents the person to be the third to strike the enemy.

The same mark among the Arikara signifies that the person is the third to attack the enemy.

e, according to the Arikara, represents the fourth person to strike the enemy.

e, according to the Arikara, represents the fourth person to attack the enemy.

According to the Hidatsa, the wearer of the mark f had figured in four encounters; in those recorded by the marks in each of the two lateral spaces he was the second to strike the fallen enemy, and the marks in the upper and lower spaces signify that he was the third person upon two other occasions.

According to the Hidatsa, the person with the mark f had been involved in four battles; in the accounts shown by the marks in each of the two side areas, he was the second to strike the fallen enemy, and the marks in the upper and lower areas indicate that he was the third person on two other occasions.

Fig. 573.—Record of exploits.

Fig. 573.—Log of exploits.

The marks at c, in Fig. 572, may be compared with Fig. 573. The head of the victim in this instance is a white man. Such drawings are not made upon the person or clothing of the hero, but upon buffalo robes or other substances used for record of biographical events.

The marks at c, in Fig. 572, can be compared with Fig. 573. The head of the victim in this case is a white man. These drawings are not made on the person or clothing of the hero, but on buffalo robes or other materials used to record biographical events.

Fig. 574.—Record of exploits.

Fig. 574.—Record of achievements.

The marks at d, in Fig. 572, are drawn on records in the mode shown in Fig. 574.

The marks at d, in Fig. 572, are recorded in the way shown in Fig. 574.

Illustrations of the actual mode of wearing several of the above devices appear in Fig. 575, drawn by a Hidatsa.

Illustrations of how to actually wear several of the devices mentioned above are shown in Fig. 575, created by a Hidatsa.

Fig. 575.—Exploit marks as worn.

Fig. 575.—Worn exploit marks.

The mark of a black hand, sometimes made by the impress of an actually blackened palm or drawn of natural size, or less, signifies that the person authorized to wear the mark has killed an enemy.

The mark of a black hand, sometimes created by pressing an actual blackened palm or drawn to scale or smaller, signifies that the person allowed to wear the mark has killed an enemy.

Fig. 576.—Scalp taken.

Fig. 576.—Scalp acquired.

Fig. 576, drawn by a Hidatsa, means that the owner of the robe or record on which it appears had taken a scalp. Fig. 577, also drawn by a Hidatsa, means that the bearer struck the enemy in the order above mentioned and took his scalp and his gun.

Fig. 576, created by a Hidatsa, signifies that the owner of the robe or record it appears on had taken a scalp. Fig. 577, also created by a Hidatsa, indicates that the bearer attacked the enemy as described above and took his scalp and gun.

Fig. 577.—Scalp and gun taken.

Fig. 577.—Scalp and gun acquired.

The drawing reproduced on Pl. XXX was made by a Hidatsa at Fort Berthold, North Dakota. It represents several dancing figures, upon which the several marks of personal achievements can be recognized. The fourth figure of the upper row shows the wearer to have been the second person to strike an enemy upon four different occasions. Upon the right-hand figure of the lower row two distinct marks will be observed; that upon the wearer’s left leg indicating him to have been the second to strike an enemy upon two different occasions; and the mark upon the right leg, that he was twice the second person to strike enemies, and twice the third person to perform that exploit.

The drawing shown on Pl. XXX was created by a Hidatsa at Fort Berthold, North Dakota. It depicts several dancing figures, each marked with personal achievements. The fourth figure in the top row indicates that the person was the second to hit an enemy on four different occasions. On the right figure in the bottom row, two distinct marks can be seen; the mark on the wearer's left leg shows he was the second to strike an enemy on two different occasions, and the mark on the right leg indicates that he was twice the second person to hit enemies and twice the third person to do so.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXX
HIDATSA DANCERS BEARING EXPLOIT MARKS.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXX
HIDATSA DANCERS SHOWING TRADITIONAL MARKS.

Miss Agnes Crane (a), in an article on Ancient Mexican Heraldry, seems to assert that the evidence of emblems in the western hemisphere as boastful records of individual achievements is confined to Mexico. The present section may supply the evidence lacking.

Miss Agnes Crane (a), in an article on Ancient Mexican Heraldry, seems to claim that the examples of emblems in the western hemisphere as proud records of personal accomplishments are limited to Mexico. This section may provide the evidence that is missing.

The following information regarding Winnebago devices of the character now under consideration was given by St. Cyr, a mixed blood Winnebago, in April, 1886.

The following information about Winnebago devices currently under discussion was provided by St. Cyr, a mixed-blood Winnebago, in April 1886.

To show that the wearer killed a man, strike the muddy hand upon the body or horse. Clay of any kind is used. When 20 men have been killed, an otter skin is worn on the back. A skunk skin worn on the calf signifies a man killed.

To prove that the person killed someone, press the muddy hand onto the body or horse. Any type of clay is acceptable. When 20 men have been killed, an otter skin is worn on the back. A skunk skin worn on the calf signifies a killed man.

Scented grass worn on the neck or the wrist shows that a prisoner had been captured and tied with grass in the absence of other cords.

Scented grass worn around the neck or wrist indicates that a prisoner was captured and bound with grass instead of other materials.

To show that the wearer had been wounded, cover the part of the body with white clay, and indicate the spot with red paint.

To indicate that the wearer has been injured, cover that part of the body with white clay and mark the spot with red paint.

Paul Kane (a) says that among the Cree Indians red earth was spotted on a leg to indicate that the wearer had been wounded.

Paul Kane (a) says that among the Cree Indians, red earth was marked on a leg to show that the person had been injured.

Prof. Dall (b) tells of the Sitka-Kwan:

Prof. Dall (b) talks about the Sitka-Kwan:

They perforate their noses, wearing a ring adorned with feathers. They make a succession of perforations all around the edge of the ears, which are ornamented with scarlet thread, shark’s teeth, or pieces of shell. Each hole is usually the record of a deed performed or a feast given by the person so adorned.

They pierce their noses and wear a ring decorated with feathers. They create a series of holes around the edges of their ears, which are adorned with red thread, shark teeth, or bits of shell. Each hole typically represents a significant event or a feast hosted by the person wearing the adornments.

PROPERTY MARKS.

This topic, upon which much interesting material has been collected in many geographic and ethnologic divisions of the earth, can not include objectively or pictorially many genuine and distinctive illustrations from the North American Indians. The reason for this paucity is that the individual Indian had very little property. Nearly everything which could be classed as personal property belonged to his tribe or, more generally, to his clan or gens. Yet articles of a man’s personal manufacture, such as arrows, were often marked in such a manner as to be distinguished. Those marks, many examples of which are upon arrows in the U. S. National Museum, are not of sufficient general interest to be reproduced here. They are not valuable unless they are connected with the makers or owners by a concurrence of the devices with the signs adopted by persons or by classes, the evidence of which can not now except in rare instances be procured. Most of the devices mentioned seem to have degenerated into mere ornamentation, which might be expected, because the arrows are not of great antiquity, and during recent years the records which could have been used for their identification have decayed as authorities even when they have remained in the immediate family, having escaped sale and robbery.

This topic, which has a lot of interesting material collected from various geographic and cultural areas around the world, can't include many authentic and unique illustrations from North American Indians. The reason for this lack is that individual Indians owned very little. Almost everything that could be considered personal property belonged to their tribe or, more broadly, to their clan or gens. However, items a man made himself, like arrows, were often marked in ways that made them identifiable. Many examples of these markings can be found on arrows in the U.S. National Museum, but they aren't interesting enough to reproduce here. They only hold value when linked to their makers or owners by matching the marks with the signs associated with individuals or groups, and such evidence is rarely obtainable now. Most of the mentioned symbols seem to have become purely decorative, which is to be expected since the arrows aren't very old, and in recent years the records that could have helped identify them have mostly faded away as sources, even when they stayed within the family and escaped sale or theft.

As a general rule neither a man nor a family, in the modern sense, had any property in land, which belonged to a much larger sociologic division, but on their arrival in California Europeans noticed among the Indians there a device to assert rights in realty by the use of distinctive marks. It is not clear whether these marks were merely personal or were tribal or gentile.

As a general rule, neither an individual nor a family, in the contemporary sense, owned any land, which was the property of a much larger social group. However, when Europeans arrived in California, they observed that the local Indians had a method for claiming land rights using unique symbols. It's uncertain if these symbols represented personal claims or were associated with tribal or clan identity.

According to Mr. A. F. Coronel, of Los Angeles, California, the Serrano Indians in that vicinity formerly practiced a method of marking trees to indicate the corner boundaries of patches of land. The Indians owning areas of territory of whatever size would cut lines upon the bark of the tree corresponding to lines drawn on their own faces, i. e., lines running outward and downward over the cheeks, or perhaps over the chin only, tattooed in color. These lines were made on the trees on the side facing the property, and were understandingly recognized by the whole tribe. This custom still prevailed when Mr. Coronel first located in southern California about the year 1843.

According to Mr. A. F. Coronel from Los Angeles, California, the Serrano Indians in that area used to mark trees to show the boundaries of their land. The Indians who owned any size of territory would carve lines into the bark of the tree that matched the lines tattooed on their own faces, which means lines running outward and downward over their cheeks or maybe just their chins, in color. These lines were made on the side of the tree facing their property and were recognized by the entire tribe. This practice was still in place when Mr. Coronel first moved to Southern California around 1843.

Among the Arikara Indians a custom prevails of drawing upon the blade of a canoe or bull-boat paddle such designs as are worn by the chief and owner to suggest his personal exploits. This has to great extent been adopted by the Hidatsa and Mandans. The marks are[442] chiefly horseshoes and crosses, as in Fig. 578, referring to the capture of the enemy’s ponies and to coups in warfare. The entire tribe being intimately acquainted with the courage and actions of all its members, imposition and fraud in the delineation of any character are not attempted, as such would surely be detected, and the impostor would be ridiculed if not ostracised.

Among the Arikara Indians, there’s a tradition of carving designs on the blade of a canoe or bull-boat paddle that reflect the personal achievements of the chief and owner. This practice has largely been adopted by the Hidatsa and Mandans. The marks mainly depict horseshoes and crosses, as seen in Fig. 578, which symbolize capturing enemy ponies and acts of bravery in battle. The whole tribe knows each member's courage and actions well, so any attempts at deception or misrepresentation are not made, as they would certainly be uncovered, and the impostor would face ridicule or even exclusion.

Fig. 578.—Boat paddle. Arikara.

Fig. 578.—Paddle. Arikara.

The brands upon cattle in Texas and other regions of the United States where ranches are common illustrate the modern use of property marks. A collection of these brands made by the writer compares unfavorably for individuality and ideography with the genuine marks of Indians for similar purposes.

The brands on cattle in Texas and other parts of the United States where ranching is common show the contemporary use of property marks. A collection of these brands created by the writer lacks the individuality and symbolism of the authentic marks used by Indians for similar purposes.

Fig. 579.—African property mark.

Fig. 579.—African branding mark.

The following translation from Kunst and Witz der Neger in Das Ausland (a), describing Fig. 579, is inserted for comparison:

The following translation from Art and Wit of Black People Abroad (a), describing Fig. 579, is included for comparison:

Whenever a pumpkin of surprisingly fine appearance is growing, which promises to furnish a desirable water vase, the proprietor hurries to distinguish it by cutting into it some special mark with his knife, and probably superstitious feelings may coöperate in this act. I have reproduced herewith the best types of such property marks which I have been able to discover.

Whenever an unusually nice-looking pumpkin is growing, which looks like it could make a great water vase, the owner quickly marks it with a special cut from his knife, possibly influenced by superstitious feelings. I have included the best examples of such property marks that I have been able to find.

Fig. 580.—Owner’s marks, Slesvick.

Fig. 580.—Owner's marks, Slesvick.

Sir John Lubbock (a) tells that many of the arrows found at Nydam, Slesvick, had owner’s marks on them, now reproduced in Fig. 580 as a and c, resembling those on the modern Esquimaux arrows shown in the same figure as b.

Sir John Lubbock (a) notes that many of the arrows discovered at Nydam, Slesvick, had owner’s marks on them, now shown in Fig. 580 as a and c, resembling those on the modern Eskimo arrows depicted in the same figure as b.

Prof. Anton Schiefner (b) gives a remarkable parallel between the Runic alphabet and the property marks of the Finns, Lapps, and Samoyeds.

Prof. Anton Schiefner (b) draws an interesting comparison between the Runic alphabet and the identification marks used by the Finns, Lapps, and Samoyeds.

PERSONAL NAMES.

The names of Indians as formerly adopted by or bestowed among themselves were generally connotive. They very often refer to some animal and predicate an attribute or position of that animal. On account of their sometimes objective and sometimes ideographic nature, they almost invariably admit of being expressed in sign language; and for the same reason they can readily be portrayed in pictographs. The device generally adopted by the Dakotan tribes to signify that an object drawn in connection with a human figure was a totemic or a personal name of the individual, is to connect that object with the figure by a line drawn to the head or, more frequently, to the[443] mouth of the latter. The same tribes make a distinction to manifest that the gesture sign for an object gestured is intended to be the name of a person and not introduced for any other purpose by passing the index forward from the mouth in a direct line after the conclusion of the sign for the object. This signifies “that is his name,” the name of the person referred to.

The names that Native Americans used to choose or give to themselves were usually meaningful. They often referred to animals and described a trait or position of that animal. Because their names can be both objective and figurative, they can typically be represented in sign language, and for the same reason, they can easily be illustrated in pictographs. The method commonly used by the Dakota tribes to indicate that an object drawn alongside a human figure represents a totem or a personal name of that individual, is to connect that object to the figure with a line extending to the head or, more often, to the[443]mouth. These tribes also distinguish that the gesture for an object is meant to be the person's name by moving the index finger forward from the mouth in a straight line after finishing the sign for the object. This indicates “that is his name,” referring to the individual in question.

As a general rule, Indians were named in early infancy according to a tribal system, but in later life each generally acquired a new name, or perhaps several names in succession, from some special exploits or adventures. Frequently a sobriquet is given which is not complimentary. All of the names subsequently acquired as well as the original names are so connected with material objects or with substantive actions as to be expressible in a graphic picture and also in a pictorial sign. In the want of alphabet or syllabary they used the same expedient to distinguish the European invaders. A Virginian was styled Assarigoa, “Big Knife.” The authorities of Massachusetts were called by the Iroquois, Kinshon, “a fish,” doubtless in allusion to the cod industry and the fact that a wooden codfish then hung, as it did long afterwards, in the state house at Boston, as an emblem of the colony and state.

Generally, Native Americans were named shortly after birth based on a tribal system, but as they grew older, they often took on a new name, or maybe even several names over time, based on their unique exploits or adventures. Often, they received nicknames that weren't flattering. All the names they later received, along with their original names, were tied to tangible objects or significant actions, making them expressible through a visual representation or symbol. Lacking an alphabet or written system, they used similar methods to identify European invaders. For instance, a Virginian was called Assarigoa, meaning “Big Knife.” The authorities in Massachusetts were referred to by the Iroquois as Kinshon, meaning “a fish,” likely referring to the cod industry and the fact that a wooden codfish used to hang in the statehouse in Boston, serving as a symbol of the colony and state.

The determination to use names of this connotive character is shown by the objective translation, whenever possible, of such European names as it became necessary for them to introduce frequently into their speech. William Penn was called Onas, that being the word for feather-quill in the Mohawk dialect. The name of the second French governor of Canada was De Montmagny, erroneously translated to be “great mountain,” which words were correctly translated by the Iroquois into Onontio, and this expression becoming associated with the title has been applied to all successive Canadian governors, though the origin having been generally forgotten, it has been considered to be a metaphorical compliment.

The determination to use names with this kind of meaning is evident in the objective translation, whenever possible, of European names that they needed to use often in their conversations. William Penn was called Onas, which means feather-quill in the Mohawk language. The name of the second French governor of Canada was De Montmagny, incorrectly translated as “great mountain,” a translation that was accurately rendered by the Iroquois as Onontio. This term, which became linked to the title, has been used for all subsequent Canadian governors, though the original meaning has largely been forgotten and it is now viewed as a metaphorical compliment.

The persistence of titles is shown by the fact that the Abnaki of New Brunswick to-day call Queen Victoria, “King James,” with a feminine addition.

The persistence of titles is shown by the fact that the Abnaki of New Brunswick today call Queen Victoria, “King James,” with a feminine twist.

Gov. Fletcher was named by the Iroquois Cajenquiragoe, “the great swift arrow,” not because of his speedy arrival at a critical time, as has been supposed, but because they had somehow been informed of the etymology of his name, “arrow-maker” (Fr. fléchier). A notable example of the adoption of a graphic illustration from a similarity in the sound of the name to known English words is given in the present paper, in Fig. 919, where Gen. Maynadier is represented as “many deer.”

Gov. Fletcher was named by the Iroquois Cajenquiragoe, “the great swift arrow,” not because he arrived quickly during a crucial moment, as many believe, but because they had learned about the meaning of his name, which means “arrow-maker” (Fr. fléchier). A clear example of adopting a visual representation based on the similar sounds of a name to familiar English words is shown in this paper, in Fig. 919, where Gen. Maynadier is depicted as “many deer.”

While, as before said, some tribes give names to children from considerations of birth and kinship according to a fixed rule, others conferred them after solemn deliberation. Even these were not necessarily permanent. A diminutive form is frequently bestowed by the affection of the parent. On initiation into one of the cult associations a name is generally received. Until this is established a warrior is liable to[444] change his name after every fight or hunt. He will sometimes only acknowledge the name he has himself assumed, perhaps from a dream or vision, though he may be habitually called by an entirely different name. From that reason the same man is sometimes known under several different epithets. Personal peculiarity, deformity, or accident is sure to fix a name against which it is vain to struggle. Girls do not often change names bestowed in their childhood. The same precise name is often given to different individuals in the same tribe, but not so frequently in the same band, whereby the inconvenience would be increased. For this reason it is often necessary to specify the band, sometimes also the father. For instance, when the writer asked an Indian who Black-Stone, a chief mentioned in the Lone-Dog winter counts, was, the Indian asked, first, what tribe was he; then, what band; then, who was his father; and, except in the case of very noted persons, the identity is not proved without an answer to these questions. A striking instance of this plurality of names among the Dakotas was connected with the name Sitting-Bull, belonging to the leader of the hostile band, while one of that name was almost equally noted as being the head soldier of the friendly Dakotas at Red-Cloud Agency.

While some tribes name children based on birth and family ties following a set rule, others take their time to decide. Even these names aren’t always permanent. Parents often give a shorter or affectionate version of a name. When a person joins a cult group, they typically get a new name. Until this is done, a warrior can change their name after each battle or hunt. They might only recognize the name they’ve chosen for themselves, possibly inspired by a dream or vision, even if they are usually called something else. This is why one person can be known by several different names. Personal quirks, disabilities, or accidents often lead to a name that can’t be easily changed. Girls usually keep the names given to them during childhood. The same exact name can be given to different individuals within the same tribe, but it happens less frequently in the same band, where it would create more confusion. Because of this, it’s often necessary to mention the band and sometimes the father’s name. For example, when I asked an Indian who Black-Stone, a chief mentioned in the Lone-Dog winter counts, was, he first asked what tribe he belonged to, then what band and who his father was; without answers to these questions, it’s hard to confirm identities unless the person is very well-known. A notable case of multiple names among the Dakotas was with the name Sitting-Bull, which belonged to the leader of the hostile group, while another Sitting-Bull was also well-known as the head soldier of the friendly Dakotas at the Red-Cloud Agency.

The northeastern tribes sometimes formally resurrected the name of the dead and also revived it by adoption. See Jes. Rel., 1639, p. 45, and 1642, p. 53.

The northeastern tribes sometimes officially brought back the names of the deceased and also restored them through adoption. See Jes. Rel., 1639, p. 45, and 1642, p. 53.

Among the peculiarities connected with Indian personal names, far too many for discussion here, is their avoidance of them in direct address, terms of kinship or relative age taking their place. Maj. J. W. Powell states that at one time he had the Kaibab Indians, a small tribe of northern Arizona, traveling with him. The young chief was called by white men “Frank.” For several weeks he refused to give his Indian name and Maj. Powell endeavored to discover it by noticing the term by which he was addressed by the other Indians, but invariably some kinship term was employed. One day in a quarrel his wife called him Chuarumpik (“Yucca-heart”). Subsequently Maj. Powell questioned the young chief about the matter, who explained and apologized for the great insult which his wife had given him and said that she was excused by great provocation. The insult consisted in calling the man by his real name.

Among the unique aspects related to Indian personal names, which are too numerous to discuss here, is their avoidance of using names in direct address, instead using terms of kinship or relative age. Maj. J. W. Powell recounts a time when he was traveling with the Kaibab Indians, a small tribe from northern Arizona. The young chief was referred to as “Frank” by white men. For several weeks, he refused to share his Indian name, and Maj. Powell tried to figure it out by paying attention to what other Indians called him, but they always used some kinship term. One day during an argument, his wife called him Chuarumpik (“Yucca-heart”). Later, Maj. Powell asked the young chief about this, and he explained and apologized for the significant insult his wife had caused him, saying she was excused due to being greatly provoked. The insult was in calling the man by his true name.

Everard F. im Thurn (g) gives the following account of the name-system of the Indians of Guiana, which might have been written with equal truth about some tribes of North America:

Everard F. im Thurn (g) provides this description of the naming system of the Indians of Guiana, which could just as accurately apply to some tribes in North America:

The system under which the Indians have their personal names is intricate and difficult to explain. In the first place, a name, which may be called the proper name, is always given to a young child soon after birth. It is said to be proper that the peaiman, or medicine-man, should choose and give this name, but, at any rate now, the naming seems more often left to the parents. The word selected is generally the name of some plant, bird, or other natural object. But these names seem of little use, in that owners have a very strong objection to telling or using them, apparently[445] on the ground that the name is part of the man, and that he who knows the name has part of the owner of that name in his power. One Indian, therefore, generally addresses another only according to the relationship of the caller and the called, as brother, sister, father, mother, and so on. These terms, therefore, practically form the names actually used by Indians amongst themselves. But an Indian is just as unwilling to tell his proper name to a white man as to an Indian, and, of course, between the Indian and the white man there is no relationship the term for which can serve as a proper name. An Indian, therefore, when he has to do with a European, asks the latter to give him a name, and if one is given to him always afterwards uses this. The names given in this way are generally simple enough—John, Peter, Thomas, and so on.

The system by which Indians have personal names is complex and hard to explain. First, a name, called a proper name, is typically given to a young child shortly after birth. It's traditionally thought that the peaiman, or medicine-man, should choose and give this name, but nowadays, it often seems to be left up to the parents. The chosen name is usually that of a plant, bird, or other natural object. However, these names appear to have little utility since owners strongly dislike sharing or using them, seemingly because the name is considered part of the person, and knowing the name gives one power over the person who owns it. As a result, one Indian usually addresses another based on their relationship, such as brother, sister, father, mother, and so on. These terms effectively serve as the names used by Indians among themselves. An Indian is just as reluctant to tell his proper name to a white person as he is to tell another Indian, and obviously, between an Indian and a white person, there isn't a relationship term that can act as a proper name. Therefore, when interacting with a European, an Indian asks the latter to give him a name, and once one is provided, he consistently uses it. Names given in this way are usually quite simple—John, Peter, Thomas, and so forth.

Fig. 581.—Signature of Running Antelope, Dakota.

Fig. 581.—Signature of Running Antelope, Dakota.

The original of Fig. 581 was made in 1873 by Running Antelope, chief of the Uncapapa Dakota, in the style of a signature instead of being attached to his head by a line as is the usual method of the tribe in designating personal names.

The original of Fig. 581 was created in 1873 by Running Antelope, the chief of the Uncapapa Dakota, in the style of a signature instead of being connected to his head by a line, which is the typical way the tribe indicates personal names.

Fig. 582.—Solinger sword-makers’ marks.

Fig. 582.—Solinger swordmakers’ marks.

Fig. 582 presents a curious comparison with Figs. 548 and 903 showing the manner in which the wolf, proverbially a lean animal, was delineated by Germans in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It is taken from Rudolf Cronau (b), whose remarks are translated and condensed as follows:

Fig. 582 offers an interesting comparison with Figs. 548 and 903 illustrating how the wolf, known to be a lean animal, was depicted by Germans in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. This is sourced from Rudolf Cronau (b), whose comments have been translated and summarized as follows:

a. The oldest representation known to me of the “wolf” occurs on a Gothic sword of the thirteenth century, in the Historical Museum of Dresden.

a. The earliest depiction of the “wolf” that I know of is on a Gothic sword from the thirteenth century, which is in the Historical Museum of Dresden.

b. Is more primitive, from a sword of the last half of the fourteenth century, in the “Berliner Zeughause;” also similar to c, of the same period, from a specimen in the Züricher Zeughaus.

b. Is more primitive, from a sword of the last half of the fourteenth century, in the “Berlin Museum;” also similar to c, of the same period, from a specimen in the Zürich Armory.

d and e. Signatures on two specimens in the collection in Feste Coburg; e is a rare representation of the figure of the wolf of 1490, in the Germanic Museum at Nürnberg, and still more intricate (verzwickter) is the drawing f on a Dresden specimen of the year 1559.

d and e. Signatures on two samples in the collection at Feste Coburg; e is a unique depiction of the wolf from 1490, located in the Germanic Museum in Nürnberg, and even more detailed (tricky) is the drawing f on a specimen from Dresden dated 1559.

A large proportion of the pictographs of several names next to be presented are from Red-Cloud’s Census, the history of which is as follows:

A large portion of the pictographs of several names to be presented next comes from Red Cloud's Census, which has the following history:

A pictorial census was prepared in 1884 under the direction of Red-Cloud, chief of the Dakota at Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota Territory. The 289 persons enumerated, many of whom were heads of families, were the adherents of Red-Cloud and did not represent all the Indians[446] at that agency. Owing to a disagreement the agent refused to acknowledge that chief as head of the Indians at the agency, and named another as the official chief. Many of the Indians exhibited their allegiance to Red-Cloud by having their names attached in their own pictorial style to a document showing their votes and number. This filled seven sheets of ordinary manila paper and was sent to Washington. While in the custody of Dr. T. A. Bland, of that city, it was loaned by him to the Bureau of Ethnology to be copied by photography. The different sheets were apparently drawn by different persons, as the drawings of human heads vary enough to indicate individuality. This arrangement seems to imply seven bands or, perhaps, gentes.

A visual census was created in 1884 under the leadership of Red Cloud, chief of the Dakota at Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota Territory. The 289 people counted, many of whom were family heads, were supporters of Red Cloud and didn’t represent all the Indians[446] at that agency. Due to a disagreement, the agent refused to recognize him as the leader of the Indians at the agency and appointed another as the official chief. Many of the Indians showed their loyalty to Red Cloud by signing their names in their own artistic style on a document indicating their votes and numbers. This filled seven sheets of regular manila paper and was sent to Washington. While in the care of Dr. T. A. Bland from that city, it was lent to the Bureau of Ethnology to be photographed. The different sheets were likely drawn by different individuals, as the drawings of human heads vary enough to suggest distinct styles. This setup seems to indicate seven bands or possibly clans.

Dr. V. T. McGillicuddy, who at the time was Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota, in correspondence gives the impression that the several pictographs representing names were attached as signatures by the several individuals to a subscription list for Dr. Bland, before mentioned, who was the editor of The Council Fire, in support of that publication and with an agreement that each should give 25 cents. The document in that view would be a subscription list, but the subscribers were, in fact, the adherents of Red-Cloud. Whatever was the motive for this collection of pictured names, its interest consists in the mode of their portrayal, together with the assurance that they were the spontaneous and genuine work of the Indians concerned.

Dr. V. T. McGillicuddy, who was the Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency in Dakota at the time, suggests in his correspondence that the various pictographs representing names were used as signatures by different individuals on a subscription list for Dr. Bland, mentioned earlier, who was the editor of The Council Fire, to support that publication with an agreement that each would contribute 25 cents. In that sense, the document would be a subscription list, but the subscribers were actually supporters of Red Cloud. Regardless of the reason behind this collection of picture names, its significance lies in how they were depicted, along with the assurance that they were the genuine and spontaneous work of the involved Indians.

In addition to the personal names which immediately follow, a considerable number of the 289 pictographic names appear elsewhere in this paper under the various heads of Tribal Designations, Ideography, Conventionalizing, Customs, special Comparison, etc.

In addition to the personal names that come right after this, a significant number of the 289 pictographic names can be found elsewhere in this paper under various categories like Tribal Designations, Ideography, Conventionalizing, Customs, special Comparisons, etc.

Interspersed among the personal names taken from the above mentioned list are others selected from the Oglala Roster, the origin of which is explained above, and the several winter counts of The-Flame, The-Swan, American-Horse, and Cloud-Shield, mentioned, respectively, in Chap. X, Sec. 2. The authority is in each case attached to the pictograph with the translation of the Indian name, and in some cases with the name in the original.

Intermixed with the personal names from the previously mentioned list are others chosen from the Oglala Roster, which I've explained above, and the various winter counts of The-Flame, The-Swan, American-Horse, and Cloud-Shield, referenced in Chapter X, Sec. 2. Each pictograph includes the authority along with the translation of the Indian name, and in some instances, the name in its original form.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, in Vol. XXXIV of the Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science and in the American Anthropologist for July, 1890, gives valuable notes on the subject of Indian personal names and also has made oral suggestions to the present writer. Some of those may be considered with reference to the list now presented. He thinks that the frequent use of color names is from a mythical or symbolic significance attributed to the colors. Also the word translated “iron,” or “metal,” is connected with the color blue, the object called iron being always painted blue when colors are used, and that color is mystically connected with the water powers of the Dakotan mythology. The frequent use of the terms “Little” and “Big,” with or without graphic differentiation, may be as the terms young and old, junior and senior, are employed by civilized people, but the expressions in other cases may refer to the size[447] of the animals seen in the visions of fasting which have determined the names.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, in Vol. XXXIV of the Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science and in the American Anthropologist for July 1890, provides valuable insights on Indian personal names and has also offered oral suggestions to the author. Some of these can be considered in relation to the current list presented. He believes that the frequent use of color names stems from a mythical or symbolic significance attached to those colors. Additionally, the word translated as “iron” or “metal” is linked to the color blue, with the object referred to as iron always being painted blue when colors are used, and that color is mystically associated with the water powers in Dakotan mythology. The common use of terms like “Little” and “Big,” with or without graphic differentiation, may serve a similar purpose to how civilized societies use young and old, junior and senior; however, in other cases, these expressions might refer to the size of the animals seen in visions during fasting, which influenced the names. [447]

Explanations on parts of the pictographs not strictly connected with the personal name are annexed for the reason before indicated and the objects connected by the names are to some extent arranged in classes.

Explanations about parts of the pictographs that aren't directly related to the personal name are included for the previously mentioned reason, and the items associated with the names are somewhat organized into categories.

OBJECTIVE.

In the figures immediately following the delineation is objective. It is sometimes interesting to note the different modes of representing the same object or concept.

In the figures that follow, the representation is objective. It’s often interesting to see the various ways to depict the same object or idea.

Fig. 583.

Fig. 583.

Fig. 583.—High-Back-Bone, a very brave Oglala, was killed by the Shoshoni. They also shot another man, who died after he reached home. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1870-’71.

Fig. 583.—High-Back-Bone, a very brave Oglala, was killed by the Shoshoni. They also shot another man, who died after he got home. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1870-’71.

Fig. 584.

Fig. 584.

Fig. 584.—High-Back-Bone was killed in a fight with the Snakes (Shoshoni). Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1870-’71. White-Cow-Killer calls it “High-Back-Bone-killed-by-Snake-Indians winter.”

Fig. 584.—High-Back-Bone was killed in a fight with the Snakes (Shoshoni). Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1870-’71. White-Cow-Killer refers to it as “High-Back-Bone-killed-by-Snake-Indians winter.”

Fig. 585.

Fig. 585.

Fig. 585.—A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Back was killed by the Crow Indians at Black Hills. Swan’s Winter Count, 1848-’49.

Fig. 585.—A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Back was killed by the Crow Indians in the Black Hills. Swan’s Winter Count, 1848-’49.

Fig. 586.

Fig. 586.

Fig. 586.—Long-Hair was killed. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1786-’87. To what tribe he belonged is not known. The tribes, such as the Crows, in which it is a tribal custom to wear the hair to an enormous length, eke it out by artificial means and ornament it with beads and streamers. In this case the length of the hair seems to have been a personal peculiarity, not a tribal mark.

Fig. 586.—Long-Hair was killed. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1786-’87. It's unclear which tribe he belonged to. Some tribes, like the Crows, have a custom of wearing their hair very long, often extending it with artificial means and decorating it with beads and ribbons. In this case, the length of the hair appears to have been a personal trait rather than a tribal identifier.

Fig. 587.

Fig. 587.

Fig. 587.—They killed the long-haired man in a fight with the Cheyennes while on an expedition to avenge the death of The-Man-Who-Owns-The-Flute, who was killed by the Cheyennes the year before. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1796-’97. This may be the same man who is referred to in the last preceding figure, as the expression “killed,” given in translation by the interpreters, does not always mean wounded to death, but severely wounded—Hibernicé “kilt.” Here the scalp shows the length of the hair, and the victim is called a Cheyenne.

Fig. 587.—They killed the long-haired man in a fight with the Cheyennes while on a mission to avenge the death of The-Man-Who-Owns-The-Flute, who was killed by the Cheyennes the year before. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1796-’97. This might be the same man mentioned in the previous figure, as the term “killed,” translated by the interpreters, doesn’t always mean dead, but rather severely wounded—Hibernicé “kilt.” Here the scalp shows the length of the hair, and the victim is identified as a Cheyenne.

Fig. 588.

Fig. 588.

Fig. 588.—The Stabber. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1783-’84. The man’s name is suggested by the spear in the body over his head, which is connected with his mouth by a line.

Fig. 588.—The Stabber. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1783-’84. The man's name comes from the spear in the body above his head, which is linked to his mouth by a line.

Fig. 589.

Fig. 589.

Fig. 589.—Stabber. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is substantially the same as the preceding, though more rude.

Fig. 589.—Stabber. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is basically the same as the one before, but it’s a bit rougher.

Fig. 590.

Fig. 590.

Fig. 590.—Red-Shirt. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the following figure exhibit the name, the first showing only the garment and the second exhibiting it as worn.

Fig. 590.—Red-Shirt. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the next figure display the name, with the first showing only the garment and the second showing it as worn.

Fig. 591.

Fig. 591.

Fig. 591.—Red-Shirt, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows while looking for his ponies near Old Woman’s fork. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1810-’11. The bow over the head and the absence of scalp-lock signifies death by the arrow of enemies.

Fig. 591.—Red-Shirt, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows while searching for his ponies near Old Woman’s fork. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1810-’11. The bow over the head and the lack of a scalp-lock indicates death by an enemy's arrow.

Fig. 592.

Fig. 592.

Fig. 592.—Chief Red-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the next figure give two modes of expressing the name of the celebrated chief, Red-Cloud.

Fig. 592.—Chief Red Cloud. Red Cloud’s Census. This and the next figure show two ways to express the name of the famous chief, Red Cloud.

Fig. 593.

Fig. 593.

Fig. 593.—Three-Stars (General Crook) took Red-Cloud’s young men to help him fight the Cheyennes. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1876-’77.

Fig. 593.—Three-Stars (General Crook) took Red-Cloud’s young men to assist him in fighting the Cheyennes. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1876-’77.

Fig. 594.

Fig. 594.

Fig. 594.—Caught-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. The enemy seems to be caught by his hair.

Fig. 594.—Caught-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. The enemy appears to be caught by his hair.

Fig. 595.

Fig. 595.

Fig. 595.—Black-Rock was killed by the Crows. His brother, whose name he had taken, was killed by the Crows three years before. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1809-’10.

Fig. 595.—Black-Rock was killed by the Crows. His brother, whose name he carried, was killed by the Crows three years earlier. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1809-’10.

Fig. 596.

Fig. 596.

Fig. 596.—Bird, a white trader, was burned to death by the Cheyennes. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1864-’65. He is surrounded by flames in the picture. His name was probably Bird, which was pictorially represented as usual.

Fig. 596.—Bird, a white trader, was burned to death by the Cheyennes. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1864-’65. He is surrounded by flames in the picture. His name was likely Bird, which was depicted as usual.

Fig. 597.

Fig. 597.

Fig. 597.—Red-Lake’s house, which he had recently built, was destroyed by fire, and he was killed by the accidental explosion of some powder. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1831-’32. This figure is introduced here in connection with the simple fire on the one preceding to show the artistic portrayal separately of a steady flame and of an explosion.

Fig. 597.—Red-Lake’s house, which he had recently built, was destroyed by fire, and he was killed by the accidental explosion of some powder. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1831-’32. This figure is included here alongside the previous one to illustrate the artistic representation of a steady flame and an explosion separately.

Fig. 598.

Fig. 598.

Fig. 598.—Two-Face, an Oglala, was badly burnt by the explosion of his powder horn. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1860-’61. Here is another view of the explosion of gunpowder.

Fig. 598.—Two-Face, an Oglala, was severely burned by the explosion of his powder horn. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1860-’61. Here’s another perspective on the gunpowder explosion.

Fig. 599.

Fig. 599.

Fig. 599.—A Two-Kettle Dakota, named The-Breast, died. Swan’s Winter Count, 1836-’37.

Fig. 599.—A Two-Kettle Dakota, named The-Breast, passed away. Swan’s Winter Count, 1836-’37.

Mato Sapa says: A Two-Kettle, named The-Breast, died. This is the same character as is given elsewhere for abundance, plenty of buffalo. But here it has a wholly personal application.

Mato Sapa says: A Two-Kettle, called The-Breast, passed away. This is the same symbol used elsewhere to signify abundance, a lot of buffalo. But here it has a completely personal meaning.

Fig. 600.

Fig. 600.

Fig. 600.—Left-Handed-Big-Nose was killed by the Shoshoni. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1839-’40. His left arm is represented extended, and his nose is grotesquely conspicuous.

Fig. 600.—Left-Handed-Big-Nose was killed by the Shoshoni. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1839-’40. His left arm is shown extended, and his nose is strangely noticeable.

Fig. 601.

Fig. 601.

Fig. 601.—Roman-Nose. Red-Cloud’s Census. The large and aquiline nose is exhibited, which was very liberally translated “Roman Nose,” and the term became the popular name of a celebrated chief of the Dakotas.

Fig. 601.—Roman-Nose. Red-Cloud's Census. The large, hooked nose is shown here, which was generously referred to as "Roman Nose," and this term became the well-known name of a famous chief of the Dakotas.

Fig. 602.

Fig. 602.

Fig. 602.—Torn-Belly. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 602.—Torn-Belly. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 603.

Fig. 603.

Fig. 603.—Spotted-Face. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 603.—Spotted Face. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 604.

Fig. 604.

Fig. 604.—Licks-with-his-tongue. Red-Cloud’s Census. The tongue is exaggerated as well as protruded, and without explanation might be mistaken for a large object bitten off for eating in a gluttonous manner.

Fig. 604.—Licks-with-his-tongue. Red-Cloud’s Census. The tongue is both exaggerated and sticking out, and without context, it could be misinterpreted as a large piece of food that was bitten off in a greedy way.

Fig. 605.

Fig. 605.

Fig. 605.—Knock-a-hole-in-the-head. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 605.—Knock-a-hole-in-the-head. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 606.

Fig. 606.

Fig. 606.—Broken-Leg-Duck, an Oglala, went to a Crow village to steal horses and was killed. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1786-’87. A line connects the bird, one of whose legs is out of order, with the mouth of the man’s head, which is without scalp-lock.

Fig. 606.—Broken-Leg-Duck, an Oglala, went to a Crow village to steal horses and was killed. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1786-’87. A line connects the bird, one of whose legs is injured, with the mouth of the man’s head, which has no scalp-lock.

Fig. 607.

Fig. 607.

Fig. 607.—Antelope-Dung broke his neck while surrounding buffalo. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1853-’54.

Fig. 607.—Antelope-Dung broke his neck while encircling buffalo. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1853-’54.

Fig. 608.

Fig. 608.

Fig. 608.—Antelope-Dung broke his neck while running antelope. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1853-’54. His head is the only part of his body that is shown, and it is bleeding copiously. Without the preceding figure this one would not be intelligible.

Fig. 608.—Antelope-Dung broke his neck while chasing antelope. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1853-’54. His head is the only part of his body that is shown, and it's bleeding heavily. Without the previous figure, this one wouldn't make sense.

Fig. 609.

Fig. 609.

Fig. 609.—Broken-Arrow fell from his horse while running buffalo and broke his neck. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1859-’60.

Fig. 609.—Broken-Arrow fell from his horse while chasing buffalo and broke his neck. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1859-’60.

Fig. 610.

Fig. 610.

Fig. 610.—Sits-like-a-Woman. Red-Cloud’s Census. This person is also portrayed in a recent Dakota record, where the character is represented by the “woman seated” only. The name of this man is not “Sits-like-a-Woman,” but High-Wolf—shunkmanitu (wolf), wankantuya (up above). This is an instance of giving one name in a pictograph as if the correct or official name and retaining another by which the man is known in camp to his companions.

Fig. 610.—Sits-like-a-Woman. Red-Cloud’s Census. This person is also depicted in a recent Dakota record, where the character is shown simply as the “woman seated.” This man's name isn't “Sits-like-a-Woman,” but High-Wolf—shunkmanitu (wolf), wankantuya (up above). This is an example of using one name in a pictograph as if it were the correct or official name, while still keeping another name by which he is known among his friends in camp.

Fig. 611.

Fig. 611.

Fig. 611.—The-Man-Who-Owns-the-Flute was killed by the Cheyennes. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1795-’96. His flute is represented in front of him with sounds coming from it. A bullet mark is on his neck. In reference to this character, see Chap. XX, Sec. 2.

Fig. 611.—The Man Who Owns the Flute was killed by the Cheyennes. American Horse’s Winter Count, 1795-’96. His flute is shown in front of him with sounds coming from it. There's a bullet mark on his neck. For more about this character, see Chap. XX, Sec. 2.

Fig. 612.

Fig. 612.

Fig. 612.—Smoking-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The bear does not appear to be smoking the pipe, but the smoke of the latter is mounting to the animal’s neck, so the bear is smoking in a passive sense.

Fig. 612.—Smoking-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The bear doesn't seem to be actively smoking the pipe, but the smoke from it is rising to the bear's neck, so the bear is smoking in a passive way.

Fig. 613.

Fig. 613.

Fig. 613.—Biting-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The bear seems to be biting at the bark on the limb of a tree, which shows the marks of his claws. This animal, as is well known, eats the bark of certain trees.

Fig. 613.—Biting-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The bear appears to be gnawing on the bark of a tree limb, which displays the marks from his claws. This animal, as is widely known, feeds on the bark from specific trees.

METAPHORIC.

Fig. 614.

Fig. 614.

Fig. 614—Wolf-Ear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The designation of the ear of a wolf probably refers to size, and is substantially the same as big-ear.

Fig. 614—Wolf-Ear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The term "wolf ear" likely refers to size and is essentially the same as "big ear."

Fig. 615.

Fig. 615.

Fig. 615.—Fighting-Cuss. Red-Cloud’s Census. This warrior appears, while only armed with a lance, to be successfully fighting an enemy who has a gun.

Fig. 615.—Fighting-Cuss. Red-Cloud’s Census. This warrior, armed only with a lance, seems to be successfully battling an enemy who is holding a gun.

Fig. 616.

Fig. 616.

Fig. 616.—Man-with-hearts. Red-Cloud’s Census. There is no information as to the significance of this drawing, but it is conjectured that the warrior had eaten the heart of one or more enemies, as was frequently done. This was not cannibalism, but a superstitious and sometimes ceremonial performance, by which the eater acquired the qualities of the victim, and in this case would be supposed to have more than one heart, i. e., the courage attributed to those hearts.

Fig. 616.—Man-with-hearts. Red-Cloud’s Census. There isn't any information about the meaning of this drawing, but it's believed that the warrior consumed the heart of one or more enemies, which was commonly practiced. This wasn't cannibalism, but rather a superstitious and occasionally ceremonial act, through which the eater gained the attributes of the victim. In this case, it would be thought that he possessed more than one heart, meaning the courage associated with those hearts.

Fig. 617.

Fig. 617.

Fig. 617.—Takes-the-Gun. Red-Cloud’s Census. It appears from the name that the man is not handling his own gun, but is on the point of grasping and taking away the weapon of another person.

Fig. 617.—Takes-the-Gun. Red-Cloud’s Census. From the name, it seems that the man isn't using his own gun but is about to grab and take the weapon from someone else.

Fig. 618.

Fig. 618.

Fig. 618.—Jola, Whistler. The Oglala Roster. This is one of the instances where the usual rule in the Oglala Roster, of representing the name above the head, is abandoned, because it is essential to connect it with the mouth to express the whistle. Without this arrangement the musical instrument would not be suggested.

Fig. 618.—Jola, Whistler. The Oglala Roster. This is one of the cases where the typical rule in the Oglala Roster of placing the name above the head is set aside, because it’s important to link it with the mouth to convey the whistle. Without this setup, the musical instrument wouldn't be suggested.

Fig. 619.

Fig. 619.

Fig. 619.—American-Horse’s Winter Count for 1872-’73 gives the pictograph of Whistler, also named Little-Bull. Both of his names appear; that of Whistler is expressed by the sounds blown from the mouth. He whistles without an instrument.

Fig. 619.—American-Horse’s Winter Count for 1872-’73 shows the pictograph of Whistler, also known as Little-Bull. Both of his names are represented; Whistler is depicted by the sounds he makes with his mouth. He whistles without any instrument.

Fig. 620.

Fig. 620.

Fig. 620.—Ceji, Tongue. The Oglala Roster. This man was not necessarily an orator, but probably the nickname was given in derision as orally “tonguey” might be. Again the line is from the crown of the head to the protruded tongue.

Fig. 620.—Ceji, Tongue. The Oglala Roster. This guy wasn’t really an orator, but it’s likely the nickname was given mockingly, as “tonguey” might sound. Again, the line goes from the top of the head to the sticking-out tongue.

Fig. 621.

Fig. 621.

Fig. 621.—Canku-sapa, Black-Road. The Oglala Roster. This road, on which horse tracks are shown, is distinguished from that of the head chief Big-Road (a, on Pl. XXVI) as being much more narrow and obscure, therefore black.

Fig. 621.—Canku-sapa, Black-Road. The Oglala Roster. This road, which shows horse tracks, is different from the one belonging to the head chief Big-Road (a, on Pl. XXVI) as it is much narrower and less noticeable, hence the name black.

ANIMALS.

The following figures are selected from a large number to show the variety of animals, and the differentiation by marks and attitudes found necessary to present the names. A similar multiplication of the animals by different coloration is exhibited, but can not be repeated in the text figures.

The following figures are chosen from a large collection to showcase the variety of animals and the different markings and positions needed to display their names. A similar range of animals in different colors is shown, but this cannot be repeated in the text figures.

Fig. 622.

Fig. 622.

Fig. 622.—Bob-tail-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. The translation of the Indian’s name is rather liberal, but the device is graphic.

Fig. 622.—Bob-tail-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. The translation of the Indian’s name is quite flexible, but the image is vivid.

Fig. 623.

Fig. 623.

Fig. 623.—Two-Eagles. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 623.—Two Eagles. Red Cloud's Census.

Fig. 624.

Fig. 624.

Fig. 624.—Minneconjou Dakota chief, named Swan, died. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1866-’67. This bird is supposed to be swimming on the water, its legs not being visible.

Fig. 624.—Minneconjou Dakota chief named Swan has died. The Swan’s Winter Count, 1866-’67. This bird is thought to be swimming on the water, with its legs not visible.

Fig. 625.

Fig. 625.

Fig. 625.—Bear-Looks-Back. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 625.—Bear-Looks-Back. Red Cloud's Census.

Fig. 626.

Fig. 626.

Fig. 626.—Mouse. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 626.—Mouse. Red-Cloud Census.

Fig. 627.

Fig. 627.

Fig. 627.—Badger, a Dakota, was killed by enemies, as shown by the absence of his scalp. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1796-’97.

Fig. 627.—Badger, a Dakota, was killed by enemies, as indicated by the missing scalp. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1796-’97.

Fig. 628.

Fig. 628.

Fig. 628.—Spider was killed (stabbed) in a fight with the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1861-’62. An immense effusion of blood is depicted flowing from the wound.

Fig. 628.—Spider was killed (stabbed) in a fight with the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1861-’62. A huge amount of blood is shown flowing from the wound.

Fig. 629.

Fig. 629.

Fig. 629.—Spotted-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 629.—Spotted Elk. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 630.

Fig. 630.

Fig. 630.—Spotted-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 630.—Spotted Horse. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 631.

Fig. 631.

Fig. 631.—White-Goose was killed in an attack made by some enemies. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1789-’90. White-Cow-Killer calls it, “Goose-Feather-killed winter.”

Fig. 631.—White-Goose was killed in an attack by some enemies. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1789-’90. White-Cow-Killer refers to it as “Goose-Feather-killed winter.”

Fig. 632.

Fig. 632.

Fig. 632.—Maka-gleska, Spotted-Skunk. The Oglala Roster. The special characteristic of the animal is suggested.

Fig. 632.—Maka-gleska, Spotted-Skunk. The Oglala Roster. The unique feature of the animal is indicated.

Fig. 633.

Fig. 633.

Fig. 633.—Hoka-qin, Carried-the-Badger. The Oglala Roster. The design explains itself. The animal is exaggerated in size and some of its features are accentuated.

Fig. 633.—Hoka-qin, Carried-the-Badger. The Oglala Roster. The design speaks for itself. The animal is oversized, and some of its characteristics are emphasized.

Fig. 634.

Fig. 634.

Fig. 634.—Kangi-topa, Four-Crows. The Oglala Roster. The four crows are cawing forth such explanation as they can give of the reasons, probably coming from visions, why they were used to form a name for an Oglala.

Fig. 634.—Kangi-topa, Four-Crows. The Oglala Roster. The four crows are cawing out whatever explanation they can provide about the reasons, likely stemming from visions, for why they were chosen to create a name for an Oglala.

VEGETABLE.

The products of the vegetable kingdom are not often used by the Dakotas in their personal designations. The three following figures, however, are examples of such use.

The products of the vegetable kingdom aren't commonly used by the Dakotas in their personal names. The three figures below are examples of this usage.

Fig. 635.

Fig. 635.

Fig. 635.—Tree-in-the-Face. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man probably painted a tree on his face.

Fig. 635.—Tree-in-the-Face. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man likely painted a tree on his face.

Fig. 636.

Fig. 636.

Fig. 636.—Leaves. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the following figure represent two different men of the same name and the devices are distinctly individual.

Fig. 636.—Leaves. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the following figure show two different men with the same name, and their designs are clearly unique to each.

Fig. 637.

Fig. 637.

Fig. 637.—Leaves. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 637.—Leaves. Red Cloud’s Census.

With regard to the errors arising from bad translation, an example may be given, relating to a name the explanation of which has often been asked. A former chief of the Oglala was called “Old-man-afraid-of-his-Horses,” by the whites, and his son is known as “Young-man-afraid-of-his-Horses.”[459] A common interpretation about “afraid-of-his-horses” is that the man valued his horses so much that he was afraid of losing them. The representative of the name, however, stated to the writer that the correct name was Ta-shunka Kokipapi, and that the true meaning was “He-whose-horse-they-fear”; literally “His-horse-they-fear-it.”

Regarding errors from poor translation, here's an example related to a name that many have asked about. A former chief of the Oglala was called “Old-man-afraid-of-his-Horses” by white people, and his son is known as “Young-man-afraid-of-his-Horses.”[459] A common interpretation of “afraid-of-his-horses” is that the man valued his horses so much that he was scared of losing them. However, the name's representative told the writer that the correct name was Ta-shunka Kokipapi, and its true meaning is “He-whose-horse-they-fear”; literally “His-horse-they-fear-it.”

A large number of pictorially rendered Indian names attached to deeds and treaties have been published, e. g., in Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York (b). Few of them are of interest, and they generally suggest the assistance of practiced penmen. In the collections mentioned some of the Dutch marks are in the same general style as those of the Indians.

A lot of illustrated Indian names linked to deeds and treaties have been published, for example, in Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York (b). Few of them are noteworthy, and they usually indicate the help of skilled scribes. In the collections mentioned, some of the Dutch marks are in a similar overall style as those of the Indians.

Mr. P. W. Norris, late of the Bureau of Ethnology, had a buffalo robe containing a record of exploits, which was drawn by Black-Crow, a Dakota warrior. The successful warrior is represented in each instance upright, the accompanying figure being always in a recumbent posture, representing the enemy who was slain. The peculiar feature of these pictographs is that instead of depicting the victim’s personal name with a connecting line, the object denoting his name is placed above the head of the victor in each instance, and a line connects the character with his mouth. The latter thus seems to proclaim the name of his victim. A pipe is also figured between the victor and the vanquished, showing that he is entitled to smoke a pipe of celebration.

Mr. P. W. Norris, formerly of the Bureau of Ethnology, had a buffalo robe that featured a record of his achievements, illustrated by Black-Crow, a Dakota warrior. In every depiction, the victorious warrior stands tall, while the enemy he defeated is always shown lying down. A unique aspect of these pictographs is that instead of showing the victim’s name with a connecting line, the symbol for his name is placed above the victor's head, with a line linking the symbol to his mouth. This makes it seem like the victor is announcing the name of his fallen foe. Additionally, a pipe is shown between the victor and the defeated, indicating that he has the right to smoke a celebratory pipe.

A copy of the whole record was shown to the Mdewakantanwan Dakotas, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota, in 1883, and the character reproduced in Fig. 638, about which there was the most doubt, was explained as signifying “many tongues,” or Loud-Talker.

A complete copy of the record was presented to the Mdewakantanwan Dakotas, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota, in 1883, and the symbol shown in Fig. 638, which raised the most questions, was clarified as meaning “many tongues,” or Loud-Talker.

Fig. 638.—Loud-Talker.

Loud Talker.

The circle at the end of the line running from the mouth contains a number of lanceolate forms, one-half of each of which is black, the other[460] white. They have the appearance of feathers, but also may represent tongues and signify voice, sound issuing from the mouth, and correspond in some respect to those drawn by the Mexicans with that significance, of which examples are given in this work, Chap. XX, Sec. 2. The considerable number of these tongue-like figures suggests intensity and denotes loud voice, or, as given literally, “loud talker,” that being the name of the victim.

The circle at the end of the line coming from the mouth has several lance-shaped forms, half of which are black and the other half white. They look like feathers but might also represent tongues, indicating voice and sound coming from the mouth. This is somewhat like those depicted by the Mexicans for that meaning, with examples provided in this work, Chap. XX, Sec. 2. The large number of these tongue-like figures suggests intensity and represents a loud voice, or literally, "loud talker," which is the name of the victim.

It is, however, to be noted that “Shield,” an Oglala Dakota, contends that the character signifies Feather-Shield, the name of a warrior formerly living at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota.

It should be noted that “Shield,” an Oglala Dakota, claims that the character represents Feather-Shield, the name of a warrior who once lived at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota.

Designation of an object, as a name, by means of a connecting line is mentioned in Kingsborough (a). Pedro de Alvarado, one of the companions of Cortez, was red-headed. Designating him, the Mexicans called him Tonatihu, the “Sun,” and in their picture-writing his name was represented by their conventional character for the sun attached to his person by a line.

Designation of an object, as a name, through a connecting line is mentioned in Kingsborough (a). Pedro de Alvarado, a companion of Cortez, had red hair. Referring to him, the Mexicans called him Tonatihu, meaning “Sun,” and in their pictorial writing, his name was represented by their conventional symbol for the sun linked to him by a line.

Other examples are now presented both of the linear connection and of the iconographic figuration by the old Mexicans.

Other examples are now shown of the linear connection and the iconographic representation by the ancient Mexicans.

In Kingsborough (b) is a pictograph of Chimalpopoca, which name signifies a smoking shield, here reproduced as Fig. 639 (a). The smoking shield is connected with the head by a line, and the form of smoke should be noticed in comparison with the representation of flame and of voice by the same pictors.

In Kingsborough (b), there’s a pictograph of Chimalpopoca, which means a smoking shield, shown here as Fig. 639 (a). The smoking shield is linked to the head by a line, and the shape of the smoke should be noted in comparison to the depictions of flame and voice by the same artists.

Fig. 639.—Mexican names.

Fig. 639.—Mexican names.

The same authority and volume, p. 135 (illustration in Vol. I, Pt. 4, Pl. V), gives the name and illustration (reproduced in the same Fig., b) of Ytzcohuatl, the signification of which name is a serpent armed with knives. The knives refer to the Itzli stone.

The same authority and volume, p. 135 (illustration in Vol. I, Pt. 4, Pl. V), provides the name and illustration (reproduced in the same Fig., b) of Ytzcohuatl, which means a serpent armed with knives. The knives refer to the Itzli stone.

In the same volume, p. 137, is the name Face of Water, with the corresponding illustration in Vol. I, Pt. 4, Pl. 12 (here Pl. XII c). The drops of water are falling profusely from the face.

In the same volume, p. 137, is the name Face of Water, with the corresponding illustration in Vol. I, Pt. 4, Pl. 12 (here Pl. XII c). Water drops are falling abundantly from the face.

CHAPTER XIV.
FAITH.

The most surprising fact relating to the North American Indians, which until lately had not been realized, is that they habitually lived in and by religion to a degree comparable with the old Israelites under the theocracy. This was sometimes ignored, and sometimes denied in terms, by many of the early missionaries and explorers. The aboriginal religion was not their religion, and therefore was not recognized to have an existence or was pronounced to be satanic. Many pictorial representations are given in this chapter of concepts of the supernatural, as operative in this world, which is popularly styled religion when it is not condemned as superstition. The pictographic examples presented from the Siouan stock are generally explained as they appear. Those from the Ojibwa and other tribes are not so fully discussed. It is therefore proper to mention explicitly that, in the several localities where the tribes are now found which have been the least affected by civilization, they in a marked degree live a life of religious practices, and their shamans have a profound influence over their social character. A careful study of these people has already given indication of facts corresponding in interest with those which have recently surprised the world as reported by Mr. Cushing from among the Zuñi and Dr. Matthews from among the Navajo.

The most surprising fact about North American Indians, which had not been recognized until recently, is that they lived their lives deeply rooted in religion, much like the ancient Israelites under the theocracy. This was often overlooked, and sometimes outright denied, by many early missionaries and explorers. The indigenous religion was not their own, so it was neither acknowledged as real nor was it labeled as satanic. This chapter includes many visual representations of concepts of the supernatural that exist in this world, which is often referred to as religion unless it is dismissed as superstition. The pictorial examples from the Siouan tribes are generally explained as they appear. Those from the Ojibwa and other tribes are not discussed as thoroughly. It is important to explicitly mention that in the various locations where tribes are currently found that have been least influenced by civilization, they significantly engage in religious practices, and their shamans have a strong impact on their social structure. A thorough study of these communities has already revealed facts that align with those recently reported by Mr. Cushing among the Zuñi and Dr. Matthews among the Navajo.

The most extensive and important publications on the subject have been made by Maj. J. W. Powell (a), Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. These have been made at many times and in various shapes, from the Outlines of the Philosophy of the North American Indians, read in 1876, to the present year.

The most comprehensive and significant publications on the topic have been created by Maj. J. W. Powell (a), Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. These have appeared at different times and in various forms, from the Outlines of the Philosophy of the North American Indians, presented in 1876, up to this year.

A considerable amount of detail respecting religion appears in Chap. IX, Sections 4 and 5, in the present work.

A significant amount of detail about religion is found in Chap. IX, Sections 4 and 5, in this work.

The discussion of the religions and religious practices of the tribes of America is not germane to the present work, except so far as it elucidates their pictographs. In that connection it may be mentioned that the tribes of Indians in the territory of the United States, which have been converted to Christianity, seem not to have spontaneously turned their pictographic skill to the representation of objects connected with the religion to which they have been converted. This might be explained by the statement, often true, that the converts have been taught[462] to read and write the languages of their teachers in religion, and therefore ceased to be pictographers. But where they have not been so instructed, indeed have been encouraged to retain their own language and to write it in a special manner supposed to be adapted to their ancient methods, the same result is observed. The Micmacs still with delight draw on bark their stories of Glooscap and Lox, and scenes from the myths of their old faith, but unless paid as for a piece of work, do not produce Christian pictures. This assertion does not conflict with the account of the “Micmac hieroglyphs” in Chap. XIX, Sec. 2. All the existing specimens of these were made by Europeans, and the action of the first Indian converts, which was imitated by Europeans, was the simple use of their old scheme of mnemotechny to assist in memorizing the lessons required of them by missionaries. It is also to be noted that some tribes for convenience have adopted Christian emblems into their own ceremonial pictographs (see Fig. 159).

The discussion of the religions and religious practices of Native American tribes isn't really relevant to this work, except where it helps explain their pictographs. In that context, it's worth noting that the tribes of Native Americans in the United States that have converted to Christianity don't seem to have naturally adapted their pictographic skills to represent objects linked to their new religion. This could be because the converts have often been taught to read and write in the languages of their religious instructors, and as a result, they've stopped creating pictographs. However, in cases where they haven’t received such education and have even been encouraged to keep their own language—writing it in a way that's thought to suit their traditional methods—the same pattern can be observed. The Micmacs still happily illustrate their stories of Glooscap and Lox, as well as scenes from the myths of their old faith on bark, but unless they are paid for the work, they don't create Christian artwork. This claim doesn't contradict the description of the “Micmac hieroglyphs” in Chap. 19, Sec. 2. All existing examples of these were made by Europeans, and the actions of the first Indian converts, which Europeans imitated, simply involved using their old system of memory aids to help them memorize the lessons they were given by missionaries. It's also significant to mention that some tribes have incorporated Christian symbols into their ceremonial pictographs for convenience (see Fig. 159).

It has been found convenient to divide this chapter into the following sections: (1) Symbols of the supernatural. (2) Myths and mythic animals. (3) Shamanism. (4) Charms and amulets. (5) Religious ceremonies. (6) Mortuary practices.

It has been found useful to break this chapter into the following sections: (1) Symbols of the supernatural. (2) Myths and mythic animals. (3) Shamanism. (4) Charms and amulets. (5) Religious ceremonies. (6) Mortuary practices.

SECTION 1.
SUPERNATURAL SYMBOLS.

This group shows the modes of expressing the idea of the supernatural, holy, sacred, or, more correctly, the mystic or unknown (perhaps unknowable), that being the true translation of the Dakota word wakan. The concept of “crazy,” in the sense of influenced by superior powers or inspired, is in the same connection. Not only the North American Indians, but many tribes of Asia and Africa, consider a demented person to be sacred and therefore inviolable. The spiral line is but a pictorial representation of the sign for wakan, which is: With its index finger extended and pointing upward, or all the fingers extended, back of hand outward, move the right hand from just in front of the forehead spirally upward nearly to arm’s length from left to right.

This group illustrates the different ways to express the idea of the supernatural, holy, sacred, or more accurately, the mystic or unknown (perhaps unknowable), which is the true translation of the Dakota word wakan. The idea of being “crazy,” in the sense of being influenced by higher powers or inspired, is related to this. Not only North American Indians, but many tribes in Asia and Africa, view someone who is mentally ill as sacred and therefore untouchable. The spiral line is simply a visual representation of the symbol for wakan, which can be described as: with the index finger extended and pointing upward, or with all fingers extended and the back of the hand facing outward, move the right hand in a spiral motion upward from just in front of the forehead, reaching nearly to arm’s length from left to right.

Fig. 640.

Fig. 640.

Fig. 640.—Crazy-Dog, a Dakota, carried the pipe around and took the war path. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1838-’39.

Fig. 640.—Crazy-Dog, a Dakota, carried the pipe around and set out on the war path. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1838-’39.

The waved or spiral lines denote crazy or mystic, as above explained.

The wavy or spiral lines represent craziness or mysticism, as explained above.

Fig. 641.

Fig. 641.

Fig. 641.—Crazy-Horse says his prayers and goes on the war-path. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1844-’45.

Fig. 641.—Crazy Horse says his prayers and goes on the warpath. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1844-’45.

The waved lines are used again for crazy. “Says his prayers,” which are the words of the interpreter, would be more properly rendered by referring to the ceremonies of organizing a war party.

The wavy lines are used again to indicate craziness. “Says his prayers,” as the interpreter puts it, would be better expressed by relating to the rituals of forming a war party.

Fig. 642.

Fig. 642.

Fig. 642.—Crazy-Horse’s band left the Spotted-Tail agency (at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska) and went north, after Crazy-Horse was killed at Fort Robinson, Nebraska. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1877-’78.

Fig. 642.—Crazy Horse's band left the Spotted Tail agency (at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska) and headed north after Crazy Horse was killed at Fort Robinson, Nebraska. Cloud Shield's Winter Count, 1877-’78.

Hoofprints and lodge-pole tracks run northward from the house, which represents the agency. That the horse is “crazy” is shown by the waved or spiral lines on his body, running from his nose, hoof, and forehead. The band is named from its deceased chief, and is designated by his personal device, a distinct and unusual departure among Indians tending towards the evolution of band or party emblems unconnected with the gentile system.

Hoofprints and lodgepole tracks stretch north from the house, which symbolizes the agency. The horse's “crazy” behavior is indicated by the wavy or spiral lines on his body, extending from his nose, hoof, and forehead. The band is named after its late chief and is identified by his personal symbol, a notable and unique shift among Native Americans who typically favor group or party symbols unrelated to the clan system.

Fig. 643.

Fig. 643.

Fig. 643.—Medicine. Red-Cloud’s Census. The full rendering should be medicine-man or shaman. The waving lines above the head again signify mystic or sacred, and are made in gesture in a similar manner as that before described, with some differentiation, for prayer or incantation. The shut or half-closed eye may be noted.

Fig. 643.—Medicine. Red-Cloud’s Census. The full term should be medicine man or shaman. The wavy lines above the head represent something mystical or sacred and are expressed with gestures similar to those described earlier, with some variation for prayer or incantation. You may notice the closed or half-closed eye.

Fig. 644.

Fig. 644.

Fig. 644.—Medicine-man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a rude variant of the foregoing.

Fig. 644.—Medicine-man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a rough version of the previous one.

Fig. 645.

Fig. 645.

Fig. 645.—Crazy-Head. Red-Cloud’s Census. The wavy lines here form a circle around the head to suggest the personal name as well as the quality.

Fig. 645.—Crazy-Head. Red-Cloud’s Census. The wavy lines here create a circle around the head to imply both the personal name and the quality.

Fig. 646.

Fig. 646.

Fig. 646.—Medicine-Buffalo. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is probably an albino buffalo, and may refer to the man who possessed one who is venerated therefor. See Chap. XIII.

Fig. 646.—Medicine-Buffalo. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is likely an albino buffalo and may refer to the person who owned it and is revered for that. See Chap. XIII.

Fig. 647.

Fig. 647.

Fig. 647.—Kangi-wakan, Sacred-Crow. The Oglala Roster. The lines above the bird’s head signify sacred, mystic, sometimes termed “medicine,” as above.

Fig. 647.—Kangi-wakan, Sacred-Crow. The Oglala Roster. The lines above the bird’s head signify sacred, mystical, sometimes called “medicine,” as above.

Fig. 648.

Fig. 648.

Fig. 648.—White-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is an albino elk which partakes in sacredness with the albino buffalo. The elk was an important article of food, though not so much a reliance as the buffalo, and the practices relating to the latter would naturally, and in fact did, measurably, apply to the former.

Fig. 648.—White-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is an albino elk that holds a sacred status similar to that of the albino buffalo. The elk was an important food source, although not as much of a staple as the buffalo, and the practices associated with buffalo hunting naturally also applied, to some extent, to the elk.

Fig. 649.

Fig. 649.

Fig. 649.—The Dakotas had all the mini wakan (spirit water, or whisky) they could drink. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1821-’22. A barrel with a waved or spiral line running from it represents the whisky, the waved line signifying wakan, or spirit, in the double sense of the English word.

Fig. 649.—The Dakotas had all the mini wakan (spirit water, or whisky) they could drink. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1821-’22. A barrel with a wavy or spiral line coming from it represents the whisky, and the wavy line signifies wakan, or spirit, in both meanings of the English word.

Fig. 650.

Fig. 650.

Fig. 650.—Cloud-Bear, a Dakota, killed a Dakota, who was a long distance off, by throwing a bullet from his hand and striking him in the heart. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1824-’25. [466]The spiral line is used for wakan.

Fig. 650.—Cloud-Bear, a Dakota, killed another Dakota from far away by throwing a bullet from his hand and hitting him in the heart. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1824-’25. [466]The spiral line is used for wakan.

Fig. 651.

Fig. 651.

Fig. 651.—A Minneconjou clown, well known to the Indians. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1787-’88. His accouterments are fantastic. The character is explained by Battiste Good’s Winter Count for the same year as follows:

Fig. 651.—A Minneconjou clown, well known to the Indians. The Flame’s Winter Count, 1787-’88. His gear is amazing. The character is explained by Battiste Good’s Winter Count for the same year as follows:

“Left-the-heyoka-man-behind winter.” A certain man was heyoka, that is, in a disordered frame of mind, and went about the village bedecked with feathers singing to himself, and while so joined a war party. On sighting the enemy the party fled and called to him to turn back also, but as he was heyoka he construed everything that was said to him as meaning the very opposite, and, therefore, instead of turning back he went forward and was killed. This conception of a man under superhuman influence being obliged to believe or speak the reverse of the truth is not uncommon among the Indians. See Leland (a) Algonquin Legends.

“Left-the-heyoka-man-behind winter.” There was a man who was a heyoka, meaning he had a disordered state of mind, and he wandered through the village adorned with feathers, singing to himself. While doing this, he joined a war party. When they spotted the enemy, the party ran away and called for him to turn back too. But since he was heyoka, he interpreted everything they said as the opposite of what they meant, and instead of turning back, he moved forward and was killed. This idea of a person under a supernatural influence having to believe or say the opposite of the truth is not uncommon among the Indians. See Leland (a) Algonquin Legends.

Fig. 652.—Dream. Ojibwa.

Fig. 652.—Dream. Ojibwe.

Fig. 652, from Copway (b), gives the representation of “dream”. The recumbent human figure naturally suggests sleep, and the wavy lines to the head indicate the spiritual or mythic concept of a dream.

Fig. 652, from Copway (b), shows the representation of a “dream.” The lying human figure clearly suggests sleep, and the wavy lines around the head symbolize the spiritual or mythical idea of a dream.

Fig. 653.—Religious symbols.

Fig. 653.—Religious icons.

Fig. 653: a is an Ojibwa pictograph taken from Schoolcraft representing “medicine man,” “meda.” With these horns and spiral may be collated b in the same figure, which portrays the ram-headed Egyptian god Knuphis, or Chnum, the spirit, in a shrine on the boat of the sun, canopied by the serpent goddess Ranno, who is also seen facing him inside the shrine. This is reproduced from Cooper’s Serpent Myths (a). The same deity is represented in Champollion (a) as reproduced in Fig. 653, c.

Fig. 653: a is an Ojibwa pictograph taken from Schoolcraft representing “medicine man,” “meda.” Along with these horns and spiral, b in the same figure shows the ram-headed Egyptian god Knuphis, or Chnum, the spirit, in a shrine on the sun boat, covered by the serpent goddess Ranno, who is also seen facing him inside the shrine. This is reproduced from Cooper’s Serpent Myths (a). The same deity is represented in Champollion (a) as shown in Fig. 653, c.

d is an Ojibwa pictograph found in Schoolcraft (i) and given as “power.” It corresponds with the Absaroka sign for “medicine man” made by passing the extended and separated index and second finger of the right hand upward from the forehead, spirally, and is considered to indicate “superior knowledge.” Among the Otos, as part of the sign with the same meaning, both hands are raised to the side of the head and the extended indices pressing the temples.

d is an Ojibwa pictograph found in Schoolcraft (i) and means “power.” It matches the Absaroka sign for “medicine man,” which is made by raising the extended and separated index and second fingers of the right hand upward from the forehead in a spiral motion, and is seen as a symbol of “superior knowledge.” Among the Otos, as part of the sign with the same meaning, both hands are raised to the sides of the head with the extended index fingers pressing against the temples.

e is also an Ojibwa pictograph from Schoolcraft, same volume, Pl. 59, and is said to signify Meda’s power. It corresponds with another sign made for “medicine man” by the Absaroka and Comanche, viz, the hand passed upward before the forehead, with index loosely extended. Combined with the sign for “sky” it means knowledge of superior matters, spiritual power.

e is also an Ojibwa pictograph from Schoolcraft, same volume, Pl. 59, and is said to represent Meda’s power. It aligns with another symbol used for “medicine man” by the Absaroka and Comanche, which is the hand raised in front of the forehead, with the index finger extended loosely. When combined with the symbol for “sky,” it signifies knowledge of higher matters and spiritual power.

In many parts of the United States and Canada rocks and large stones are found which generally were decorated with paint and were regarded as possessing supernatural power, yet, so far as ascertained, were not directly connected with any special personage of Indian[467] mythology. One of the earliest accounts of these painted stones was made by the Abbé de Gallinée and is published in Margry (d). The Abbé, with La Salle’s party in 1669, found on the Detroit river, six leagues above Lake Erie, a large stone remotely resembling a human figure and painted, the face made with red paint. All the Indians of the region—Algonquian and Iroquoian—believed that the rock-image could give safety in the passage of the lake, if properly placated, and they never ventured on the passage without offering to it presents of skins, food, tobacco, or like sacrifices. La Salle’s party, which had met with misfortune, seems to have been so much impressed with the evil powers of the image that they broke it into pieces.

In many areas of the United States and Canada, there are rocks and large stones that were often painted and believed to hold supernatural powers. However, as far as we know, they weren't specifically linked to any notable figures in Indian mythology. One of the earliest records of these painted stones comes from Abbé de Gallinée and is published in Margry (d). In 1669, while with La Salle’s group, he discovered a large stone on the Detroit River, about six leagues above Lake Erie, that vaguely resembled a human figure and was painted, with the face done in red. All the Native Americans in the area—both Algonquian and Iroquoian—thought that this rock figure could ensure safety when crossing the lake, provided it was properly appeased. They wouldn’t attempt the crossing without leaving offerings like skins, food, tobacco, or similar sacrifices. La Salle’s party, which had encountered misfortune, seemed to be so affected by the perceived evil powers of the image that they smashed it into pieces.

Keating’s Long (e) tells:

Keating's Long (e) says:

At one of the landing places of the St. Peters river, in the Sioux country, we observed a block of granite of about eighty pounds weight; it was painted red and covered with a grass fillet, in which were placed twists of tobacco offered up in sacrifice. Feathers were stuck in the ground all round the stone.

At one of the landing spots by the St. Peters River, in Sioux territory, we saw a block of granite that weighed about eighty pounds. It was painted red and wrapped with a grass band, which held twists of tobacco as an offering. Feathers were stuck in the ground all around the stone.

Mrs. Eastman (a) also describes a stone painted red, which the Dakotas called grandfather, in reverence, at or near which they placed as offerings their most valuable articles. They also killed dogs and horses before it as sacrifices.

Mrs. Eastman (a) also describes a red-painted stone that the Dakotas referred to as grandfather, out of respect. They would place their most valuable items as offerings near it. They also sacrificed dogs and horses in front of it.

In “A study of Pueblo Architecture,” by Victor Mindeleff, in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, is an account of the cosmology of the Pueblos as symbolized in their architecture and figured devices, as follows:

In “A Study of Pueblo Architecture” by Victor Mindeleff, in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, there's a description of the Pueblos' cosmology as represented in their architecture and decorative elements, as follows:

In the beginning all men lived together in the lowest depths, in a region of darkness and moisture; their bodies were misshapen and horrible and they suffered great misery, moaning and bewailing continually. Through the intervention of Myuingwa (a vague conception known as the god of the interior) and of Baholikonga (a crested serpent of enormous size, the genius of water) “the old man” obtained a seed from which sprang a magic growth of cane. It penetrated through a crevice in the roof overhead and mankind climbed to a higher plane. A dim light appeared in this stage and vegetation was produced. Another magic growth of cane afforded the means of rising to a still higher plane, on which the light was brighter; vegetation was reproduced and the animal kingdom was created. The final ascent to this present or fourth plane was effected by similar magic growths and was led by mythic twins, according to some of the myths, by climbing a great pine tree, in others by climbing the cane, Phragmites communis, the alternate leaves of which afforded steps as of a ladder, and in still others it is said to have been a rush,[468] through the interior of which the people passed up to the surface. The twins sang as they pulled the people out, and when their song was ended no more were allowed to come, and hence many more were left below than were permitted to come above; but the outlet through which mankind came has never been closed, and Myuingwa sends through it the germs of all living things. It is still symbolized by the peculiar construction of the hatchway of the kiva and in the designs on the sand altars in these underground chambers, by the unconnected circle painted on pottery, and by devices on basketry and other textile fabrics.

In the beginning, all humans lived together in the deepest darkness, in a wet and gloomy place; their bodies were deformed and ugly, and they experienced great suffering, constantly moaning and lamenting. Thanks to the intervention of Myuingwa (a vague idea known as the god of the interior) and Baholikonga (a massive crested serpent, the spirit of water), “the old man” received a seed that grew into a magical cane. It broke through a crack in the ceiling, allowing humanity to rise to a higher level. A faint light appeared in this new stage, and plant life began to thrive. Another magical cane allowed for ascension to an even higher level, where the light was brighter; more vegetation emerged, and animals were created. The final rise to the current fourth level was achieved through similar magical growths and led by mythic twins, who some myths say climbed a great pine tree, while others say they climbed the cane, Phragmites communis, whose alternating leaves acted like ladder steps. In other versions, it is said they used a rush, through which the people ascended to the surface. The twins sang as they pulled people out, and when their song ended, no others were allowed to follow, leaving many behind compared to those who made it above; however, the passage through which humanity emerged has never been closed, and Myuingwa continues to send the seeds of all living things through it. This is still represented by the unique design of the hatchway of the kiva and in the patterns on the sand altars in these underground spaces, by the disconnected circle painted on pottery, and by designs on baskets and other woven items.[468]

SECTION 2.
Myths and legendary creatures.

Among the hundreds of figures and characters seen by the present writer on the slate rocks that abound on the shores and islands of Kejimkoojik Lake, Queen’s county, Nova Scotia, described in Chap. II, Sec. 1, there appears a class of incised figures illustrating the religious myths and folk lore of the Indian tribes which inhabited the neighborhood within historic times. It is probable that in other parts of America, and, indeed, in all lands, the pictographic impulses and habits of the people have induced them to represent the scenes and characters of their myths on such rocks as were adapted to the purpose, as they are known to have done on bark, skins, and other objects. But these exhibitions of the favorite or prevalent myths in the shape of petroglyphs, though doubtless existing, have seldom been understood and deciphered by modern students. Sometimes they have not originally been sufficiently distinct or have become indefinite by age, and frequently their artists have been people of languages, religions, and customs different from the tribes now or lately found in the localities and from whom the significance of the petroglyphs has been sought in vain. The conditions of the characters at Kejimkoojik, now mentioned, are perhaps unique. They are drawn with great distinctness and sufficient skill, so that when traced on the rocks they immediately struck the present writer as illustrative of the myths and tales of the Abnaki. Many of these myths had been recently repeated to him by Mrs. W. Wallace Brown, of Calais, Maine, the highest authority in that line of study, and by other persons visited in Maine, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and in Cape Breton and Prince Edwards Islands, who were familiar with the Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, Amalecite, and Micmac tribes. A number of these myths and tales had before been collected in variant forms by Mr. Charles G. Leland (a). It is a more important and convincing fact that the printed impressions of the figures now presented were at once recognized by individual Indians of the several Abnaki tribes above mentioned to have the signification explained below. It is also to be noted that these Abnaki have preserved the habit of making illustrations from their stories by scratchings and scrapings on birch bark. The writer saw several such figures on bark ornaments and utensils which exhibited parts of the identical myths indicated in the petroglyphs but not the precise scenes or characters depicted on the rocks. The selection[469] of themes and their treatment were not conventional and showed some originality and individuality both in design and execution. From the appearance and surroundings of the rock drawings now specially under discussion they were probably of considerable antiquity and suggested that the Micmacs, who doubtless were the artists, had gained the idea of practicing art for itself, not merely using the devices of pictography for practical purposes, such as to record the past or to convey information.

Among the many figures and characters observed by the writer on the slate rocks along the shores and islands of Kejimkoojik Lake in Queen’s County, Nova Scotia, described in Chap. II, Sec. 1, there exists a group of carved figures that depict the religious myths and folklore of the Indian tribes that lived in the area during historic times. It's likely that people in other parts of America, and around the world, have been inspired to represent scenes and characters from their myths on rocks suitable for such art, just as they have done on bark, skins, and other materials. However, while these petroglyphs illustrating common or significant myths do exist, they are often not fully understood or interpreted by modern scholars. Sometimes the carvings weren't initially clear or have faded with age, and often the artists belonged to different languages, religions, and cultures than those currently or recently in the area, making the meanings of the petroglyphs elusive. The figures at Kejimkoojik are possibly unique in their clarity and skill; the writer immediately recognized them as representations of the myths and tales of the Abnaki. Many of these myths had been recently shared with him by Mrs. W. Wallace Brown from Calais, Maine, a leading authority in that field, as well as other individuals from Maine, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton and Prince Edward Islands, who were knowledgeable about the Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, Amalecite, and Micmac tribes. Several of these myths and tales had previously been gathered in different forms by Mr. Charles G. Leland (a). An important and compelling aspect is that individual members of the aforementioned Abnaki tribes immediately recognized the printed impressions of the figures, which have the meanings explained below. It is also noteworthy that these Abnaki continue the practice of illustrating their stories by scratching and scraping on birch bark. The writer saw several such figures on bark ornaments and tools that depicted parts of the same myths represented in the petroglyphs, though not the exact scenes or characters shown on the rocks. The choice of themes and their interpretation was not formulaic and displayed originality and individuality in both design and execution. Based on the appearance and context of the rock drawings currently under discussion, they were likely quite old and suggest that the Micmacs, who were probably the artists, had developed the idea of creating art for its own sake, rather than just using pictography for practical purposes like recording history or conveying information.

Fig. 654.—Myth of Pokinsquss.

Fig. 654.—Pokinsquss Myth.

Fig. 654 is one of the drawings mentioned, and indicates one episode among the very numerous adventures of Glooscap, the Hero-God of the Abnaki, several of which are connected with a powerful witch called by Mr. Leland Pook-jin-skwess, or the Evil Pitcher, and by Mrs. W. Wallace Brown, Pokinsquss, the Jug Woman. She is also called the toad woman, from one of her transformations, and often appeared in a male form to fight Glooscap after he had disdained her love proffered as a female. Among the multitude of tales on this general theme, one narrates how Glooscap was at one time a Pogumk, or the small animal of the weasel family commonly called Fisher (Mustela Canadensis), also translated as Black Cat, and was the son of the chief of a village of Indians who were all Black Cats, his mother being a bear. Doubtless these animal names and the attributes of the animals in the tales refer to the origin of totemic divisions among the Abnaki. Pokinsquss was also of the Black Cat village, and hated the chief and contrived long how she could kill him and take his place. Now, one day when the camp had packed up to travel, the witch asked the chief Pogumk to go with her to gather gull’s eggs; and they went far away in a canoe to an island where the gulls were breeding and landed there, and then she hid herself to spy, and having found out that the Pogumk was Glooscap, ran to the canoe and paddled away singing:

Fig. 654 is one of the drawings mentioned, and it shows one episode among the many adventures of Glooscap, the Hero-God of the Abnaki. Several of these adventures are connected to a powerful witch referred to by Mr. Leland as Pook-jin-skwess, or the Evil Pitcher, and by Mrs. W. Wallace Brown as Pokinsquss, the Jug Woman. She’s also known as the toad woman due to one of her transformations and often appeared in male form to battle Glooscap after he rejected her affection offered as a female. Among the many stories with this general theme, one tells how Glooscap was once a Pogumk, a small animal from the weasel family commonly known as the Fisher (Mustela Canadensis), also translated as Black Cat, and was the son of the chief of a village of Indians who were all Black Cats, his mother being a bear. Surely, these animal names and their characteristics in the stories refer to the origins of totemic divisions among the Abnaki. Pokinsquss was also from the Black Cat village and hated the chief, plotting for a long time on how to kill him and take his position. One day, when the camp was packed up to travel, the witch asked the chief Pogumk to go with her to gather gull’s eggs; they traveled far away in a canoe to an island where the gulls were nesting and landed there. Then, she hid to spy on him, and after discovering that Pogumk was Glooscap, she ran back to the canoe and paddled away singing:

Nikhed-ha Pogumk min nekuk,
Netswil sāgāmawin!

Nikhed-ha Pogumk min nekuk,
Netswil saga-mawin!

Which being translated from the Passamaquoddy language means—

Which, when translated from the Passamaquoddy language, means—

I have left the Black Cat on an island,
I shall be chief of the Fishers now!

I’ve left the Black Cat on an island,
I’m going to be the leader of the Fishers now!

The continuation of the story is found in many variant shapes. In one of them Glooscap’s friend the Fox came to his rescue, as through Glooscap’s m’toulin or magic power he heard the song of appeal though miles away beyond forests and mountains. In others the Sea Serpent appears in answer to the Hero-God’s call, and the latter, mounting the serpent’s back, takes a load of stones as his cargo to throw at the serpent’s horns when the latter did not swim fast enough. In the figure the island is shown at the lower right hand as a roundish outline with Glooscap inside. The small round objects to the left are probably the gull’s eggs, but may be the stimulating stones above mentioned. Pokinsquss stands rejoicing in the stern of a canoe, which points in the wavy water away from the island. The device to the left of the witch may be the dismantled camp of the Black Cats, and the one to her right is perhaps where the Fox “beyond forests and mountains” heard Glooscap’s song of distress.

The continuation of the story exists in many different forms. In one of these, Glooscap’s friend the Fox comes to his rescue because, through Glooscap’s m’toulin or magic power, he hears the plea for help from miles away, beyond forests and mountains. In other versions, the Sea Serpent responds to the Hero-God’s call, and the Hero, riding on the serpent’s back, carries a load of stones to throw at the serpent’s horns when it doesn’t swim fast enough. In the illustration, the island is shown at the lower right as a round shape with Glooscap inside. The small round objects to the left are likely the gull’s eggs, but they could also be the stimulating stones mentioned earlier. Pokinsquss stands happily in the back of a canoe, which is pointing in the wavy water away from the island. The object to the left of the witch might represent the abandoned camp of the Black Cats, and the one to her right is possibly where the Fox “beyond forests and mountains” heard Glooscap’s song of distress.

Fig. 655.—Myth of Atosis.

Fig. 655.—Myth of Atosis.

Fig. 655, another specimen of the same class, refers to one of the tales about At-o-sis, the Snake, who was the lover of a beautiful Abnaki woman. He appeared to her from out the surface of a lake as a young hunter with a large shining silvery plate on his heart and covered with brilliant white brooches as fish are covered with scales. He provided her with all animals for food. The bow attached to the semi-human head in the illustration may refer to this expertness in the chase. The head of the female figure is covered or masked by one of the insignia of rank and power mentioned in Chap. XIII, Sec. 2. She became the mother of the Black Snakes.

Fig. 655, another example from the same group, describes one of the stories about At-o-sis, the Snake, who was in love with a beautiful Abnaki woman. He emerged from the lake as a young hunter, with a large, shining silver plate on his chest and adorned with brilliant white brooches, resembling fish scales. He provided her with all the animals she needed for food. The bow attached to the semi-human head in the picture may symbolize his skill in hunting. The female figure's head is covered or masked by one of the symbols of rank and power mentioned in Chap. XIII, Sec. 2. She became the mother of the Black Snakes.

Fig. 656.—Myth of the Weasel girls.

Fig. 656.—Myth of the Weasel girls.

Fig. 656, from the same locality, shows simply a crane, and a woman who bears in her hand two branches; but this is a sufficient indication of the tale of the Weasel girls, who had come down from Star-land by means of a diminishing hemlock tree, and flying from Lox had come to a broad river which they could not cross. But in the edge of the water stood motionless a large crane, or the Tum-gwo-lig-unach, who was the ferryman. “Now, truly, this is esteemed to be the least beautiful of all the birds, for which cause he is greedy of good words and fondest of flattery. And of all beings there were none who had more bear’s oil ready to annoint every one’s hair with—that is to say, more compliments ready for everybody—than the Weasels. So, seeing the Crane, they sang:

Fig. 656, from the same area, simply shows a crane and a woman holding two branches; but this is enough to reference the story of the Weasel girls, who had descended from Star-land via a shrinking hemlock tree. Fleeing from Lox, they encountered a wide river that they couldn’t cross. At the water's edge stood a large crane, or the Tum-gwo-lig-unach, who acted as the ferryman. “Now, truly, this is considered the least beautiful of all birds, which is why he craves compliments and is particularly fond of flattery. And of all the beings, none had more bear’s oil ready to anoint everyone’s hair—that is to say, more compliments prepared for everyone—than the Weasels. So, upon seeing the Crane, they sang:

Wa wela quis kip pat kasqu',
Wa wela quis kip pat kasqu'.
The crane has a really beautiful long neck, The crane has a really beautiful long neck.

“This charmed the old ferryman very much, and when they said: ‘please, grandfather, hurry along,’ he came quickly. Seeing this, they began to chant in chorus sweetly as the Seven Stars themselves:

“This really delighted the old ferryman, and when they said, ‘please, grandfather, hurry up,’ he came over quickly. Seeing this, they started to sing together sweetly like the Seven Stars themselves:

Wa wela quig nat kasqu',
Wa wela quig nat kasqu'.
The crane has very beautiful long legs,
The crane has very beautiful long legs.

“Hearing this the good crane wanted more; so when they asked him to give them a lift across he answered, slowly, that to do so he must be well paid, but that good praise would answer as well. Now they who had abundance of this and to spare for everybody were these very girls. ‘Have I not a beautiful form?’ he inquired; and they both cried aloud: ‘Oh, uncle, it is indeed beautiful!’ ‘And my feathers?’ ‘Ah, pegeakopchu.’ ‘Beautiful and straight feathers, indeed!’ ‘And have I not a charming long, straight, neck?’ ‘Truly our uncle has it straight and long.’ ‘And will ye not acknowledge, oh maidens, that[472] my legs are fine?’ ‘Fine! oh, uncle, they are perfection. Never in this life did we see such legs!’ So, being well pleased, the crane put them across, and then the two little weasels scampered like mice into the bush.”

“Hearing this, the good crane wanted more; so when they asked him to give them a lift across, he replied slowly that he needed to be paid well, but that good praise would suffice. The girls, who had plenty of compliments to spare, immediately chimed in. ‘Don’t I have a beautiful form?’ he asked, and they both exclaimed, ‘Oh, uncle, it is indeed beautiful!’ ‘And my feathers?’ ‘Ah, pegeakopchu.’ ‘Beautiful and straight feathers, indeed!’ ‘And don’t I have a lovely long, straight neck?’ ‘Truly, our uncle has it straight and long.’ ‘And won’t you acknowledge, oh maidens, that[472] my legs are fine?’ ‘Fine! oh, uncle, they are perfection. Never in this life have we seen such legs!’ Satisfied, the crane carried them across, and then the two little weasels dashed like mice into the bushes.”

Though but one woman figure is drawn, the two boughs borne by her suggest the two weasel girls, who had come down the hemlock tree and had also been water fairies until their garments were stolen by the marten, and thereupon they had lost their fairy powers and become women in a manner at once reminding of the Old World swan-maiden myth.

Though only one woman is depicted, the two branches she carries hint at the two weasel girls who came down from the hemlock tree. They had once been water fairies until a marten stole their clothes, causing them to lose their fairy abilities and transform into women, reminiscent of the Old World swan-maiden myth.

Fig. 657.—The Giant Bird Kaloo.

Fig. 657.—The Giant Bird Kaloo.

Fig. 657 is a sketch of the Giant Bird Kaloo, or, in the literation of Mr. Leland, Culloo. He was the most terrible of all creatures. He it was who caught up the mischievous Lox in his claws and, mounting to the top of the sky among the stars, let him drop, and he fell from dawn to sunset. Lox was often a badger in the Micmac stories, and was more Puck-like than the devilish character he showed among the Passamaquoddy, being then generally in the form of a wolverine, though sometimes in that of a lynx. In the illustration Kaloo is soaring among the stars, and appears to possess an extra pair of legs armed with claws. Perhaps one of the objects beneath his beak represents Lox or some[473] other victim falling through the air. There is another story of Lox’s two feet talking and acting independently of the rest of his body, and the two feet and legs without any body may be a symbol of the tricksy demigod.

Fig. 657 is a drawing of the Giant Bird Kaloo, or as Mr. Leland calls him, Culloo. He was the most fearsome of all creatures. He was the one who captured the troublesome Lox in his claws and, flying up to the top of the sky among the stars, let him drop, and he fell from dawn to sunset. Lox was often portrayed as a badger in the Micmac stories and was more mischievous than the devilish character he was among the Passamaquoddy, usually taking the form of a wolverine, though sometimes he appeared as a lynx. In the illustration, Kaloo is soaring among the stars and seems to have an extra pair of legs equipped with claws. Perhaps one of the shapes beneath his beak represents Lox or some[473]other victim falling through the air. There is another story where Lox's two feet act and speak independently of the rest of his body, and the two feet and legs without a body may symbolize the trickster demigod.

Fig. 658.—Kiwach, the Strong Blower.

Fig. 658.—Kiwach, the Powerful Blower.

Fig. 658 represents Kiwach, the Strong Blower, a giant who kills people with his violent breath. Tales of him seem to be more current or better preserved among the Amalecites than among the other Abnaki.

Fig. 658 shows Kiwach, the Strong Blower, a giant who kills people with his powerful breath. Stories about him seem to be more common or better kept among the Amalecites than among the other Abnaki.

Fig. 659.—Story of Glooscap.

Fig. 659.—Glooscap Story.

Fig. 659 is an exact copy of the design on a birch-bark jewel box made by the Passamaquoddy of Maine, amiably contributed by Mrs. W. W. Brown, together with the description of that part of the myth which is illustrated on the box. There are several variants of this myth, the nearest to the form now presented being published by Mr. J. Walter Fewkes (a).

Fig. 659 is an exact replica of the design on a birch-bark jewelry box made by the Passamaquoddy people of Maine, kindly provided by Mrs. W. W. Brown, along with a description of the part of the myth that the box illustrates. There are several variations of this myth, with the version closest to the one now presented published by Mr. J. Walter Fewkes (a).

The Sable and the Black Cat wanted some maple sugar, and went to a wood where the maple trees grew. Toward night they lost their way and separated from each other to find it, agreeing to call to each other by m’toulin power. These animals were as frequently in human form as in that designated by their names, and could change to the forms of other animals. It is not certain, from anything in the present version of the myth, which one of the daimons was represented by the Sable, but the Black Cat afterward appears as Glooscap. Sable, in his wanderings, came to a wigwam in which was a large fire with a kettle boiling over it, tended by a great Snake. The Snake said he was glad the Sable had come, as he was very hungry and would eat him, but in gratitude for his coming would put him to as little pain as was possible. The Snake told him to go into the woods and get a straight stick, so that when he pierced him he would not tear open his entrails. Sable then went out and sang in a loud voice a m’toulin song for the Black Cat to hear and come to his aid. The Black Cat heard him and came to him. Then the Sable told the Black Cat how the Snake was going to kill him. The Black Cat told Sable not to be afraid, but that he would kill the big Snake. He told him that he would lie down behind the trunk of a hemlock tree which had fallen and that Sable should search out a stick that was very crooked, only pretending to obey the commands of the great Snake. After finding such a stick he should carry it to the Snake, who would complain that the stick was not straight enough, and then Sable should reply that he would[474] straighten it in the fire, holding it there until the steam came out of the end. Then while the Snake watched the new mode of straightening sticks Sable should strike the Snake over the eyes. The Sable sought out the most crooked stick he could find and then returned to the wigwam where the Snake was. The Snake said the stick was too crooked. The Sable replied as directed and held it in the fire. When it was burning he struck the Snake with it over the eyes, blinded him, and ran away. The Snake followed the Sable, and as he passed over the hemlock trunk the Black Cat killed him and they cut him into small pieces.

The Sable and the Black Cat wanted some maple sugar, so they went to a forest where the maple trees grew. As night approached, they got lost and separated to find each other, agreeing to call out to one another using m’toulin power. These animals often appeared in human form as well as their animal forms and could shift into the shapes of other animals. It's unclear from this version of the myth which spirit the Sable represented, but the Black Cat later appears as Glooscap. While wandering, Sable arrived at a wigwam where a large fire was burning with a kettle boiling over it, watched by a big Snake. The Snake said he was glad Sable had come because he was very hungry and planned to eat him, but in gratitude for his arrival, he would minimize his suffering. The Snake instructed him to go into the woods to find a straight stick so that when he pierced him, he wouldn't harm his insides. Sable then went outside and loudly sang a m’toulin song for the Black Cat to hear and come help him. The Black Cat heard him and arrived. Sable then informed the Black Cat about the Snake's plan to kill him. The Black Cat reassured Sable not to be afraid and that he would take care of the big Snake. He suggested that Sable lie down behind the trunk of a fallen hemlock tree while Sable searched for a very crooked stick, pretending to comply with the Snake's orders. After finding such a stick, he should bring it to the Snake, who would complain that the stick wasn't straight enough. Sable was to reply that he would straighten it in the fire, holding it there until steam came out of the end. While the Snake was distracted by this new method of straightening sticks, Sable would strike him over the eyes. Sable found the most crooked stick he could and then returned to the wigwam where the Snake was. The Snake remarked that the stick was too crooked. Sable replied as instructed and held it in the fire. When it began to burn, he struck the Snake over the eyes, blinding him, and ran away. The Snake chased Sable, and as he passed over the hemlock trunk, the Black Cat killed him, and they cut him into small pieces.

The two human figures on the left show the animals under the forest trees in human form bidding good-bye before they parted in search of the right trail. Their diminutive size gives the suggestion of distance from the main scene. Next comes the great Snake’s wigwam, the stars outside showing that night had come, and inside the kettle hung over a fire, and on its right appear the wide-open jaws and an indication of the head of the great Snake. The very crooked stick is on the other side. Farther on the Black Cat comes responsive to the Sable’s call. Next is shown, the Black Cat and the Sable, who is in human form, near the hemlock tree. The fact that the tree is fallen is suggested, without any attempt at perspective, by the broken-off branches and the thick part of the trunk being upturned. The illustration ends with the Black Cat sitting upon the Snake, clawing and throwing around pieces of it.

The two human figures on the left represent the animals beneath the forest trees in human form saying goodbye before they set off to find the right path. Their small size suggests they are a bit distant from the main scene. Next is the great Snake’s wigwam, with stars outside indicating that night has arrived. Inside, a kettle hangs over a fire, and to its right, the wide-open jaws and part of the head of the great Snake can be seen. A very crooked stick is on the other side. Further along, the Black Cat responds to the Sable’s call. Next, the Black Cat and the Sable, who is in human form, are shown near the fallen hemlock tree. The tree’s fall is suggested, without any perspective, by the broken branches and the thick part of the trunk being turned up. The illustration concludes with the Black Cat sitting on the Snake, clawing at it and tossing around pieces.

The illustration above presented gives an excellent example of the art of the Passamaquoddy in producing pictures by the simple scraping of birch bark.

The illustration above is a great example of the Passamaquoddy's art in creating images by simply scraping birch bark.

The characters in Fig. 660 are reproduced from Schoolcraft (k).

The characters in Fig. 660 are taken from Schoolcraft (k).

Fig. 660.—Ojibwa shamanistic symbols.

Fig. 660.—Ojibwa shaman symbols.

The first device, beginning at the left, is used by the Ojibwa to denote a spirit or man enlightened from on high, having the head of the sun.

The first device, starting from the left, is used by the Ojibwa to represent a spirit or a man who has been enlightened from above, featuring the head of the sun.

The second device is drawn by the Ojibwa for a “wabeno” or shaman.

The second device is created by the Ojibwa for a “wabeno” or shaman.

The third is the Ojibwa “symbol” for an evil or one-sided “meda” or higher-grade shaman.

The third is the Ojibwa “symbol” for a malevolent or one-sided “meda” or higher-level shaman.

The fourth is the Ojibwa general “symbol” for a meda.

The fourth is the Ojibwa general "symbol" for a meda.

Mr. William H. Holmes, of the Bureau of Ethnology, gives the following account (condensed from the American Anthropologist, July, 1890) of a West Virginia rock shelter (shown in Pl. XXXI). The copy is in two rows of figures, but in the original there is only one row, the parts marked a and a being united:

Mr. William H. Holmes from the Bureau of Ethnology provides the following summary (condensed from the American Anthropologist, July, 1890) of a rock shelter in West Virginia (shown in Pl. XXXI). The copy is presented in two rows of figures, but in the original, there is just one row, with the sections marked a and a being combined:

In Harrison county, West Virginia, a small stream, Two-Lick creek, heading near the Little Kanawha divide, descends into the west fork of the Monongahela about 4 miles west of Lost Creek station, on the Clarksburg and Weston railroad. Ascending the stream for a little more than 2 miles and turning to the right up a tributary called Campbells run, is a recess in the rocks, the result of local surface undermining of an outcrop of sandstone assisted by roof degradation, which therefore is a typical rock shelter. At the opening it is about 20 feet long and in the deepest part extends back 16 feet.

In Harrison County, West Virginia, a small stream called Two-Lick Creek, which starts near the Little Kanawha divide, flows into the west fork of the Monongahela about 4 miles west of Lost Creek station on the Clarksburg and Weston railroad. If you go up the stream for a little over 2 miles and turn right up a tributary named Campbells Run, you'll find an indentation in the rocks, created by local surface erosion of a sandstone outcrop along with roof degradation, making it a typical rock shelter. At the entrance, it's about 20 feet long and extends back 16 feet in its deepest part.

The rock sculptures, of which simplified outlines are given in Pl. XXXI, occupy the greater part of the back wall of the recess, covering a space of some 20 feet long by about 4 feet in height. At the left the line of figures approaches the outer face of the rock, but at the right it terminates in the depths of the chamber, beyond which the space is too low and uneven to be utilized. There are indications that engravings have existed above and below those shown, but their traces are too indistinct to be followed.

The rock sculptures, with simplified outlines shown in Pl. XXXI, cover most of the back wall of the recess, stretching about 20 feet long and around 4 feet high. On the left, the line of figures reaches toward the outer face of the rock, while on the right it ends deep in the chamber, where the space is too low and uneven to be used. There are signs that engravings once existed above and below those displayed, but their traces are too faint to be discerned.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXI
PICTOGRAPH IN ROCK SHELTER, WEST VIRGINIA.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXI
PICTOGRAPH IN ROCK SHELTER, WEST VIRGINIA.

The more legible designs comprise three heads, resembling death’s-heads, one human head or face, one obscure human figure, three birds resembling cranes or turkeys (one with outspread wings), three mountain lions or beasts of like character, two rattlesnakes, one turtle, one turtle-like figure with bird’s head, parts of several unidentified creatures (one resembling a fish), and four conventional figures or devices resembling, one a hand, one a star, one the track of a horse, and the fourth the track of an elk, buffalo, deer, or domestic cow.

The clearer designs include three heads that look like skulls, one human face, one vague human figure, three birds that resemble cranes or turkeys (one with its wings spread), three mountain lions or similar beasts, two rattlesnakes, one turtle, one turtle-like figure with a bird's head, parts of several unidentified creatures (one that looks like a fish), and four standard figures or symbols: one shaped like a hand, one like a star, one that represents a horse's track, and the fourth resembling the track of an elk, buffalo, deer, or domestic cow.

The serpents, placed above and toward the right of the picture, are much larger than life, but the other subjects are represented somewhat nearly natural size. The animal figure facing the two death’s-heads is drawn with considerable vigor and very decidedly suggests the panther. A notable feature is the two back-curving spines or spine-like tufts seen upon its shoulder; it is possible that these represent some mythical character of the creature. Two of the animal figures, in accordance with a widespread Indian practice, exhibit the heart and the life line, the latter connecting the heart with the mouth; these features are, as usual, drawn in red.

The serpents, positioned above and to the right of the picture, are much larger than life, while the other subjects are shown at almost real size. The animal facing the two skulls is depicted with considerable energy and strongly resembles a panther. A striking detail is the two back-curving spines or tuft-like spines on its shoulder; these might represent some mythical aspect of the creature. Two of the animal figures, following a common Indian tradition, display the heart and the life line, which connects the heart to the mouth; these features are typically drawn in red.

The human head or face is somewhat larger than life; it is neatly hollowed out to the nearly uniform depth of one-fourth of an inch, and is slightly polished over most of the surface. Ear lobes are seen at the right and left, and an arched line, possibly intended for a plume, rises from the left side of the head. A crescent-shaped band of red extends across the face, and within this the eyes are indistinctly marked. The mouth is encircled by a dark line and shows six teeth, the spaces between being filled in with red.

The human head or face is somewhat larger than life; it is evenly hollowed out to about a quarter of an inch deep and is slightly polished over most of the surface. Ear lobes can be seen on the right and left, and an arched line, possibly meant for a plume, rises from the left side of the head. A crescent-shaped band of red stretches across the face, and within this, the eyes are faintly marked. The mouth is outlined by a dark line and shows six teeth, with the gaps filled in with red.

Probably the most remarkable members of the series are the three death’s-heads seen near the middle of the line. That they are intended to represent skulls and not the living face or head is clear, and the treatment is decidedly suggestive of that exhibited in similar work of the more cultured southern nations. The eye spaces are large and deep, the cheek bones project, the nose is depressed, and the mouth is a mere node depressed in the center.

Probably the most striking members of the series are the three skulls seen near the middle of the line. It's clear that they are meant to represent skulls, not living faces or heads, and the style definitely suggests influences from similar art of the more refined southern nations. The eye sockets are large and deep, the cheekbones stick out, the nose is sunken, and the mouth is just a small indentation in the center.

All the figures are clearly and deeply engraved, and all save the serpents are in full intaglio, being excavated over the entire space within the outlines and to the[476] depth of from one-eighth to one-fourth of an inch. The serpents are outlined in deep unsteady lines, ranging from one-fourth of an inch to 1 inch in width, and in parts are as much as one-half an inch in depth. The example at the left is rather carefully executed, but the other is very rude. It is proper to notice a wing-like feature which forms a partial arch over the larger serpent. It consists of a broad line of irregular pick marks, which are rather new looking and may not have formed a part of the original design; aside from this, there are few indications of the use of hard or sharp tools, and, although picking or striking must have been resorted to in excavating the figures, the lines and surfaces were evidently finished by rubbing. The friable character of the coarse, soft sandstone makes excavation by rubbing quite easy, and at the same time renders it impossible to produce any considerable degree of polish.

All the figures are clearly and deeply engraved, and all except the serpents are in full intaglio, being excavated over the entire space within the outlines and to the[476] depth of one-eighth to one-fourth of an inch. The serpents are outlined in deep, uneven lines, varying from one-fourth of an inch to 1 inch wide, and in some places are as much as one-half an inch deep. The example on the left is fairly well done, but the other one is very crude. It's worth noting a wing-like feature that forms a partial arch over the larger serpent. This consists of a broad line of uneven pick marks that look relatively new and may not have been part of the original design; aside from this, there are few signs of hard or sharp tools being used, and while picking or striking must have been used in carving the figures, the lines and surfaces were clearly finished by rubbing. The fragile nature of the coarse, soft sandstone makes excavation by rubbing quite easy, but also makes it impossible to achieve any significant level of polish.

The red color used upon the large face and in delineating the life line and heart of the animal figures is a red ocher or hematite, bits of which, exhibiting the effects of rubbing, were found in the floor deposits of the recess. The exact manner of its application is not known (perhaps the mere rubbing was sufficient), but the color is so fixed that it can not be removed save by the removal of the rock surface.

The red color on the large face and used to outline the lifeline and heart of the animal figures is a red ocher or hematite. Small pieces of it, showing signs of rubbing, were discovered in the floor deposits of the recess. The exact method of application isn't known (maybe just rubbing was enough), but the color is so firmly set that it can't be removed without taking off the rock surface.

Regarding the origin and purpose of these sculptures, it seems probable that they are connected with religious practices and myths. If the inscriptions were mnemonic records or notices it is reasonable to suppose that they would have been placed so as to meet the eye of others than those who made or were acquainted with them. But these works are hidden in a mountain cave, and even yet, when the forest is cleared and the surrounding slopes are cultivated, this secluded recess is invisible from almost every side. The spot was evidently the resort of a chosen few, such as a religious society. Such sequestered art gives evidence of a mystic purpose.

Regarding the origin and purpose of these sculptures, it seems likely that they are connected to religious practices and myths. If the inscriptions served as memory aids or notices, it makes sense to think they would have been placed where others could see them, not just those who created or were familiar with them. However, these works are hidden in a mountain cave, and even now, when the forest is cleared and the surrounding slopes are cultivated, this secluded area is almost completely out of sight from all angles. The location clearly catered to a select few, like a religious group. Such hidden art suggests a deeper, mystical purpose.

Fig. 661.—Baho-li-kong-ya. Arizona.

Fig. 661.—Baho-li-kong-ya. Arizona.

In this connection it may be noted that a rock drawing in the Canyon Segy, Arizona (Fig. 661), shows Baho li-kong-ya, a god, the genius of fructification, worshipped by living Moki priests. It is a great crested serpent with mammæ, which are the source of the blood of all the animals and of all the waters of the land.

In this regard, it's worth mentioning that a rock drawing in Canyon Segy, Arizona (Fig. 661), depicts Baho li-kong-ya, a god associated with fertility, worshipped by living Moki priests. It is represented as a large crested serpent with mammary features, which are believed to be the source of the blood of all animals and all the waters of the land.

The serpents in the last-mentioned plate and figure may be compared with two Ojibway forms published by Schoolcraft (l).

The snakes in the previously mentioned plate and figure can be compared to two Ojibway designs published by Schoolcraft (l).

Fig. 662.—Mythic serpents, Innuits.

Fig. 662.—Mythical serpents, Inuit.

The upper design of Fig. 662 undoubtedly represents a mythical animal, referred to in the myths of some of the Innuits. It is reproduced[477] from a drawing on walrus ivory, bearing Museum No. 40054, obtained at Port Clarence, Alaska. This form is not so close in detail to that form usually described and more fully outlined in the lower design of the same figure, which is reproduced from a specimen of reindeer horn drill-bow, from Alaska, marked No. 24557, collected by L. Turner.

The upper design of Fig. 662 clearly shows a mythical animal mentioned in some Inuit myths. It is taken[477] from a drawing on walrus ivory, with Museum No. 40054, collected at Port Clarence, Alaska. This form is not as detailed as the one usually described and more clearly outlined in the lower design of the same figure, which is taken from a reindeer horn drill-bow from Alaska, marked No. 24557, collected by L. Turner.

Ensign Niblack, U. S. Navy (d), gives the following description of the illustration reproduced here as Fig. 663.

Ensign Niblack, U.S. Navy (d), provides the following description of the illustration shown here as Fig. 663.

Fig. 663.—Haida Wind Spirit.

Fig. 663.—Haida Wind Spirit.

It represents T’kul, the wind spirit, and the cirrus clouds, explaining the Haida belief in the causes of the changes in the weather. The center figure is T’kul, the wind spirit. On the right and left are his feet, which are indicated by long streaming clouds; above are the wings, and on each side are the different winds, each designated by an eye, and represented by the patches of cirrus clouds. When T’kul determines which wind is to blow, he gives the word and the other winds retire. The change in the weather is usually followed by rain, which is indicated by the tears which stream from the eyes of T’kul.

It represents T’kul, the wind spirit, and the cirrus clouds, illustrating the Haida belief in what causes changes in the weather. The central figure is T’kul, the wind spirit. His feet are shown on the right and left by long streaming clouds; above are the wings, and on each side are the different winds, each identified by an eye and represented by patches of cirrus clouds. When T’kul decides which wind will blow, he gives the signal and the other winds withdraw. A change in the weather is typically followed by rain, which is represented by the tears streaming from T’kul's eyes.

Fig. 664.—Orca. Haida.

Fig. 664.—Orca. Haida.

The same author, p. 322, thus describes Fig. 664:

The same author, p. 322, describes Fig. 664 like this:

It represents the orca or whale-killer, which the Haida believe to be a demon called Skana. Judge Swan says that, according to their belief—

It represents the orca or killer whale, which the Haida believe to be a demon named Skana. Judge Swan says that, according to their belief

“He can change into any desired form, and many are the legends about him. One which was related to me was that ages ago the Indians were out seal-hunting. The[478] weather was calm and the sea smooth. One of these killers, or blackfish, a species of porpoise, kept alongside of a canoe, and the young men amused themselves by throwing stones from the canoe ballast and hitting the fin of the killer. After some pretty hard blows from these rocks the creature made for the shore, where it grounded on the beach. Soon a smoke was seen, and their curiosity prompted them to ascertain the cause, but when they reached the shore they discovered, to their surprise, that it was a large canoe, and not the Skana that was in the beach, and that a man was on shore cooking some food. He asked them why they threw stones at his canoe. ‘You have broken it,’ he said, ‘and now go into the woods and get some cedar withes and mend it.’ They did so, and when they had finished the man said, ‘Turn your backs to the water and cover your heads with your skin blankets and don’t look till I call you.’ They did so, and heard the canoe grate on the beach as it was hauled down to the surf. Then the man said, ‘Look, now.’ They looked, but when it came to the second breaker it went under and presently came up outside of the breaker a killer and not a canoe, and the man or demon was in its belly. This allegory is common among all the tribes on the Northwest Coast, and even with the interior tribes with whom the salmon takes the place of the orca, which never ascends the fresh-water rivers. The Chilcat and other tribes of Alaska carve figures of salmon, inside of which is the full length figure of a nude Indian. * * * Casual observers without inquiry will at once pronounce it to be Jonah in the fish’s belly, but the allegory is of ancient origin, far antedating the advent of the white man or the teachings of the missionary.”

“He can transform into any shape he wants, and there are many stories about him. One story I heard is that a long time ago, the Native Americans were hunting seals. The[478] weather was calm, and the sea was smooth. A killer whale, which is a type of porpoise, swam alongside a canoe, and the young men had fun throwing stones from the canoe and hitting the whale's fin. After taking quite a few hits, the whale swam to the shore and beached itself. Soon, they saw smoke and decided to find out what was causing it. To their surprise, they found a large canoe on the beach and a man cooking food. He asked them why they were throwing stones at his canoe. ‘You’ve broken it,’ he said, ‘now go into the woods, get some cedar branches, and fix it.’ They did that, and when they were done, the man said, ‘Turn your backs to the water, cover your heads with your skin blankets, and don’t look until I call you.’ They followed his instructions and heard the canoe being dragged to the surf. Then the man said, ‘Look now.’ They turned around, but when the canoe reached the second wave, it disappeared under the water and then came up as a killer whale, with the man or spirit inside it. This story is common among all the tribes on the Northwest Coast, as well as the tribes inland, where salmon takes the place of the killer whale, which never swims up freshwater rivers. The Chilcat and other Alaskan tribes carve figures of salmon, inside of which is the full-length figure of a nude Native American. * * * Casual observers without knowledge will quickly say it’s Jonah in the fish's belly, but the story is ancient, long before the arrival of white people or the teachings of missionaries.”

The same author, Pl. XLIX, gives an explanation of Fig. 665, which is a copy of a Haida slate carving, representing the “Bear-Mother.”

The same author, Pl. 49, explains Fig. 665, which is a copy of a Haida slate carving depicting the “Bear-Mother.”

Fig. 665.—Bear-Mother. Haida.

Fig. 665.—Bear Mother. Haida.

The Haida version of the myth is as follows:

The Haida version of the myth is as follows:

A number of Indian squaws were in the woods gathering berries when one of them, the daughter of a chief, spoke in terms of ridicule of the whole bear species. The bears descended on them and killed all but the chief’s daughter, whom the king of the bears took to wife. She bore him a child half human and half bear. The carving represents the agony of the mother in suckling this rough and uncouth offspring. One day a party of Indian bear hunters discovered her up a tree and were about to kill her, thinking her a bear, but she made them understand that she was human. They took her home and she afterwards became the progenitor of all Indians belonging to the bear totem. They believe that the bear are men transformed for the time being. This carving was made by Skaows-ke'ay, a Haida. Cat. No. 73117, U. S. Nat. Museum. Skidegate village, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

A group of Native American women were in the woods picking berries when one of them, the daughter of a chief, mocked the entire bear species. The bears attacked them and killed all except the chief’s daughter, who was taken as a wife by the king of the bears. She gave birth to a child that was half human and half bear. The carving shows the mother's pain in nursing this rough and wild offspring. One day, a group of Native American bear hunters found her up in a tree and almost killed her, thinking she was a bear, but she managed to let them know she was human. They took her home, and she eventually became the ancestor of all Native Americans associated with the bear totem. They believe that bears are men temporarily transformed. This carving was made by Skaows-ke'ay, a Haida. Cat. No. 73117, U.S. Nat. Museum. Skidegate village, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Dr. F. Boas (d) gives the following account of a myth of the Kwakiut Indians illustrated on a house front at Alert Bay, copied here as Fig. 666.

Dr. F. Boas (d) provides the following description of a myth of the Kwakiut Indians shown on a house front at Alert Bay, reproduced here as Fig. 666.

Fig. 666.—Thunder-bird grasping whale.

Fig. 666.—Thunderbird gripping whale.

The house front shows how Kunkunquilikya (the thunder-bird) tried to lift the whale. The legend says that he had stolen the son of the raven, who in order to recover him, carried a whale out of a huge cedar that he covered with a coating of gum. Then he let all kinds of animals go into the whale, and they went to the land of the thunder-bird. When the bird saw the whale he sent out his youngest son to catch it. He was unable to lift it. He stuck to the gum and the animals killed him. In this way the whole family was slaughtered.

The front of the house illustrates how Kunkunquilikya (the thunder-bird) tried to lift the whale. According to the legend, he had kidnapped the son of the raven, who, to get him back, pulled a whale out of a massive cedar covered in gum. Then he allowed various animals to enter the whale, and they traveled to the land of the thunder-bird. When the bird spotted the whale, he sent out his youngest son to catch it. He couldn't lift it and got stuck in the gum, leading to the animals killing him. In this way, the entire family was wiped out.

On Pl. XXXII is shown a reproduction of a native Haida drawing, representing the Wasko, a mythologic animal partaking of the characteristics of both the bear and the orca, or killer. It is one of the totems of the Haidas.

On Pl. XXXII is a reproduction of a native Haida drawing, depicting the Wasko, a mythical creature that has features of both the bear and the orca, or killer whale. It is one of the totems of the Haidas.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXII
WASCO AND MYTHIC RAVEN, HAIDA.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXII
WASCO AND MYTHIC RAVEN, HAIDA.

On the same plate is a figure representing the Hooyeh, or mythic raven. The character is also reproduced from a sketch made by a Haida Indian. Both of these figures were obtained from Haida Indians who visited Port Townsend, Washington, in the summer of 1884.

On the same plate is a figure of the Hooyeh, or mythical raven. The character is also based on a sketch created by a Haida Indian. Both of these figures were collected from Haida Indians who came to Port Townsend, Washington, in the summer of 1884.

The following is extracted from Mrs. Eastman’s (b) Dahcotah. The picture, reproduced here in Fig. 667, is that of Haokah, the antinatural god, one of the giants of the Dakotas, drawn by White-Deer, a Sioux warrior, living near Fort Snelling about 1840.

The following is extracted from Mrs. Eastman’s (b) Dahcotah. The picture, reproduced here in Fig. 667, shows Haokah, the unnatural god, one of the giants of the Dakotas, illustrated by White-Deer, a Sioux warrior who lived near Fort Snelling around 1840.

Fig. 667.—Haokah. Dakota giant.

Fig. 667.—Haokah. Dakota giant.

Explanation of the drawing.a, the giant; b, a frog that the giant uses for an arrow point; c, a large bird that the giant keeps in his court; d, another bird; e, an ornament[480] over the door leading into the court; f, an ornament over a door; g, part of court ornamented with down; h, part of court ornamented with red down; i, a bear; j, a deer; k, an elk; l, a buffalo; m, n, incense-offering; o, a rattle of deer’s claws, used when singing; p, a long flute, or whistle; q, r, s, t, are meteors that the giant sends out for his defense, or to protect him from invasion; u, v, w, x, the giant surrounded with lightnings, with which he kills all kinds of animals that molest him; y, red down in small bunches fastened to the railing of the court; z, the same. One of these bunches of red down disappears every time an animal is found dead inside the court; aa, bb, touchwood, and a large fungus that grows on trees. These are eaten by any animal that enters the court, and this food causes their death; cc, a streak of lightning going from the giant’s hat; dd, giant’s head and hat; ee, his bow and arrow.

Explanation of the drawing.a, the giant; b, a frog that the giant uses as the tip of an arrow; c, a large bird that the giant keeps in his court; d, another bird; e, an ornament[480]over the door leading into the court; f, an ornament above a door; g, part of the court decorated with down; h, part of the court decorated with red down; i, a bear; j, a deer; k, an elk; l, a buffalo; m, n, incense-offering; o, a rattle made from deer's claws, used when singing; p, a long flute or whistle; q, r, s, t, are meteors that the giant sends out for his defense or to protect him from invasion; u, v, w, x, the giant surrounded by lightning, which he uses to kill all kinds of animals that bother him; y, small bunches of red down attached to the railing of the court; z, the same. One of these bunches of red down disappears every time an animal is found dead inside the court; aa, bb, touchwood, and a large fungus that grows on trees. Any animal that enters the court eats these, and this food causes their death; cc, a streak of lightning coming from the giant’s hat; dd, the giant’s head and hat; ee, his bow and arrow.

Mrs. Eastman’s explanation of the drawing would have been better if she had known more about the mystery lodges. It is given here in her own words.

Mrs. Eastman’s explanation of the drawing would have been better if she had known more about the mystery lodges. It is provided here in her own words.

Fig. 668.—Ojibwa Ma'nidō.

Fig. 668.—Ojibwa Spirit.

Fig. 668, from Copway (c), shows the representations, beginning from the left, of spirits above, spirits under water, and animals under ground, all of which are called ma'nidōs.

Fig. 668, from Copway (c), shows the representations, starting from the left, of spirits above, spirits underwater, and animals underground, all of which are called ma'nidōs.

Fig. 669.—Menomoni. White Bear Ma'nidō.

Fig. 669.—Menomoni. White Bear Manidoo.

Fig. 669 is a reproduction of a drawing made by Niópet, chief of the Menomoni Indians, and represents the white bear spirit who guards the deposits of native copper of Lake Superior. According to the myth the animal is covered with silvery hair, and the tail, which is of great length and extends completely around the body, is composed of bright, burnished copper. This spirit lives in the earth, where he guards the metal from discovery.

Fig. 669 is a reproduction of a drawing created by Niópet, the chief of the Menomoni Indians, and it depicts the white bear spirit that protects the deposits of native copper in Lake Superior. According to the myth, the bear is covered in silvery fur, and its long tail wraps completely around its body, made of shiny, polished copper. This spirit resides underground, keeping the metal hidden from discovery.

Fig. 670.—Mythic wild-cats. Ojibway.

Fig. 670.—Mythical wildcats. Ojibway.

In a midē' song, given by James Tanner (f), is the representation of an animal resembling the preceding, viz, the middle character of Fig. 670, to which is attached the Ojibway phrase and explanation as follows:

In a midē' song, provided by James Tanner (f), there is a depiction of an animal similar to the one before it, specifically the middle character of Fig. 670, accompanied by the Ojibway phrase and explanation as follows:

Che-be-gau-ze-naung gwit-to-i-ah-na maun-dah-ween ah-kee-ge neen-wa-nah gua-kwaik ke-nah gwit-to-i-ah-na.

Che-be-gau-ze-naung gwit-to-i-ah-na maun-dah-ween ah-kee-ge neen-wa-nah gua-kwaik ke-nah gwit-to-i-ah-na.

I come to change the appearance of the ground, this ground; I make it look different each season.

I come to change how the ground looks, this ground; I make it appear different each season.

This is a Manito who, on account of his immensity of tail, and other peculiarities, has no prototype. He claims to be the ruler over the seasons. He is probably Gitche-a-nah-mi-e-be-zhew (great underground wild-cat).

This is a Manito who, because of his huge tail and other unique features, has no counterpart. He says he’s in charge of the seasons. He is likely Gitche-a-nah-mi-e-be-zhew (great underground wild-cat).

The “underground wild-cat” is again mentioned in the same work, page 377, with an illustration now presented as the left-hand character of the same Fig. 670, slightly different from the above, described as follows:

The “underground wild-cat” is mentioned again in the same work, page 377, with an illustration now shown as the left-hand character of Fig. 670, which is slightly different from the one above, described as follows:

A-nah-me be-zhe ne-kau-naw.

A-nah-me be-zhe ne-kau-naw.

Underground wild-cat is my friend.

Underground wildcat is my friend.

At the fourth verse he exhibits his medicines, which he says are the roots of shrubs and of We-ug-gusk-oan, or herbs, and from these he derives his power, at least in part; but lest his claim, founded on a knowledge of these, should not be considered of sufficient importance, he proceeds to say, in the fifth and sixth verses, that the snakes and the underground wild-cat are among his helpers and friends. The ferocity and cunning, as well as the activity of the feline animals have not escaped the notice of the Indians, and very commonly they give the form of animals of this family to those imaginary beings whose attributes bear, in their opinion, some resemblance to the qualities of these animals. Most of them have heard of the lion, the largest of the cats known to white men, and all have heard of the devil; they consider them the same. The wild-cat here figured has horns, and his residence is under the ground; but he has a master, Gitche-a-nah-mi-e-be-zhew (the great underground wild-cat), who is, as some think, Matche-Manito himself, their evil spirit, or devil. Of this last they speak but rarely.

At the fourth verse, he shows off his medicines, which he claims are made from the roots of shrubs and from We-ug-gusk-oan, or herbs, and he says this is where he gets his power, at least in part. But just in case his knowledge of these isn’t seen as important enough, he goes on in the fifth and sixth verses to mention that snakes and the underground wild-cat are among his helpers and friends. The ferocity and cunning, as well as the agility of felines, have not gone unnoticed by the Indians. They often attribute the qualities of these animals to the imaginary beings they create. Most of them know about the lion, the largest of the cats known to white people, and everyone has heard of the devil; they think of them as the same. The wild-cat described here has horns and lives underground, but he has a master, Gitche-a-nah-mi-e-be-zhew (the great underground wild-cat), who some believe is Matche-Manito himself, their evil spirit, or devil. They talk about this last one only rarely.

In another song from Tanner, p. 345, sung only by the midē', is the drawing, the right hand character of the same figure, of a similar animal with a bar across the throat, signifying, no doubt, its emerging or appearance from the surface of the ground.

In another song from Tanner, p. 345, sung only by the midē', is the drawing, the right hand character of the same figure, of a similar animal with a bar across the throat, signifying, no doubt, its emerging or appearance from the surface of the ground.

Nah-ne-bah o-sa ann neen-no ne-mah-che oos-sa ya-ah-ne-no. [Twice.]

Nah-ne-bah o-sa ann neen-no ne-mah-che oos-sa ya-ah-ne-no. [Twice.]

I walk about in the nighttime.

I stroll at night.

This first figure represents the wild-cat, to whom, on account of his vigilance, the medicines for the cure of diseases were committed. The meaning probably is that to those who have the shrewdness, the watchfulness, and intelligence of the wild-cat, is intrusted the knowledge of those powerful remedies, which, in the opinion of the Indians, not only control life and avail to the restoration of health but give an almost unlimited power over animals and birds.

This first figure represents the wild cat, which, because of its alertness, is entrusted with the knowledge of medicines that cure diseases. The idea is likely that those who possess the cleverness, vigilance, and intelligence of the wild cat are given the knowledge of these powerful remedies, which, according to the Indians, not only have the ability to control life and restore health but also grant an almost limitless power over animals and birds.

Fig. 671.—Winnebago magic animal.

Fig. 671.—Winnebago magical creature.

Schoolcraft, part II, p. 224, describes Fig. 671 as follows:

Schoolcraft, part II, p. 224, describes Fig. 671 as follows:

It was drawn by Little Hill, a Winnebago chief of the upper Mississippi, west. He represents it as their medicine animal. He says that this animal is seldom seen; that it is only seen by medicine men after severe fasting. He has a piece of bone which he asserts was taken from this animal. He considers it a potent medicine and uses it by filing a small piece in water. He has also a small piece of native copper which he uses in the same manner, and entertains like notions of its sovereign virtues.

It was created by Little Hill, a Winnebago chief from the upper Mississippi region to the west. He describes it as their medicine animal. He mentions that this animal is rarely seen; it can only be spotted by medicine men after they have undergone intense fasting. He possesses a piece of bone that he claims came from this animal. He considers it a powerful medicine and uses it by dissolving a small piece in water. He also has a small piece of native copper that he uses in the same way and believes has similar healing properties.

The four preceding figures are to be compared with those relating to the Piasa rock. See Figs. 40 and 41, supra.

The four previous figures should be compared with the ones related to the Piasa rock. See Figs. 40 and 41, above.

Fig. 672.—Mythic buffalo.

Fig. 672.—Mythical buffalo.

Fig. 672.—A Minneconjou Dakota, having killed a buffalo cow, found an old woman inside of her. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1850-’51.

Fig. 672.—A Minneconjou Dakota, who had killed a buffalo cow, discovered an old woman inside it. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1850-’51.

For remarks upon this statement see Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for 1850-’51, supra.

For comments on this statement, see Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for 1850-’51, above.

Graphic representations of Atotarka and of the Great Heads are shown in Mrs. Erminie A. Smith’s Myths of the Iroquois, in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Several illustrations of myths and mythic animals appear in the present work in Chap. IX, Secs. 4 and 5.

Graphic representations of Atotarka and the Great Heads are featured in Mrs. Erminie A. Smith’s Myths of the Iroquois, in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Several illustrations of myths and mythic animals can be found in this work in Chap. IX, Secs. 4 and 5.

THUNDER BIRDS.

Some forms of the thunder bird are here presented:

Some versions of the thunderbird are presented here:

Fig. 673.—Thunder-bird, Dakota.

Fig. 673.—Thunderbird, Dakota.

Fig. 674.—Thunder-bird, Dakota.

Fig. 674.—Thunderbird, Dakota.

Figs. 673 and 674 are forms of the thunder bird found in 1883 among the Dakotas near Fort Snelling, drawn and interpreted by themselves. They are both winged, and have waving lines extending from the mouth downward, signifying lightning. It is noticeable that Fig. 673 placed vertically, then appearing roughly as an upright human figure, is almost identically the same as some of the Ojibwa meda or spirit figures represented in Schoolcraft, and also on a bark Ojibwa record in the possession of the writer.

Figs. 673 and 674 show forms of the thunderbird that were discovered in 1883 among the Dakotas near Fort Snelling, created and explained by them. Both figures have wings and feature wavy lines coming from the mouth downwards, representing lightning. It's interesting to note that when Fig. 673 is positioned vertically, it resembles an upright human figure and is almost identical to some of the Ojibwa meda or spirit figures illustrated in Schoolcraft, as well as on a bark Ojibwa record that the author possesses.

Fig. 675.—Wingless thunder-bird, Dakota.

Fig. 675.—Wingless thunderbird, Dakota.

Fig. 675 is another and more cursive form of the thunder bird obtained at the same place and time as those immediately preceding. It is wingless, and, with changed position or point of view, would suggest a headless human figure.

Fig. 675 is another, more flowing version of the thunderbird collected at the same location and time as the ones just mentioned. It has no wings and, depending on the angle or perspective, could resemble a headless human figure.

Fig. 676.—Thunder-bird, Dakota.

Fig. 676.—Thunderbird, Dakota.

The thunder-bird, Fig. 676, is blue, with red breast and tail. It is a copy of one worked in beads found at Mendota, Minnesota.

The thunder-bird, Fig. 676, is blue with a red chest and tail. It’s a reproduction of a beaded design discovered in Mendota, Minnesota.

Fig. 677.—Dakota thunder-bird.

Fig. 677.—Dakota thunderbird.

The Sioux believe that thunder is a large bird, and represent it thus, Fig. 677, according to Mrs. Eastman (c), who adds details condensed as follows:

The Sioux believe that thunder is a big bird, and they depict it this way, Fig. 677, according to Mrs. Eastman (c), who provides the following condensed details:

This figure is often seen worked with porcupine quills on their ornaments. U-mi-ne wah-chippe is a dance given by some one who fears thunder and thus endeavors to propitiate the god and save his own life.

This figure is often depicted using porcupine quills on their decorations. U-mi-ne wah-chippe is a dance performed by someone who fears thunder and tries to appease the god to save their life.

A ring is made of about 60 feet in circumference by sticking saplings in the ground and bending their tops down, fastening them together. In the center of this ring a pole is placed, about 15 feet in height and painted red. From this swings a piece of birch bark cut so as to represent thunder. At the foot of the pole stand two boys and two girls. The boys represent war; they are painted red and hold war clubs in their hands. The girls have their faces painted with blue clay; they represent peace.

A ring is about 60 feet around, made by putting saplings in the ground and bending their tops down to tie them together. In the middle of this ring, there’s a pole that’s about 15 feet tall and painted red. Hanging from it is a piece of birch bark shaped to look like thunder. At the base of the pole, two boys and two girls stand. The boys, representing war, are painted red and hold war clubs. The girls, representing peace, have their faces painted with blue clay.

On one side of the circle a kind of booth is erected, and about 20 feet from it a wigwam. There are four entrances. When all arrangements for the dance are concluded the man who gives it emerges from his wigwam, dressed up hideously, crawling on all fours toward the booth. He must sing four tunes before reaching it.

On one side of the circle, there’s a booth set up, and about 20 feet away, a wigwam. There are four entrances. Once everything is ready for the dance, the host comes out of his wigwam, dressed in a grotesque costume, crawling on all fours toward the booth. He has to sing four songs before he gets there.

In the meantime the medicine men, who are seated in the wigwam, beat time on the drum, and the young men and squaws keep time to the music by hopping on one foot and then on the other, moving around inside the ring as fast as they can. This is continued for about five minutes, until the music stops. After resting a few moments the second tune commences and lasts the same length of time, then the third and the fourth; the Indian meanwhile making his way toward the booth. At the end of each tune a whoop is raised by the men dancers.

In the meantime, the medicine men, sitting in the wigwam, keep the beat on the drum, while the young men and women keep time by hopping on one foot and then the other, moving around the inside of the circle as quickly as they can. This goes on for about five minutes until the music stops. After resting for a few moments, the second song starts and lasts the same amount of time, followed by the third and fourth; the Indian, in the meantime, makes his way toward the booth. At the end of each song, the male dancers let out a whoop.

After the Indian has reached his booth inside the ring he must sing four more tunes. At the end of the fourth tune the squaws all run out of the ring as fast as possible, and must leave by the same way that they entered, the other three entrances being reserved for the men, who, carrying their war implements, might be accidentally touched by one of the squaws, and the war implements of the Sioux warrior have from time immemorial been held sacred from the touch of woman. For the same reason the men form the inner ring in dancing round the pole, their war implements being placed at the foot of the pole.

After the Indian has reached his booth inside the ring, he must sing four more songs. At the end of the fourth song, the women all run out of the ring as fast as they can and must leave by the same entrance they came in, since the other three entrances are reserved for the men. This is because, carrying their war gear, the men might accidentally be touched by one of the women, and traditionally, the Sioux warrior's war gear has always been considered sacred and off-limits to women. For the same reason, the men dance in the inner circle around the pole, placing their war gear at the base of the pole.

When the last tune is ended the young men shoot at the image of thunder, which is hanging to the pole, and when it falls a general rush is made by the warriors to get hold of it. There is placed at the foot of the pole a bowl of water colored with blue clay. While the men are trying to seize the parts of the bark representation of their god they at the same time are eagerly endeavoring to drink the water in the bowl, every drop of which must be drank.

When the final song ends, the young men shoot at the image of thunder hanging from the pole, and when it falls, all the warriors rush to grab it. At the base of the pole, there's a bowl of water mixed with blue clay. While the men are trying to grab the pieces of the bark representation of their god, they are also eagerly trying to drink all the water in the bowl, ensuring that every drop is consumed.

The warriors then seize on the two boys and girls (the representations of war and peace) and use them as roughly as possible, taking their pipes and war-clubs from[485] them and rolling them in the dirt until the paint is entirely rubbed off from their faces. Much as they dislike this part of the dance, they submit to it through fear, believing that after this performance the power of thunder is destroyed.

The warriors then grab the two boys and girls (the symbols of war and peace) and treat them harshly, taking their pipes and war clubs from them and rolling them in the dirt until all the paint is wiped off their faces. Even though they really don’t like this part of the dance, they go along with it out of fear, thinking that after this performance, the power of thunder will be broken.

James’s Long (f) says:

James’s Long (f) says:

When a Kansas Indian is killed in battle the thunder is supposed to take him up they do not know where. In going to battle each man traces an imaginary figure of the thunder on the soil, and he who represents it incorrectly is killed by the thunder.

When a Kansas Indian is killed in battle, it's believed that the thunder takes him away to an unknown place. Before going into battle, each man draws an imaginary figure of thunder in the soil, and the one who represents it incorrectly will be killed by the thunder.

Fig. 678.—Thunder-bird. Haida.

Fig. 678.—Thunderbird. Haida.

Fig. 678 is “Skam-son,” the thunder-bird, a tattoo mark copied from the back of an Indian belonging to the Laskeek village of the Haida tribe, Queen Charlotte islands, by Mr. James G. Swan.

Fig. 678 is “Skam-son,” the thunderbird, a tattoo design taken from the back of a person from the Laskeek village of the Haida tribe, Queen Charlotte Islands, by Mr. James G. Swan.

Fig. 679.—Thunder-bird. Twana.

Fig. 679.—Thunderbird. Twana.

Fig. 679 is a Twana thunder-bird, as reported by Rev. M. Eells in Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, III, p. 112.

Fig. 679 shows a Twana thunderbird, as noted by Rev. M. Eells in Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, III, p. 112.

There is at Eneti, on the reservation [Washington Territory], an irregular basaltic rock, about 3 feet by 3 feet and 4 inches, and a foot and a half high. On one side there has been hammered a face, said to be the representation of the face of the thunder-bird, which could also cause storms.

There is at Eneti, on the reservation [Washington Territory], an irregular basalt rock, about 3 feet by 3 feet and 4 inches, and a foot and a half high. On one side, a face has been carved into it, said to be the image of the thunderbird, which could also bring storms.

The two eyes are about 6 inches in diameter and 4 inches apart and the nose about 9 inches long. It is said to have been made by some man a long time ago, who felt very badly, and went and sat on the rock and with another stone hammered out the eyes and nose. For a long time they believed that if the rock was shaken it would cause rain, probably because the thunder-bird was angry.

The two eyes are about 6 inches in diameter and 4 inches apart, and the nose is about 9 inches long. It's said that a man made it long ago when he was feeling really down, and he sat on the rock and hammered out the eyes and nose with another stone. For a long time, people believed that shaking the rock would bring rain, probably because the thunderbird was upset.

The three following figures, taken from Red-Cloud’s Census, are connected with the thunder-bird myth:

The three figures below, taken from Red-Cloud’s Census, are linked to the thunder-bird myth:

Fig. 680.—Medicine bird. Dakota.

Fig. 680.—Medicine bird. Dakota.

Fig. 680.—Medicine bird. Red-Cloud’s Census. The word medicine is in the Indian sense, before explained, and would be more correctly expressed by the word sacred or mystic, as is also indicated by the waving lines issuing from the mouth.

Fig. 680.—Medicine bird. Red-Cloud’s Census. The term medicine is used in the Native American sense, as explained earlier, and would be more accurately represented by the words sacred or mystic, which is also suggested by the wavy lines coming from the mouth.

Fig. 681.—Five thunders. Dakota.

Fig. 681.—Five thunders. Dakota.

Fig. 681.—Five thunders. Red-Cloud’s Census. The thunder-bird is here drawn with five lines (voices) issuing from the mouth, which may mean many voices or loud sound, but is connected with the above mentioned wavy or spiral lines, which form the conventional sign for wakan.

Fig. 681.—Five thunders. Red-Cloud’s Census. The thunderbird is depicted here with five lines (voices) coming from its mouth, which could represent many voices or a loud sound. This is connected to the wavy or spiral lines mentioned earlier, which create the standard symbol for wakan.

Fig. 682.—Thunder pipe. Dakota.

Fig. 682.—Thunder pipe. Dakota.

Fig. 682.—Thunder pipe. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a pipe to which are attached the wings of the thunder-bird.

Fig. 682.—Thunder pipe. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a pipe with the wings of the thunderbird attached.

Fig. 683.—Micmac thunder-bird.

Fig. 683.—Micmac thunderbird.

Fig. 683, one of the drawings from the Kejimkoojik rocks of Nova Scotia, may be compared with the other designs of the thunder-bird and also with the Ojibwa type of device for woman. As regards the head, which appears to have a non-human form, it may also be compared with the many totemic designations in Chapter XIII, on Totems, Titles, and Names.

Fig. 683, one of the drawings from the Kejimkoojik rocks of Nova Scotia, can be compared to other designs of the thunderbird and also to the Ojibwa type of symbol for women. Regarding the head, which seems to have a non-human shape, it can also be compared to the many totemic designations in Chapter XIII, on Totems, Titles, and Names.

Fig. 684.—Venezuelan thunder-bird.

Fig. 684.—Venezuelan thunderbird.

Marcano (d), describing Fig. 684, reports:

Marcano (d), discussing Fig. 684, reports:

At Boca del Infierno (mouth of hell), on a plain, there are found stones, separated from each other by spaces of 7 meters, on which are found inscriptions nearly a centimeter in depth. One of them represents a great bird similar to those which the Oyampis (Crevaux) are in the habit of drawing. On its left shoulder are seen three concentric circles arranged like those that form the eyes of the jaguars of Calcara. This figure is often reproduced in Venezuelan Guiana and beyond the Esequibo. The bird is united at the right by a double connecting stroke with another which is incomplete and much smaller. Furthermore, three small circles are seen below the left wing; three others, farther apart, separate its right wing from the neck of the lower bird. The triangles which form the breast and the tail of the two birds are worthy of note.

At Boca del Infierno (mouth of hell), on a plain, there are stones spaced about 7 meters apart, each featuring inscriptions that are almost a centimeter deep. One of them depicts a large bird similar to those that the Oyampis (Crevaux) typically draw. On its left shoulder, there are three concentric circles arranged like the eyes of the jaguars from Calcara. This image is often seen in Venezuelan Guiana and beyond the Esequibo. The bird is connected on the right by a double line to another bird that is incomplete and much smaller. Additionally, three small circles can be seen below the left wing, while three others, spaced further apart, separate its right wing from the neck of the lower bird. The triangles that make up the breast and tail of both birds are noteworthy.

Mr. A. Ernst (b) describes the same figure:

Mr. A. Ernst (b) describes the same figure:

From the same place (“Boca del Infierno,” a rapid of the Orinoco, 35 kilometers below the mouth of the Caura) is easily recognized a rough representation of two birds; from the feathers of the larger one water seems to be dropping; above, to the right, is seen a picture of the sun. This may be symbolic, and would then remind one of the representation of the wind and rain gods on the ruins of Central America.

From the same location (“Boca del Infierno,” a rapid on the Orinoco, 35 kilometers downstream from the mouth of the Caura) you can easily recognize a rough depiction of two birds; water appears to be dripping from the feathers of the larger one. Above, to the right, there’s an image of the sun. This could be symbolic, and it might remind one of the depictions of the wind and rain gods found on the ruins of Central America.

Fig. 685.—Ojibwa thunder-bird.

Fig. 685.—Ojibwa thunderbird.

Fig. 685 is a copy of four specimens of Indian workmanship in the collection of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. The objects are depicted by porcupine quills worked on pieces of birch bark, and represent various forms of the thunder-bird. The specimens are reported as having been obtained from a northwestern tribe, which may safely be designated as the Ojibwa, because the figures relate to one of the most important mythic animals of that tribe, and also because birch bark is used, a material exceedingly scarce in the country of the Sioux, among whom also the thunder-bird has a prominent religious position.

Fig. 685 shows four examples of Indian craftsmanship from the collection of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. The items are made with porcupine quills attached to pieces of birch bark and represent different forms of the thunderbird. These specimens are said to have come from a northwestern tribe, likely the Ojibwa, as the figures depict one of the tribe's most significant mythical animals, and birch bark is used—an extremely rare material in Sioux territory, where the thunderbird also holds an important religious role.

a. Made of neutral-tinted quills upon yellow bark, as is also b, which is without the projecting pieces to designate[488] wings. In c, made of yellow quills on faded red bark, the head is shown with the wings and legs beneath, while in the two preceding figures the head takes the place of the bird’s body. d. Here is still more abbreviation, the body and legs being absent, leaving only the head and wings. This is made of neutral-tint quills on straw-yellow bark.

a. Made of neutral-colored quills on yellow bark, just like b, which doesn't have the protruding pieces to indicate[488] wings. In c, crafted from yellow quills on faded red bark, the head is shown with the wings and legs below, while in the two earlier figures, the head takes the place of the bird’s body. d. This is an even more simplified version, with the body and legs missing, leaving just the head and wings. This is made of neutral-tint quills on straw-yellow bark.

Fig. 686.—Moki Rain bird.

Fig. 686.—Moki Rainbird.

Fig. 686 is a copy of a painting on a jar, probably of old Moki work, thus described in the manuscript catalogue of Mr. T. V. Keam:

Fig. 686 is a copy of a painting on a jar, likely from the old Moki period, as described in the manuscript catalog by Mr. T. V. Keam:

It is the “Rain bird” (Tci-zur), the upper portion surrounded by inclosing cloud symbols, arranged so as to convey the idea of the germinative symbol implying the generative power of rain. The crosshatching, still water, in the wings denotes rain water in volume. The body or tail of the bird divided into two tapering prolongations is a very common occurrence. As a cloud emblem in the modern ware, the Tci-zur is not like the Um-tokina (Thunder-bird) in mythical creation, but is the comprehensive name used by the women for any small bird. Explained as a rain emblem by the fact that during seasons of sufficient rainfall flocks of small birds surround the villages and gardens, while during drought they take flight to the distant water courses.

It’s the “Rain bird” (Tci-zur), the top part surrounded by cloud symbols, designed to represent the germination symbol reflecting the life-giving power of rain. The crosshatching and still water in the wings represent rainwater in abundance. The body or tail of the bird, split into two tapering extensions, is a very common feature. As a cloud symbol in modern items, the Tci-zur differs from the Um-tokina (Thunder-bird) in mythical creation but is the general term used by women for any small bird. It’s explained as a rain symbol because during times of enough rainfall, flocks of small birds gather around the villages and gardens, while during dry spells, they fly off to the distant water sources.

Fig. 687.—Ahuitzotl.

Fig. 687.—Ahuitzotl.

Fig. 687 is reproduced from Kingsborough (c). It represents Ahuitzotl, which is the name of an aquatic animal famous in Mexican mythology. The conventional sign for water is connected with this animal which Dr. Brinton (c) calls a hedgehog.

Fig. 687 is reproduced from Kingsborough (c). It represents Ahuitzotl, which is the name of a water creature well-known in Mexican mythology. The traditional symbol for water is linked to this animal, which Dr. Brinton (c) refers to as a hedgehog.

Fig. 688.—Peruvian fabulous animals.

Fig. 688.—Mythical Peruvian animals.

Wiener (c) gives a copy, here reproduced as the left-hand character in Fig. 688, of a bas-relief found at Cabana, Peru, representing a fabulous animal, a quadruped, the hair of which is floating and its tongue hanging out of the mouth and ending in serpents’ heads. One-sixth actual size.

Wiener (c) provides a copy, shown here as the left-hand character in Fig. 688, of a bas-relief discovered at Cabana, Peru, depicting a mythical animal, a four-legged creature, with flowing hair and a tongue that hangs out of its mouth, ending in serpent heads. One-sixth actual size.

The same author, loc. cit., gives a copy, now reproduced as the right-hand character in the same Fig. 688, of another bas-relief in granite found at Cabana, Peru, representing a fabulous animal, perhaps the alcoce, sitting like a dog. One-sixth natural size.

The same author, loc. cit., provides a copy, now shown as the right-hand character in the same Fig. 688, of another granite bas-relief discovered at Cabana, Peru, depicting a mythical creature, possibly the alcoce, sitting like a dog. One-sixth natural size.

Fig. 689.—Australian mythic personages.

Fig. 689.—Australian mythological figures.

Mr. Thomas Worsnop (a) gives an account of Fig. 689, abbreviated as follows:

Mr. Thomas Worsnop (a) provides a summary of Fig. 689, shortened as follows:

Sir George Grey, between 1836 and 1839, saw on a sandstone rock a most extraordinary large figure. Upon examination this proved to be[490] a drawing at the entrance to a cave, which he found to contain besides many remarkable paintings. On the sloping roof the principal character, i. e., the upper one of Fig. 689, was drawn. In order to produce the greater effect the rock about it was painted black and the figure itself colored with the most vivid red and white. It thus appeared to stand out from the rock, and Sir George Grey says he was surprised at the moment that he first saw this gigantic head and upper part of a body bending over and staring grimly down at him. He adds that it would be impossible to convey in words an adequate idea of this uncouth and savage figure, and therefore he only gives such a succinct account as will serve as a sort of description.

Sir George Grey, between 1836 and 1839, saw a truly huge figure on a sandstone rock. When he looked closer, he discovered it was[490] a drawing at the entrance of a cave, which also contained many remarkable paintings. The main character, which is the upper part of Fig. 689, was drawn on the sloping roof. To create a stronger effect, the surrounding rock was painted black, and the figure itself was colored in bright red and white. This made it seem to jump out from the rock, and Sir George Grey mentioned that he was astonished the first time he saw this enormous head and upper part of a body leaning over and grimly looking down at him. He added that it would be impossible to fully describe this strange and wild figure in words, so he only provides a brief account that serves as a kind of description.

Its head was encircled by bright red rays, something like the rays one sees proceeding from the sun, when depicted on the signboard of a public house; inside of this came a broad stripe of very brilliant red, which was crossed by lines of white; but both inside and outside of this red space were narrow stripes of a still deeper red, intended probably to mark its boundaries; the face was painted vividly white and the eyes black, being, however, surrounded by red and yellow lines; the body, hands, and arms were outlined in red, the body being curiously painted with red stripes and bars.

Its head was surrounded by bright red rays, similar to those seen on a sign for a bar. Inside this was a wide band of very bright red, crossed by white lines; both inside and outside this red area were narrow stripes of an even darker red, probably meant to define its edges. The face was painted a vivid white with black eyes, which were bordered by red and yellow lines. The body, hands, and arms were outlined in red, with the body uniquely decorated with red stripes and patterns.

Upon the rock which formed the left-hand wall of this cave, and which partly faced you on entering, was a very singular painting, the lower character of the same figure, vividly colored, representing four heads joined together. From the mild expression of the countenances they appeared to represent females, and to be drawn in such a manner, and in such a position, as to look up at the principal figure, before described; each had a very remarkable head-dress, colored bright blue, and one had a necklace on. Both of the lower figures had a sort of dress painted with red in the same manner as that of the principal figure, and one of them had a band round her waist. In Sir George Grey’s opinion each of the four faces was marked by a totally distinct expression of countenance, and none of them had mouths.

On the rock that made up the left wall of this cave, which you could partly see as you entered, there was a very unusual painting. It depicted four heads joined together, vividly colored, and the gentle expressions suggested they were female. They were drawn in a way that made them look up at the main figure described earlier; each one had a striking headdress in bright blue, and one was wearing a necklace. The two lower figures wore dresses painted red, similar to the main figure’s, and one had a band around her waist. According to Sir George Grey, each of the four faces had a completely different expression, and none of them had mouths.

SECTION 3.
Shamanism.

The term “shaman” is a corrupted form of the Sanscrit word meaning ascetic. Its original application was to the religion of certain tribes of northern Asia, but now shamanism is generally used to express several forms of religion which are founded in the supposed communion with and influence over supernatural beings by means of magic arts. The shaman or priest pretends to control by incantations and ceremonies the evil spirits to whom death, sickness, and other misfortunes are ascribed. This form or stage of religion was so prevalent among the North American Indians that the adoption of the term “shaman” here is substantially correct, and it avoids both the stupid expression[491] “medicine man” of current literature and the indefinite title “priest,” the associations with which are not appropriate to the Indian religious practitioner. The statement that the Indians worship, or ever have worshiped, one “Great Spirit” or single overruling personal god is erroneous. That philosophical conception is beyond the stage of culture reached by them, and was not found in any tribe previous to missionary influence. Their actual philosophy can be expressed far more objectively and therefore pictorially.

The term “shaman” is a distorted version of the Sanskrit word meaning ascetic. It originally referred to the religion of certain northern Asian tribes, but now shamanism is commonly used to describe various forms of religion centered around the supposed connection with and influence over supernatural beings through magical practices. The shaman or priest claims to control evil spirits associated with death, illness, and other troubles through spells and rituals. This type of religion was so common among North American Indians that using the term “shaman” here is quite appropriate, as it avoids both the outdated term “medicine man” found in modern literature and the vague title “priest,” which doesn’t accurately reflect the role of the Indian religious practitioner. The idea that Native Americans worshiped, or ever have worshiped, one “Great Spirit” or a single overarching personal god is incorrect. That philosophical idea goes beyond the cultural stage they reached and didn’t appear in any tribe until after missionary influence. Their actual philosophy can be described in a much more objective and illustrative way.

The special feature of the notes now collected under the present heading relates to the claims and practices of shamans, but the immediately succeeding headings of “Charms and Amulets” and of “Religious Ceremonies” are closely connected with the same topic. It must be confessed that, as now presented, they have been arranged chiefly for mechanical convenience, to which convenience also in other parts of the present work scientific discrimination has sometimes been forced to yield without, it is hoped, much injury. Individual intercomparison, with or without cross references, is besought from any critical reader of this paper.

The unique aspect of the notes collected under this heading relates to the claims and practices of shamans, but the following sections on “Charms and Amulets” and “Religious Ceremonies” are closely related to the same topic. It must be acknowledged that, as presented now, they have been organized mainly for ease of reference, which has sometimes required scientific distinctions elsewhere in this work to be adjusted, hopefully without significant detriment. Any critical reader of this paper is encouraged to compare these elements individually, with or without cross references.

Feats of jugglery or pretended magic rivaling or surpassing the best of spiritualistic séances have been recounted to the present writer in many places by independent and intelligent Indian witnesses, not operators, generally of advanced age. The cumulated evidence gives an opportunity for spiritualists to argue for the genuineness of their own manifestations or manipulations as, in accordance with the degree of credence, they may be styled. Others will contend that these remarkable performances in which this hemisphere was rich before the Columbian discovery—the occidental rivaling the oriental Indians—belong to a culture stage below civilization. They will observe that the age of miracles among barbaric people has not expired, and that it still exists among outwardly civilized persons who are yet subject to superstition in its true etymologic sense of “remaining over from the past.”

Impressive juggling tricks or fake magic that compete with or even exceed the best spiritualist séances have been shared with me by many independent and knowledgeable Indian witnesses, usually older individuals, not performing artists. The gathered evidence gives spiritualists a chance to argue for the authenticity of their own displays or tricks, depending on how much faith people have in them. Others will argue that these extraordinary performances, which were common in this hemisphere before Columbus arrived—where the Western Indians rivaled the Eastern ones—reflect a cultural stage that is below civilization. They will point out that the age of miracles among less advanced societies hasn’t ended, and it still exists among seemingly civilized individuals who are still influenced by superstitions that have “lingered from the past.”

The most elaborate and interesting of these stories which are known relate to a time about forty years ago, shortly before the Davenport brothers and the Fox sisters had excited interest in the civilized portions of the United States; but exhibitions of a magic character are still given among the tribes, though secretly, from fear of the Indian agents and missionaries. It is an important fact that the first French missionaries in Canada and the early settlers of New England described substantially the same performances when they first met the Indians, all of whom belonged to the Algonquian or Iroquoian stocks. So remarkable and frequent were these performances of jugglery that the French, in 1613, called the whole body of Indians on the Ottawa River, whom they met at a very early period, “The Sorcerers.” They were the tribes afterwards called Nipissing, and were the typical Algonquians. No suspicion of prestidigitation or other form of charlatanry appears to have been entertained by any of the earliest French and English[492] writers on the subject. The severe Puritan and the ardent Catholic both considered that the exhibitions were real, and the work of Satan. It is also worth mentioning that one of the derivations of the name “Micmac” is connected with the word meaning sorcerer. The early known practices of this character, which had an important effect upon the life of the people, extended from the extreme east of the continent to the Great Lakes. They have been found later far to the south, and in a higher state of evolution.

The most detailed and intriguing stories about this took place around forty years ago, just before the Davenport brothers and the Fox sisters sparked interest in the more developed parts of the United States. However, magical performances still happen among the tribes, albeit secretly due to fear of Indian agents and missionaries. It's significant that the first French missionaries in Canada and the early settlers of New England reported nearly the same performances when they first encountered the Indians, who all belonged to the Algonquian or Iroquoian groups. These displays of juggling were so remarkable and common that the French, in 1613, referred to the entire group of Indians they met along the Ottawa River very early on as “The Sorcerers.” They were the tribes later known as Nipissing, and they represented the typical Algonquians. Neither the early French nor English writers on this topic seemed to suspect any form of trickery or deceit. Both the strict Puritans and the fervent Catholics believed that these displays were genuine and the work of Satan. It's also notable that one of the origins of the name “Micmac” is related to the word for sorcerer. These early practices, which significantly impacted the people's lives, spread from the far eastern part of the continent to the Great Lakes and were later discovered much further south in a more advanced form.

It was obvious in cross-examining the old men of the Algonquians that the performances of jugglery were exhibitions of the pretended miraculous power of an adventurer whereby he obtained a reputation above his rivals and derived subsistence and authority by the selling of charms and pretended superhuman information. The charms and fetiches which still are bought from the few shamans who yet have a credulous clientele are of three kinds—to bring death or disease on an enemy, to lure an enemy into an ambush, and to excite a return to sexual love.

It was clear from questioning the elderly men of the Algonquians that their juggling acts were displays of the supposed miraculous abilities of an adventurer, allowing him to gain a reputation above his competitors and earn a living and authority by selling charms and claiming to have supernatural knowledge. The charms and fetishes still purchased from the few shamans who maintain a trusting clientele fall into three categories: to cause death or illness to an enemy, to attract an enemy into a trap, and to rekindle romantic love.

Among the Ojibwa three distinct secret societies are extant, the members of which are termed, respectively and in order of their importance, the Midē', the Jĕs'sakīd, and the Wâbĕnō. The oldest and most influential society is known as the Midē'wiwin', or Grand Medicine, and the structure in which the ceremonies are conducted is called the Midē'wigân, or Grand Medicine lodge.

Among the Ojibwa, there are three distinct secret societies that still exist, known in order of their importance as the Midē', the Jĕs'sakīd, and the Wâbĕnō. The oldest and most influential society is called the Midē'wiwin', or Grand Medicine, and the place where the ceremonies are held is referred to as the Midē'wigân, or Grand Medicine lodge.

The following statement of the White Earth Midē' shaman presents his views upon the origin of the rite and the objects employed in connection with ceremonies, as well as in the practices connected with medical magic and sorcery:

The following statement from the White Earth Midē' shaman outlines his views on the origin of the rite and the items used in connection with ceremonies, as well as in the practices related to medical magic and sorcery:

When Minabō'sho, the first man, had been for some time upon the earth, two great spirits told him that to be of service to his successors they would give to him several gifts, which he was to employ in prolonging life and extending assistance to those who might apply for it.

When Minabō'sho, the first man, had been on earth for a while, two great spirits told him that to help those who came after him, they would give him several gifts to use for prolonging life and providing assistance to those who needed it.

The first present consisted of a sacred drum, which was to be used at the side of the sick and when invoking the presence and assistance of the spirits. The second was a sacred rattle, with which he was enabled to prolong the life of a patient. The third gift was tobacco, which was to be an emblem of peace; and as a companion he also received a dog. He was then told to build a lodge, where he was to practice the rites of which he would receive further instruction.

The first gift was a sacred drum, meant to be used by the sick and for calling on the spirits for help. The second was a sacred rattle, which he could use to help extend a patient's life. The third gift was tobacco, symbolizing peace; he also received a dog as a companion. He was then instructed to build a lodge, where he would practice the rituals he would learn about later.

All the knowledge which the Midē' have, and more, Minabō'sho received from the spirits. Then he built a long lodge, as he had been directed, and now even at this day he is present at the Sacred Medicine lodge when the Grand Medicine rite is performed.

All the knowledge that the Midē' have, and more, Minabō'sho got from the spirits. He then built a long lodge, as he was instructed, and even today, he is there at the Sacred Medicine lodge when the Grand Medicine rite is held.

In the rite is incorporated most that is ancient amongst them, songs and traditions that have descended, not orally alone, but by pictographs, for a long line of generations. In this rite is also perpetuated the purest and most ancient idioms of their language, which differs somewhat from that of the common, every-day use.

In the ritual, they include a lot of what is ancient to them—songs and traditions that have been passed down, not just orally, but also through pictographs, for many generations. This ritual also keeps alive the purest and most ancient forms of their language, which is somewhat different from the everyday language they use.

It is desirable to explain the mode of using the Midē' and other bark records of the Ojibwa and also those of other tribes mentioned in this[493] paper. A comparison made by Dr. Tyler of the pictorial alphabet to teach children, “A was an archer,” etc., is not strictly appropriate in this case. The devices are not only mnemonic, but are also ideographic and descriptive. They are not merely invented to express or memorize the subject, but are evolved therefrom. To persons acquainted with secret societies a good comparison for the charts or rolls is what is called the trestle board of the Masonic order, which is printed and published and publicly exposed without exhibiting any of the secrets of the order, yet through its ideography it is practically useful to the esoteric members by assisting memory in details of ceremony and it also prevents deviation from the established ritual.

It’s helpful to explain how to use the Midē' and other bark records of the Ojibwa, as well as those from other tribes mentioned in this[493] paper. A comparison made by Dr. Tyler using a pictorial alphabet to teach children, like “A was an archer,” doesn’t quite fit here. The symbols are not only for memory aids but are also ideographic and descriptive. They aren’t just created to express or memorize a topic; they evolve from it. For those familiar with secret societies, a solid comparison for the charts or rolls is the trestle board of the Masonic order, which is printed and made public without revealing any of the order’s secrets. However, through its ideography, it’s practically useful for the inner members, helping them remember the details of ceremonies and preventing deviations from the established rituals.

Fig. 690.—Ojibwa Midē' wigwam.

Fig. 690.—Ojibwa Midē' hut.

Fig. 690, from Copway (d), gives the Ojibway character for Grand Medicine lodge.

Fig. 690, from Copway (d), shows the Ojibway symbol for Grand Medicine lodge.

Fig. 171, supra, is a reproduction, with description, of a birch-bark record illustrating the alleged power of a Jĕssakkī'd, one who is also a Midē' of the four degrees of the Medicine Society.

Fig. 171, above, shows a reproduction along with a description of a birch-bark record that illustrates the supposed power of a Jĕssakkī'd, who is also a Midē' within the four degrees of the Medicine Society.

Fig. 172, supra, represents, with explanations, a Jĕssakkī'd named Niwi'kki, curing a sick woman by sucking the demon through a bone tube.

Fig. 172, above, shows, with explanations, a Jĕssakkī'd named Niwi'kki, healing a sick woman by sucking out the demon through a bone tube.

When the method of procedure of a Midē' goes beyond the ordinary ceremonies, such as chanting prayers and drumming, the use of the rattle, and the administration of magic medicines and exorcisms, it overlaps the prescribed formulæ of the Midē'win and partakes of the rites of the Jĕssakkī'd or “Juggler.”

When a Midē' goes beyond the usual ceremonies, like chanting prayers, drumming, using a rattle, and giving out magic medicines and exorcisms, it starts to overlap with the established practices of the Midē'win and resembles the rites of the Jĕssakkī'd or “Juggler.”

Fig. 691.—Lodge of a Midē'.

Fig. 691.—Midé' Lodge.

The lodge of the Midē' is represented as in Fig. 691, the shaman himself being indicated as sitting inside.

The lodge of the Midē' is shown in Fig. 691, with the shaman indicated as sitting inside.

Fig. 692.—Lodge of Jĕssakkī'd.

Fig. 692.—Lodge of Jĕssakkī'd.

The Jĕssakkī'd represents his lodge or jugglery as shown in Fig. 692, the shaman being represented as sitting on the outside. The chief feature of the jugglery lodge is that the branch is always seen projecting from the top of one of the vertical poles, which peculiarity exists in no other religious structure represented in pictorial records.

The Jĕssakkī'd shows his lodge or performance as depicted in Fig. 692, with the shaman shown sitting outside. The main characteristic of the performance lodge is that there is always a branch sticking out from the top of one of the vertical poles, which is a feature not found in any other religious structure shown in illustrations.

The following group, including Figs. 693 to 697, gives several modes of illustrating the “making buffalo medicine” by the Dakotas and other tribes of the Great Plains. The main object was to bring the buffalo to where they could be hunted successfully, and incantations, with dancing and many ceremonies, were resorted to, as upon the buffalo the tribes depended not only for food but for most of the necessaries and conveniences of their daily life. The topic is referred to elsewhere in this paper, especially in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the year 1810-’11.

The following group, including Figs. 693 to 697, shows several ways of illustrating the "making buffalo medicine" by the Dakotas and other tribes of the Great Plains. The main goal was to attract the buffalo to areas where they could be hunted successfully, and the tribes relied on incantations, dancing, and various ceremonies because they depended on the buffalo not only for food but for most of the essentials and conveniences of their daily lives. This topic is discussed further in this paper, especially in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the year 1810-’11.

Fig. 693.—Making medicine. Dakota.

Fig. 693.—Creating medicine. Dakota.

Fig. 693.—A Minneconjou chief named Lone-Horn made medicine with a white buffalo cow skin. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1858-’59.

Fig. 693.—A Minneconjou chief named Lone-Horn created a medicine bundle using a white buffalo cowhide. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1858-’59.

The horned head of the animal is connected with the man figure. An albino buffalo was much more prized for ceremonial purposes than any other. Lone-Horn, chief of the Minneconjous, died in 1874, in his camp on the Big Cheyenne.

The horned head of the animal is connected to the man figure. An albino buffalo was considered far more valuable for ceremonial purposes than any other. Lone-Horn, chief of the Minneconjous, passed away in 1874 in his camp on the Big Cheyenne.

Fig. 694.—Making medicine. Dakota.

Fig. 694.—Preparing medicine. Dakota.

Fig. 694.—A Minneconjou Dakota named Little-Tail first made “medicine” with white buffalo cow skin. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1810-’11. Again the head of an albino buffalo.

Fig. 694.—A Minneconjou Dakota named Little-Tail first created “medicine” with the skin of a white buffalo cow. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1810-’11. Again, the head of an albino buffalo.

Fig. 695.—Making medicine. Dakota.

Fig. 695.—Preparing medicine. Dakota.

Fig. 695.—White-Cow-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. The mere possession of an albino buffalo conferred dignity and honor. To have once owned such an animal, even though it had died or been lost, gave specific rank.

Fig. 695.—White-Cow-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. The simple ownership of an albino buffalo granted dignity and respect. Even having owned one of these animals in the past, regardless of whether it had died or gone missing, conveyed a certain status.

Fig. 696.—Making medicine. Dakota.

Fig. 696.—Medicine preparation. Dakota.

Fig. 696.—Lone-Horn makes medicine. “At such times Indians sacrifice ponies and fast.” The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1858-’59. In this figure the buffalo head is black.

Fig. 696.—Lone-Horn makes medicine. “During these times, Native Americans sacrifice ponies and go without food.” The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1858-’59. In this image, the buffalo head is black.

Fig. 697.—Making medicine.

Making medicine.

Fig. 697. Buffalo is scarce; an Indian makes medicine and brings a herd to the suffering. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1843-’44.

Fig. 697. Buffalo are rare; a Native American creates medicine and leads a herd to the ones in need. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1843-’44.

Here the incantation is shown by a tipi with the buffalo head drawn upon it. It is the “medicine” or sacred tipi where the rites are held.

Here, the chant is represented by a tipi with a buffalo head painted on it. It's the "medicine" or sacred tipi where the ceremonies take place.

A curious variant of divination with regard to the use of songs in the removal of disease was found among the Choctaws. Each of the songs[495] of this class bore reference to some herb or form of treatment, each of which was represented objectively or pictorially and produced simultaneously with the chanting of the appropriate song by the shaman. The remedy or treatment to be adopted was decided upon by the degree of pleasure or relief afforded to the patient by the respective songs.

A unique way of using songs for healing was found among the Choctaws. Each of these songs[495] was connected to a specific herb or treatment, which was shown visually and created at the same time as the shaman sang the corresponding song. The choice of remedy or treatment was based on how much pleasure or relief the songs provided to the patient.

Fig. 698.—Magic Killing.

Fig. 698.—Magic Murder.

Fig. 698. Cat-Owner was killed with a spider-web thrown at him by a Dakota. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1824-’25. The spider-web is shown reaching to the heart of the victim from the hand of the man who threw it and two spiral wakan lines are also shown. Blood issuing from his nose, colored red in the original, indicates that he bled to death. It is a common belief among Indians that certain “medicine men” possess the power of taking life by shooting needles, straws, spider-webs, bullets, and other objects, however distant the person may be against whom they are directed.

Fig. 698. Cat-Owner was killed by a spider web thrown at him by a Dakota. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1824-’25. The spider web is shown extending to the heart of the victim from the hand of the man who threw it, along with two spiral wakan lines. Blood coming from his nose, shown in red in the original, indicates that he bled to death. It's a common belief among Indigenous people that some "medicine men" have the power to take a life by shooting needles, straws, spider webs, bullets, and other objects, no matter how far away the target may be.

It may be noted that the union line connecting the two figures at the base signifies that they belong to the same tribe which the hair on the figure of the left shows to be Dakota. The victim is not scalped, but has no hair or other designation, being shown only in outline.

It’s worth mentioning that the line connecting the two figures at the bottom indicates that they are from the same group, which the hair on the figure on the left identifies as Dakota. The victim isn’t scalped but has no hair or other identifying features, appearing only in outline.

Fig. 699.—Held a ghost lodge.

Fig. 699.—Hosted a ghost lodge.

Fig. 699. Cannaksa-Yuha, Has-a-war-club; from the Oglala Roster. This man has his father’s name “war-club,” and is therefore set by the ghosts in his stead as a warrior. He is supposed to be invulnerable to any mortal weapon, and the children and even women fear him as they would a ghost. He holds the war club before his face, as it partakes of the nature of insignia. In the original the whole of the man’s face is painted red. This is to show that he has a wakicagapi-ecokicoupe, which means that he has put up a ghost tent, concerning which there are many and complicated ceremonies and details narrated by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey in the American Anthropologist, II, 145 et seq.

Fig. 699. Cannaksa-Yuha, Has-a-war-club; from the Oglala Roster. This man carries his father's name “war-club,” which means the spirits have chosen him to be a warrior in his father's place. He is believed to be immune to any human weapon, and even children and women fear him like a ghost. He holds the war club in front of his face, as it serves as a kind of symbol. In the original depiction, the man's entire face is painted red. This symbolizes that he has set up a ghost tent, which involves many complex ceremonies and details documented by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey in the American Anthropologist, II, 145 et seq.

Fig. 700.—Muzzin-ne-neen. Ojibwa.

Fig. 700.—Muzzin-ne-neen. Ojibwe.

John Tanner (g) gives an account of sorcery among the Ojibwa, with illustrations copied as Fig. 700, being nearly identical with those recently obtained by Dr. Hoffman, and published in the Seventh Ann. Rep., Bureau of Ethnology, as Figs. 20 and 21.

John Tanner (g) describes sorcery practices among the Ojibwa, including illustrations that match Fig. 700, which are almost identical to those recently gathered by Dr. Hoffman and published in the Seventh Ann. Rep., Bureau of Ethnology, as Figs. 20 and 21.

It was thought necessary to have recourse to a medicine hunt. Nah-gitch-e-gum-me [a “medicine” maker] sent to me and O-ge-mah-we-ninne, the best two hunters of the band, each a little leather sack of medicine, consisting of certain roots pounded fine and mixed with red paint, to be applied to the little images or figures of the animals we wish to kill. Precisely the same method is practiced in this kind of hunting, at least as far as the use of medicine is concerned, as in those[496] instances where one Indian attempts to inflict disease or suffering on another. A drawing or a little image is made to represent the man, the woman, or the animal on which the power of the medicine is to be tried; then the part representing the heart is punctured with a sharp instrument, if the design be to cause death, and a little of the medicine is applied. The drawing or image of an animal used in this case is called muzzin-ne-neen, and the same name is applicable to the little figures of a man or women, and is sometime rudely traced on birch bark, in other instances more carefully carved of wood. These little images or drawings, for they are called by the same names, whether of carved wood or rags or only rudely sketched on birch bark, or even traced in sand, are much in use among several and probably all the Algonquin tribes. Their use is not confined to hunting, but extends to the making of love, and the gratification of hatred, revenge, and all malignant passions.

It was deemed necessary to go on a medicine hunt. Nah-gitch-e-gum-me, a “medicine” maker, sent me and O-ge-mah-we-ninne, the two best hunters in the group, each a small leather pouch of medicine. This medicine was made from certain roots ground fine and mixed with red paint, meant to be applied to the little images or figures of the animals we wanted to kill. The same method is used in this type of hunting, particularly regarding the use of medicine, as in instances where one Indian tries to inflict illness or suffering on another. A drawing or a small image is created to represent the person or animal on whom the medicine's power is to be tested; the heart part is then punctured with a sharp tool if the intention is to cause death, and a bit of the medicine is applied. The image of an animal used in this case is called muzzin-ne-neen, and the same name applies to the small figures of a man or woman, sometimes crudely drawn on birch bark or more carefully carved from wood. These little images or drawings, regardless of whether they are carved, made of rags, roughly sketched on birch bark, or even traced in sand, are commonly used among various, if not all, Algonquin tribes. Their purpose isn't limited to hunting; they also extend to matters of love, and to the expressions of hatred, revenge, and other negative feelings.

Fig. 701.—Muzzin-ne-neen. Ojibwa.

Fig. 701.—Muzzin-ne-neen. Ojibwe.

It is a prevailing belief that the necromancers, men or women of medicine, or those who are acquainted with the hidden powers of their wusks, can, by practicing upon the muzzin-ne-neence, exercise an unlimited control over the body and mind of the person represented. Many a simple Indian girl gives to some crafty old squaw her most valued ornaments, or whatever property she may possess, to purchase from her the love of the man she is most anxious to please. The old woman, in a case of this kind, commonly makes up a little image of stained wood and rags, to which she gives the name of the person whose inclinations she is expected to control; and to the heart, the eyes, or to some other part of this she, from time to time, applies her medicines, or professes to have done so, as she may find necessary to dupe and encourage her credulous employer.

It is widely believed that necromancers, whether men or women skilled in medicine, or those familiar with the hidden powers of their wusks, can, by practicing on the muzzin-ne-neence, exert unlimited control over the body and mind of the person they represent. Many a naive Indian girl gives her most treasured jewelry or whatever possessions she has to some crafty old woman in hopes of buying the love of the man she is eager to impress. In such cases, the old woman typically creates a small figure made of stained wood and rags, naming it after the person she aims to influence; and to the heart, the eyes, or another part of this figure, she periodically applies her medicines, or claims to have done so, as necessary to deceive and manipulate her trusting customer.

But the influence of these images and conjurations is more frequently tested in cases of an opposite character, where the inciting cause is not love, but hatred, and the object to be attained the gratification of a deadly revenge. In cases of this kind the practices are similar to those above mentioned, only different medicines are used Sometimes the muzzin-ne-neence is pricked with a pin or needle in various parts, and pain or disease is supposed to be produced in the corresponding part of the person practiced upon. Sometimes they blacken the hands and mouth of the image, and the effect expected is the change which marks the near approach of death.

But the impact of these images and spells is often tested in situations that are quite the opposite, where the motivating factor is not love but hatred, and the goal is to achieve a deadly revenge. In these cases, the methods are similar to those mentioned before, but different materials are used. Sometimes, the effigy is poked with a pin or needle in various places, and it’s believed that pain or illness is inflicted on the corresponding part of the person being targeted. Occasionally, they darken the hands and mouth of the image, and the expected outcome is a change that signifies the imminent approach of death.

The similarity, approaching identity, of these practices to those common in Europe during the middle ages and continuing in some regions until the present time will be noticed.

The similarity, nearly identical, of these practices to those commonly found in Europe during the Middle Ages and still continuing in some regions today will be noted.

The same author, pp. 197, 198, gives an account of Ojibwa divination in the following address of a shaman, illustrated by Fig. 702.

The same author, pp. 197, 198, provides a description of Ojibwa divination in the following speech by a shaman, shown in Fig. 702.

Fig. 702.—Ojibwa divination.

Fig. 702.—Ojibwa fortune-telling.

For you, my friends, who have been careful to regard and obey the injunctions of the Great Spirit, as communicated by me, to each of you he has given to live to the full age of man: this long and straight line a is the image of your several lives. For you, Shaw-shaw-wa ne-ba-se, who have turned aside from the right path, and despised the admonitions you have received, this short and crooked line b represents your life. You are to attain only to half of the full age of man. This line, turning off on the other side, is that which shows what is determined in relation to the young wife of Ba-po-wash. As he said this, he showed us the marks he had made on the ground, as below. The long, straight middle line represented, as he said, the life of the Indians, Sha-gwaw-koo-sink, Wau-zhe-gaw-maish-koon, etc. The short, crooked one below showed the irregular course and short continuance of mine; and the abruptly terminating one on the other side showed the life of the favorite wife of Ba-po-wash.

For you, my friends, who have been careful to follow the guidance of the Great Spirit, as I've shared with each of you, He has granted you the chance to live a full life: this long, straight line a symbolizes your individual lives. For you, Shaw-shaw-wa ne-ba-se, who have strayed from the right path and ignored the warnings you've received, this short, crooked line b represents your life. You will only reach half of a full lifespan. This line, diverging on the other side, reflects what is destined for the young wife of Ba-po-wash. As he explained this, he pointed to the marks he had made in the dirt, as shown below. The long, straight middle line represented, as he stated, the lives of the Indians, including Sha-gwaw-koo-sink, Wau-zhe-gaw-maish-koon, etc. The short, crooked line below depicted the erratic path and brief duration of my life; and the abruptly ending one on the other side illustrated the life of Ba-po-wash's favorite wife.

Fig. 703 was copied from a piece of walrus ivory in the museum of the Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco, California, in 1882, by Dr. Hoffman, and the interpretation is as obtained from a native Alaskan.

Fig. 703 was copied from a piece of walrus ivory in the museum of the Alaska Commercial Company, San Francisco, California, in 1882, by Dr. Hoffman, and the interpretation is based on information from a native Alaskan.

Fig. 703.—Shaman exorcising demon. Alaska.

Fig. 703.—Shaman removing demon. Alaska.

a, b. The shaman’s summer habitations, trees growing in the vicinity. c. The shaman, who is represented in the act of holding one of his “demons.” These are considered as under the control of the shaman, who employs them to drive others out of the bodies of sick men. d. The demon or aid. e. The same shaman exorcising the demons causing the sickness. f, g. Sick men, who have been under treatment, and from whose bodies the “evil beings” or sickness has been expelled. h. Two “evil spirits” which have left the bodies of f and g.

a, b. The shaman’s summer homes, with trees growing nearby. c. The shaman, shown in the act of holding one of his "demons." These are seen as being under the shaman's control, who uses them to drive out others from the bodies of sick people. d. The demon or helper. e. The same shaman performing an exorcism on the demons causing the illness. f, g. Sick individuals who have been treated, and from whose bodies the "evil beings" or illness have been removed. h. Two "evil spirits" that have left the bodies of f and g.

Fig. 704 was copied by Dr. Hoffman from an ivory bow in the same museum. The interpretation was also obtained at the same time from the same Alaskan.

Fig. 704 was replicated by Dr. Hoffman from an ivory bow in the same museum. The interpretation was also gathered at the same time from the same Alaskan.

Fig. 704.—Supplication for success. Alaska.

Fig. 704.—Prayer for success. Alaska.

The rod of the bow upon which the characters occur is here represented in three sections, A, B, and C. A bears the beginning of the narrative, extending over only one-half of the length of the rod. The course of the inscription is then continued on the adjacent side of the rod at the middle, and reading in both directions (sections B and C),[498] toward the two files of approaching animals. B and C occupy the whole of one side.

The bow's rod, where the characters appear, is divided into three sections: A, B, and C. Section A contains the start of the story, covering only half the length of the rod. The inscription continues on the other side of the rod in the middle, and you can read it in both directions (sections B and C),[498] towards the two lines of approaching animals. Sections B and C take up the entire other side.

The following is the explanation of the characters:

The following is an explanation of the characters:

A. a, baidarka or skin boat resting on poles; b, winter habitation; c, tree; d, winter habitations; e, storehouse; f, tree. Between this and the storehouse is placed a piece of timber, from which is suspended fish for drying. g, storehouse. The characters from a to g represent a group of dwellings, which signifies a settlement, the home of the person to whom the history relates. h, the hunter sitting on the ground, asking for aid, and making the gesture for supplication. i, the shaman to whom application is made by the hunter desiring success in the chase. The shaman has just finished his incantations, and while still retaining his left arm in the position for that ceremony, holds the right toward the hunter, giving him the success requested. j, the shaman’s winter lodge; k, trees; l, summer habitation of the shaman; m, trees near the shaman’s home.

A. a, a baidarka or skin boat resting on poles; b, winter home; c, tree; d, winter homes; e, storehouse; f, tree. Between this and the storehouse is a piece of timber, from which fish are hung to dry. g, storehouse. The symbols from a to g represent a cluster of homes, which indicates a settlement, the residence of the person to whom the story relates. h, the hunter sitting on the ground, asking for help, making a gesture of supplication. i, the shaman whom the hunter approaches for success in the hunt. The shaman has just finished his rituals, and while still holding his left arm in position from the ceremony, extends his right hand toward the hunter, granting him the success he asked for. j, the shaman’s winter lodge; k, trees; l, the shaman’s summer home; m, trees near the shaman’s house.

B. n, tree; o, a shaman standing upon his lodge, driving back game which had approached against his wish. To this shaman the hunter had also made application for success in the chase, but was denied, hence the act of driving back. p, deer leaving at the shaman’s order; q, horns of a deer swimming a river; r, young deer, apparently, from the smaller size of the body and unusually long legs.

B. n, tree; o, a shaman standing on his lodge, driving away game that had come too close for his liking. The hunter had also sought the shaman's help for a successful hunt, but was refused, leading to the act of driving back. p, deer leaving at the shaman’s command; q, horns of a deer swimming across a river; r, young deer, it seems, due to their smaller body size and unusually long legs.

C. s, a tree; t, the lodge of the hunter (A. h), who, after having been granted the request for success, placed his totem upon the lodge as a mark of gratification and to insure greater luck in his undertaking; u, the hunter in the act of shooting; v-w, the game killed, consisting of five deer; x, the demon sent out by the shaman (A. i), to drive the game in the way of the hunter; y-bb, the demon’s assistants.

C. s, a tree; t, the hunter's lodge (A. h), where, after being granted his wish for success, he placed his totem on the lodge as a sign of thanks and to ensure better luck in his efforts; u, the hunter preparing to shoot; v-w, the game that was killed, which includes five deer; x, the demon sent out by the shaman (A. i) to guide the game towards the hunter; y-bb, the demon’s helpers.

The following description and illustration, Fig. 705, is kindly contributed by the Rev. M. Eells, of Skokomish, Washington:

The following description and illustration, Fig. 705, is kindly provided by Rev. M. Eells from Skokomish, Washington:

Fig. 705.—Skokomish tamahnous.

Fig. 705.—Skokomish salmon.

Your figure of a shaman’s lodge in Alaska [Fig. 714 in this work] reminds me of a drawing made of the same character on this reservation by one of our best educated Indian boys. His description of it is as follows: “When I was at Dr. Charley’s house (the shaman or medicine man), they tamahnoused [performed incantations] over [my brother] Frank. They saw that he was under a kind of sickness. Dr. Charley took it, and just a little after that Frank shook and became stiff, and while I sat I heard my father say that his breath was gone. I went out, as I did not want to see my brother lay dead before me. When I came back he was breathing a little and his eyes were closed. Dr. Charley was taking care of his breath with his own tamahnous [guardian spirit] and waiting for more folks to come, so as to have enough folks to beat on sticks when he should tamahnous and see what was the matter with Frank. So he went on and saw that there was another kind of sickness besides the one he took first. The other one went over Frank and almost killed him. Dr. Charley took it again and went (travel) [in spirit] with another kind of tamahnous to see where Frank’s spirit was. He found him at Humahuma [18 or 20 miles distant], where they had camped [some time previous]. So Frank got better after a hard tamahnous. From the drawing you will see how Dr. Charley fixed the kind of sickness. b shows the first sickness which Dr. Charley took. It has tails, which, when they come close to the sick person, makes him worse. a is the way it goes when it kills a person and stays in his home. c is the second one and is hanging over Frank, d. e is another sickness which is in Frank.”

Your drawing of a shaman’s lodge in Alaska [Fig. 714 in this work] reminds me of a sketch made by one of our most educated Native boys on this reservation. He described it like this: “When I was at Dr. Charley’s house (the shaman or medicine man), they performed incantations over my brother Frank. They realized he was suffering from a certain illness. Dr. Charley took it on himself, and shortly after that, Frank began to shake and became rigid. While I was sitting there, I heard my father say that Frank’s breath was gone. I stepped outside because I didn’t want to see my brother lying dead in front of me. When I returned, he was breathing lightly, and his eyes were shut. Dr. Charley was managing his breathing with his own guardian spirit and was waiting for more people to arrive so they could all beat on sticks while he performed the incantation to find out what was wrong with Frank. He continued and discovered there was another type of illness besides the one he dealt with first. The second illness overwhelmed Frank and nearly took his life. Dr. Charley took it on again and traveled [in spirit] with another kind of guardian spirit to locate where Frank’s spirit was. He found him at Humahuma [18 or 20 miles away], where they had camped previously. So Frank started to recover after a tough incantation. From the drawing, you’ll see how Dr. Charley addressed the sickness. b indicates the first illness that Dr. Charley took. It has tendrils that worsen the condition when they come close to the sick person. a shows how it proceeds when it kills someone and remains in their home. c represents the second illness that is hovering over Frank, d. e is another illness that’s affecting Frank.”

In Kingsborough (d) is the following: “In the year of Eleven Houses, or in 1529, Nuño de Guzman set out for Yalisco on his march to subdue that territory. They pretend that a serpent descended from the sky, exclaiming that troubles were preparing for the natives, since the Christians were directing their course hither.” The illustration for this account is presented as Fig. 1224, Chap. XX, on Special Comparisons.

In Kingsborough (d) is the following: “In the year of Eleven Houses, or 1529, Nuño de Guzman set out for Yalisco to conquer that territory. They claim that a serpent came down from the sky, warning that trouble was coming for the natives because the Christians were heading this way.” The illustration for this account is shown as Fig. 1224, Chap. XX, on Special Comparisons.

SECTION 4.
Charms and amulets.

The use of material objects for the magic purposes suggested by this title is well known. Their graphic representation is not so familiar, though it is to be supposed that the objects of this character would be pictorially represented in pictographs connected with religion. The following is an instance where the use of a charm or fetich in action was certainly portrayed in a pictograph.

The use of physical objects for magical purposes mentioned in this title is well known. Their visual representation isn't as familiar, but it's assumed that these types of objects would be depicted in religious pictographs. The following is an example where the use of a charm or fetish in action was definitely illustrated in a pictograph.

Fig. 706.—Mdewakantawan fetich.

Fig. 706.—Mdewakantawan fetish.

Fig. 706, drawn by the Dakota Indians, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota, exhibits the use as a charm or talisman of an instrument fashioned in imitation of a war club, though it is not adapted to offensive employment. The head of the talisman is a grooved stone hammer from an inch and a half to 5 inches in length. A withe is tied about the middle of the hammer, in the groove binding on a handle of from 2 to 4 feet in length. The latter is frequently wrapped with buckskin or rawhide to strengthen it, as well as for ornamental purposes. Feathers attached bear designs indicating marks of distinction, perhaps sometimes fetichistic devices not understood.

Fig. 706, drawn by the Dakota Indians, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota, shows the use of an instrument made to look like a war club, but it’s not meant for actual fighting. The head of the talisman is a grooved stone hammer that ranges from 1.5 to 5 inches long. A flexible branch is tied around the middle of the hammer in the groove, securing a handle that is between 2 to 4 feet long. This handle is often wrapped in buckskin or rawhide for added strength and decorative purposes. Feathers attached to it display designs that signify status, and they might also include mystical symbols that aren't fully understood.

It is believed that these objects possess the charm of warding off an enemy’s missiles when held upright before the body, as shown in the pictograph. The interpretation was explained by the draftsman himself.

It is believed that these objects have the power to deflect an enemy’s weapons when held upright in front of the body, as shown in the pictograph. The explanation was provided by the draftsman himself.

Fig. 707.—Medicine bag as worn.

Fig. 707.—Medicine bag worn.

“Medicine bags,” as they are termed by frontiersmen, are worn as amulets. They are sometimes filled by the owner in obedience to the suggestions of visions, but more frequently are prepared by the shaman. They are carried suspended from the neck by means of string or buckskin cords, as shown in Fig. 707, drawn in 1889 by I-teup'-de-tĭ, No-Shin-Bone, a Crow Indian, to represent himself with his insignia, and was extracted from a record kindly communicated by Dr. R. B. Holden, physician at the Crow Agency, Montana.

“Medicine bags,” as frontiersmen call them, are worn as protective charms. Sometimes the owner fills them based on visions they’ve had, but more often, they’re prepared by a shaman. They’re worn around the neck using string or buckskin cords, as illustrated in Fig. 707, drawn in 1889 by I-teup'-de-tĭ, No-Shin-Bone, a Crow Indian, to depict himself with his insignia, and this information was provided from a record kindly shared by Dr. R. B. Holden, a physician at the Crow Agency in Montana.

Fig. 708.—Medicine bag hung up.

Fig. 708.—Medicine bag displayed.

Fig. 708, drawn by the same hand, shows the same medicine bag temporarily hung on a forked stick. When the bag is carried on a war party it is never allowed to touch the ground. Also among the Ojibwa some of the bags which are considered to have the greatest fetichistic power are not kept in the lodges, as too dangerous, but are suspended from trees.

Fig. 708, drawn by the same hand, shows the same medicine bag temporarily hanging on a forked stick. When the bag is carried on a war party, it is never allowed to touch the ground. Also, among the Ojibwa, some of the bags that are believed to have the greatest magical power are not kept in the lodges, as they are considered too dangerous, but are hung from trees.

Capt. Bourke (d) gives the following account of the medicine hat of the Apache:

Capt. Bourke (d) shares this account of the Apache's medicine hat:

The medicine hat of the old and blind Apache medicine man, Nan-ta-do-tash, was an antique affair of buckskin, much begrimed with soot and soiled by long use. Nevertheless it gave life and strength to him who wore it, enabled the owner to peer into the future, to tell who had stolen ponies from other people, to foresee the approach of an enemy, and to aid in the cure of the sick. * * * This same old man gave me an explanation of all the symbolism depicted upon the hat, and a great deal of valuable information in regard to the profession of medicine men, their specialization, the prayers they recited, etc. The material of the hat, as already stated, was buckskin. How that was obtained I can not assert positively, but from an incident occurring under my personal observation in the Sierra Madre, in Mexico, in 1883, where our Indian scouts and the medicine men with them surrounded a nearly grown fawn and tried to capture it alive, as well as from other circumstances too long to be here inserted, I am of the opinion that the buckskin to be used for sacred purposes among the Apache must, whenever possible, be that of a strangled animal, as is the case, according to Dr. Matthews, among the Navajo.

The medicine hat of the old and blind Apache medicine man, Nan-ta-do-tash, was an old piece made of buckskin, heavily stained with soot and worn from years of use. Still, it brought life and strength to the person who wore it, allowed the owner to see into the future, identify who had stolen ponies, predict the approach of an enemy, and help treat the sick. * * * This same man explained to me all the symbolism on the hat and shared a lot of valuable information about the role of medicine men, their specializations, the prayers they recited, and more. The material of the hat, as mentioned, was buckskin. I can’t say for sure how it was obtained, but from an incident I personally witnessed in the Sierra Madre, Mexico, in 1883, when our Indian scouts and the medicine men with them surrounded a nearly grown fawn and tried to capture it alive, along with other circumstances too lengthy to mention here, I believe that the buckskin used for sacred purposes among the Apache must, whenever possible, come from a strangled animal, as is the case, according to Dr. Matthews, among the Navajo.

The body of Nan-ta-do-tash’s cap was unpainted, but the figures upon it were in two colors, a brownish yellow and an earthy blue, resembling a dirty Prussian blue. The ornamentation was of the downy feathers and black-tipped plumes of the eagle, pieces of abalone shell and chalchihuitl, and a snake’s rattle on the apex.

The body of Nan-ta-do-tash’s cap was left unpainted, but the figures on it were in two colors, a brownish-yellow and a muddy blue, similar to a dirty Prussian blue. The decoration included downy feathers and black-tipped eagle plumes, pieces of abalone shell and jade, and a snake’s rattle on the top.

Nan-ta-do-tash explained that the characters on the medicine hat meant: A, clouds; B, rainbow; C, hail; E, morning star; F, the god of wind, with his lungs; G, the black “kan;” H, the great stars or suns. “Kan” is the name given to their principal gods. The appearance of the kan himself and of the tail of the hat suggest the centipede, an important animal god of the Apache. The old man said that the figures represented the powers to which he appealed for aid in his “medicine” and the kan upon whom he called for help.

Nan-ta-do-tash explained that the symbols on the medicine hat represented: A, clouds; B, rainbow; C, hail; E, morning star; F, the god of wind, with his lungs; G, the black “kan;” H, the great stars or suns. “Kan” is the name given to their main gods. The design of the kan himself and the tail of the hat resemble a centipede, which is an important animal god for the Apache. The old man said that the figures symbolized the powers he called upon for help in his “medicine” and the kan he sought assistance from.

The same author says, op. cit., p. 587:

The same author states, op. cit., p. 587:

The Apache, both men and women, wear amulets, called tzidaltai, made of lightning-riven wood, generally pine or cedar or fir from the mountain tops, which are highly valued and are not to be sold. These are shaved very thin and rudely cut in the semblance of the human form. They are in fact the duplicates, on a small scale, of the rhombus. Like it they are decorated with incised lines representing the lightning. Very often these are to be found attached to the necks of children or to their cradles.

The Apache people, both men and women, wear amulets called tzidaltai, made from wood split by lightning, usually pine, cedar, or fir from the mountain tops. These amulets are highly valued and should not be sold. They are crafted very thinly and roughly shaped to resemble the human form. In fact, they are small-scale replicas of the rhombus. Like the rhombus, they are decorated with incised lines that represent lightning. These amulets are often found attached to children's necks or their cradles.

Four of the several winter counts described in the present work unite in specifying for the year 1843-’44 the recapture of a fetich called the great medicine arrow.

Four of the many winter counts mentioned in this work agree that in the year 1843-’44, the great medicine arrow, a kind of fetich, was recaptured.

Fig. 709.—Magic arrow.

Fig. 709.—Magic arrow.

Fig. 709.—In a great fight with the Pawnees the Dakotas captured the great medicine arrow which had been taken from the Cheyennes, who made it, by the Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1843-’44.

Fig. 709.—In a major battle with the Pawnees, the Dakotas seized the powerful medicine arrow that had been taken from the Cheyennes, who originally made it, by the Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1843-’44.

The head of the arrow projects from the bag which contains it. The delicate waved or spiral lines show that it is sacred.

The tip of the arrow sticks out of the bag that holds it. The fine wavy or spiral lines indicate that it is sacred.

White-Cow-Killer calls it “The Great-medicine-arrow-comes-in winter.”

White-Cow-Killer calls it "The Great Medicine Arrow Comes In Winter."

Fig. 710.—Magic arrow.

Fig. 710.—Magic arrow.

Battiste Good’s record gives the following for the same year:

Battiste Good's record shows the following for that same year:

“Brought-home-the-magic-arrow winter. This arrow originally belonged to the Cheyennes, from whom the Pawnees stole it. The Dakotas captured it this winter from the Pawnees, and the Cheyennes then redeemed it for one hundred horses.” His sign for the year is shown in Fig. 710. An attempt was made to distinguish colors by the heraldic scheme, which in this cut did not succeed. The upper part of the man’s body is sable or black, the feathers on the arrow are azure or blue, and the shaft, gules or red. The remainder of the figure is of an undecided color not requiring specification.

“Brought-home-the-magic-arrow winter. This arrow originally belonged to the Cheyennes, who were robbed of it by the Pawnees. The Dakotas took it from the Pawnees this winter, and the Cheyennes then got it back in exchange for one hundred horses.” His sign for the year is shown in Fig. 710. An effort was made to identify colors using the heraldic scheme, which didn’t quite work in this illustration. The upper part of the man’s body is black, the feathers on the arrow are blue, and the shaft is red. The rest of the figure is an indefinite color that doesn't need specification.

Fig. 711.—Magic arrow.

Fig. 711.—Magic arrow.

Fig. 711.—The great medicine arrow was taken from the Pawnees by the Oglalas and Brulés, and returned to the Cheyennes to whom it rightly belonged. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1843-’44. The arrow appears to be in a case marked over with the lines meaning sacredness.

Fig. 711.—The great medicine arrow was taken from the Pawnees by the Oglalas and Brulés, and returned to the Cheyennes, to whom it rightfully belonged. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1843-’44. The arrow seems to be in a case marked with lines signifying its sacredness.

Another account of a magic arrow and illustrations of other fetichistic objects are in Chap. IX.

Another account of a magic arrow and images of other fetish objects are in Chap. IX.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIII
MANTLE OF INVISIBILITY.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIII
MANTLE OF INVISIBILITY.

Pl. XXXIII is a copy of a cloak or mantle made from the skin of a deer, and covered with various mystic paintings. It was made and used by the Apaches as a mantle of invisibility, that is, a charmed covering for spies which would enable them to pass with impunity through the country, and even through the camp of their enemies. In this instance the fetichistic power depends upon the devices drawn. A similar but not identical pictographic fetich or charm is described and illustrated by Capt. Bourke (e) as obtained from a Chicarahua Apache which told when his ponies were lost, and which brought rain. The symbols show, inter alia, the rain cloud, and the serpent lightning, the raindrops and the cross of the winds of the four cardinal points.

Pl. XXXIII is a copy of a cloak or mantle made from deer skin, adorned with various mystical paintings. The Apaches made and used it as a cloak of invisibility, a magical covering for spies that allowed them to move safely through the country, even among their enemies' camps. In this case, the charm’s power depends on the designs drawn on it. A similar but not identical pictographic charm is described and illustrated by Capt. Bourke (e), which he got from a Chicarahua Apache; it indicated when his ponies were lost and was believed to bring rain. The symbols depict, among other things, the rain cloud, the snake lightning, the raindrops, and the cross representing the winds from the four cardinal directions.

Lewis and Clarke (b) say that the Chilluckittequaw, a Chinook tribe, had a “medicine” bag colored red 2 feet long, suspended in the middle of the lodge. It was held sacred, containing pounded dirt, roots, and such mysterious objects. From the chief’s bag he brought out fourteen forefingers of enemies—Snakes—whom he had killed.

Lewis and Clarke (b) mention that the Chilluckittequaw, a Chinook tribe, had a red “medicine” bag that was 2 feet long, hanging in the center of the lodge. It was considered sacred and contained pounded dirt, roots, and other mysterious items. From the chief’s bag, he took out fourteen fingers from enemies—Snakes—that he had killed.

A remarkable drawing in an Australian cave, described by Sir George Grey, in Worsnop, op. cit., was an ellipse, 3 feet in length and 1 foot 10 inches in breadth. The outside line of the painting was of deep blue color, the body of the ellipse being of a bright yellow dotted over with red lines and spots, whilst across it ran two transverse lines of blue. The portion of the painting above described formed the ground, or main part of the picture, and upon this ground was painted a kangaroo in the act of feeding; two stone spear heads, and two black balls; one of the spear heads was flying to the kangaroo, and one away from it; so that the whole subject probably constituted a sort of charm by which the luck of an inquirer in killing game can be ascertained. This cave drawing is copied in Fig. 712.

A fascinating drawing in an Australian cave, described by Sir George Grey in Worsnop, op. cit., was an oval shape measuring 3 feet long and 1 foot 10 inches wide. The outer edge of the artwork was a deep blue color, while the inside of the oval was a bright yellow with red lines and spots scattered throughout. Two blue lines crossed over it. This part of the artwork served as the background or main focus of the image, on which a kangaroo was depicted feeding, along with two stone spear points and two black circles. One of the spear points was shown flying toward the kangaroo, and the other was aimed away from it, suggesting that the entire scene likely acted as a charm to determine one's luck in hunting. This cave drawing is copied in Fig. 712.

Fig. 712.—Hunter’s charm. Australia.

Fig. 712.—Hunter's talisman. Australia.

George Turner (c) gives account of hieroglyphic taboos, as he calls them, which are connected with the present subject:

George Turner (c) describes hieroglyphic taboos, as he refers to them, that relate to the current topic:

The sea-pike taboo. If a man wished that a sea-pike might run into the body of the person who attempted to steal, say, his bread fruits, he would plait some cocoanut leaflets in the form of a sea-pike, and suspend it from one or more of the trees which he wished to protect.

The sea-pike taboo. If a man wanted a sea-pike to attack the person who tried to steal his breadfruit, he would weave some coconut leaves into the shape of a sea-pike and hang it from one or more of the trees he wanted to protect.

The white-shark taboo was another object of terror to a thief. This was done by plaiting a cocoanut leaf in the form of a shark, adding fins, etc., and this they suspended from the tree. It was tantamount to an expressed imprecation, that the thief might be devoured by the white shark the next time he went to fish.

The white shark taboo was another source of fear for a thief. This was created by weaving a coconut leaf into the shape of a shark, adding fins, and so on, which they then hung from a tree. It was essentially a curse, indicating that the thief might be eaten by the white shark the next time he went fishing.

The cross-stick taboo. This was a piece of any sort of stick suspended horizontally[505] from the tree. It expressed the wish of the owner of the tree, that any thief touching it might have a disease running right across his body, and remaining fixed there till he died.

The cross-stick taboo. This was a stick of any kind that was suspended horizontally[505] from the tree. It represented the owner's wish that any thief who touched it would suffer from a disease that would spread throughout their body and stay with them until they died.

The ulcer taboo. This was made by burying in the ground some pieces of clam shell, and erecting at the spot three or four reeds, tied together at the top in a bunch like the head of a man. This was to express the wish and prayer of the owner that any thief might be laid down with ulcerous sores all over his body.

The ulcer taboo. This was created by burying some clam shell pieces in the ground and setting up three or four reeds at the spot, tied together at the top like the head of a person. This was to convey the owner's wish and prayer that any thief would be afflicted with ulcerous sores all over their body.

The death taboo. This was made by pouring some oil into a small calabash, and burying it near the tree. The spot was marked by a little hillock of white sand.

The death taboo. This was done by pouring some oil into a small gourd and burying it near the tree. The spot was marked by a small mound of white sand.

The thunder taboo. If a man wished that lightning might strike any who should steal from his land, he would plait some cocoanut leaflets in the form of a small square mat, and suspend it from a tree, with the addition of some white streamers of native cloth flying. A thief believed that if he trespassed, he, or some of his children, would be struck with lightning, or perhaps his own trees struck and blasted from the same cause. They were not, however, in the habit of talking about the effects of lightning. It was the thunder they thought did the mischief; hence they called that to which I have just referred the thunder taboo.

The thunder taboo. If a man wanted lightning to strike anyone who stole from his land, he would braid some coconut leaves into a small square mat and hang it from a tree, adding some white strips of local cloth to wave in the wind. A thief believed that if he trespassed, he or one of his children would be hit by lightning, or maybe even his own trees would be struck and damaged for the same reason. However, they typically didn’t talk about the effects of lightning. They believed it was the thunder that caused the trouble; that’s why they referred to this practice as the thunder taboo.

SECTION 5.
Worship services.

Many examples of masks, dance ornaments, and fetiches used in ceremonies are reported and illustrated in the several papers of Messrs. Cushing, Holmes, and Stevenson in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Paintings or drawings of many of them have been found on pottery, on shells, and on rocks.

Many examples of masks, dance ornaments, and charms used in ceremonies are mentioned and shown in various papers by Messrs. Cushing, Holmes, and Stevenson in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Paintings or drawings of many of these have been discovered on pottery, shells, and rocks.

An admirable article by Mr. J. Walter Fewkes (b) on Tusayan Pictographs explains many of the petroglyphs of that region as depicting objects used in dances and ceremonies.

An impressive article by Mr. J. Walter Fewkes (b) on Tusayan Pictographs explains many of the petroglyphs in that area as showing objects used in dances and ceremonies.

Fig. 713.—Moki masks traced on rocks. Arizona.

Fig. 713.—Moki masks drawn on rocks. Arizona.

Fig. 713 exhibits drawings of various masks used in dancing, the characters of which were obtained by Mr. G. K. Gilbert from rocks at Oakley springs and were explained to him by Tubi, the chief of the Oraibi Pueblos. They are representations of masks as used by the Moki, Zuñi, and Rio Grande Pueblos.

Fig. 713 shows drawings of different masks used in dancing. These characters were gathered by Mr. G. K. Gilbert from rocks at Oakley Springs and were explained to him by Tubi, the chief of the Oraibi Pueblos. They represent masks used by the Moki, Zuñi, and Rio Grande Pueblos.

Dr. W. H. Corbusier, U. S. Army, writing from Camp Verde, Arizona, kindly furnished the following account of Yuman ceremonies, in which the making of sand pictures was prominent:

Dr. W. H. Corbusier, U.S. Army, writing from Camp Verde, Arizona, kindly provided the following account of Yuman ceremonies, where creating sand pictures was a key element:

All the medicine men meet occasionally and with considerable ceremony “make medicine.” They went through the performance early in the summer of 1874 on the reservation for the purpose of averting the diseases with which the Indians were afflicted the summer previous. In the middle of one of the villages they made a round ramada, or house of boughs, some 10 feet in diameter, and under it, on the sand, illustrated the spirit land in a picture about 7 feet across, made in colors by sprinkling powdered leaves and grass, red clay, charcoal, and ashes on the smoothed sand. In the center was a round spot of red clay about 10 inches in diameter, and around it several successive rings of green and red alternately, each ring being an inch and a half wide. Projecting from the outer ring were four somewhat triangular-shaped figures, each one of which corresponded to one of the cardinal points of the compass, giving the whole the appearance of a Maltese cross. Around this cross and between its arms were the figures of men with their feet toward the center, some made of charcoal, with ashes for eyes and hair, others of red clay and ashes, etc.[506] These figures were 8 or 9 inches long, and nearly all of them lacked some portion of the body, some an arm, others a leg or the head. The medicine men seated themselves around the picture on the ground in a circle, and the Indians from the different bands crowded around them, the old men squatting close by and the young men standing back of them. After they had invoked the aid of the spirits in a number of chants, one of their number, apparently the oldest, a toothless, gray-haired man, solemnly arose and, carefully stepping between the figures of the men, dropped on each one a pinch of the yellow powder which he took from a small buckskin bag which had been handed to him. He put the powder on the heads of some, on the chests of others, and on other parts of the body, one of the other men sometimes telling him where to put it. After going all around, skipping three figures, however, he put up the bag, and then went around again and took from each figure a large pinch of powder, taking up the yellow powder also, and in this way collected a heaping handful. After doing this he stepped back and another medicine man collected a[507] handful in the same way, others following him. Some of the laymen, in their eagerness to get some, pressed forward, but were ordered back. But after the medicine men had supplied themselves the ramada was torn down and a rush was made by men and boys; handfuls of the dirt were grabbed and rubbed on their bodies or carried away. The women and children, who were waiting for an invitation, were then called. They rushed to the spot in a crowd, and grabbing handfuls of dirt tossed it up in the air so that it would fall on them, or they rubbed their bodies with it, mothers throwing it over their children and rubbing it on their heads. This ended the performance.

All the medicine men gather occasionally and with a lot of ceremony “make medicine.” They held this event early in the summer of 1874 on the reservation to ward off the illnesses that had affected the Indians the previous summer. In the center of one of the villages, they constructed a round ramada, or house made of branches, about 10 feet in diameter. Underneath it, on the sand, they created a representation of the spirit land in a design about 7 feet wide, using powdered leaves and grass, red clay, charcoal, and ashes sprinkled on the smoothed sand. At the center was a round patch of red clay about 10 inches across, surrounded by alternating rings of green and red, each ring an inch and a half wide. Extending from the outer ring were four triangular-shaped figures, each corresponding to one of the cardinal points, giving the whole design the look of a Maltese cross. Around this cross and between its arms were figures of men facing the center, some made of charcoal with ashes for eyes and hair, others of red clay and ashes, etc.[506] These figures were 8 or 9 inches long, and most were missing some part of their bodies—some had a missing arm, others a leg or a head. The medicine men seated themselves in a circle around the picture on the ground, while Indians from different bands gathered around them, with the older men squatting close and the younger men standing behind. After they invoked the spirits’ help through chants, one of the oldest among them, a toothless, gray-haired man, solemnly stood up and, carefully stepping between the figures, sprinkled a pinch of yellow powder from a small buckskin bag handed to him onto each figure. He placed the powder on some heads, on the chests of others, and on various other body parts, with another man occasionally directing where to apply it. After completing this, skipping three figures, he put the bag away, then went around again, collecting a large pinch of powder from each figure, including the yellow powder, resulting in a heaping handful. After he finished, he stepped back, and another medicine man did the same, followed by others. Some of the spectators, eager to get some, pushed forward but were told to step back. However, after the medicine men had taken their share, the ramada was taken down, and a rush ensued from men and boys; they grabbed handfuls of dirt and rubbed it on their bodies or carried it away. The women and children, who had been waiting for permission, were then called. They rushed to the spot in a frenzy, grabbing handfuls of dirt to toss in the air so it would land on them or rubbing it on their bodies, with mothers throwing it over their children and rubbing it on their heads. This concluded the event.

According to Stephen Powers (in Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., III, p. 140), there is at the head of Potter valley, California, “a singular knoll of red earth which the Tatu or Hūchnom believe to have furnished the material for the erection of the original coyote-man. They mix this red earth into their acorn bread, and employ it for painting their bodies on divers mystic occasions.”

According to Stephen Powers (in Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., III, p. 140), at the top of Potter Valley, California, there is "a unique hill of red soil that the Tatu or Hūchnom believe was used to create the original coyote-man. They mix this red soil into their acorn bread and use it to paint their bodies on various mystical occasions."

Descriptions of ceremonies in medicine lodges and in the initiation of candidates to secret associations have been published with and without illustrations. The most striking of these are graphic ceremonial charts made by the Indians themselves, a number of which besides those immediately following appear in different parts of the present work.

Descriptions of ceremonies in medicine lodges and the initiation of candidates into secret associations have been published both with and without illustrations. The most notable of these are detailed ceremonial charts created by the Indians themselves, several of which, in addition to those right after this, appear in various sections of this work.

Fig. 714.—Shaman’s lodge. Alaska.

Fig. 714.—Shaman's lodge. Alaska.

Fig. 714 was drawn and interpreted by Naumoff, a Kadiak native, in San Francisco, California, in 1882. It represents the ground plan of a shaman’s lodge, with the shaman curing a sick man.

Fig. 714 was created and explained by Naumoff, a Kadiak native, in San Francisco, California, in 1882. It shows the layout of a shaman’s lodge, with the shaman healing a sick man.

The following is the explanation:

The following is the explanation:

a, the entrance to the lodge; b, the fireplace; c, a vertical piece of wood upon which is placed a crosspiece, upon each end of which is a lamp; d, the musicians upon the raised seats drumming and producing[508] music to the movements of the shaman during his incantations in exorcising the “evil spirit” supposed to have possession of the patient; e, visitors and friends of the afflicted seated around the walls of the lodge; f, the shaman represented in making his incantations; g, the patient seated upon the floor of the lodge; h represents the shaman in another stage of the ceremonies, driving out of the patient the “evil being”; i, another figure of the patient—from his head is seen to issue a line connecting it with j; j, the “evil spirit” causing the sickness; k, the shaman in the act of driving the “evil being” out of the lodge—in his hands are sacred objects, his personal fetich, in which the power lies; l, the flying “evil one”; m, n, are assistants to the shaman stationed at the entrance to hit and hasten the departure of the evil being.

a, the lodge entrance; b, the fireplace; c, a vertical piece of wood with a crosspiece at each end holding a lamp; d, the musicians on elevated seats drumming and creating[508] music to accompany the shaman's movements during his rituals to drive out the “evil spirit” believed to possess the patient; e, visitors and friends of the sick person seated around the walls of the lodge; f, the shaman depicted performing his rituals; g, the patient sitting on the lodge floor; h shows the shaman in another part of the ceremony, expelling the “evil being” from the patient; i, another representation of the patient—from his head a line is visible connecting to j; j, the “evil spirit” causing the illness; k, the shaman driving the “evil being” out of the lodge—holding sacred objects, his personal fetich that contains the power; l, the departing “evil one”; m, n, are the shaman's assistants stationed at the entrance to hit and hurry along the exit of the evil being.

The writer in examination at three reservations in Wisconsin obtained information concerning the Midē' ceremonies additional to the details described by Dr. Hoffman (a) and by others quoted in the present work. The full ceremonies of the Midē' lodges, which the more southern Ojibwa, who speak English, translate as “grand medicine,” were performed twice a year—in the fall and in the spring. Those in the spring were of a rejoicing character, to welcome the return of the good spirits; those in the fall were in lamentation for the departure of the beneficent and the arrival of the maleficent spirits. The drums were beaten four days and nights before the dance, which lasted for a whole day. After the dance twelve selected persons built a lodge, about the center of which they placed stones which had been heated, and dancing went on around it until the stones were moistened and cooled by the sweat of the performers. Singing, or more properly chanting, regulated the rhythm of the dances, although, perhaps, in the order of evolution the dance was prior to the chant. These ceremonies were performed by the body of the people, and were independent of the initiations in the secret order. With regard to the candidates who passed the initiations, it was mentioned as an undisputed fact that they always became stronger and better men, perhaps because only those succeeded who had the requisite strength of mind and body to endure the various ordeals and to pass examination in the mysteries. In pictography the spring and the fall, the drums and the steaming stones, the dancing forms and the open chanting mouth are shown.

The writer examined three reservations in Wisconsin and gathered information about the Midē' ceremonies beyond what Dr. Hoffman (a) and others mentioned in this work. The full Midē' lodge ceremonies, which the more southern Ojibwa, who speak English, refer to as “grand medicine,” took place twice a year—in the fall and spring. The spring ceremonies were celebratory, welcoming back the good spirits, while the fall ceremonies were mournful, lamenting the departure of the beneficial spirits and the arrival of the harmful ones. The drums were beaten for four days and nights leading up to the dance, which lasted an entire day. After the dance, twelve selected individuals built a lodge, placing heated stones in the center, and danced around it until the stones were cooled by the performers’ sweat. Singing, or more accurately chanting, set the rhythm for the dances, although possibly the dance came before the chant in their development. These ceremonies involved the entire community and were separate from the initiations of the secret order. It was noted that candidates who completed the initiations always emerged as stronger, better people, likely because only those with the mental and physical strength to endure the trials could pass the examination of the mysteries. In pictography, the spring and fall, the drums, the steaming stones, the dancing figures, and the chanting mouth are depicted.

Fig. 715.—Ah-tón-we-tuck.

Fig. 715.—Ah-tón-we-tuck.

Catlin (a) gives an account of Kee-an-ne-kuk, the foremost man, who, though a Kickapoo, was commonly called the Shawnee Prophet, and also the following description relating to Fig. 715, painted by that author in 1831:

Catlin (a) provides a description of Kee-an-ne-kuk, the leading figure, who, although a Kickapoo, was often referred to as the Shawnee Prophet. He also includes the following description related to Fig. 715, painted by him in 1831:

Ah-tón-we-tuck, The-Cock-Turkey, is another Kickapoo of some distinction and a disciple of the [Shawnee] Prophet, in the attitude of prayer, which he is reading off from characters cut upon a stick that he holds in his hand. It was told to me in the tribe by the traders (though I am afraid to vouch for the whole truth of it) that while a Methodist preacher was soliciting him for permission to preach in his village, the Prophet refused him the privilege, but secretly took him aside and supported[509] him until he learned from him his creed and his system of teaching it to others, when he discharged him and commenced preaching amongst his people himself, pretending to have had an interview with some superhuman mission or inspired personage, ingeniously resolving that if there was any honor or emolument or influence to be gained by the promulgation of it, he might as well have it as another person; and with this view he commenced preaching and instituted a prayer, which he ingeniously carved on a maple stick of an inch and a half in breadth, in characters somewhat resembling Chinese letters. These sticks, with the prayers on them, he has introduced into every family of the tribe and into the hands of every individual; and as he has necessarily the manufacturing of them all, he sells them at his own price and has thus added lucre to fame, and in two essential and effective ways augmented his influence in his tribe. Every man, woman, and child in the tribe, so far as I saw them, were in the habit of saying their prayer from this stick when going to bed at night and also when rising in the morning, which was invariably done by placing the forefinger of the right hand under the upper character until they repeat a sentence or two, which it suggests to them, and then slipping it under the next and the next, and so on to the bottom of the stick, which altogether required about ten minutes, as it was sung over in a sort of a chant to the end.

Ah-tón-we-tuck, The-Cock-Turkey, is another notable Kickapoo and a follower of the [Shawnee] Prophet, who is in a prayerful pose, reading from symbols carved on a stick he holds. The traders in the tribe told me (though I can’t fully guarantee the accuracy of this) that when a Methodist preacher asked him for permission to preach in his village, the Prophet denied him that privilege. However, he secretly took the preacher aside, supported him while he learned his beliefs and how to teach them to others, and then sent him away. After that, he began preaching to his own people, claiming he had received guidance from a supernatural being or an inspired individual. He cleverly thought that if there was any recognition, reward, or influence to be gained from sharing it, he might as well keep it for himself. With that in mind, he began preaching and created a prayer that he skillfully engraved on a maple stick about an inch and a half wide, in characters that looked a bit like Chinese letters. These sticks, with the prayers, were distributed to every family in the tribe and to each individual. Since he made them all himself, he sells them at his own price, which has helped him gain wealth alongside his fame and, in two significant ways, increased his influence in the tribe. Every man, woman, and child in the tribe that I observed was accustomed to saying their prayer from this stick at bedtime and in the morning. They would place the forefinger of their right hand under the top character, recite a sentence or two suggested by it, then move to the next character, continuing until they reached the bottom of the stick. This process took about ten minutes, as it was recited in a sort of chant.

Fig. 716.—On-sáw-kie.

Fig. 716.—On-saw-kie.

Fig. 716, from the same volume, opposite page 100, is a portrait of On-sáw-kie, The-Sac, a Pottawatomie, using one of these prayer sticks, which had been procured from the Shawnee Prophet.

Fig. 716, from the same volume, opposite page 100, is a portrait of On-sáw-kie, The-Sac, a Pottawatomie, using one of these prayer sticks, which had been obtained from the Shawnee Prophet.

Figs. 715 and 716 with their descriptions exhibit an intermediate condition between the aboriginal mnemonic method and the Christian formula of prayer by the use of printed books. They should be considered in comparison with the remarks on the “Micmac Hieroglyphs,” Chap. XIX, Sec. 2.

Figs. 715 and 716 along with their descriptions show a middle ground between the original mnemonic method and the Christian way of praying using printed books. They should be looked at in relation to the comments on the “Micmac Hieroglyphs,” Chap. XIX, Sec. 2.

Fig. 717.—Medicine lodge. Micmac.

Fig. 717.—Medicine lodge. Mi'kmaq.

Fig. 717, incised on the Kejimkoojik rocks in Nova Scotia, suggests the midē' lodge, sometimes called the medicine lodge, of the Ojibwa,[510] which is described above. The ground plan indicated in this figure seems to be divided by partitions, which, together with the human figures and designs, probably refer to the rites of initiation and celebration performed in them. Some of the Micmacs examined had a vague recollection of these ceremonies, which, at the time of the European discovery of the northeastern part of North America, probably were as widely prevalent, as they continued to be much later, among the regions farther in the interior, also occupied by the Algonquian tribes.

Fig. 717, carved into the Kejimkoojik rocks in Nova Scotia, points to the midē' lodge, often called the medicine lodge, of the Ojibwa,[510] which is described above. The layout shown in this figure appears to be divided by partitions, which, along with the human figures and designs, likely relate to the initiation and celebration rituals conducted in these lodges. Some of the Micmacs surveyed had a vague memory of these ceremonies, which, at the time of European discovery of the northeastern part of North America, were probably as widespread as they remained much later among the regions further inland, also inhabited by the Algonquian tribes.

Fig. 718.—Juggler lodge. Micmac.

Fig. 718.—Juggler Lodge. Mi'kmaq.

Fig. 718, from the same locality, is a drawing of the ground plan of another description of ceremonial wigwam or lodge which is remarkably similar to that now called by the Ojibwa “the jessăkân.” Its distinguishing feature is the branch of a tree erected on the outside, and it is the wigwam of a juggler or wizard, and not the lodge belonging to the regular order of the Midē'. Such wigwams of jugglers, who performed wonderful feats similar to those of modern spiritualistic exhibitions, are frequently mentioned by the early French and English writers, who gave accounts of the provinces of New France and New England. The figure now presented is not suggestive without comparison, and would not have been selected for the foregoing description[511] without the authority of living Micmac and Abnaki Indians, to whom it was significant.

Fig. 718, from the same location, shows a drawing of the ground layout of another type of ceremonial wigwam or lodge that is very similar to what is now called “the jessăkân” by the Ojibwa. Its unique feature is the branch of a tree set up on the outside, and it serves as the wigwam of a juggler or wizard, rather than the lodge belonging to the regular group of the Midē'. These wigwams of jugglers, who performed amazing feats like those in modern spiritual exhibitions, are often mentioned by early French and English writers who documented the regions of New France and New England. The figure shown here is not meaningful without comparison and wouldn’t have been chosen for the previous description[511] without the backing of living Micmac and Abnaki Indians, for whom it held significance.

Figs. 717 and 718, however, when studied, recall the use of branches and prayer plumes in the descriptions of the houses, and especially of the kivas of the Pueblos and the forms of their consecration mentioned in the study of the Pueblo Architecture, by Mr. Victor Mindeleff, in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, as follows:

Figs. 717 and 718, however, upon examination, bring to mind the use of branches and prayer plumes in the descriptions of the houses, particularly the kivas of the Pueblos and the ways they are consecrated, as described in the study of Pueblo Architecture by Mr. Victor Mindeleff in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, which states:

It is difficult to elicit intelligent explanation of the theory of the baho and the prayer ceremonies in either kiva or house construction. The baho is a prayer token; the petitioner is not satisfied by merely speaking or singing his prayer; he must have some tangible thing upon which to transmit it. He regards his prayer as a mysterious, impalpable portion of his own substance, and hence he seeks to embody it in some object which thus becomes consecrated. The baho, which is inserted in the roof of the kiva, is a piece of willow twig about 6 inches long, stripped of its bark and painted. From it hang four small feathers suspended by short cotton strings tied at equal distances along the twig. In order to obtain recognition from the powers especially addressed, different colored feathers and distinct methods of attaching them to bits of wood and string are resorted to.

It’s challenging to get a clear understanding of the theory behind the baho and the prayer ceremonies in either kiva or house construction. The baho acts as a prayer token; the person praying doesn’t feel fulfilled just by speaking or singing their prayer; they need something physical to channel it. They see their prayer as a mysterious, intangible part of themselves, so they want to capture it in an object that becomes sacred. The baho, which is placed in the roof of the kiva, is a piece of willow twig about 6 inches long, stripped of its bark and painted. Hanging from it are four small feathers attached with short cotton strings tied at equal intervals along the twig. To gain acknowledgment from the specific powers being addressed, different colored feathers and unique ways of attaching them to bits of wood and string are used.

Fig. 719.—Moki ceremonial.

Moki ceremony.

The characters in Fig. 719 are copied from a drawing on the rocks[512] in the Canyon Segy. They have been submitted to the most intelligent of the old Moki priests, and are said to represent the primitive sun priests. They watched for the sunrise every morning and the chief sun priest kept a reckoning of the equinoxes. The chief sun priest, a, made the daily sacrifices to the sun by scattering consecrated meal and singing a prayer to the sun just as it rose. His assistant, b, lit a pipe of tobacco at the same time, and exhaled puffs of smoke, one toward each of the cardinal points, one to the zenith, and one to the nadir. The three other figures are flageolet priests, and the skins of different kinds of foxes were attached to their reed flageolets. c played to the morning star, typified by the skin of the gray fox. d played to the dawn, typified by the skin of the red fox. e played to the daylight, typified by the skin of the yellow fox.

The characters in Fig. 719 are based on a drawing found on the rocks[512] in Canyon Segy. They were shown to the wisest of the old Moki priests and are believed to represent the early sun priests. They watched for the sunrise every morning, and the chief sun priest kept track of the equinoxes. The chief sun priest, a, made daily sacrifices to the sun by scattering sacred meal and singing a prayer as the sun rose. His assistant, b, lit a pipe of tobacco at the same time, blowing smoke puffs in the direction of each cardinal point, one toward the sky, and one downward. The three other figures are flageolet priests, and different kinds of fox skins were attached to their reed flageolets. c played to the morning star, represented by the skin of the gray fox. d played to the dawn, represented by the skin of the red fox. e played to the daylight, represented by the skin of the yellow fox.

Dr. Franz Boas (e) reported as follows:

Dr. Franz Boas (e) reported the following:

The Tsimshian have four secret societies, which have evidently been borrowed from the Kwākiutl, the Olala or Wihalait, Nō'ntlem, Mē'itla, and Semhalait.

The Tsimshian have four secret societies, which seem to have been borrowed from the Kwākiutl: the Olala or Wihalait, Nō'ntlem, Mē'itla, and Semhalait.

The candidate is taken to the house of his parents and a bunch of cedar bark is fastened over the door, to show that the place is tabooed, and nobody is allowed to enter. The chief sings while it is being fastened. In the afternoon the sacred house is prepared for the dance. A section in the rear of the house is divided off by means of curtains; it is to serve as a stage, on which the dancers and the novice appear. When all is ready messengers carrying large carved batons are sent around to invite the members of the society, the chief first. The women sit down in one row, nicely dressed up in button blankets and their faces painted red. The chief wears the amhalait, a carving rising from the forehead, set with sea-lion barbs and with a long drapery of ermine skins; the others, the cedar bark rings of the society. * * *

The candidate is brought to his parents' house, where a bunch of cedar bark is tied over the door to indicate that the place is off-limits and no one is allowed to enter. The chief sings as it is being secured. In the afternoon, the sacred house is readied for the dance. A section at the back of the house is separated with curtains to serve as a stage for the dancers and the novice. Once everything is set, messengers with large carved batons are sent out to invite the members of the society, starting with the chief. The women sit in a row, elegantly dressed in button blankets with their faces painted red. The chief wears the amhalait, a carving that rises from his forehead, adorned with sea-lion barbs and a long drape of ermine skins; the others wear the cedar bark rings of the society. * * *

The Mēitla have a red head ring and red eagle downs, the Nōntlem a neck ring plaited of white and red cedar bark, the Olala a similar but far larger one. The members of the societies receive a head ring for each time they pass through these ceremonies. These are fastened one on top of the other.

The Mēitla have a red headband and red eagle feathers, the Nōntlem wear a neckband braided from white and red cedar bark, and the Olala have a similar but much larger one. Society members get a headband each time they complete these ceremonies. They stack them one on top of the other.

Mr. James W. Lynd (d) says:

Mr. James W. Lynd (d) says:

In the worship of their deities paint (with the Dakotas), forms an important feature. Scarlet or red is the religious color for sacrifices, whilst blue is used by the women in many of the ceremonies in which they participate. This, however, is not a constant distinction of sex, for the women frequently use red and scarlet. The use of paints, the Dakotas aver, was taught them by the gods. Unktehi taught the first medicine men how to paint themselves when they worshiped him and what colors to use. Takushkanshkan (the moving god), whispers to his favorites what colors are most acceptable to him. Heyoka hovers over them in dreams, and informs them how many streaks to employ upon their bodies and the tinge they must have. No ceremony of worship is complete without the wakan or sacred application of paint. The down of the female swan is colored scarlet and forms a necessary part of sacrifices.

In Dakota worship, painting plays a significant role. Scarlet or red is the religious color for sacrifices, while blue is often used by women in many of the ceremonies they participate in. However, this is not a strict gender distinction, as women frequently use red and scarlet as well. The Dakotas believe that the gods taught them how to use paints. Unktehi showed the first medicine men how to paint themselves during their worship and what colors to apply. Takushkanshkan (the moving god) whispers to his chosen ones about which colors he prefers. Heyoka appears to them in dreams, guiding them on how many streaks to use on their bodies and the exact shades they should apply. No worship ceremony is complete without the wakan or sacred use of paint. The down of female swans, dyed scarlet, is an essential part of their sacrifices.

Wiener (d) gives a description of Peruvian ceremonies, with an illustration reproduced here as Fig. 720.

Wiener (d) describes Peruvian ceremonies, featuring an illustration shown here as Fig. 720.

Fig. 720.—Peruvian ceremony.

Fig. 720.—Peruvian ritual.

The paintings on this vase, found by Dr. Macedo in the excavations at Pachacamac, show the principal practices of the exoteric worship of the sun. In this painting there are three entirely distinct groups. The central one is composed of the solar image surrounded by nine rays, terminating in symbols of fecundity. Two men placed at its right and left seem to play on pandean pipes. The group on the left is formed of four individuals, two of whom have head-dresses of royal feathers. This group is performing[513] a dance, while the third group represents the same solar disk and the sacrifice accompanied by music performed in its honor. There are also vases of different forms containing, probably, the sacred drink, and the officiator approaching one hand to one of the great urns, while with the other he holds the vase or the bowl from which he is about to drink the chica consecrated to the sun. The princely personages who have the right to approach the sun wear casques with royal plumes, chemisettes extending below the middle, and ornaments at the lower part of the legs and on the feet. The musicians, four in number (two of whom play upon the pandean pipes and two upon the henna), are distinguished by bonnets without feathers and by a kind of cloak tied around the neck by a band which floats behind them. Finally, the priests, one of whom is an officiator, and the other dancers in the suite of the princely personages, wear bonnets like that of the musicians (who very probably belong to the same class). They have their faces painted.

The paintings on this vase, discovered by Dr. Macedo during the excavations at Pachacamac, depict the main aspects of the public worship of the sun. In this artwork, there are three completely separate groups. The central group features the solar image surrounded by nine rays that end in symbols of fertility. Two men on its right and left appear to be playing pan flutes. The group on the left consists of four individuals, two of whom are wearing headdresses made of royal feathers. This group is performing a dance, while the third group showcases the same solar disk along with a sacrifice accompanied by music in its honor. There are also various-shaped vases that likely hold the sacred drink, and the officiant approaches one of the large urns with one hand, while with the other he holds the vase or bowl from which he is about to drink the chica dedicated to the sun. The noble figures allowed to approach the sun wear helmets with royal plumes, long shirts that extend below the waist, and adornments on their legs and feet. The musicians, numbering four (two of whom play the pan flutes and two play the henna), are recognized by their featherless bonnets and a type of cloak fastened at the neck with a strap that flows behind them. Lastly, the priests, one of whom serves as the officiant, and the other dancers accompanying the noble figures, wear bonnets similar to those of the musicians (who likely belong to the same group). They also have their faces painted.

A. W. Howitt, in MS. Notes on Australian Pictographs, contributes the following:

A. W. Howitt, in MS. Notes on Australian Pictographs, provides the following:

Among the most interesting of the pictorial markings used by the aborigines are those which are made in connection with the ceremonies of initiation. I now take as an instance the Murring tribe of the southern coast of New South Wales, whose ceremonies I have described elsewhere. The humming instrument, which is known in England as a child’s toy called the bull roarer, has a sacred character with all the Australian tribes. The Murring call it Mŭdji, and the loud roaring sound made when it is swung around at the end of a cord is considered to be the voice of Daramūlŭn, the great supernatural being by whom, according to their tradition, these ceremonies were first instituted.

Among the most fascinating of the pictorial markings used by the indigenous people are those connected to initiation ceremonies. I will use the Murring tribe of the southern coast of New South Wales as an example, whose ceremonies I have described elsewhere. The humming instrument, known in England as a child's toy called the bull roarer, holds a sacred significance for all Australian tribes. The Murring refer to it as Mŭdji, and the loud roaring sound produced when it is swung around at the end of a cord is believed to be the voice of Daramūlŭn, the great supernatural being by whom, according to their tradition, these ceremonies were first established.

On this instrument there are marked two notches, one at each end, representing the gap left in the upper jaw of the novice after his teeth have been knocked out during the rites; there is also figured on it the rude representations of Daramūlŭn.

On this instrument, there are two notches marked, one at each end, symbolizing the gap left in the upper jaw of the beginner after his teeth have been knocked out during the rituals; there are also crude images of Daramūlŭn depicted on it.

A similar rude outline of a man in the attitude of the magic dance, being also Daramūlŭn, is cut by the old men (wizards) at the ceremonies, upon the bark of a tree at the spot where one of them knocks out the tooth of the novice. This pictograph is then carefully cut out and obliterated after the ceremonies are over.

A similar rough figure of a man in the pose of the magic dance, also known as Daramūlŭn, is carved by the elders (wizards) during the ceremonies on the bark of a tree at the place where one of them knocks out the novice's tooth. This pictograph is then carefully cut out and erased after the ceremonies are completed.

At a subsequent stage of the proceedings a similar figure is molded on the ground in clay, and is surrounded by the native weapons which Daramūlŭn is said to have invented. This figure, after having been exhibited to the novice, is also destroyed, and they are strictly forbidden under pain of death to make them known in any manner to “women or children;” that is to say, to the uninitiated.

At a later stage of the process, a similar shape is created on the ground using clay and is surrounded by the traditional weapons that Daramūlŭn is said to have invented. This figure, after being shown to the novice, is also destroyed, and they are strictly prohibited under the threat of death from revealing it in any way to “women or children;” meaning, to those who are not initiated.

The Mŭdji is not destroyed, but is carefully and secretly preserved by the principal headman who had caused the ceremonies to be held.

The Mŭdji is not destroyed; instead, it’s carefully and secretly preserved by the main headman who organized the ceremonies.

The ceremonies of the Wirajuri tribe in New South Wales are substantially the same as those of the Murring, although the tribes are several hundred miles apart. The details, however, differ in some respects.

The ceremonies of the Wirajuri tribe in New South Wales are largely similar to those of the Murring, even though the tribes are several hundred miles apart. The specifics, however, vary in some ways.

For instance, at one part of the ceremonies certain carvings are made upon the tree adjoining the place of the ceremonies and upon the ground, as follows:

For example, during one part of the ceremonies, some carvings are made on the tree next to the ceremony location and on the ground, as follows:

(1) A piece of bark is stripped off the tree from the branches spirally down the bole to the ground. This represents the path along which Daramūlŭn is supposed to descend from the sky to the place where the initiation is held.

(1) A piece of bark is removed from the tree, spiraling down from the branches to the ground. This symbolizes the route Daramūlŭn is believed to take when coming down from the sky to the location of the initiation ceremony.

(2) The figure of Daramūlŭn is cut upon the ground, resembling that which the Murring cut upon the tree at the place where in their ceremonies the tooth is knocked out. The figure represents a naked black fellow dancing, his arms being slightly extended and the legs somewhat bent outwards (sideways) at the knee, as in the well known “corroboree” attitude.

(2) The figure of Daramūlŭn is etched into the ground, similar to the mark that the Murring made on the tree where they knock out the tooth during their ceremonies. The figure shows a naked Black man dancing, his arms slightly raised and his legs bent outward at the knees, in the familiar "corroboree" pose.

(3) The representation of his tomahawk cut on the ground, where he let it fall on reaching the earth.

(3) The mark of his tomahawk on the ground, where it fell when it hit the earth.

(4) The footsteps of an emu of which Daramūlŭn was in chase.

(4) The footsteps of an emu that Daramūlŭn was chasing.

(5) The figure of the emu extended on the ground where it fell when struck down by Daramūlŭn.

(5) The emu lay on the ground where it fell after being struck down by Daramūlŭn.

The same author (f) remarks as follows:

The same author (f) notes the following:

Speaking generally, it may be asserted with safety that initiation ceremonies of some kind or other, and all having a certain fundamental identity, are practiced by the aboriginal tribes over the whole of the Australian continent. * * *

Speaking generally, it's safe to say that initiation ceremonies of some sort, all sharing a basic similarity, are practiced by indigenous tribes across the entire Australian continent. * * *

Here, then, the novices for the first time witness the actual exhibition of those magical powers of the old men of which they have heard since their earliest years. They have been told how these men can produce from within themselves certain deadly things which they are then able to project invisibly into those whom they desire to injure or to kill; and now the boys see during the impressive magical dances these very things, as they express it, “pulled out of themselves” by the wizards.

Here, for the first time, the novices witness the actual display of the magical powers of the old men that they have heard about since childhood. They've heard how these men can summon deadly things from within themselves and then project them invisibly at those they wish to harm or kill. Now, during the captivating magical dances, the boys see these very things, as they put it, "pulled out of themselves" by the wizards.

Figs. 721, 722, and 723 are copies of the designs upon Tartar and Mongol drums, taken from G. N. Potanin (b). They are used in religious ceremonies with the belief that the sounds emanating from the surface upon which the designs are made, or, to carry the concept a little further, the sounds coming from the designs themselves, produce special influences or powers. Some of these designs are notably similar to some of those found in America and reproduced in the present paper.

Figs. 721, 722, and 723 are replicas of the designs on Tartar and Mongol drums, sourced from G. N. Potanin (b). These drums are used in religious ceremonies under the belief that the sounds produced from the surface with the designs, or even the sounds coming from the designs themselves, generate unique influences or powers. Some of these designs are strikingly similar to those found in America, which are also featured in this paper.

Fig. 721.—Tartar and Mongol drums.

Fig. 721.—Tatar and Mongol drums.

The upper left-hand design (a) in Fig. 721, on the outside of the drum, represents the sun and the moon in the form of circles with a central dot. Below the crossbar were two other such figures with central dot. Besides, were represented below, on the left side, two shamans, and under them a wild goat and serpent in the form of wavy lines; on the right side three shamans and a deer.

The upper left design (a) in Fig. 721, on the outside of the drum, shows the sun and the moon as circles with a central dot. Below the crossbar, there were two more figures with a central dot. Additionally, on the left side, there were two shamans, and beneath them, a wild goat and a serpent depicted as wavy lines; on the right side, there were three shamans and a deer.

The upper right-hand design (b) on the same figure is a group representing the bringing of a horse to sacrifice. Under a rainbow, dots represent stars, and two heavenly maidens who the shamans said were the daughters of Ulgen and who were playing. They come down to the mountains and rise up to the skies.

The upper right-hand design (b) on the same figure shows a group bringing a horse for sacrifice. Under a rainbow, dots symbolize stars, and two heavenly maidens, said by the shamans to be the daughters of Ulgen, are playing. They come down from the mountains and rise back up to the skies.

A bow with a knob at each end is made to represent a rainbow in the lower part of a shaman’s drum.

A bow with a knob at each end is designed to symbolize a rainbow in the lower part of a shaman’s drum.

The lower left-hand design (c) on the same figure on a drum of the telengit shaman is the external delineation of a head without eyes and nose. The lower end of the line coming from the head represents a bifurcation. Under the head is a short horizontal line like an extended arm. Above a line extending from side to side of the drum are two circles, and below six circles, all empty. According to the owner of the drum[515] these circles are representations of drums, and the three human figures are masters or spirits of localities.

The design on the lower left side (c) of the drum belonging to the telengit shaman shows the outline of a head that lacks eyes and a nose. The line extending from the head ends in a split. Below the head is a short horizontal line that looks like an outstretched arm. Above this is a line that stretches across the drum with two circles on it, and below are six empty circles. According to the drum's owner[515], these circles represent drums, and the three human figures are the masters or spirits of the places.

The lower right-hand design (d) in the same figure has in the upper section five zigzag lines represented similar to those with which lightning is often represented. According to the shaman these are serpents.

The lower right-hand design (d) in the same figure features five zigzag lines in the upper section, similar to those commonly used to depict lightning. The shaman refers to these as serpents.

Fig. 722.—Tartar and Mongol drums.

Fig. 722.—Tartar and Mongolian drums.

The upper left-hand design (a) in Fig. 722 inside the drum has painted two trees. On each of them sits the bird karagush, with bill turned to the left. On the left of the trees are two circles, one dark (the moon), the other light (the sun). Below a horizontal line are depicted a frog, a lizard, and a serpent.

The upper left design (a) in Fig. 722 inside the drum features two painted trees. Perched on each tree is the karagush bird, facing to the left. To the left of the trees are two circles, one dark (the moon) and the other light (the sun). Below a horizontal line are illustrations of a frog, a lizard, and a serpent.

The upper right-hand design (b) in the same figure has on the upper half two circles, the sun and moon; on the left side four horsemen; under them a bowman, also on horseback. The center is occupied by a picture of a net and a sieve for winnowing the nuts and seeds of the cedar tree. On the right side are two trees, baigazuin (literally the rich birch), over which two birds, the karagush, are floating. Under a[516] division on the right and on the left side are oval objects with latticed-figured or scaly skin. These are two whales. In the middle, between them, are a frog and a deer, and below a serpent. Above, toward the hoop of the drum, is fastened an owl’s feather.

The upper right-hand design (b) in the same figure features two circles in the upper half, representing the sun and moon; on the left side are four horsemen; beneath them is a bowman, also on horseback. The center shows a picture of a net and a sieve used for winnowing the nuts and seeds of the cedar tree. On the right side, there are two trees, baigazuin (literally the rich birch), and above them are two birds, the karagush, gliding. Below a[516] division on the right and left side are oval objects with a latticed or scaly texture. These represent two whales. In the middle, between them, are a frog and a deer, with a serpent below. Above, near the hoop of the drum, is tied an owl’s feather.

The lower left hand design (c) in the same figure has represented in the upper half seven figures reminding one of horses. These are the horses, bura, going to heaven, i. e., their sacrifice. Above them are two circles emitting light, the sun and the moon; on the right of the horses are three trees; under a horizontal line on the left is a serpent; on the right a fish, the kerbuleik, the whale according to Verbitski, literally the bay-fish.

The lower left design (c) in the same figure shows seven figures in the upper half that resemble horses. These are the bura horses heading to heaven, meaning their sacrifice. Above them, there are two circles shining light, representing the sun and the moon; to the right of the horses, there are three trees; below a horizontal line on the left is a serpent; and on the right is a fish, the kerbuleik, which Verbitski identifies as the whale, literally the bay-fish.

The lower right-hand design (d) in the same figure has a drawing on the outside, a circle divided by horizontal bars into halves. The field of the upper half is divided into three strata, the first stratum of which is heaven, the second the rainbow, and in the lower stratum the stars. On the left side the sun, and the crescent moon on the right side; the goat, trees, and an undefined figure, which is not given in the drawing,[517] underneath. The kam, a kind of shaman, called it the bura. Some said that it meant a cloud; others that it meant heavenly horses.

The lower right-hand design (d) in the same figure features an outer drawing of a circle divided by horizontal bars into two halves. The upper half is split into three layers: the top layer represents heaven, the middle layer is the rainbow, and the bottom layer shows the stars. On the left side, there's the sun, and on the right side, a crescent moon; below them are a goat, trees, and an undefined figure that isn't shown in the drawing,[517] called the bura by the kam, a type of shaman. Some people said it represented a cloud; others believed it symbolized heavenly horses.

Fig. 723.—Tartar and Mongol drums.

Fig. 723.—Tartar and Mongolian drums.

The left-hand design (a) in Fig. 723 shows four vertical and four horizontal lines. The latter represent the rainbow; the vertical lines borsui. Circles with dots in the center are represented in three sections, and in the fourth one circle.

The left-hand design (a) in Fig. 723 features four vertical and four horizontal lines. The horizontal lines symbolize the rainbow, while the vertical lines represent borsui. Circles with dots in the center are shown in three sections, and in the fourth section, there is one circle.

The right-hand design in the same figure: On the upper sections are represented a number of human figures. These, according to the shaman’s own explanation, are heavenly maidens (in the original Turkish, tengriduing kuiz). Below, under a rainbow, which is represented by three arched lines, are portrayed two serpents, each having a cross inside. These are kurmos nuing tyungurey, i. e., the drums are kurmos’s. Kurmos is the Alti word for spirits, which the shamans summon.

The design on the right side of the same figure shows several human figures in the upper sections. According to the shaman's explanation, these figures are heavenly maidens (in the original Turkish, tengriduing kuiz). Below, under a rainbow depicted by three arched lines, there are two serpents, each featuring a cross inside. These represent kurmos nuing tyungurey, which means the drums belong to kurmos. Kurmos is the Alti word for spirits that the shamans call upon.

Bastian (a) makes remarks as follows concerning the magic drum of the Shamans in the Altai, which should be considered in this connection:

Bastian (a) makes the following comments about the magic drum of the Shamans in the Altai, which should be taken into account in this context:

The Shamans admit three worlds (among the Yakuts), the world of the heavens (hallan jurda), the middle one of the earth (outo-doidu) and the lower world or hell (jedän tügara), the former the realm of light, the latter the realm of darkness, while the earth has for a time been given over by the Creator (Jüt-tas-olbohtah Jürdän-Ai-Tojan) to the will of the devil or tempter, and the souls of men at their death, according to the measure of their merit, are sent into one or the other realm. When, however, the earth world has come to an end, the souls of the two realms will wage a war against each other, and victory must remain on the side of the good souls.

The Shamans recognize three worlds (among the Yakuts): the world of the heavens (hallan jurda), the middle world of the earth (outo-doidu), and the lower world or hell (jedän tügara). The first is the realm of light, the last is the realm of darkness, while the earth has, for a time, been surrendered by the Creator (Jüt-tas-olbohtah Jürdän-Ai-Tojan) to the influence of the devil or tempter. When people die, their souls are sent to one of these realms based on their merits. However, when the earthly world comes to an end, the souls from both realms will clash in battle, and victory will ultimately belong to the good souls.

SECTION 6.
Funeral practices.

Champlain (f) in his voyage of 1603, says of the Northeastern Algonquins that their graves were covered with large pieces of wood, and one post was erected upon them, the upper part of which was painted red.

Champlain (f) in his voyage of 1603, says of the Northeastern Algonquins that their graves were covered with large pieces of wood, and one post was put up on them, the upper part of which was painted red.

The same author, in 1613, writing of the Algonquins of the Ottawa[518] river, at the Isle des Alumettes, gives more details of the pictures on their grave posts:

The same author, in 1613, writing about the Algonquins of the Ottawa[518] river, at the Isle des Alumettes, provides more details about the images on their grave posts:

On it the likeness of the man or woman who is buried there is roughly engraved. If a man, they put on a buckler, a spear, war club, and bows and arrows. If he is a chief he will have a plume on his head and some other designs or ornaments. If a boy, they give him one bow and a single arrow. If a woman or girl, they put on a kettle, an earthen pot, a wooden spoon, and a paddle. The wooden tomb is 6 or 7 feet long and 4 wide, painted yellow and red.

On it, the likeness of the man or woman buried there is roughly carved. If it’s a man, they place a shield, a spear, a war club, and bows and arrows with him. If he’s a chief, he’ll have a feathered headdress and some other designs or decorations. If it’s a boy, he gets one bow and a single arrow. If it’s a woman or girl, they include a kettle, a clay pot, a wooden spoon, and a paddle. The wooden tomb is 6 to 7 feet long and 4 feet wide, painted yellow and red.

Some northern tribes—probably Cree—according to the Jesuit Relations (a), gave a notice of death to absent relations or dear friends of the deceased by hanging the object signifying his name on the path by which the traveler must return, e. g., if the name of the deceased was Piré (Partridge) the skin of a partridge was suspended. The main object of the notice was that the traveler, thereby knowing of the death, should not on his return to the lodge or village ask after or mention the deceased. Perhaps this explains the custom of placing pictographs of personal names and totemic marks on some prominent point or on trails without any apparent incident.

Some northern tribes—likely Cree—according to the Jesuit Relations (a), would notify absent relatives or close friends of the deceased by hanging an object that represented the deceased's name along the path the traveler would take to return. For example, if the deceased's name was Piré (Partridge), they would hang a partridge skin. The main purpose of this notification was so that the traveler, upon learning of the death, would not ask about or mention the deceased when returning to the lodge or village. This might explain the practice of placing pictographs of personal names and totemic symbols at noteworthy points or along trails without any obvious reason.

The same Relation describes a custom of the same Indians of shaping out of wood a portraiture of the more distinguished dead and inserting it over their graves, afterwards painting and greasing it as if it were the live man.

The same account describes a tradition of these Indians where they carve wooden portraits of notable deceased individuals and place them above their graves, later painting and oiling them as if they were still alive.

In Keating’s Long (g) it is told that the Sac Indians are particular in their demonstrations of grief for departed friends. These consist in darkening their faces with charcoal, fasting, abstaining from the use of vermillion and other ornaments in dress, etc. They also make incisions in their arms, legs, and other parts of the body; these are not made for the purposes of mortification, or to create a pain which shall by dividing their attention efface the recollection of their loss, but entirely from a belief that their grief is internal and that the only way of dispelling it is to give it a vent through which to escape.

In Keating’s Long (g), it’s noted that the Sac Indians have specific ways of showing grief for lost friends. They darken their faces with charcoal, fast, and refrain from using vermillion and other adornments in their clothing. They also make cuts on their arms, legs, and other parts of their bodies. These cuts aren’t intended for self-punishment or to create pain that distracts them from their sorrow; instead, they believe that their grief is internal and that the only way to release it is by letting it out.

This is an explanation of the practice which has been verified in the field work of the Bureau of Ethnology and corresponds with the concept of finding relief from disease and pain by similar incisions, to let out the supposed invading entity that causes distress.

This is an explanation of the practice that has been confirmed through the fieldwork of the Bureau of Ethnology and aligns with the idea of alleviating disease and pain through similar cuts, to release the believed invading force that causes discomfort.

The same authority, p. 332, gives the following account of Dakota burial scaffolds:

The same authority, p. 332, provides the following account of Dakota burial scaffolds:

On these scaffolds, which are from 8 to 10 feet high, corpses were deposited in a box made from part of a broken canoe. Some hair was suspended which we at first mistook for a scalp; but our guide informed us that these were locks of hair torn from their heads by the relations to testify their grief. In the center, between the four posts which supported the scaffold, a stake was planted in the ground; it was about 6 feet high, and bore an imitation of human figures; five of which had a design of a petticoat, indicating them to be females; the rest, amounting to seven, were naked, and were intended for male figures. Of the latter, four were headless, showing that they had been slain; the three other male figures were unmutilated but held a staff in their hands which, as our guide informed us, designated that they were slaves. The post, which is an usual accompaniment to the scaffold that supports a[519] warrior’s remains, does not represent the achievements of the deceased, but those of the warriors that assembled near his remains, danced the dance of the post, and related their martial exploits.

On these scaffolds, which are about 8 to 10 feet high, bodies were placed in a box made from part of a broken canoe. Some hair was hanging, which we initially thought was a scalp; but our guide explained that these were locks of hair torn from their heads by their relatives to show their grief. In the middle, between the four posts that held up the scaffold, there was a stake planted in the ground; it was about 6 feet tall and had figures carved into it; five of them were designed with petticoats, indicating they were female; the other seven were naked and represented males. Of the males, four were headless, showing they had been killed; the other three were unharmed but held staffs, which, as our guide told us, meant they were slaves. The post, which usually accompanies the scaffold that holds a warriorr’s remains, doesn't represent the achievements of the deceased, but those of the warriors who gathered near his remains, performed the post dance, and recounted their battle exploits.

Maximilian, Prince of Wied (d), tells that as a sign of mourning the Sioux daub themselves with white clay.

Maximilian, Prince of Wied (d), mentions that as a sign of mourning, the Sioux paint themselves with white clay.

According to Powers, (d) “A Yokaia widow’s style of mourning is peculiar. In addition to the usual evidence of grief she mingles the ashes of the dead husband with pitch, making a white tar or ungent with which she smears a band about two inches wide all around the edge of her hair (which is previously cut off close to the head), so that at a little distance she appears to be wearing a white chaplet.”

According to Powers, (d) “A Yokaia widow’s way of mourning is unique. Besides the usual signs of sorrow, she mixes her late husband’s ashes with tar, creating a white substance that she uses to smear a band about two inches wide around the edge of her hair (which she has cut very short), so that from a distance, it looks like she’s wearing a white crown.”

Mr. Dorsey reports that mud is used by a mourner in the sacred-bag war party among the Osages. Several modes of showing mourning by styles of paint and markings are presented in this paper under the headings of Color and of Tattooing. Other practices connected with the present topic, and which may explain some pictographs, are described in the work of Dr. H. C. Yarrow, acting assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, on The Mortuary Customs of the North American Indians, in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

Mr. Dorsey reports that mud is used by a mourner in the sacred-bag war party among the Osages. This paper discusses several ways of showing mourning through different styles of paint and markings under the sections titled Color and Tattooing. Other practices related to this topic, which may help explain some pictographs, are described in Dr. H. C. Yarrow's work, acting assistant surgeon, U.S. Army, on The Mortuary Customs of the North American Indians, in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

Fig. 724.—Votive offering. Alaska.

Fig. 724.—Votive offering. Alaska.

Fig. 724 is copied from a piece of ivory in the museum of the Alaska Commercial Company, San Francisco, California, and was interpreted by an Alaskan native in San Francisco in 1882.

Fig. 724 is taken from an ivory piece in the museum of the Alaska Commercial Company, San Francisco, California, and was explained by an Alaskan native in San Francisco in 1882.

First is a votive offering or “shaman stick,” erected to the memory of one departed. The “bird” carvings are considered typical of “good spirits,” and the above was erected by the remorse-stricken individual, who had killed the person shown.

First is a votive offering or “shaman stick,” set up in memory of someone who has passed away. The “bird” carvings are seen as characteristic of “good spirits,” and the above was set up by the remorseful person who had killed the individual depicted.

The headless body represents the man who was killed. In this respect the Ojibwa manner of drawing a person “killed” is similar.

The headless body represents the man who was murdered. In this way, the Ojibwa style of depicting a person “killed” is similar.

The right hand Indian represents the homicide who erected the “grave-post” or “sacred stick.” The arm is thrown earthward, resembling the Blackfeet and Dakota gesture for “kill.”

The right-hand Indian represents the murderer who created the “grave-post” or “sacred stick.” The arm is directed downwards, similar to the gesture used by the Blackfeet and Dakota to mean “kill.”

That portion of the Kauvuya tribe of Indians in Southern California known as the Playsanos, or lowlanders, formerly inscribed characters upon the gravestones of their dead, relating to the pursuits or good qualities of the deceased. Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained several pieces or slabs of finely-grained sandstone near Los Angeles, California, during the summer of 1884, which had been used for this purpose. Upon these were the drawings, in incised lines, of the fin back whale, with figures of men pursuing them with harpoons. Around the drawings were close parallel lines with cross lines similar to those made on ivory by the southern Innuit of Alaska.

That part of the Kauvuya tribe in Southern California known as the Playsanos, or lowlanders, used to carve symbols on the gravestones of their deceased, reflecting their achievements or good traits. Dr. W. J. Hoffman collected several pieces of fine-grained sandstone near Los Angeles, California, in the summer of 1884, which were used for this purpose. On these stones were incised drawings of the finback whale, along with images of men hunting them with harpoons. Surrounding the drawings were closely spaced parallel lines with cross lines similar to those made on ivory by the southern Inuit of Alaska.

Figs. 725 to 727 were procured from a native Alaskan by Dr. Hoffman in 1882, and explained to him to be drawings made upon grave posts.

Figs. 725 to 727 were obtained from a native Alaskan by Dr. Hoffman in 1882 and were described to him as drawings made on grave posts.

Fig. 725.—Grave post. Alaska.

Fig. 725.—Grave marker. Alaska.

Fig. 725 commemorates a hunter, as land animals are shown to be his chief pursuit. The following is the explanation of the characters:

Fig. 725 honors a hunter, as land animals appear to be his main focus. Here’s the explanation of the symbols:

a. The baidarka, or boat, holding two persons; the occupants are shown, as are also the paddles, which project below the horizontal body of the vessel.

a. The baidarka, or boat, carrying two people; the occupants are visible, along with the paddles, which extend below the horizontal body of the vessel.

b. A rack for drying skins and fish. A pole is added above it, from which are seen floating streamers of calico or cloth.

b. A rack for drying skins and fish. A pole is placed above it, from which colorful streamers of calico or cloth are seen waving.

c. A fox.

A fox.

d. A land otter.

A river otter.

e. The hunter’s summer habitation. These are temporary dwellings and usually constructed at a distance from home. This also indicates the profession of a skin-hunter, as the permanent lodges, indicated as winter houses, i. e., with round or dome-like roof, are located near the seashore, and summer houses are only needed when at some distance from home, where a considerable length of time is spent in hunting.

e. The hunter’s summer home. These are temporary shelters, typically built away from home. This also reflects the job of a skin-hunter, as the permanent lodges, referred to as winter houses, which have round or dome-like roofs, are situated close to the coast. Summer homes are only necessary when far from home, where a significant amount of time is dedicated to hunting.

Fig. 726.—Grave post. Alaska.

Fig. 726.—Grave marker. Alaska.

The following is the explanation of Fig. 726. It is another design for a grave post, but is erected in memory of a fisherman:

The following is the explanation of Fig. 726. It is another design for a grave post, but it’s set up in memory of a fisherman:

a. The double-seated baidarka, or skin canoe.

a. The double-seated baidarka, or skin kayak.

b. The bow used in shooting seal and other marine animals.

b. The bow used for hunting seals and other marine animals.

c. A seal.

c. A seal.

d. A whale.

A whale.

The summer lodge is absent in this, as the fisherman did not leave the seashore in the pursuit of game on land.

The summer lodge is missing here since the fisherman didn't leave the beach to go hunting on land.

Fig. 727.—Village and burial grounds. Alaska.

Fig. 727.—Village and burial grounds. Alaska.

Fig. 727 is a drawing of a village and neighboring burial-ground, prepared by an Alaskan native in imitation of originals seen by him among the natives of the mainland of Alaska, especially the Aigalúqamut. Carvings are generally on walrus ivory; sometimes on wooden slats. In the figure, g is a representation of a grave post in position, bearing an inscription similar in general character to those in the last two preceding figures.

Fig. 727 is a drawing of a village and nearby burial ground, created by an Alaskan native to mimic originals he observed among the natives of mainland Alaska, especially the Aigalúqamut. Carvings are typically done on walrus ivory, and sometimes on wooden slats. In the figure, g represents a grave post in place, featuring an inscription that is generally similar to those in the last two preceding figures.

The details are explained as follows:

The details are explained as follows:

a, b, c, d. Various styles of habitations, denoting a settlement.

a, b, c, d. Different types of homes, representing a community.

e. An elevated structure used for the storage of food.

e. A raised structure used for storing food.

f. A box with wrappings, containing the corpse of a child. The[521] small lines, with ball attached, are ornamental appendages consisting of strips of cloth or skin, with charms, or, sometimes, tassels.

f. A box with wrappings, containing the body of a child. The[521] small lines, with a ball attached, are decorative additions made of strips of cloth or skin, with charms, or, at times, tassels.

g. Grave post, bearing rude illustrations of the weapons or implements used by the deceased during his life.

g. Headstone, displaying crude drawings of the tools or weapons that the deceased used in life.

h. A grave scaffold, containing adult. Besides the ornamental appendages, as in f preceding, there is a “Shaman stick” erected over the box containing the corpse as a mark of good wishes of a sorrowing survivor. See object a, in Fig. 724.

h. A serious platform, holding an adult. In addition to the decorative elements, similar to f above, there is a “Shaman stick” put up over the box with the body as a sign of good wishes from a grieving survivor. See object a, in Fig. 724.

Schoolcraft (m) gives a good account, with illustration, of the burial posts used by the Sioux and Chippewas. It has been quoted so frequently that it is not reproduced here. The most notable feature connected with the posts is that the totems depicted on them are reversed, to signify the death of the persons buried.

Schoolcraft (m) provides a detailed description, along with illustrations, of the burial posts used by the Sioux and Chippewas. It's been cited so often that it's not included here. The most significant aspect related to the posts is that the totems shown on them are positioned upside down, indicating the death of the individuals buried.

Fig. 728.—Menomoni grave post.

Fig. 728.—Menomoni grave marker.

Fig. 728 represents the grave post of a Menomoni Indian of the bear totem. The stick is a piece of pine board 2½ inches wide at the top, gradually narrowing down to a point; three-fourths of an inch thick, and about 2 feet long. On one side are two sets of characters, the oldest being incised with a sharp-pointed nail, while over these are a later set of drawings made with red ocher, represented in the illustration by shading. The figure of the bear, drawn with head to the ground, denotes the totem of which the deceased was a member, the remaining incised figures relating to some exploits the signification of which was not known. The red marks were put upon the stick at the time of the holding of a memorial service, when the father of the deceased furnished a feast to the medicine priests just previous to his being received into the society of[522] shamans to fill the vacancy caused by the death. The number of red crosses denote the number of speeches made at the grave upon that occasion, while the band at the top refers to the person acting as master of ceremonies, who had been requested to make all the arrangements for the medicine ceremonies and initiation. So said some Menomoni in the neighborhood, but later the Indian who actually painted the red crosses came to Washington and explained that they signified the number of war parties in which the deceased had taken part.

Fig. 728 shows the grave post of a Menomoni Indian with the bear totem. The stick is made from a piece of pine board that is 2½ inches wide at the top and gradually narrows to a point; it’s three-fourths of an inch thick and about 2 feet long. On one side, there are two sets of symbols, with the older ones carved using a sharp nail, while a later set of drawings made with red ocher is shown in the illustration by shading. The bear figure, drawn with its head to the ground, represents the totem of the deceased, and the other carved figures relate to some exploits whose meanings are unknown. The red marks were added to the stick during a memorial service, when the deceased's father provided a feast for the medicine priests just before he was accepted into the society of[522] shamans to fill the vacancy left by the death. The number of red crosses indicates how many speeches were made at the grave during that event, while the band at the top refers to the person acting as the master of ceremonies, who was asked to handle all the arrangements for the medicine ceremonies and initiation. Local Menomoni shared this information, but later the Indian who actually painted the red crosses came to Washington and clarified that they represented the number of war parties the deceased had participated in.

Fig. 729.—Incised lines on Menomoni grave post.

Fig. 729.—Carved lines on Menomoni grave post.

Fig. 729 shows the incised lines on the front of the post before color was applied. The manner of placing the grave posts at the head of the grave box is shown in Fig. 730, the left-hand grave being that of Oshkosh, the late head chief of the Menomoni in Wisconsin, after whom the city of Oshkosh was named.

Fig. 729 shows the carved lines on the front of the post before color was added. The way the grave posts are positioned at the head of the grave box is shown in Fig. 730, with the grave on the left belonging to Oshkosh, the recent head chief of the Menomoni in Wisconsin, after whom the city of Oshkosh is named.

Fig. 730.—Grave boxes and posts.

Fig. 730.—Grave boxes and posts.

Before the grave is a small board, upon which tobacco is placed to gratify the taste of the dead, and during the season of sugar making pieces of that delicacy are pushed through the small openings in the head board, that the spirit of the deceased may be gratified and give success to the donors at future seasons.

Before the grave is a small board, on which tobacco is placed to please the dead, and during the sugar-making season, pieces of that delicacy are pushed through the small openings in the headboard, so that the spirit of the deceased may be pleased and give success to the donors in future seasons.

The right-hand grave box is that of another member of the family of Oshkosh, at which the board, with tobacco, is also placed, as well as the grave post. This, however, does not bear any indications of characters, which probably had been washed off by the rain.

The right-hand grave box belongs to another member of the Oshkosh family, where a board with tobacco is also placed, along with the grave post. However, this post doesn’t show any signs of characters, which were probably washed away by the rain.

Pieces of bark, stones, and sticks are also placed upon the grave boxes, but the signification of this practice could not be ascertained.

Pieces of bark, stones, and sticks are also placed on the grave boxes, but the meaning of this practice could not be determined.

The next two figures come from the Dakotas.

The next two figures are from the Dakotas.

Fig. 731.—Commemoration of dead. Dakota.

Fig. 731.—Memorial for the deceased. Dakota.

Fig. 731.—Held a commemoration of the dead. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1826-’27. The ceremonial pipe-stem and the skull indicate the mortuary practice, which is further explained by the next figure.

Fig. 731.—Held a commemoration for the deceased. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1826-’27. The ceremonial pipe stem and the skull represent the burial practice, which is further explained by the next figure.

Fig. 732.—Ossuary ceremonial. Dakota.

Fig. 732.—Ossuary ceremony. Dakota.

Fig. 732.—A white man made medicine over the skull of Crazy-Horse’s brother. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1852-’53. He holds a pipe-stem in his hand. This figure refers to the custom of gathering periodically the bones of the dead that have been placed on scaffolds and burying them. It appears that a white man made himself conspicuous by conducting the ceremonies on the occasion noted.

Fig. 732.—A white man performed a ritual over the skull of Crazy-Horse's brother. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1852-’53. He is holding a pipe-stem in his hand. This image refers to the tradition of periodically collecting the bones of the deceased that have been placed on scaffolds and burying them. It seems that a white man drew attention to himself by leading the ceremonies during this occasion.

Lewis and Clarke (c) mention the Chilluckittequaws, a division of the Chinooks of the Columbia river, as having for burial purposes vaults made of pine or cedar boards, closely connected, about 8 feet square and 6 in height. The walls as well as the door were decorated with strange figures cut and painted on them; besides these there were several wooden images of men, some of them so old and decayed[524] as to have almost lost their shape, which were all placed against the sides of the vaults. These images do not appear to be at all the objects of adoration, but were probably intended as resemblances of those whose decease they indicate.

Lewis and Clark (c) mention the Chilluckittequaws, a group of the Chinooks from the Columbia River, who created burial vaults out of pine or cedar boards. These vaults were connected, measuring about 8 feet square and 6 feet tall. The walls and the door were adorned with strange figures that were etched and painted on them. In addition, there were several wooden images of men, some of which were so old and decayed[524] that they had nearly lost their shape, all placed along the sides of the vaults. These images don’t seem to be objects of worship; instead, they were likely meant to represent those whose deaths they signify.

Fig. 733.—Kalosh graves.

Fig. 733.—Kalosh tombs.

Whymper (a) reports that the Kalosh Indians of Alaska construct grave boxes or tombs which contain only the ashes of the dead. These people invariably burn the deceased. On one of the boxes he saw a number of faces painted, long tresses of human hair depending therefrom. Each head represented a victim of the deceased man’s ferocity. Thus the pictures are not likenesses or totemic marks of the cremated Kalosh, but of enemies whom he had killed, being in the nature of trophies or proofs of valor. Fig. 733 is a reproduction of the illustration.

Whymper (a) reports that the Kalosh Indians of Alaska make grave boxes or tombs that contain only the ashes of the dead. These people always burn their deceased. On one of the boxes, he saw several faces painted with long strands of human hair hanging from them. Each head represented a victim of the deceased man's violence. So, the images are not likenesses or totem marks of the cremated Kalosh, but instead, they depict enemies the man had killed, serving as trophies or evidence of bravery. Fig. 733 is a reproduction of the illustration.

Dall (c) says of the Yukon Indians:

Dall (c) talks about the Yukon Indians:

Some wore hoops of birch wood around the neck and wrists, with various patterns and figures cut on them. These were said to be emblems of mourning for the dead.

Some wore hoops of birch wood around their necks and wrists, decorated with different patterns and designs carved into them. These were said to represent mourning for the deceased.

Dr. Franz Boas (f) gives the following account of the funeral customs practiced by the Snanaimuq, a Salish tribe:

Dr. Franz Boas (f) gives the following account of the funeral customs practiced by the Snanaimuq, a Salish tribe:

The face of the deceased is painted with red and black paint. * * * A chief’s body is put in a carved box and the front posts supporting his coffin are carved. His mask is placed between these posts. The graves of great warriors are marked by a statue representing a warrior with a war club. * * * After the death of husband or wife, the survivor must paint his legs and his blanket red. * * * At the end of the mourning period the red blanket is given to an old man, who deposits it in the woods.

The face of the deceased is decorated with red and black paint. * * * A chief’s body is placed in a carved box, and the front posts supporting his coffin are also carved. His mask is positioned between these posts. The graves of great warriors are marked by a statue of a warrior holding a war club. * * * After the death of a husband or wife, the survivor must paint their legs and blanket red. * * * At the end of the mourning period, the red blanket is given to an elderly man, who takes it to the woods and leaves it there.

Didron (a) speaks of emblems on tombstones:

Didron (a) talks about symbols on gravestones:

Even today, at Constantinople, in the cemetery of the Armenians, every tombstone is marked with the insignia of the profession followed by the defunct which the stone covers. For an Armenian tailor there is a pair of shears, thread, and needles; for a mason, hammer and trowel; for a shoemaker, a last, leather, and a leather cutter; for a grocer, a pair of scales; for a banker, pieces of money. It is the same with others. Among us [Frenchmen], in the middle ages, a compass, a rule, and square are engraved on the tomb of Hugues Libergier. In the cemetery of L’Est, at Paris, a palette indicates the grave of a painter, a chisel and hammer mark that of a sculptor. Animals are represented as talking and acting, masks grimace and smile, to announce in the same inclosure the tombs of La Fontaine and[525] of Molière. Among the Romans it was the same: a fisher had a boat on his tomb; a shepard, a sheep; a digger, a pickaxe; a navigator, an anchor or a trident; a vine-dresser, a cask; an architect, a capital or the instruments of his art.

Even today, in Constantinople, in the Armenian cemetery, every tombstone features symbols related to the occupation of the deceased. For an Armenian tailor, there are shears, thread, and needles; for a mason, a hammer and trowel; for a shoemaker, a last, leather, and a leather cutter; for a grocer, a pair of scales; for a banker, coins. It’s the same for others. Among us French, in the Middle Ages, a compass, ruler, and square are engraved on the tomb of Hugues Libergier. In the L’Est cemetery in Paris, a palette marks the grave of a painter, while a chisel and hammer signify a sculptor. Animals are depicted as speaking and acting, while masks express various emotions to indicate the graves of La Fontaine and Molière. The Romans did the same: a fisherman had a boat on his tomb, a shepherd a sheep, a digger a pickaxe, a navigator an anchor or trident, and a vine-dresser a cask, while an architect had a capital or the tools of his trade.

Hewitt (g) says of the Dieri, a tribe of Central Australia:

Hewitt (g) talks about the Dieri, a tribe from Central Australia:

A messenger who is sent to convey the intelligence of a death is smeared all over with white clay. On his approach to the camp the women all commence screaming and crying most passionately. After a time the particulars of the death are made known to the camp. The near relations and friends then only weep. Old men even cry bitterly, and their friends comfort them as if they were children. On the following day the near relations dress in mourning by smearing themselves over with white clay. Widows and widowers are prohibited by custom from uttering a word until the clay has worn off, however long it may remain on them. They do not, however, rub it off, as doing so would be considered a bad omen. It must absolutely wear off of itself. During this period they communicate by means of gesture language.

A messenger who is sent to deliver the news of a death is covered in white clay. When he arrives at the camp, the women immediately start screaming and crying with deep emotion. After a while, the details of the death are shared with the camp. Only then do close relatives and friends begin to weep. Even the older men cry hard, and their friends comfort them like they are children. The next day, the close relatives mourn by covering themselves in white clay. Customs prevent widows and widowers from speaking until the clay wears off, no matter how long it takes. They don’t wipe it off, as that would be seen as a bad sign. It must come off naturally. During this time, they communicate using sign language.

Dr. Ferdinand von Hochstetter (a) says:

Dr. Ferdinand von Hochstetter (a) says:

The carved Maori figures which are met with on the road are the memorials of chiefs who, while journeying to the restorative baths of Rotorua, succumbed to their ills on the road. Some of the figures are decked out with pieces of clothing or kerchiefs; and the most remarkable feature in them is the close imitation of the tattooing of the deceased, by which the Maoris are able to recognize for whom the monument has been erected. Certain lines are peculiar to the tribe, others to the family, and again others to the individual. A close imitation of the tattooing of the face, therefore, is to the Maori the same as to us a photographic likeness; it does not require any description of name.

The carved Maori figures you see along the road are memorials for chiefs who, while traveling to the healing baths of Rotorua, passed away on the journey. Some of the figures are adorned with pieces of clothing or scarves; and the most striking feature of these figures is the detailed imitation of the tattooing of the deceased, allowing the Maoris to identify for whom the monument was made. Certain tattoo patterns are unique to the tribe, others to the family, and still others to the individual. So, a close imitation of the tattooing on the face represents for the Maori what a photographic likeness does for us; it doesn’t need a name or description.

Fig. 734.—New Zealand grave effigy.

Fig. 734.—New Zealand grave statue.

A representation of one of these carved posts is given in Fig. 734.

A representation of one of these carved posts is shown in Fig. 734.

Fig. 735.—New Zealand grave-post.

Fig. 735.—New Zealand grave marker.

Another carved post of like character is represented in Fig. 735, concerning which the same author says, p. 338: “Beside my tent, at Tahuahu, on the right bank of the Mangapu, there stood an odd, half-decomposed figure carved of wood; it was designated to me by the natives as a Tiki, marking the tomb of a chief.”

Another carved post of a similar kind is shown in Fig. 735. The same author notes on p. 338: “Next to my tent at Tahuahu, on the right bank of the Mangapu, there was a strange, partially decayed wooden figure; the locals referred to it as a Tiki, marking the burial site of a chief.”

Fig. 736.—Nicobarese mortuary tablet.

Fig. 736.—Nicobarese funeral tablet.

Ball, on Nicobarese Ideographs, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. & I. (d), says, describing Fig. 736, which appears to be connected with mortuary observances:

Ball, in Nicobarese Ideographs, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. & I. (d), describes Fig. 736, which seems to be related to funeral practices:

The example of Nicobarese picture writing in Fig. 736 was obtained in the year 1873 on the island of Kondul, where I found it hanging in the house of a man who was said to have died a short time previously. * * *

The example of Nicobarese picture writing in Fig. 736 was obtained in 1873 on the island of Kondul, where I found it hanging in the house of a man who was said to have died recently. * * *

The material of which it is made is either the glume of a bamboo or the spathe of a palm which has been flattened out and framed with split bamboos.

The material it’s made from is either the husk of a bamboo or the spathe of a palm that has been flattened and framed with split bamboos.

It is about 3 feet long by 18 inches broad. The objects are painted with vermilion, their outlines being surrounded with punctures, which allow the light to pass through. * * *

It is about 3 feet long and 18 inches wide. The objects are painted in bright red, with their outlines surrounded by small dots that let light pass through. * * *

As in all such Nicobarese paintings, figures of the sun, moon, and stars occupy prominent positions. Now, the sun and moon are stated, by those who have known the Nicobarese best, to be especial objects of adoration, and therefore these paintings may have some religious significance.

As in all Nicobarese paintings, figures of the sun, moon, and stars take center stage. Those who know the Nicobarese well say that the sun and moon are particularly revered, so these paintings might have some religious significance.

At first it occurred to me that this was merely an inventory of the property of the deceased, but as some of the objects are certainly not such as we should expect to find in an enumeration of property, e. g., the lizard, while the figures of men appear to portray particular emotions, it seems probable that the objects represented have a more or less conventional meaning, and that we have here a document of as bona fide and translatable a character as an Egyptian hieroglyphic inscription.

At first, I thought this was just a list of the deceased's belongings, but since some of the items clearly aren't what we would expect in a property listing, like the lizard, and the figures of men seem to express specific emotions, it seems likely that the items depicted have some kind of conventional meaning. This suggests that we have a document that is as genuine and easily interpreted as an Egyptian hieroglyphic inscription.

My own efforts to discover an interpretation from the natives on the spot were not crowned with success. * * *

My own attempts to get an interpretation from the locals on-site didn’t succeed. * * *

Mr. De Röepstorff, extra assistant superintendent of the Andamans and Nicobars, to whom I applied for such information as he might be able to collect upon the subject, assured me by letter, in 1873, that the screens had a religious significance and were used to exorcise spirits, but he did not seem to regard them as capable of being interpreted. * * *

Mr. De Röepstorff, extra assistant superintendent of the Andamans and Nicobars, whom I reached out to for any information he could gather on the topic, confirmed in a letter in 1873 that the screens had a religious significance and were used to exorcise spirits, but he didn't seem to think they could be interpreted. * * *

The following is a list of the objects depicted, besides animals; many of the common utensils in use in a Nicobarese household are included:

The following is a list of the objects shown, besides animals; many of the everyday utensils used in a Nicobarese household are included:

(1) The sun and stars; (2) the moon and stars; (3) swallows or (?) flying fish; (4) impression of the forepart of a human foot; (5) a lizard (Hydrosaurus?); (6) four men in various attitudes; (7) two dás for cutting jungle; (8) two earthen cooking vessels; (9) two birds; (10) an ax; (11) two spears; (12) a ladder (?); (13) dish for food; (14) cocoanut water-vessels; (15) palm tree; (16) a canoe; (17) three pigs; (18) shed; (19) domestic fowl; (20) seaman’s chest; (21) dog; (22) fish of different kinds; (23) turtle.

(1) The sun and stars; (2) the moon and stars; (3) swallows or (?) flying fish; (4) impression of the front part of a human foot; (5) a lizard (Hydrosaurus?); (6) four men in different positions; (7) two tools for cutting through the jungle; (8) two earthen cooking pots; (9) two birds; (10) an ax; (11) two spears; (12) a ladder (?); (13) dish for food; (14) coconut water containers; (15) palm tree; (16) a canoe; (17) three pigs; (18) shed; (19) domesticated chickens; (20) sailor’s chest; (21) dog; (22) various types of fish; (23) turtle.

CHAPTER XV.
Customs.

The notes given under this heading are divided into (1) cult societies; (2) daily life and habits; (3) games.

The notes under this heading are divided into (1) cult societies; (2) daily life and habits; (3) games.

SECTION 1.
CULTURE GROUPS.

Voluntary associations, to be distinguished from those of an exclusively religious character, have flourished among most Indian tribes and are still found among those least affected by contact with civilization. Maj. Powell, the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, has named them cult societies. Their members are designated by special paintings and marks entirely distinct from those relating to their clans or gentes and their personal names. Travelers have frequently been confused by the diversity of such designations.

Voluntary associations, which are different from those that are purely religious, have thrived among most Indian tribes and can still be found among those least impacted by contact with modern society. Maj. Powell, the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, has referred to them as cult societies. Members are identified by unique paintings and marks that are completely separate from those associated with their clans or family groups and their personal names. Travelers have often been puzzled by the variety of these designations.

The translated names of some of these societies found among the Sioux are “Brave Night Hearts,” “Owl Feathers,” and “Wolves and Foxes.” They control tribes in internal affairs and strongly influence their policy in external relations, and may be regarded as the substitute both for regular soldiery and for police. It is necessary that a young man proposing to be a warrior should be initiated into some one of these societies. But in distinguishing them from the purely shamanistic orders it must not be understood that their ceremonies and ties are independent of the cult of religion, or that they disregard it, for this among Indians would be impossible.

The translated names of some of these societies among the Sioux are “Brave Night Hearts,” “Owl Feathers,” and “Wolves and Foxes.” They manage internal tribal affairs and have a strong influence on external policies, serving as a substitute for both regular military forces and police. A young man who wants to become a warrior must be initiated into one of these societies. However, it’s important to recognize that, unlike purely shamanistic orders, their ceremonies and connections are not separate from religious practices, because the disregard for religion would be impossible among Native Americans.

The following account of these societies among the Blackfeet or Satsika and their pictorial or objective devices is condensed from Maximilian of Wied’s Travels (e):

The following account of these societies among the Blackfeet or Satsika and their visual or practical methods is summarized from Maximilian of Wied’s Travels (e):

The bands, unions, or associations are found among the Blackfeet as well as all the other American tribes. They have a certain name, fixed rules and laws, as well as their peculiar songs and dances, and serve in part to preserve order in the camp, on the march, in the hunting parties, etc. Seven such bands or unions among the Blackfeet were mentioned to me. They are the following: (1) The band of the mosquitos. This union has no police business to do, but consists of young people, many of whom are only 8 or 10 years of age. There are also some young men among them and sometimes even a couple of old men, in order to see to the observance of the laws and regulations. This union performs wild, youthful pranks; they run about the camp whenever they please; pinch, nip, and scratch men, women, and children in order to give annoyance like the mosquitos. The young people begin[529] with this union and then gradually rise higher through the others. As the badge of their band they wear an eagle’s claw fastened around the wrist with a leather strap. They have also a particular mode of painting themselves, like every other band, and their peculiar songs and dance. (2) The dogs. Its badge is not known to me; it consists of young married men, and the number is not limited. (3) The prairie dogs. This is a police union, which receives married men; its badge is a long hooked stick wound round with otter skin, with knots of white skin at intervals, and a couple of eagle’s feathers hanging from each of them. (4) Those who carry the raven. Its badge is a long staff covered with red cloth, to which black ravens’ feathers in a long thick row are fastened from one end to the other. They contribute to the preservation of order and the police. (5) The buffalo, with thin horns. When they dance they wear horns on their caps. If disorders take place they must help the soldiers, who mark out the camp and then take the first place. (6) The soldiers. They are the most distinguished warriors, who exercise the police, especially in the camp and on the march; in public deliberations they have the casting vote whether, for instance, they shall hunt, change their abode, make war or conclude peace, etc. They carry as their badge a wooden club the breadth of a hand, with hoofs of the buffalo cow hanging to the handle. They are sometimes 40 or 50 men in number. (7) The buffalo bulls. They form the first, that is, the most distinguished, of all the unions, and are the highest in rank. They carry in their hand a medicine badge, hung with buffalo hoofs, which they rattle when they dance to their peculiar song. They are too old to attend to the police, having passed through all the unions, and are considered as having retired from office. In their medicine dance they wear on their head a cap made of the long forelock and mane of the buffalo bull, which hangs down to a considerable length.

The bands, unions, or associations are present among the Blackfeet as well as all other American tribes. They have specific names, established rules and laws, along with their unique songs and dances, and help maintain order in the camp, on the move, during hunting parties, and so on. I was told about seven such bands or unions among the Blackfeet. They are as follows: (1) The band of the mosquitoes. This group doesn’t handle any policing but is made up of young people, many of whom are just 8 or 10 years old. There are also some young men among them and occasionally a couple of older men to ensure the rules are followed. This group engages in wild, youthful antics; they run around the camp whenever they want, pinching, nipping, and scratching men, women, and children to annoy them like mosquitoes. Young people begin with this union and then gradually move up to the others. As their badge, they wear an eagle’s claw tied around their wrist with a leather strap. They also have a specific way of painting themselves, like every other band, along with their unique songs and dances. (2) The dogs. Its badge is unknown to me; it consists of young married men, and there’s no limit on the number. (3) The prairie dogs. This is a police union that includes married men; its badge is a long hooked stick wrapped in otter skin with knots of white skin at intervals and a couple of eagle feathers hung from each. (4) Those who carry the raven. Its badge is a long staff covered in red cloth, adorned with black raven feathers arranged in a thick row from one end to the other. They help maintain order and enforce the laws. (5) The buffalo, with thin horns. When they dance, they wear horns on their caps. If any disorder occurs, they must assist the soldiers, who set up the camp and take charge first. (6) The soldiers. They are the most respected warriors who uphold the law, especially in the camp and on the move; in public discussions, they have the deciding vote on decisions like whether to hunt, move, go to war, or make peace, etc. They carry as their badge a wooden club the width of a hand, with buffalo cow hooves hanging from the handle. They usually consist of about 40 to 50 men. (7) The buffalo bulls. They represent the first and most distinguished of all the unions, holding the highest rank. They carry a medicine badge adorned with buffalo hooves, which they rattle while dancing to their unique song. They are too old to participate in law enforcement, having gone through all the unions, and are seen as having retired from active duty. In their medicine dance, they wear a cap made from the long forelock and mane of the buffalo bull, which drapes down significantly.

Fig. 737.—The policeman.

Fig. 737.—The cop.

Fig. 737.—“The policeman” was killed by the enemy. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1780-’81.

Fig. 737.—“The policeman” was killed by the enemy. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1780-’81.

The man here figured was probably one of the active members of the associations whose functions are above described to keep order and carry out the commands of the chiefs.

The man mentioned here was likely one of the active members of the associations whose roles, as described above, are to maintain order and follow the orders of the leaders.

These voluntary associations are not of necessity ancient or permanent. An instance is given in Fig. 738 which is instructive in the interpretation of pictographs. It is a copy of drawings on a pipe stem which had been made and used by Ottawa Indians. On each side are four spaces, upon each of which are various incised characters, three spaces on one side being reserved for the delineation of human figures, each having diverging lines from the head upward, denoting their social status as chiefs or warriors and medicine men.

These voluntary groups aren't necessarily old or permanent. An example is shown in Fig. 738, which helps in understanding pictographs. It's a copy of drawings on a pipe stem that were made and used by Ottawa Indians. On each side, there are four sections, each featuring various carved characters, with three sections on one side set aside for drawings of human figures, each having lines diverging from the head upward, indicating their social status as chiefs, warriors, or medicine men.

Fig. 738.—Ottawa pipe stem.

Fig. 738.—Ottawa pipe stem.

Upon the space nearest the mouth is the drawing of a fire, the flames passing upward from the horizontal surface beneath them. The cross bands are raised portions of the wood (ash) of which the pipestem is made; these show peculiarly shaped openings which pass entirely through the stem, though not interfering with the tube necessary for the passage of the smoke. This indicates considerable mechanical skill.

Upon the area closest to the mouthpiece is a depiction of a fire, with the flames rising from the flat surface below them. The cross bands are elevated sections of the wood (ash) that the stem is made from; these feature uniquely shaped holes that go completely through the stem, without disrupting the channel needed for smoke to flow. This shows a lot of mechanical skill.

Upon each side of the stem are spaces corresponding in length and position to those upon the opposite side. In the lower space of the stem is a drawing of a bear, indicating that the two persons in the corresponding space on the opposite side belong to the bear gens. The next upper figure is that of a beaver, showing the three human figures to belong to the beaver gens, while the next to this, the eagle, means that the opposite persons are members of the eagle gens. The upper figure is that of a lodge which contains a council fire, shown on the opposite side.

On each side of the stem, there are spaces that match in length and position with those on the other side. In the lower space of the stem, there's a drawing of a bear, indicating that the two people in the corresponding space on the other side belong to the bear tribe. The next upper figure is of a beaver, showing that the three human figures belong to the beaver tribe, while the figure above that, the eagle, signifies that the people opposite are part of the eagle tribe. The top figure is of a lodge that has a council fire, which is illustrated on the opposite side.

The signification of the whole is that two members of the bear gens, three members of the beaver gens, and three members of the eagle gens have united and constitute a society living in one lodge, around one fire, and smoke through the same pipe.

The meaning of this is that two members of the bear clan, three members of the beaver clan, and three members of the eagle clan have come together to form a society living in one lodge, sharing one fire, and smoking from the same pipe.

Reference may also be made to remarks by Prof. Dall (d) upon the use of masks by associations or special classes.

Reference may also be made to comments by Prof. Dall (d) on the use of masks by groups or special classes.

SECTION 2.
Daily Life & Routines.

Fig. 739.—Shooting fish. Micmac.

Shooting fish. Micmac.

Fig. 739, printed from the Kejimkoojik rocks, in Nova Scotia, represents two Indians in a canoe following a fish to shoot it. This is not a pure example of the class of totemic designs. Both Indians in the canoe have paddles in which the device resembles the Micmac tribal device, but in that the hunters pursue a deer and not a fish and the canoe is “humpback.” The Passamaquoddy tribal pictographic sign in which a fish is followed, requires both Indians to have paddles, and, it may be understood that the two Indians in the canoe are Passamaquoddy, but in the figure one of them has laid aside his paddle and is shooting at the fish with a gun, which departs from the totemic device, and also shows that the drawing was made since the Indians of the region had obtained[531] firearms from Europeans, but these were obtained three centuries ago, quite long enough for hunting scenes on some of the petroglyphs to exhibit the use of a gun instead of a bow.

Fig. 739, printed from the Kejimkoojik rocks in Nova Scotia, shows two Indigenous men in a canoe chasing a fish to catch it. This is not a perfect example of totemic designs. Both men in the canoe have paddles that resemble the Micmac tribal symbol, but here the hunters are after a deer, not a fish, and the canoe is “humpback.” The Passamaquoddy tribal pictograph where a fish is pursued requires both men to have paddles, so it can be inferred that the two men in the canoe are Passamaquoddy. However, in this illustration, one of them has put down his paddle and is shooting at the fish with a gun, which strays from the totemic concept and also indicates that the drawing was made after the Indigenous people in the area acquired firearms from Europeans. These firearms were obtained three centuries ago, long enough for some hunting scenes in the petroglyphs to show the use of a gun instead of a bow.

This kind of fish hunting by gunshot is one of daily occurrence in the region during the proper season.

This type of fish hunting with a gun happens regularly in the area during the right season.

Fig. 740.—Shooting fish. Micmac.

Fig. 740.—Fishing. Micmac.

Fig. 740, from the same locality, is more ideographic. The line of the gun barrel is exaggerated and prolonged so as nearly to touch the fish, and signifies that the shot was a sure hit. The hunters are very roughly delineated. Possibly this hunting was at night with fire on a brazier and screens, a common practice which seems to be indicated.

Fig. 740, from the same location, is more symbolic. The line of the gun barrel is exaggerated and extended almost to touch the fish, indicating that the shot was a guaranteed hit. The hunters are sketched very roughly. It’s possible this hunting took place at night with fire on a brazier and screens, which seems to be suggested.

Fig. 741.—Lancing fish. Micmac.

Fig. 741.—Fishing method. Micmac.

Fig. 741, also from Kejimkoojik, is more ancient, but less distinct. The fish is larger, and the weapon may be a lance, not a gun.

Fig. 741, also from Kejimkoojik, is older but less clear. The fish is bigger, and the weapon could be a lance instead of a gun.

Fig. 742.—Whale hunting. Innuit.

Fig. 742.—Whale hunting. Inuit.

Fig. 742, copied from a walrus ivory drill-bow, from Cape Darley, Alaska (Nat. Mus. No. 44211), illustrates the mode of whale-hunting by the Innuit. The crosses over the whale and beneath the harpoon line represent aquatic birds; the three, oval objects attached to the line are floaters to support the line and to indicate its course after the downward plunge of the harpooned cetacean.

Fig. 742, based on a walrus ivory drill-bow from Cape Darley, Alaska (Nat. Mus. No. 44211), shows how the Innuit hunt whales. The crosses over the whale and under the harpoon line stand for water birds; the three oval objects attached to the line are floaters that keep the line afloat and show its path after the harpooned whale dives.

Fig. 743.—Hunting in canoe. Ojibwa.

Fig. 743.—Canoe hunting. Ojibwa.

A similar hunting scene by canoe, in which, however, the game was deer, is given in Fig. 743. The drawing is on birch bark, and was made by an old Indian named Ojibwa, now living at White Earth, Minnesota, an intimate friend and associate of the late chief Hole-in-the-Day. Ojibwa is supposed to be actor as well as depictor. He shows his lodges in a, where he resided many years ago; b is a lake; c, c, c, c represent four deer, one of which is shown only by the horns protruding above a clump of brush near the lake; e represents Ojibwa in his canoe, d, floating on the river, h, h; g is a pine torch, giving light and smoke, erected on the bow of the canoe, the light being thrown forward from a curve slice of birch bark at f, its bright inner surface acting as a reflector. The whole means that during one hunt, by night, the narrator shot four deer at the places indicated.

A similar hunting scene by canoe, where the game was deer, is shown in Fig. 743. The drawing is on birch bark and was created by an elderly Native American named Ojibwa, who currently lives at White Earth, Minnesota, and was a close friend and associate of the late chief Hole-in-the-Day. Ojibwa is believed to be both the actor and the artist. He illustrates his lodges in a, where he lived many years ago; b is a lake; c, c, c, c represent four deer, one of which is only visible by the horns sticking out from a patch of brush near the lake; e shows Ojibwa in his canoe, d, floating on the river, h, h; g is a pine torch that provides light and smoke, placed at the front of the canoe, with the light directed forward from a curved piece of birch bark at f, its bright inner surface serving as a reflector. Overall, this means that during one nighttime hunt, the narrator shot four deer at the indicated locations.

Fig. 744.—Record of hunting. Ojibwa.

Fig. 744.—Hunting record. Ojibwa.

The accompanying Fig. 744 is reproduced from a drawing also incised on birch bark by Ojibwa, and relates to a hunting expedition made by his father and two companions, all of whom are represented by three human forms near the left-hand upper line. The circle at the left is Red Cedar lake, Minnesota; a river is shown flowing northward, and another toward the east, having several indications of lakes which this river passes through or drains. The circle within the lake denotes an island upon which the party camped, as is shown by the trail leading from the human forms to the island. Around the lake are a number of short lines which signify trees, indicating a wooded shore. The first animal form to the right of the human figures is a porcupine; the next a bittern. The two shelters in the right-hand upper corner indicate[533] another camp made by the hunters, to which one of them dragged a deer, as shown by the man in that act, just to the left of the shelter.

The accompanying Fig. 744 is taken from a drawing also carved on birch bark by the Ojibwa and depicts a hunting trip made by his father and two friends, who are represented by three human figures near the upper left line. The circle on the left represents Red Cedar Lake, Minnesota; a river is shown flowing north and another flowing east, with several indications of lakes that this river passes through or drains. The circle inside the lake marks an island where the group camped, as indicated by the trail leading from the human figures to the island. Around the lake, there are several short lines that represent trees, showing a wooded shoreline. The first animal figure to the right of the human figures is a porcupine, and the next is a bittern. The two shelters in the upper right corner show another camp set up by the hunters, where one of them is dragging a deer, as illustrated by the man doing so, just to the left of the shelter.

Another camp of the same party of three is shown in the lower left-hand corner; the bow and arrow directed to the right indicates that there they shot a raccoon, a fisher, a duck (a man lying down decoyed this bird by calling), a mink, and an otter. The line above the lower row consists of the following animals, reading from the left to right, viz, bear, owl, wolf, elk, and deer.

Another campsite of the same group of three is shown in the lower left corner; the bow and arrow pointing to the right indicates that they shot a raccoon, a fisher, a duck (a man lying down lured this bird in by calling), a mink, and an otter. The line above the lower row consists of the following animals, from left to right: bear, owl, wolf, elk, and deer.

Fig. 745.—Fruit gatherers. Hidatsa.

Fig. 745.—Fruit pickers. Hidatsa.

Fig. 745 is a copy of a sketch made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of the Hidatsa, and shows the manner in which the women carry baskets used[534] in gathering wild plums, bull-berries, and other small fruits. The baskets are usually made of thin splints of wood, and very similar in manner of construction to the well known bushel-basket of our eastern farmers.

Fig. 745 is a copy of a sketch made by Lean-Wolf, the second chief of the Hidatsa, and shows how the women carry baskets used[534] for gathering wild plums, bull-berries, and other small fruits. The baskets are typically made from thin wooden splints and are quite similar in construction to the well-known bushel basket used by farmers in the East.

Fig. 746.—Hunting antelope. Hidatsa.

Fig. 746.—Hunting antelope. Hidatsa.

Fig. 746 was also made by Lean-Wolf, and illustrates the old manner of hunting antelope and deer. The hunter would disguise himself by covering his head with the head and skin of an antelope, and so be enabled to approach the game near enough to use his bow and arrow.

Fig. 746 was also created by Lean-Wolf and shows the traditional way of hunting antelope and deer. The hunter would disguise himself by putting on the head and skin of an antelope, allowing him to get close enough to the animals to use his bow and arrow.

Fig. 747.—Hunting buffalo. Hidatsa.

Fig. 747.—Buffalo hunting. Hidatsa.

In a similar manner the Hidatsa would mask themselves with a wolf skin to enable them to approach buffalo. This is illustrated in Fig. 747, which is a reproduction of a drawing made by the above-mentioned chief.

In a similar way, the Hidatsa would cover themselves with a wolf skin to get closer to buffalo. This is shown in Fig. 747, which is a reproduction of a drawing made by the chief mentioned earlier.

The next group of figures illustrates the custom of gaining and afterwards counting coups or hits, the French expression, sometimes spelled by travelers “coo,” being generally adopted. This is an honor gained by hitting an enemy, whether dead or alive, with an ornamented lance, or sometimes a stick, carried for the purpose as part of a warrior’s equipment. These sticks or wands are about 12 feet long, often of willow, stripped of leaves and bark, and each having some distinguishing objects, such as feathers, bells, brightly-colored cloth, or else painted in a special manner. Further remarks on this custom appear in Chapter XIII, Section 4.

The next group of figures shows the tradition of gaining and later counting coups or hits, a term that comes from the French, often spelled “coo” by travelers. This is an honor earned by striking an enemy, whether they are dead or alive, with a decorated lance or sometimes a stick that a warrior carries as part of their gear. These sticks or wands are about 12 feet long, usually made from willow, stripped of leaves and bark, and each features unique items like feathers, bells, brightly colored cloth, or is painted in a specific way. More information about this tradition can be found in Chapter XIII, Section 4.

Fig. 748.—Counting coups. Dakota.

Fig. 748.—Counting coups. Dakota.

a, in Fig. 748, Kills-the-Enemy, from Red-Cloud’s Census, exhibits the coup stick in contact with the dead enemy’s head. b is taken from Bloody-Knife’s robe and shows an Indian about to strike his prostrate enemy.

a, in Fig. 748, Kills-the-Enemy, from Red-Cloud’s Census, shows the coup stick touching the dead enemy’s head. b is taken from Bloody-Knife’s robe and depicts an Indian about to strike his fallen enemy.

Fig. 749.—Counting coups. Dakota.

Fig. 749.—Counting coups. Dakota.

Fig. 749.—Killed-First. Red Cloud’s Census. This is the case where a warrior struck the enemy with his coup stick first in order, which is the most honorable achievement, greater than the actual killing. The word translated kill or killed does not always imply immediate death, but the infliction of a fatal wound.

Fig. 749.—Killed-First. Red Cloud’s Census. This is the situation where a warrior hits the enemy with his coup stick first, which is the most honorable accomplishment, even more significant than actually killing. The term translated as kill or killed doesn’t always mean immediate death, but rather inflicting a life-threatening wound.

The apparent reason why the striking of the body of a dead or disabled enemy, whether or not killed or disabled by the striker, is more honorable than the actual infliction of the wound, is because the attempt to strike is vigorously resisted by the enemy, the survivors of which assemble to prevent the successful achievement; mere killing might be at a distance in comparative safety.

The obvious reason why hitting the body of a dead or disabled enemy, regardless of whether the striker caused their death or disability, is seen as more honorable than actually delivering the wound is that the enemy actively fights back against the attempt to strike. The survivors come together to stop the strike from being successful; simply killing someone might happen from a distance and in relative safety.

Fig. 750.—Counting coups. Dakota.

Fig. 750.—Counting coups. Dakota.

Fig. 750.—Enemies-hit-him. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this case the Dakota has been hit by the enemy’s lance or coup stick.

Fig. 750.—Enemies-hit-him. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this case, the Dakota has been struck by the enemy’s spear or coup stick.

This group refers to the custom, east of the Rocky mountains, of exhibiting scalps.

This group refers to the tradition, east of the Rocky Mountains, of displaying scalps.

Fig. 751.—Scalp displayed. Dakota.

Fig. 751.—Scalp shown. Dakota.

Fig. 751.—A war party of Oglalas killed one Pawnee; his scalp is on the pole. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1855-’56. This and the next figure show the custom of a successful war party on returning to the home village to display the scalps taken. This display is the occasion of special ceremonies. The marks on the foot signify that on their way home the men of the war party froze their feet.

Fig. 751.—A war party of Oglalas killed one Pawnee; his scalp is on the pole. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1855-’56. This and the next figure show the tradition of a successful war party returning to the home village to display the scalps they collected. This display is part of special ceremonies. The marks on the foot indicate that on their way home, the men of the war party froze their feet.

Fig. 752.—Scalp displayed. Dakota.

Fig. 752.—Scalp on display. Dakota.

Fig. 752.—Owns-the-Pole, the leader of an Oglala war party, brought home many Cheyenne scalps. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1798-’99. The cross stands for Cheyenne, as explained above.

Fig. 752.—Owns-the-Pole, the leader of an Oglala war party, brought home many Cheyenne scalps. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1798-’99. The cross stands for Cheyenne, as explained above.

Fig. 753.—Scalped head. Dakota.

Fig. 753.—Scalped head. Dakota.

Fig. 753.—Black-Rock, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1806-’07. A rock or, more correctly translated, a large stone is represented above his head. He was killed with an arrow and was scalped. The figure is introduced here to show the designation of a scalped head, which is colored red—that is, bloody—when coloration is possible. It frequently appears in the Winter Counts of the Dakotas.

Fig. 753.—Black-Rock, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1806-’07. A rock, or more accurately a large stone, is shown above his head. He was killed with an arrow and was scalped. The figure is included here to illustrate the identification of a scalped head, which is colored red—that is, bloody—whenever color is possible. This frequently appears in the Winter Counts of the Dakotas.

Fig. 754.—Scalp taken.

Fig. 754.—Scalp acquired.

Fig. 754 was drawn by a Dakota Indian at Mendota, Minnesota, and represents a man holding a scalp in one hand, while in the other is the gun, the weapon used in killing the enemy. The short vertical lines below the periphery of the scalp indicate hair. The line crossing the leg of the Indian is only a suggestion of the ground upon which he is supposed to stand.

Fig. 754 was created by a Dakota Indian at Mendota, Minnesota, and shows a man holding a scalp in one hand, while in the other hand is the gun, the weapon used to kill the enemy. The short vertical lines below the edge of the scalp represent hair. The line crossing the leg of the Indian is just an indication of the ground he is supposed to be standing on.

The following group pictographically expresses the hunting of antelopes.

The following group visually represents the hunting of antelopes.

Fig. 755.—Antelope hunting. Dakota.

Fig. 755.—Antelope hunting. Dakota.

Fig. 755.—They drove many antelope into a corral and then killed them. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1828-’29. This and the following two figures show the old mode of procuring antelope and other animals by driving them into an inclosure.

Fig. 755.—They herded many antelope into a pen and then killed them. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1828-’29. This and the next two figures demonstrate the traditional method of hunting antelope and other animals by driving them into a confined area.

Fig. 756.—Antelope hunting. Dakota.

Fig. 756.—Hunting antelope. Dakota.

Fig. 756.—They provided themselves with a large supply of antelope meat by driving antelope into a corral, in which they were easily killed. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1828-’29.

Fig. 756.—They gathered a large amount of antelope meat by herding antelope into a corral, where they were easily killed. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1828-’29.

Fig. 757.—Antelope hunting. Dakota.

Fig. 757.—Antelope hunting in Dakota.

Fig. 757.—They capture a great many antelope by driving them into a pen. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1860-’61.

Fig. 757.—They catch a lot of antelope by herding them into a pen. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1860-’61.

Fig. 758.—Wife’s punishment.

Fig. 758.—Wife's consequence.

Fig. 758.—A woman who had been given to a white man by the Dakotas was killed because she ran away from him. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1799-1800. The gift of the woman was in fact a sale, and, in addition to the crime of marital infidelity, the tribe was implicated in a breach of contract. The union line below the figures, mentioned before, means husband and wife. This picture illustrates, as far as may be done pictorially, a Dakotan custom as regards marriage and the penalty connected with it.

Fig. 758.—A woman who had been given to a white man by the Dakotas was killed because she ran away from him. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1799-1800. The gift of the woman was actually a sale, and, in addition to the crime of infidelity, the tribe was involved in a breach of contract. The union line below the figures, mentioned earlier, signifies husband and wife. This image depicts, as well as can be shown visually, a Dakotan custom regarding marriage and the associated penalty.

The following figures relate to several different forms:

The following figures relate to various forms:

Fig. 759.—Decorated horse.

Fig. 759.—Ornate horse.

Fig. 759.—They brought in a fine horse with feathers tied to his tail. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1810-’11. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Came-with-medicine-on-horse’s-tail winter.” This illustrates the ornamentation of specially valuable or favorite horses, which, however, is not mere ornamentation, but often connected with sentiments or symbols of a religious character, and as often with the totemic, which from another point of view may also be regarded as religious.

Fig. 759.—They brought in an impressive horse with feathers tied to its tail. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1810-’11. White-Cow-Killer refers to it as “Came-with-medicine-on-horse’s-tail winter.” This shows how specially valuable or cherished horses are decorated, which isn’t just for show but is often tied to feelings or symbols with religious significance, and frequently relates to totemic representations that can also be seen as religious in another way.

Fig. 760.—Suicide. Dakota.

Fig. 760.—Suicide. Dakota.

Fig. 760.—A young man who was afflicted with smallpox and was in his tipi by himself sang his death song and shot himself. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1784-’85. Suicide is more common among Indians than is generally suspected, and even boys sometimes take their own lives. A Dakota boy at one of the agencies shot himself rather than face his companions after his mother had whipped him; and a Paiute boy at Camp McDermit, Nevada, tried to poison himself with the wild parsnip because he was not well and strong like other boys. The Paiutes usually eat the wild parsnip when bent on suicide.

Fig. 760.—A young man suffering from smallpox was alone in his tipi, sang his death song, and took his own life. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1784-’85. Suicide is more common among Indigenous people than many realize, and even boys sometimes end their own lives. A Dakota boy at one of the agencies shot himself rather than face his friends after being punished by his mother. Similarly, a Paiute boy at Camp McDermit, Nevada, attempted to poison himself with wild parsnip because he didn't feel as strong and healthy as the other boys. The Paiutes typically consume wild parsnip when they are intent on suicide.

Fig. 761.—Eagle hunting. Arikara.

Fig. 761.—Eagle hunting. Arikara.

Fig. 761.—A Ree Indian hunting eagles from a hole in the ground was killed by the Two-Kettle Dakotas. The Swan’s Winter Count, 1806-’07. The drawing represents an Indian in the act of catching an eagle by the legs in the manner that the Arikaras were accustomed to catch eagles in their earth-traps. They rarely or never shot war eagles. The Dakotas probably shot the Arikara in his trap just as he put his hand up to grasp the bird.

Fig. 761.—A Ree Indian hunting eagles from a pit was killed by the Two-Kettle Dakotas. The Swan’s Winter Count, 1806-’07. The drawing shows an Indian catching an eagle by the legs, which is how the Arikaras traditionally caught eagles in their ground traps. They rarely, if ever, shot war eagles. The Dakotas likely shot the Arikara as he reached up to grab the bird.

In this connection Fig. 762 is properly inserted. It is a sketch made by an Ojibwa hunter to illustrate the manner of catching eagles, the feathers of which are highly prized by nearly all Indians for personal decoration and for war bonnets.

In this context, Fig. 762 is correctly included. It’s a drawing made by an Ojibwa hunter to show how to catch eagles, whose feathers are greatly valued by almost all Indigenous people for personal adornment and for war bonnets.

Fig. 762.—Eagle hunting. Ojibwa.

Fig. 762.—Eagle hunting. Ojibwa.

The upper character represents an eagle; the curved line at the right denotes the covering of branches and leaves of a temporary structure placed over a hole in the ground in which the Indian is secreted. He is depicted beneath covering, while a line, extending toward the eagle, terminates in a small oblong object, which is intended to represent the bait placed upon the covering to attract the eagle. The bait may consist of a young deer, a hare, or some other live animal of sufficient size to attract the eagle. When the latter swoops down and seizes the prey he is caught by the leg and held until assistants arrive, after which he is carried back to camp and plucked and is then liberated.

The upper character represents an eagle; the curved line on the right symbolizes the branches and leaves of a temporary structure placed over a hole in the ground where the Indian is concealed. He is shown beneath the cover, while a line extending toward the eagle ends in a small rectangular object meant to represent the bait placed on the cover to lure the eagle. The bait could be a young deer, a hare, or another live animal that's big enough to attract the eagle. When the eagle swoops down and grabs the prey, it gets caught by the leg and held until help arrives, after which it is taken back to camp, plucked, and then released.

Fig. 763.—Gathering pomme-blanche.

Fig. 763.—Collecting white apples.

Fig. 763.—A Ree woman is killed by a Dakota while gathering pomme-blanche. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. Pomme-blanche, or navet de prairie, is a white root, somewhat similar in appearance to a white turnip, botanically Psoralea esculenta (Nuttal) sometimes P. argophylla. It is a favorite food of the Indians, eaten boiled down to a sort of mush or hominy. A forked stick is used in gathering these roots.

Fig. 763.—A Ree woman is killed by a Dakota while gathering white root. The Flame’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. White root, or prairie turnip, is a white root that looks a bit like a white turnip, botanically known as Psoralea esculenta (Nuttall) and sometimes P. argophylla. It's a popular food among Native Americans, eaten boiled down to a kind of mush or hominy. A forked stick is used to gather these roots.

Fig. 764.—Moving tipi.

Fig. 764.—Transporting a tipi.

Fig. 764.—Lodge-Roll. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 101. This figure shows the mode of rolling up the skins forming the tipi for transportation. It is attached to four lodge poles, the ends of which trail on the ground and constitute the “travail” which was dragged by dogs. Horses are now used for this purpose, and canvas takes the place of skins.

Fig. 764.—Lodge-Roll. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 101. This figure shows how the skins used to make a tipi are rolled up for transportation. It's tied to four lodge poles, with the ends dragging on the ground, forming the "travail" that was pulled by dogs. Now, horses are used for this, and canvas has replaced the skins.

Fig. 765.—Claiming sanctuary.

Fig. 765.—Seeking refuge.

Fig. 765.—An enemy came into Lone-Horn’s lodge during the medicine feast and was not killed. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1852-’53. The pipe is not in the man’s hand, and the head only is drawn with the pipe between it and the tipi.

Fig. 765.—An enemy entered Lone-Horn’s lodge during the medicine feast and was not killed. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1852-’53. The pipe is not in the man’s hand, and only the head is shown with the pipe between it and the tipi.

An interesting custom of the Indians connected with the rite of sanctuary is that called by English writers “running the gauntlet.” When captives had successfully run through a line of tormentors to a post near the council-house they were for the time free from further molestation. In the northeastern tribes this was in the nature of an ordeal to test whether or not the captive was vigorous and brave enough to be adopted into the tribe, but among other tribes it appears in a different shape. Any enemy, whether a captive or not, could secure immunity from present danger if he could reach a central post, or if there were no post, the lodge or tipi of the chief. A similar[539] custom existed among the Arikaras, who kept a special pipe in a “bird-box.” If a criminal or enemy succeeded in smoking the pipe contained in the box he could not be hurt. This corresponds with the safety found in laying hold of the horns of the Israelite altar.

An interesting tradition among the Native Americans related to the rite of sanctuary is what English writers call “running the gauntlet.” When captives managed to run through a line of tormentors to a post near the council house, they were temporarily free from further harm. In the northeastern tribes, this served as a test to determine if the captive was strong and brave enough to be adopted into the tribe, but in other tribes, it took on a different form. Any enemy, whether captured or not, could gain protection from immediate danger if they reached a central post, or if there was no post, the lodge or tipi of the chief. A similar[539] custom existed among the Arikaras, who kept a special pipe in a “bird-box.” If a criminal or enemy managed to smoke the pipe from the box, they could not be harmed. This is similar to the safety offered by holding onto the horns of the Israelite altar.

The position of the pipe is significant. Its mouthpiece points to the entrance of the tipi. The visitor does not bring or offer peace, but hopes that the tribe visited may grant it to him.

The placement of the pipe is important. Its mouthpiece faces the entrance of the tipi. The visitor doesn't bring or offer peace; instead, they hope that the tribe they visit will grant it to them.

The four figures next following refer to ceremonies by which a war party was organized among some of the tribes of the Plains. A brief account of the ceremonies specially relating to the pipe is as follows:

The four figures below refer to the ceremonies through which a war party was formed among some of the Plains tribes. Here’s a brief overview of the ceremonies specifically related to the pipe:

When a warrior desires to make up a war party he visits his friends and offers them a filled pipe as an invitation to follow him, and those who are willing to go accept the invitation by lighting and smoking it. Among the Dakotas this was succeeded by a muster feast and war dance. Any man whose courage has been proved may become the leader of a war party. The word leader has been generally translated “partisan,” an expression originally adopted by the French voyageurs. Among the Arapahos the would-be leader does not invite anyone to accompany him, but publicly announces his intention of going to war. He fixes the day for his departure, and states where he will camp the first night, naming some place not far off. The morning on which he starts, and before leaving the village, he invokes the aid of his guardian totem. He rides off alone, carrying his bare pipe in his hand with the bowl carefully tied to the stem to prevent it from slipping off. If the bowl should at any time accidentally fall to the ground he considers it an evil omen and immediately returns to the village, and nothing could induce him to proceed, as he thinks that only misfortune would attend him if he did. Sometimes he ties eagle or hawk plumes to the stem of his pipe, and after quitting the village, repairs to the top of some hill and makes an offering of them to the sun, taking them from his pipe and tying them to a pole which he erects in a pile of stones. Those who intend to follow him usually join him at the first camp, equipped for the expedition; but often there are some who do not join him until he has gone further on. He eats nothing before leaving the village, nor as long as the sun is up; but breaks his fast at his first camp after the sun sets. The next morning he begins another fast, to be continued until sunset. He counts his party, saddles his horse, names some place 6 or 7 miles ahead, where he says he will halt for awhile, and again rides off alone with his pipe in his hand. After awhile the party follow him in single file. When they have reached his halting place he tells them to dismount and let their horses graze. They all then seat themselves on the ground on the left of the leader, forming a semicircle facing the sun. The leader fills his pipe, all bow their heads, and, pointing the stem of the pipe upward, he prays toward the sun, asking that they may find an abundance of game, that dead shots may be made, so that their ammunition will not be wasted, but reserved for their enemies; that they may easily find their enemies and kill them; that[540] they may be preserved from wounds and death. He makes his petition four times, then lights his pipe, and after sending a few whiffs of smoke skyward as incense to the sun, hands the pipe to his neighbor who smokes and passes it on to the next. It is passed from one to another toward the left, until all have smoked, the leader refilling it as often as necessary. They then proceed to their next camp, where probably others join them. The same programme is carried out for three or four days before the party is prepared for action.

When a warrior wants to form a war party, he visits his friends and offers them a filled pipe as an invitation to join him. Those who are willing to go accept the invitation by lighting and smoking it. Among the Dakotas, this is followed by a muster feast and war dance. Any man who has proven his courage can become the leader of a war party. The term leader has usually been translated as "partisan," a word originally used by the French voyageurs. Among the Arapahos, a would-be leader doesn't invite anyone to go with him; instead, he publicly announces his intention to go to war. He sets a day for his departure and indicates where he will camp the first night, choosing a nearby location. On the morning he leaves, before departing the village, he calls upon his guardian totem for help. He rides off alone, holding his bare pipe in his hand, with the bowl carefully tied to the stem to keep it from falling off. If the bowl accidentally drops to the ground, he sees it as a bad omen and goes straight back to the village, refusing to continue, believing that misfortune will follow him if he does. Sometimes he ties eagle or hawk feathers to the stem of his pipe, and after leaving the village, he makes his way to the top of a hill to offer them to the sun, taking them from his pipe and tying them to a pole he sets up in a pile of stones. Those who plan to follow him usually meet him at the first camp, ready for the journey; however, some may not join until he has traveled further. He doesn't eat anything before leaving the village or while the sun is up; he only breaks his fast at his first camp after sunset. The next morning, he starts another fast that lasts until sunset. He counts his party, saddles his horse, names a stopping point roughly 6 or 7 miles ahead, where he plans to rest, and rides off alone with his pipe in hand. Eventually, his party follows him in single file. When they reach his stopping place, he tells them to dismount and let their horses graze. They all then sit on the ground to the left of the leader, forming a semicircle facing the sun. The leader fills his pipe, everyone bows their heads, and, pointing the stem of the pipe upward, he prays to the sun, asking for an abundance of game, for dead shots to be made so that their ammunition will be saved for their enemies, and that they may easily find and kill their enemies, while being protected from wounds and death. He makes this prayer four times, then lights his pipe. After letting some whiffs of smoke rise as incense to the sun, he hands the pipe to the person next to him, who smokes and passes it to the next. It goes around toward the left until everyone has smoked, and the leader refills it as needed. They then continue to their next camp, where others may join them. This same routine is followed for three or four days before the party is ready for action.

Fig. 766.—Raising war party. Dakota.

Fig. 766.—Gathering a war party. Dakota.

Fig. 766.—Big Crow and Conquering-Bear had a great feast and gave many presents. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1846-’47. The two chieftains are easily recognized by the name characteristic over their heads. They have between them the war eagle pipe—specifically, but erroneously, called calumet by some writers.

Fig. 766.—Big Crow and Conquering-Bear had a big feast and gave out many gifts. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1846-’47. The two chiefs are clearly identified by the name tags above their heads. They have the war eagle pipe between them—specifically, though incorrectly, referred to as a calumet by some writers.

Fig. 767.—Raising war party. Dakota.

Fig. 767.—Raising a war party. Dakota.

Fig. 767.—Feather-in-the-Ear made a feast to which he invited all the young Dakota braves, wanting them to go with him. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1842-’43. A memorandum is added that he failed to persuade them.

Fig. 767.—Feather-in-the-Ear threw a feast and invited all the young Dakota warriors, hoping they would join him. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1842-’43. A note is included that he couldn't convince them.

Fig. 768.—Raising war party. Dakota.

Fig. 768.—Forming a war party. Dakota.

Fig. 768.—The Cheyennes carry the pipe around to invite all the tribes to unite with them in a war against the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1852-’53.

Fig. 768.—The Cheyennes carry the pipe around to invite all the tribes to join them in a war against the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1852-’53.

Fig. 769.—Raising war party. Dakota.

Fig. 769.—Assembling war party. Dakota.

Fig. 769.—Danced calumet dance before going to war. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1804-’05. The specially ornamented pipe becomes the conventional symbol for the ceremonial organization of a war party.

Fig. 769.—Danced calumet dance before going to war. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1804-’05. The specially decorated pipe becomes the standard symbol for the ceremonial gathering of a war party.

Fig. 770.—Walrus hunting. Alaska.

Fig. 770.—Walrus hunting. Alaska.

Fig. 770 represents an Alaskan in the water killing a walrus. The illustration was obtained from a slab of walrus ivory in the museum of the Alaska Commercial Company of San Francisco.

Fig. 770 shows an Alaskan in the water hunting a walrus. The illustration was taken from a piece of walrus ivory in the museum of the Alaska Commercial Company in San Francisco.

Fig. 771.—Records carved on ivory. Alaska.

Fig. 771.—Ivory carvings. Alaska.

The carving, Fig. 771, made of a piece of walrus tusk, was copied from the original in the same museum during the summer of 1882. Interpretations were verified by Naumoff, a Kadiak half-breed.

The carving, Fig. 771, made from a piece of walrus tusk, was replicated from the original in the same museum during the summer of 1882. The interpretations were confirmed by Naumoff, a Kadiak person of mixed heritage.

a is a native whose left hand is resting against the house, while the right hangs toward the ground. The character to his right represents a “Shaman stick” surmounted by the emblem of a bird, a “good spirit,” in memory of some departed friend. It was suggested that the grave stick had been erected to the memory of his wife.

a is a local person whose left hand is resting against the house, while the right hangs down toward the ground. The figure to his right symbolizes a “Shaman stick” topped with the image of a bird, a “good spirit,” in honor of some lost friend. It was suggested that the grave stick was put up in memory of his wife.

b represents a reindeer, but the special import in this drawing is unknown.

b represents a reindeer, but the specific significance of this drawing is unclear.

c signifies that one man, the designer, shot and killed another with an arrow.

c means that one person, the designer, shot and killed another person with an arrow.

d denotes that the narrator has made trading expeditions with a dog sledge.

d indicates that the narrator has gone on trading trips using a dog sled.

e is a sailboat, although the elevated paddle signifies that that was the manner in which the voyage was best made.

e is a sailboat, but the raised paddle indicates that this was the best way to navigate the journey.

f, a dog sled, with the animal hitched up for a journey. The radiating lines in the upper left hand corner, over the head of the man, are the rays of the sun.

f, a dog sled, with the dog ready for a journey. The lines radiating from the upper left corner, above the man's head, are the rays of the sun.

g, a sacred lodge. The four figures at the outer corners of the square represent the young men placed on guard, armed with bows and arrows, to keep away those not members of the band, who are depicted as holding a dance. The small square in the center of the lodge represents the fireplace. The angular lines extending from the right side of the lodge to the vertical partition line show in outline the subterranean entrance to the lodge.

g, a sacred lodge. The four figures at the outer corners of the square represent the young men on guard, armed with bows and arrows, to keep away those who are not part of the group, who are shown as participating in a dance. The small square in the center of the lodge represents the fireplace. The angular lines extending from the right side of the lodge to the vertical partition line outline the underground entrance to the lodge.

h, a pine tree upon which a porcupine is crawling upward.

h, a pine tree with a porcupine climbing up it.

i, a pine tree, from which a bird (woodpecker) is extracting larvæ for food.

i, a pine tree, where a woodpecker is getting larvae for food.

j, a bear.

j, a bear.

k, the designer in his boat holding aloft his double-bladed paddle to drive fish into a net.

k, the designer in his boat raises his double-bladed paddle to herd fish into a net.

l, an assistant fisherman driving fish into the net.

l, an assistant fisherman herding fish into the net.

m, the net.

m, the internet.

The figure over the man (l) represents a whale, with harpoon and line attached, caught by the narrator.

The figure above the man (l) shows a whale, with a harpoon and line attached, caught by the narrator.

Many customs, such, for instance, as the peculiar arrangement of hair in any tribe, are embodied in their pictorial designation by other tribes and often by themselves. Numerous examples are presented in this paper.

Many customs, like the unique way of styling hair in any tribe, are reflected in their visual representation by other tribes and often by themselves. This paper provides many examples.

In Lord Kingsborough, Vol. VI, p. 45 et seq., is the text relating to the collection of Mendoza, in Vol. I, Pls. LVIII, to LXII, inclusive, here presented as Pls. XXXIV to XXXVIII. The textual language is preserved with some condensation.

In Lord Kingsborough, Vol. VI, p. 45 and following, is the text about the Mendoza collection, found in Vol. I, Pls. LVIII to LXII, inclusive, which is now presented as Pls. XXXIV to XXXVIII. The language of the text is maintained with some condensing.

Pl. XXXIV exhibits the customs of the Mexicans at the birth of a male or female infant; the right and ceremony of naming the children and of afterwards dedicating and offering them at their temples or to the military profession.

Pl. XXXIV shows the traditions of the Mexicans when a baby boy or girl is born; the rights and rituals of naming the children and then dedicating and offering them at their temples or to the military.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIV
MEXICAN TREATMENT OF NEW-BORN CHILDREN.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIV
MEXICAN TREATMENT OF NEW-BORN CHILDREN.

As soon as the mother was delivered of the infant they put it into a cradle and when it was 4 days old the midwife took the infant in her arms, naked, and carried it into the court of the mother’s house, in which court was strewed reeds, or rushes, which they call tule, upon which was placed a small vessel of water in which the midwife bathed the infant; and after she had bathed it 3 boys being seated near the said rushes, eating roasted maize mixed with boiled beans, which kind of food they named yxcue, which provision or paste they set before the said boys in order that they might eat it. After the bathing, or washing, the midwife desired the boys to pronounce the name aloud, bestowing a new name on the infant which had been thus bathed; and the name that they gave it was that which the midwife wished. They first carried out the infant to bathe it. If it was a boy they carried him, holding his symbol in his hand, which symbol was the instrument which the father of the infant employed either in the military profession or in his trade, whether it was that of a goldsmith, jeweller, or any other; and the said ceremony having been gone through, the midwife delivered the infant to his mother. But if the infant was a girl the symbol with which they carried her to be bathed was a spinning wheel and distaff, with a small basket and a handful of brooms which were the things which would afford her occupation when she arrived at a proper age.

As soon as the mother gave birth to the baby, they placed it in a cradle. When the baby was 4 days old, the midwife took the naked baby in her arms and carried it into the courtyard of the mother’s house, which had reeds or rushes, called tule, spread out on the ground. In this area, there was a small vessel of water where the midwife bathed the baby. After bathing, three boys sitting nearby were eating roasted corn mixed with boiled beans, a dish they called yxcue. They placed this food in front of the boys so they could eat it. After the bath, the midwife asked the boys to say the baby's name out loud, giving the baby a new name based on the midwife's preference. They first carried the baby out to give it a bath. If it was a boy, they held his symbol, which was an item representing what his father did for a living—be it military or a trade like goldsmithing or jewelry. Once the ceremony was completed, the midwife handed the baby back to his mother. If the baby was a girl, the symbol they carried was a spinning wheel and distaff, along with a small basket and a handful of brooms—things that would provide her with tasks as she grew up.

They offered the umbilical cord of the male infant together with the shield and arrows, the symbols with which they carried him to be bathed, in that spot and place where war was likely to happen with their enemies, where they buried them in the earth; and they did the same with that of the female infant, which they in the same way buried beneath the metate or stone on which they ground meal.

They presented the umbilical cord of the baby boy along with the shield and arrows, the symbols they used to take him for his first bath, at the location where battles might occur with their enemies, where they buried them in the ground; they did the same for the baby girl, which they also buried underneath the grinding stone used for meal preparation.

After these ceremonies, when twenty days had expired, the parents of the infant went with it to the temple, or mesquita, which they called calmecac, and in the presence of their alfaquis presented the infant with its offering of mantles and maxtles, together with some provision; and after the infant had been brought up by its parents, as soon as it arrived at the proper age, they delivered him to the[543] superior of the said mezquita, that he might be there instructed in order that he might afterwards become an alfaqui; but if the parents resolved that when the infant attained a fit age he should go and serve in the military profession, they immediately offered him to the master, making a promise of him, which master of the young men and boys was named Teachcauh or Telpuchtlato; which offering they accompanied with a present of provisions and other things for its celebration; and when the infant attained a fit age they delivered him up to the said master.

After these ceremonies, when twenty days had passed, the infant's parents took it to the temple, or mesquita, which they called calmecac. In front of their alfaquis, they presented the infant with gifts of mantles and maxtles, along with some supplies. After the infant had been raised by its parents, once it reached the appropriate age, they handed him over to the[543] head of the mezquita for instruction so he could later become an alfaqui. However, if the parents decided that when the infant was old enough he should join the military, they would immediately offer him to the master, making a promise about him. The master for the young men and boys was called Teachcauh or Telpuchtlato, and this offering was accompanied by a gift of supplies and other items for the celebration. When the infant reached the right age, they would then give him to the master.

In the plate a is a woman lately delivered; the four roses, b, signify four days, at the completion of which period the midwife carried forth the new born infant to be bathed; c, is the cradle with the infant; d, the midwife; e, the symbols; f, g, h, the three boys who named the new-born infant; i, the rushes, with the small vessel of water; j, the brooms, distaff, spinning wheel, and basket; k, the father of the infant; l, the superior alfaqui; m, the infant in the cradle, whose parents are offering it at the mezquita; n, the mother of the girl; o, the master of the boys and young men.

In the illustration a, there is a woman who has recently given birth; the four roses, b, represent four days, at the end of which the midwife brought the newborn baby out to be bathed; c indicates the cradle with the baby; d is the midwife; e shows the symbols; f, g, h are the three boys who named the newborn; i represents the rushes along with a small vessel of water; j includes the brooms, distaff, spinning wheel, and basket; k is the father of the baby; l is the head alfaqui; m shows the baby in the cradle, whose parents are presenting it at the mezquita; n is the mother of the girl; o is the teacher of the boys and young men.

Kingsborough’s Pl. LIX—here Pl. XXXV, treats of the time and manner in which the Mexicans instructed their children how they ought to live.

Kingsborough’s Pl. LIX—here Pl. XXXV, discusses how and when the Mexicans taught their children how to live.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXV
EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, THREE TO SIX YEARS.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXV
EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, AGES THREE TO SIX.

The first section shows how parents corrected their children of 3 years old by giving them good advice, and the quantity of food which they allowed them at each meal was half a roll.

The first section shows how parents guided their 3-year-old children by giving them good advice, and the amount of food they allowed at each meal was half a roll.

The three circles, a, indicate 3 years of age; b, denotes the father of the boy; c, the boy; d, the half of a roll; e, the mother of the girl; f, the half of a roll; g, the girl of 3 years of age.

The three circles, a, represent 3 years of age; b refers to the boy's father; c is the boy; d is half of a roll; e is the girl's mother; f is half of a roll; g is the 3-year-old girl.

The second section represents the parents employed in the same way, in instructing their children when they attained 4 years of age, when they began to exercise them by bidding them to do a few slight things. The quantity of food which they gave them at each meal was a roll.

The second section describes how parents were similarly involved in teaching their children when they turned 4 years old, encouraging them to do small tasks. The amount of food they provided at each meal was a roll.

The father of the boy is shown at h; the boy, 4 years of age, at i; j, a roll; k, the mother of the girl; l, a roll; m, the girl of 4 years.

The boy's father is shown at h; the boy, who is 4 years old, is at i; j, a roll; k, the girl's mother; l, a roll; m, the 4-year-old girl.

The third section shows how the parents employed and exercised their sons of 5 years of age in tasks of bodily strength; for example, in carrying loads of wood of slight weight, and in sending them with light bundles to the tianquez or market place; and the girls of this age received lessons how they ought to hold the distaff and the spinning wheel. Their allowance of food was a roll.

The third section explains how the parents involved their 5-year-old sons in physical tasks; for instance, having them carry light loads of wood and sending them with small bundles to the tianquez or marketplace. The girls of this age were taught how to use the distaff and spinning wheel. They were given a roll as their portion of food.

In this section, n shows the father of the boy; o, two boys of 5 years of age; p, a roll; q, a roll; r, the mother of the girl; s, a roll; t, the girl of 5 years of age.

In this section, n represents the boy's father; o represents two boys who are 5 years old; p is a roll; q is another roll; r is the girl's mother; s is a roll; t is the girl who is 5 years old.

The fourth section shows how parents exercised and employed their sons of 6 years in personal services, that they might be of some assistance to their parents; as also in the tianquez, or market places, in picking up from the ground the grains of maize which lay scattered about, and the beans and other trifling things which those who resorted to the market had dropped. The girls were set to spin, and employed in other useful tasks that they might hereafter, through the said tasks and[544] works, sedulously shun idleness in order to avoid the bad habits which idleness is accustomed to cause. The allowance of food which was given to the boys at each meal was a roll and a half.

The fourth section shows how parents made their 6-year-old sons help out at home and in the markets, picking up dropped maize, beans, and other small items that people had left behind. The girls were given spinning and other useful tasks to keep them busy, so they would avoid idleness and the bad habits that come with it. The boys received one and a half rolls of food at each meal.

The father of the two boys appears at u; two boys of 6 years old at v; w, a roll and a half; x, the mother of the girl: y, a roll and a half; z, the girl of 6 years old.

The father of the two boys shows up at u; the two boys are 6 years old at v; w, one and a half rolls; x, the girl's mother: y, one and a half rolls; z, the 6-year-old girl.

Pl. LX, here Pl. XXXVI, treats of the time and manner in which the native Mexicans instructed and corrected their sons, that they might learn to avoid all kinds of sloth and to keep themselves constantly exercised in profitable things. It is divided into four sections.

Pl. LX, here Pl. XXXVI, discusses how the native Mexicans taught and disciplined their sons to help them avoid laziness and stay regularly engaged in productive activities. It is divided into four sections.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVI
EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, SEVEN TO TEN YEARS.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVI
EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN AGES SEVEN TO TEN.

The first section shows how fathers employed their sons of 7 years old in giving them nets to fish with; and mothers occupied their daughters in spinning and in giving them good advice. The allowance of food which they gave to their sons at each meal was a roll and a half.

The first section shows how fathers had their 7-year-old sons fish with nets, while mothers had their daughters spin and offered them helpful advice. The amount of food they provided to their sons at each meal was one and a half rolls.

The seven points, a, signify seven years; b, is the father of the boys; c, a roll and a half; d, the boy of 7 years old whose father is instructing him how to fish with the net which he holds in his hands; e, the mother of the girls; f, a roll and a half; g, the girl of 7 years whom her mother is teaching how to spin.

The seven points, a, represent seven years; b is the boys' father; c is a roll and a half; d is the 7-year-old boy whose father is teaching him how to fish with the net he holds in his hands; e is the girls' mother; f is a roll and a half; g is the 7-year-old girl whom her mother is teaching how to spin.

The second section declares how fathers chastised their sons of 8 years of age, threatening them with thorns of the aloe, that in case of negligence and disobedience to their parents they should be punished with the said thorns. The boys accordingly weep for fear. The quantity of food which they allowed them consisted of a roll and a half.

The second section states that fathers punished their 8-year-old sons, threatening them with aloe thorns, so that if they were negligent or disobedient to their parents, they would face punishment with those thorns. The boys would cry out of fear. The amount of food they were given was one and a half rolls.

The eight points, h, signify eight years; i, the father of the boys; j, a roll and a half; k, the boy of 8 years, whose father threatens him in case of ill behavior to inflict public punishment upon him with thorns; l, thorns of the aloe; m, the mother of the girls; n, a roll and a half; o, the girl of 8 years of age, whose mother threatens her with thorns of the aloe in case of ill behavior; p, thorns of the aloe.

The eight points, h, represent eight years; i, the boys' father; j, a roll and a half; k, the 8-year-old boy whose father threatens him with public punishment using thorns if he misbehaves; l, aloe thorns; m, the girls' mother; n, a roll and a half; o, the 8-year-old girl whose mother threatens her with aloe thorns if she misbehaves; p, aloe thorns.

The third section declares how fathers punished with the thorn of the aloe their sons of 9 years of age, when they were incorrigible and rebellious toward their parents, by running the said thorns into their shoulders and bodies. They also corrected their daughters by pricking their hands with thorns. The allowance of food which they gave them was a roll and a half.

The third section explains how fathers punished their 9-year-old sons, who were stubborn and disobedient, by using the thorns of the aloe plant to jab their shoulders and bodies. They also disciplined their daughters by pricking their hands with thorns. The amount of food they provided was a roll and a half.

The nine points, q, signify nine years; r, a roll and a half; s, the father of the boys; t, a boy of 9 years old being found to be incorrigible, his father runs thorns of the aloe into his body; u, the mother of the girls; v, a roll and a half; w, the girl of 9 years old and her mother, who corrects her for her negligence by pricking her hands with thorns.

The nine points, q, represent nine years; r, a roll and a half; s, the father of the boys; t, a 9-year-old boy who is considered incorrigible, and his father drives thorns from the aloe plant into his body; u, the mother of the girls; v, a roll and a half; w, the 9-year-old girl and her mother, who corrects her for being careless by pricking her hands with thorns.

The fourth section shows how fathers chastised their sons of 10 years of age, when they were refractory, by inflicting blows upon them with a stick and threatening them with other punishments. The[545] quantity and allowance of food which they gave them was a roll and a half.

The fourth section shows how fathers punished their 10-year-old sons when they were disobedient, by hitting them with a stick and threatening them with other punishments. The[545] amount of food they provided was a roll and a half.

The ten points, x, signify ten years; y, a roll and a half; z, the father of the boys; aa, the boy of 10 years old, whose father is correcting him with a stick; bb, the mother of the girl; cc, a roll and a half; dd, the girl of 10 years old, whose mother is correcting her with a stick.

The ten points, x, represent ten years; y, one and a half rolls; z, the boys' father; aa, the 10-year-old boy whose father is disciplining him with a stick; bb, the girl's mother; cc, one and a half rolls; dd, the 10-year-old girl whose mother is disciplining her with a stick.

Pl. LXI, here Pl. XXXVII, is in three sections.

Pl. LXI, here Pl. XXXVII, is divided into three parts.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVII
EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, ELEVEN TO FOURTEEN YEARS.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVII
EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, AGES ELEVEN TO FOURTEEN.

The first section explains that when a boy of 11 years of age disregarded verbal reproof, his parents obliged him to inhale smoke of axi through the nostrils, which was a cruel and severe punishment, that he might be sorry for such conduct and not turn out worthless and abandoned, but on the contrary employ his time in profitable things. They gave boys of such an age bread, which consisted of rolls, only by allowance, that they might learn not to be gormandizers or gluttons. Girls received similar discipline.

The first section explains that when an 11-year-old boy ignored verbal warnings, his parents forced him to inhale smoke through his nose as a harsh punishment, hoping he'd regret his behavior and avoid becoming worthless and neglected. Instead, they wanted him to spend his time on more productive activities. Boys his age were given only a limited amount of rolls to eat, so they wouldn’t become overeaters or gluttons. Girls faced the same kind of discipline.

The eleven points, a, signify eleven years; b, a roll and a half; c, the father of the boys; d, the boy of 11 years of age, whose father is punishing him by obliging him to inhale through the nostrils the smoke of dried axi; e, the smoke or vapor of axi; f, the mother of the girls; g, the girl of 11 years, whose mother is punishing her by making her breathe smoke of axi; h, a roll and a half; i, the smoke of axi.

The eleven points, a, represent eleven years; b, a roll and a half; c, the father of the boys; d, the boy who is 11 years old and is being punished by his father by having to inhale the smoke of dried axi through his nostrils; e, the smoke or vapor of axi; f, the mother of the girls; g, the girl who is 11 years old and is being punished by her mother by being made to breathe in the smoke of axi; h, a roll and a half; i, the smoke of axi.

The second section represents that when boys or girls of 12 years of age would not submit to the reproof or advice of their parents, the father took the boy and tied his hands and feet and laid him naked on the ground in some damp and wet place, in which situation he kept him for a whole day, in order that by this punishment he might amend and fear his displeasure. And the mother obliged the girl of the said age to work by night before break of day, employing her in sweeping the house and the street and continually occupying her in personal tasks. They gave them food likewise by allowance.

The second section describes how when boys or girls at the age of 12 wouldn't listen to their parents' advice or corrections, the father would tie the boy's hands and feet and lay him naked on the ground in a damp place, keeping him there for an entire day. This punishment was meant to help him change his ways and fear his father's anger. Meanwhile, the mother made the girl of the same age work at night before dawn, assigning her tasks like sweeping the house and the street, keeping her busy with personal chores. They also provided food to them in limited amounts.

The points, j, indicate twelve years; k, a roll and a half; l, the father of the boys; m, the boy of 12 years of age, stretched upon the wet ground, with his hands and feet tied, for a whole day; the painting at n signifies the night; o, the mother of the girls; p, a roll and a half; q, the girl of 12 years of age, who is employed by night in sweeping.

The points, j, represent twelve years; k, one and a half rolls; l, the father of the boys; m, the 12-year-old boy, lying on the wet ground, with his hands and feet tied, for an entire day; the painting at n indicates the night; o, the mother of the girls; p, one and a half rolls; q, the 12-year-old girl who works at night sweeping.

The third section of this plate represents that boys and girls of 13 years of age were occupied by their parents, the boys in fetching wood from the mountains and in bringing reed grass and other litter in canoes for the use of the house; and the girls in grinding meal and making bread, and preparing other articles of food for their parents. They gave the boys for their allowance of food two rolls each at each meal.

The third section of this plate shows that boys and girls who are 13 years old were busy with tasks set by their parents. The boys were collecting wood from the mountains and bringing reed grass and other materials in canoes for household use. Meanwhile, the girls were grinding grain, baking bread, and preparing other food items for their parents. For their meals, the boys received two rolls each time.

The father of the boys is represented at r; the points, s, indicate thirteen years; t, two rolls; u, the boy of 13 years old, who brings a load of reed grass; v, the boy in a canoe, with bundles of canes; w, the[546] mother of the girls; x, the girl of 13 years of age, who makes cakes and prepares articles of food; y, two cakes; z, a bowl; aa, the comali; bb, a pot for boiling provisions in and two cakes.

The boys' father is represented at r; the points, s, indicate thirteen years; t, two rolls; u, the 13-year-old boy who carries a load of reed grass; v, the boy in a canoe with bundles of canes; w, the[546] mother of the girls; x, the 13-year-old girl who makes cakes and prepares food; y, two cakes; z, a bowl; aa, the comali; bb, a pot for boiling food and two cakes.

The fourth section of this plate represents how their parents employed and occupied a boy or girl of 14 years of age, the boy in going in a canoe to fish in the lakes, and the girl in the task of weaving a piece of cloth. Their allowance of food was two rolls.

The fourth section of this plate shows how their parents engaged a 14-year-old boy and girl, with the boy going out in a canoe to fish in the lakes, and the girl weaving a piece of cloth. They were given two rolls of food as their allowance.

The fourteen points, cc, represent fourteen years; dd, two rolls; ee, the father of the boys; ff, the boy of 14 years of age, who goes out fishing with his canoe; gg, the mother of the girls; hh, two rolls; ii, the girl of 14 years, who is occupied in weaving; jj, the web and occupation of weaving.

The fourteen points, cc, represent fourteen years; dd, two rolls; ee, the father of the boys; ff, the 14-year-old boy who goes fishing with his canoe; gg, the mother of the girls; hh, two rolls; ii, the 14-year-old girl who is busy weaving; jj, the fabric and the act of weaving.

The figures of Pl. LXII, here Pl. XXXVIII, are in two sections.

The figures of Pl. LXII, here Pl. XXXVIII, are divided into two parts.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVIII
ADOPTION OF PROFESSION AND MARRIAGE, MEXICAN.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVIII
ADOPTION OF PROFESSION AND MARRIAGE, MEXICAN.

Those contained in the first section signify that the father, who had sons nearly grown up, carried them to the two houses represented in the plate; either to the house of the master, who taught and instructed the young men, or to the mezquita, accordingly as the lad was himself inclined, and committed him to the care of the superior Alfaqui or to the master of the boys, to be educated, which lads it was fit should have attained the age of 15.

Those in the first section indicate that the father, who had nearly grown sons, took them to the two houses shown in the image; either to the master's house, where he taught and guided the young men, or to the mosque, depending on the young man's interests, and entrusted him to the care of the head teacher or the boys' master for their education, which was appropriate for those who were around 15 years old.

In this section a is a youth of 15 years of age, whose father delivers him up to the superior Alfaqui, that he might receive him as an Alfaqui; b is the Tlamazqui, who is the superior Alfaqui; c, the mezquita, named Calmecac; d, the father of these two youths; e, a young man of 15, whose father delivers him up to the master that he might teach and instruct him; f, the teachcauh or master; g, the seminary where they educated and taught the young men, which was called cuincacali; h, fifteen years.

In this section, a is a 15-year-old boy whose father hands him over to the chief Alfaqui so he can be trained as an Alfaqui; b is the Tlamazqui, who is the chief Alfaqui; c is the mezquita, called Calmecac; d is the father of these two boys; e is another 15-year-old whose father gives him to the master for guidance and teaching; f is the teachcauh or master; g is the seminary where they educated and taught young men, known as cuincacali; h is fifteen years.

The second section of the plate signifies the laws and usages which they followed and observed in marriages. The ceremony consisted in the female negotiator, who arranged the nuptials, carrying on her back on the first night of the wedding the betrothed woman, accompanied by four women with blazing torches of resinous fir, who attended to light her on the way; and having arrived at the house of the man to whom she was engaged, the parents of the betrothed man went out to receive her in the court of the house and conducted her to an apartment where the man expected her; and seating the betrothed couple on a mat on which were placed seats, near a hearth of fire, they took them and tied them to each other by their clothes and offered incense of copal to their gods. Two old men and two women afterward delivered a separate discourse to the newly married couple and set food before them, which they presently ate; and after their repast was over, the two old men and women gave good advice to the married pair, telling them how they ought to conduct themselves and to live, and by what means they might pass their lives in tranquillity.

The second section of the plate represents the customs and traditions they followed in marriages. The ceremony involved the female negotiator, who organized the wedding, carrying the bride on her back on the first night of the wedding, accompanied by four women holding blazing torches made of resinous fir to light the way. Once they arrived at the groom's house, the groom's parents came out to welcome her into the courtyard and led her to a room where the groom was waiting. They seated the newlyweds on a mat with chairs near a fireplace, tied their clothes together, and offered copal incense to their gods. Two older men and two women then shared a separate speech with the couple and presented them with food, which they ate. After the meal, the older men and women gave valuable advice to the newlyweds, telling them how to conduct themselves and live, and how to ensure a peaceful life together.

The square inclosure, i, is the apartment; j, the old man; k, the[547] hearth, of fire; l, the wife; m, copal (the latter is not shown in the drawing, but the copal is between the marrying couple); n, the husband; o, the old woman; p, the old man; q, food; r, a mat; s, food; t, an old woman; u, a pitcher of pulque; v, a cup; w, x, the women lighting the bride on her way with torches, when on the first night of the wedding they accompany her to the house of the bridegroom; y, the female negotiator; z, the bride; aa, bb, women lighting the bride and bridegroom on the first night of their wedding.

The square enclosure, i, is the living space; j, the older man; k, the[547] fireplace; l, the wife; m, copal (which isn’t shown in the drawing, but the copal is between the married couple); n, the husband; o, the older woman; p, the older man; q, food; r, a mat; s, food; t, an older woman; u, a pitcher of pulque; v, a cup; w, x, the women lighting the bride's path with torches, as they accompany her to the groom's house on the first night of the wedding; y, the female negotiator; z, the bride; aa, bb, women lighting the bride and groom's way on their wedding night.

SECTION 3.
Games.

Many accounts of the games of the Indians have been published, but they are not often connected with pictography. Those now presented refer to the picturing connected with only three games.

Many stories about the games of the Native Americans have been published, but they are rarely linked to pictography. The ones presented here relate to the pictography associated with just three games.

Fig. 772.—Haka game. Dakota.

Fig. 772.—Haka game. Dakota.

Fig. 772.—A dead man was used in the ring-and-pole game. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1779-’80.

Fig. 772.—A deceased man was used in the ring-and-pole game. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1779-’80.

The figure represents the stick and ring used in the game of haka, with a human head in front to suggest that the corpse took the place of the usual stick. This and the next figure illustrate the game.

The figure shows the stick and ring used in the game of haka, with a human head in front to suggest that the corpse replaced the usual stick. This and the next figure illustrate the game.

Fig. 773.—Haka game. Dakota.

Fig. 773.—Haka game. Dakota.

Fig. 773.—It was an intensely cold winter and a Dakota froze to death. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1777-’78.

Fig. 773.—It was a bitterly cold winter and a Dakota froze to death. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1777-’78.

The sign for snow or winter, i. e., a cloud with snow falling from it, is above the man’s head. A haka-stick, which is used in playing that game, is represented in front of him.

The sign for snow or winter, i.e., a cloud with snow falling from it, is above the man’s head. A haka-stick, which is used in playing that game, is shown in front of him.

Battiste Good’s record further explains the illustration by the account that the Dakota was killed in a fight with the Pawnees, and his companions left his body where they supposed it would not be found, but the Pawnees found it, and, as it was frozen stiff, they dragged it into their camp and played haka with it.

Battiste Good’s account provides more detail about the story, stating that the Dakota was killed during a fight with the Pawnees. His companions left his body in a place they thought would be safe, but the Pawnees discovered it. Since it was frozen solid, they pulled it into their camp and performed a haka with it.

Fig. 774.—Haida gambling stick.

Fig. 774.—Haida betting stick.

The characters a and b, Fig. 774, represent one point of view of two of a set of Haida gambling sticks, real size. They are made of juniper or some other similar wood, and neatly carved with diverse figures. The game is played by any number of persons, and it would seem with any number of marked sticks. A dealer sits on the ground with a pile of shredded cedar bark in front of him, and with much ceremony draws out the sticks one by one without looking at them and passes them to the players, in turn, who sit in front of him.

The characters a and b, Fig. 774, show one perspective of two from a set of Haida gambling sticks, actual size. They are made from juniper or a similar type of wood and are intricately carved with various figures. The game can be played by any number of people and seemingly any quantity of marked sticks. A dealer sits on the ground with a pile of shredded cedar bark in front of him and, with a lot of ceremony, draws the sticks one by one without looking at them and hands them to the players, in turn, who sit in front of him.

Each device counts a certain number, in a manner similar to the devices on ordinary playing cards, and the winning is by the high and[548] low or the definite and specific values of the sticks decided upon in variations of the games. These sticks are cylindrical, and to illustrate the characters on them, c is presented, which shows the whole round of the character b. This exhibits the typical Haida style. An excellent collection of these pictured sticks is in the U. S. National Museum, No. 73552.

Each device counts a specific number, similar to the devices found on regular playing cards, and winning occurs based on the high and low or the clear and specific values of the sticks determined in different game variations. These sticks are cylindrical, and to illustrate the characters on them, c is shown, which represents the entire round of the character b. This reflects the classic Haida style. An impressive collection of these illustrated sticks can be found at the U.S. National Museum, No. 73552.

Dr. Fewkes (c) reports as follows:

Dr. Fewkes (c) reports the following:

Among the very interesting games played by the Hopi Indians is one of ethnological interest, which is allied to a game described by the early Spanish historians of the Mexicans. This game, to-to-lós-pi, resembles somewhat the game of checkers and can be played by two persons or by two parties. In playing the game a rectangular figure, divided into a large number of squares, is drawn upon the rock, either by scratching or by using a different colored stone as a crayon. (Figures of this game formerly existed on the rocks near the village of Wál-pi.) A diagonal line, tūh-ki-o-ta, is drawn across the rectangle from northwest to southeast, and the players station themselves at each end of this line.

Among the very interesting games played by the Hopi Indians is one of ethnological significance, which is related to a game described by early Spanish historians of the Mexicans. This game, to-to-lós-pi, is somewhat similar to checkers and can be played by two people or two teams. To play the game, a rectangular shape is drawn on the rock, divided into many squares, either by scratching or using a differently colored stone as a crayon. (Figures of this game used to be found on the rocks near the village of Wál-pi.) A diagonal line, tūh-ki-o-ta, is drawn across the rectangle from northwest to southeast, and the players position themselves at each end of this line.

When two parties play, a single person acts as player and the other members of the party act as advisers. The first play is won by tossing up a leaf or corn husk with one side blackened. The pieces which are used are bean or corn kernels, stones, and wood, or small fragments of any substance of marked color. The players were stationed at each end of the diagonal line, tūh-ki-o-ta. They move their pieces upon this line, but never across it. The moves which are made are intricate and the player may move one or more pieces successively. Certain positions entitle him to this privilege. He may capture or, as he terms it, kill one or more of his opponent’s[549] pieces at one play. In this respect the game is not unlike checkers, and to capture the pieces of the opponent seems to be the main object of the game. The checkers, however, must be concentrated and always moved towards the southeast corner.

When two parties play, one person acts as the player while the other members serve as advisers. The first game is won by tossing a leaf or corn husk that has one side blackened. The pieces used can be bean or corn kernels, stones, wood, or small fragments of any colored substance. The players are positioned at each end of the diagonal line, tūh-ki-o-ta. They move their pieces along this line, but never across it. The moves made are complex, and the player can move one or more pieces successively. Certain positions allow for this advantage. The player may capture or, as they say, kill one or more of their opponent’s[549] pieces in a single turn. In this regard, the game is similar to checkers, and capturing the opponent's pieces seems to be the game's main objective. However, the checkers must be concentrated and always moved towards the southeast corner.

This game is now rarely played on the East Mesa, but is still used at O-rai-be. It is said to have been played in ancient times by the sun and moon or by other mythical personages.

This game is now rarely played on the East Mesa, but it's still used at O-rai-be. It's said to have been played in ancient times by the sun and moon or by other mythical figures.

Turning now to old Mexico, we find that the Spanish chronicles give an account of a Mexican game called patolli, which was played with colored stones. The squares were made of a cross-shaped figure, and the stones were moved according to the throws of beans which were marked upon one side.

Turning now to old Mexico, we find that the Spanish chronicles describe a Mexican game called patolli, which was played with colored stones. The board was shaped like a cross, and the stones were moved based on the results of tossing beans that were marked on one side.

A discussion of the “ghost gamble,” with many illustrations, some of which show marks which, in a broad sense, may be classed as pictographic, is published in the paper “Study of the mortuary customs of the North American Indians,” by Dr. H. C. Yarrow (a), U. S. Army.

A discussion of the “ghost gamble,” featuring many illustrations, some of which can be broadly categorized as pictographic, is published in the paper “Study of the mortuary customs of the North American Indians,” by Dr. H. C. Yarrow (a), U.S. Army.

Colored pebbles found in the grotto of Mas d’Azil, in the department of the Ariège, France, have lately awakened some discussion. These pebbles were selected as being narrow and flat, and, with rare exceptions, are no more than 9 centimeters in length. They were colored with red oxide of iron. Many of the designs could have been made by the end of a finger anointed with the coloring matter, but others would have required a small pencil. The coloring matter was thick and probably fixed by grease or glue, which time has destroyed. The color now disappears on the least rubbing. Its preservation until now has been owing to the fact that the pebbles were left undisturbed in the cindery layer where they were deposited. Only one of the faces of the pebbles bears a design, and generally their border is ornamented by a narrow band of red, resembling a frame to the design, the color being applied[550] in the same manner as to the latter. Fig. 775 gives examples though without color of these pebbles. They are selected from a plate in L’Anthropologie (d) illustrating the text by Émile Cartailbac, who declines to offer any hypothesis concerning the use of these objects. But to an observer familiar with the gambling games of the North American Indians in which marked plum stones, and similar objects are employed, these stained flat pebbles at once suggest their use to decide the values in a game by the several designs and by the pebbles falling on the figured or on the unmarked side.

Colored pebbles found in the grotto of Mas d’Azil, in the Ariège department of France, have recently sparked some discussion. These pebbles were chosen for their narrow and flat shape, and with few exceptions, are no longer than 9 centimeters. They were colored with red iron oxide. Many of the designs could have been made by the tip of a finger dipped in the coloring agent, but others would have needed a small pencil. The coloring material was thick and likely fixed with grease or glue, which time has deteriorated. The color now fades with even the slightest rubbing. Their preservation until now is due to the fact that the pebbles were left undisturbed in the cindery layer where they were deposited. Only one side of the pebbles has a design, and generally, their edges are adorned with a narrow band of red, resembling a frame around the design, with the color applied[550] in a similar way. Fig. 775 shows examples of these pebbles without color. They are selected from a plate in Anthropology (d) illustrating the text by Émile Cartailbac, who refrains from offering any hypothesis regarding the use of these objects. However, to an observer familiar with the gambling games of North American Indians, where marked plum stones and similar items are used, these stained flat pebbles immediately suggest their use for determining values in a game based on the various designs and which side of the pebble lands facing up.

Fig. 775.—Pebbles from Mas d’Azil.

Fig. 775.—Pebbles from Mas d’Azil.

CHAPTER XVI.
HISTORY

It is seldom possible to distinguish by pictographs, or indeed to decide from oral accounts obtained from Indians, whether those purporting to be historical have a genuine basis or are merely traditions connected with myths. This chapter may therefore be correlated with Chapter IX, section 5, which has special relation to traditions as mnemonically pictured. The notes now following are considered to refer to actual events or to explain the devices used in the record of such events.

It’s rarely possible to tell from pictographs, or even from oral stories shared by Native Americans, whether those claiming to be historical have a real basis or are simply myths. This chapter can be linked to Chapter IX, section 5, which specifically relates to traditions represented in a visual way. The notes that follow are thought to reference actual events or to clarify the methods used to document such events.

The account by Dr. Brinton (c) of the Walum-Olum or bark record of the Lenni-Lenapé, as also some of Schoolcraft’s pictographic illustrations, may with some propriety be regarded as historic, but are so well known that their specific citation is needless.

The account by Dr. Brinton (c) of the Walum-Olum or bark record of the Lenni-Lenapé, along with some of Schoolcraft’s pictographic illustrations, can be considered historical, but they are so well known that there's no need to cite them specifically.

The American Indians have not produced detailed historic pictures, such as appear on the Column of Trajan, and the Bayeux tapestry, with such excellence in art as to be self-interpreting. Neither do they equal in this respect the Egyptian and Assyrian sculptures, which portray the ordering of battle, the engineering work of sieges, the plan of camps, and the tactical moves of chieftains. Those sculptures also depict the whole civil and domestic lives of the peoples of the several nations. In some of these particulars the Mexicans approached these graphic details, as is shown below, but, as a rule, in the three divisions of America, history was noted and preserved by ideographic methods supplementing the incompleteness of artistic skill.

The Native Americans did not create detailed historical representations like those seen on the Column of Trajan or the Bayeux tapestry, which are so well-crafted that they explain themselves. They also don't match the level of Egyptian and Assyrian sculptures, which illustrate battle formations, siege engineering, campsite designs, and the strategic movements of leaders. Those sculptures also capture the entire civil and domestic lives of various nations. In some ways, the Mexicans got close to these visual details, as shown below, but generally, in the three regions of America, history was recorded and preserved through ideographic methods to make up for the limitations of artistic skills.

With regard to the advance gained by the Mexicans reference is made, with regret that copious quotation is impossible, to the essay of Henry Phillips, jr. (a), and to the monumental work of Eugène Boban, before cited. It will be noticed by students that ideography and its attendant conventionalism continually appear in the pictographic histories mentioned. The original authors had not advanced very far in art, but they had not lost the thought-language, which preceded art.

When it comes to the progress made by the Mexicans, it’s regrettable that we can’t provide extensive quotes from the essay by Henry Phillips, Jr. (a) and the significant work of Eugène Boban mentioned earlier. Students will notice that ideography and its related conventions constantly show up in the pictographic histories discussed. The original authors hadn't made much advancement in art, but they hadn’t lost the thought-language that came before art.

The subject is here divided into: (1) Record of expedition; (2) Record of battle; (3) Record of migration; (4) Record of sociologic events.

The topic is divided into: (1) Expedition record; (2) Battle record; (3) Migration record; (4) Record of social events.

SECTION 1.
EXPEDITION LOG.

The following account from Lafitau (a) explains the device for prisoner, under the heading of marked sticks, in Chapter IX, section 2, supra:

The following account from Lafitau (a) explains the device for prisoners, under the heading of marked sticks, in Chapter IX, section 2, supra:

The most grievous time for them is at night; for every evening they are extended on their backs almost naked, with no other bed than the earth, in which four stakes are driven for each prisoner; to these their arms and legs are attached, spread apart in the form of a St. Andrew’s cross. To a fifth stake a halter is tied, which holds the prisoner by the neck and is wound around it three or four times. Finally, he is bound around the middle of the body by another halter or girdle, the two ends of which are taken by the person in charge of the captive and placed under his head while he sleeps, so that he will be awakened if the prisoner makes any movement to escape.

The hardest time for them is at night; every evening they lie on their backs almost naked, with nothing but the ground to sleep on. Four stakes are driven into the earth for each prisoner, and their arms and legs are tied to these, stretched out like a St. Andrew’s cross. A fifth stake has a halter tied to it, which secures the prisoner by the neck and is wrapped around it three or four times. Lastly, they are bound around the middle of their body with another halter or belt, the two ends of which are held by the guard who places them under the prisoner’s head while he sleeps, so that he will wake up if the prisoner tries to escape.

With the same object of explaining pictographic devices, the following is extracted from James’s Long (h):

With the same goal of explaining pictographic devices, the following is taken from James’s Long (h):

Returning war parties of the Omaha peel off a portion of the bark from a tree, and on the trunk thus denuded and rendered conspicuous, they delineate hieroglyphics with vermilion or charcoal, indicative of the success or misfortune of the party, in their proceedings against the enemy. These hieroglyphics are rudely drawn, but are sufficiently significant to convey the requisite intelligence [t]o another division of the party, that may succeed them. On this rude chart the combatants are generally represented by small straight lines, each surmounted by a head-like termination, and are readily distinguishable from each other; the arms and legs are also represented when necessary to record the performance of some particular act or to exhibit a wound. Wounds are indicated by the representation of the dropping of blood from the part; an arrow wound, by adding a line for the arrow, from which the Indian is able to estimate with some accuracy its direction, and the depth to which it entered. The killed are represented by prostrate lines; equestrians are also particularized, and if wounded or killed they are seen to spout blood or to be in the act of falling from their horses. Prisoners are denoted by their being led, and the number of captured horses is made known by the number of lunules representing their track. The number of guns taken may be ascertained by bent lines, on the angle of which is something like the prominences of the lock. Women are portrayed with short petticoats and prominent breasts, and unmarried females by the short queues at the ears.

Returning war parties of the Omaha peel off a section of bark from a tree, and on the trunk that's now bare and noticeable, they draw symbols using red paint or charcoal, showing the success or failure of the group in their battles against the enemy. These symbols are roughly made, but they clearly communicate the necessary information to another group of warriors that may follow them. On this basic map, the fighters are usually represented by small straight lines, each topped with a head-like shape, making them easy to tell apart; their arms and legs are also depicted if it’s important to show a specific action or a wound. Wounds are shown by drops of blood coming from the area; an arrow wound is indicated by an additional line for the arrow, which helps the Indian gauge its direction and how deep it penetrated. The dead are represented by horizontal lines; horse riders are also specified, and if they're injured or killed, they appear to be spilling blood or falling from their horses. Prisoners are shown being led away, and the number of captured horses is indicated by the number of crescent shapes representing their tracks. The number of guns taken can be understood through bent lines, with something like the shape of a lock at the angles. Women are depicted with short skirts and prominent breasts, while unmarried females are shown by short braids near their ears.

In Margry (e) there is an account of La Salle’s finding in 1683 on the bark of a tree a record of the party of Tonty’s pilot. The picture was that of a man with the costumes and general appearance of the pilot who had deserted, another man tied as a captive, and four scalps. This corresponded with the facts afterwards learned. The pilot had been left free, another man kept alive, and four killed, thus accounting for the lost party of six. The record had been made by the captors.

In Margry (e), there's a story about La Salle discovering a record from Tonty’s pilot on the bark of a tree in 1683. The drawing showed a man dressed like the pilot who had abandoned them, another man tied up as a prisoner, and four scalps. This matched up with what they found out later. The pilot had been let go, one man was kept alive, and four were killed, which explains the missing group of six. The captors were the ones who made the record.

The figures in the following group, taken from several of the Winter Counts of the Dakotas, picture a number of important expeditions, all of which are independently known. Some of them are narrated in the official documents of the United States.

The figures in the following group, taken from several of the Winter Counts of the Dakotas, show a number of important expeditions, all of which are independently recognized. Some of them are described in the official documents of the United States.

Fig. 776.

Fig. 776.

Fig. 776. The Oglalas, Brulés, Minneconjous, San Arcs, and Cheyennes united in an expedition against the Crows. They surprised and captured a village of thirty lodges, killed all the men and took the women and children prisoners. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1801-’02.

Fig. 776. The Oglalas, Brulés, Minneconjous, San Arcs, and Cheyennes came together in a mission against the Crows. They ambushed and took over a village of thirty lodges, killed all the men, and took the women and children as captives. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1801-’02.

The three tipis stand for thirty; the spots in the original are red for blood.

The three tipis symbolize thirty; the markings in the original are red to represent blood.

Fig. 777.

Fig. 777.

Fig. 777. The Oglalas and Minneconjous took the war-path against the Crows and stole three hundred horses. The Crows followed them and killed eight of the party. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1863-’64. Eight scalped heads are portrayed.

Fig. 777. The Oglalas and Minneconjous went to war against the Crows and stole three hundred horses. The Crows tracked them down and killed eight members of the group. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1863-’64. Eight scalped heads are depicted.

Fig. 778.

Fig. 778.

Fig. 778. The Dakotas assaulted and took a Crow village of a hundred lodges. They killed many and took many prisoners. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1820-’21.

Fig. 778. The Dakotas attacked and captured a Crow village of a hundred lodges. They killed many people and took several prisoners. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1820-’21.

Fig. 779.

Fig. 779.

Fig. 779. The Oglalas helped Gen. Mackenzie to whip the Cheyennes. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1876-’77. The head of the Indian on which is the ornamented war bonnet represents the man who was the first to enter the Cheyenne village, which is figured by the tipis in a circle. The hatted, i. e., white man holding up three fingers is Gen. Mackenzie, who, as was explained by the interpreter, is placed upon the head of the Dakota to indicate that the Dakotas backed or assisted him, but it may mean that he commanded or was at the head of the party. The other white man is Gen. Crook, or Three Stars, as indicated by the three stars above him, and as he is called in another record. This designation might be suggested from the uniform, but it is not accurate. Gen. Crook’s rank as major-general of volunteers, or as brevet major-general in the Army, did not entitle him to more than two stars on his shoulder straps. It is possible that one of the stars in this figure belongs to Gen. Mackenzie.

Fig. 779. The Oglalas helped Gen. Mackenzie defeat the Cheyennes. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1876-’77. The head of the Indian wearing the decorated war bonnet represents the man who was the first to enter the Cheyenne village, depicted by the tipis arranged in a circle. The white man with a hat, holding up three fingers, is Gen. Mackenzie. As explained by the interpreter, he is placed above the Dakota to show that the Dakotas supported or assisted him, but it could also mean that he led the group. The other white man is Gen. Crook, or Three Stars, as shown by the three stars above him, which is how he is referred to in another record. This title might be suggested by the uniform, but it is not correct. Gen. Crook’s rank as a major-general of volunteers, or as brevet major-general in the Army, did not allow him more than two stars on his shoulder straps. It’s possible that one of the stars in this figure belongs to Gen. Mackenzie.

Fig. 780.

Fig. 780.

Fig. 780. The Dakotas joined the whites in an expedition up the Missouri river against the Rees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1823-’24.

Fig. 780. The Dakotas teamed up with the white settlers on an expedition up the Missouri River against the Rees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1823-’24.

White-Cow-Killer calls it “Old-corn-plenty-winter.”

White-Cow-Killer calls it “Old Corn Plenty Winter.”

The union line between the Indian and the white soldier shows that on this occasion they were allies.

The line between the Indian and the white soldier indicates that, at this moment, they were allies.

Fig. 781.

Fig. 781.

Fig. 781. United States troops fought Ree Indians. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1823-’24.

Fig. 781. United States troops fought Ree Indians. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1823-’24.

This and the preceding figure are signs of a specially interesting expedition, a condensed account of which follows taken from the annual report of J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, November 29, 1823:

This and the previous figure are indicators of a particularly interesting expedition, a summarized report of which follows, taken from the annual report of J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, November 29, 1823:

Gen. William H. Ashley, a licensed trader, was treacherously attacked by the Arickaras at their village on the west bank of the Missouri river, about midway between the present Fort Sully and Fort Rice. Twenty-three of the trading party were killed and wounded, and the remainder retreated in boats and sent appeals for succor to the commanding officer at Fort Atkinson, the present site of Council Bluffs. This officer was Col. H. Leavenworth, Sixth United States Infantry, who marched June 22, with 220 men of that regiment, 80 men of trading companies, and two 6-pound cannon, a 5½-inch brass howitzer, and some small swivels, nearly 700 miles through a country filled with hostile or unreliable Indians, to the Ree villages, which he reached on the 9th of August. The Dakotas were at war with the Arickara or Rees, and 700 to 800 of their warriors had joined the United States forces on the way; of these Dakotas 500 are mentioned as Yanktons, but the tribes of the remainder are not designated. The Rees were in two villages, the lower one containing seventy-one dirt lodges and the upper seventy, both being inclosed with palisades and a ditch and the greater part of the lodges having a ditch around the bottom on the inside. The enemy, having knowledge of the expedition, had fortified and made every preparation for resistance. Their force consisted of over 700 warriors, most of whom were armed with rifles procured from British traders. On the 9th of August the Dakotas commenced the attack and were driven back until the regular troops advanced, but nothing decisive resulted until the artillery was employed on the 10th, when a large number of the Rees, including their chief, Gray Eyes, were killed, and early in the afternoon the survivors begged for peace. They were much terrified and humbled by the effect of the cannon, which, though small, answered the purpose. During the main engagement the Dakotas occupied themselves in gathering and carrying off all the corn to be found.

Gen. William H. Ashley, a licensed trader, was sneakily attacked by the Arickaras at their village on the west bank of the Missouri River, roughly halfway between what is now Fort Sully and Fort Rice. Twenty-three members of the trading party were killed or injured, and the rest retreated by boat, sending requests for help to the commanding officer at Fort Atkinson, which is now Council Bluffs. This officer was Col. H. Leavenworth of the Sixth United States Infantry, who marched on June 22 with 220 men from his regiment, 80 men from trading companies, two 6-pound cannons, a 5½-inch brass howitzer, and some small swivel guns, traveling nearly 700 miles through an area filled with hostile or unreliable Indians to reach the Ree villages by August 9. The Dakotas were at war with the Arickara, and 700 to 800 of their warriors had joined the United States forces along the way; of these, 500 were identified as Yanktons, but the tribes of the others are not specified. The Rees had two villages, the lower one with seventy-one dirt lodges and the upper one with seventy, both surrounded by palisades and a ditch, and most of the lodges had an inner ditch at their base. Knowing about the expedition, the enemy fortified their positions and prepared for resistance. Their force included over 700 warriors, most armed with rifles obtained from British traders. On August 9, the Dakotas began the attack and were pushed back until the regular troops moved forward, but nothing significant happened until artillery was used on the 10th, when many Rees, including their chief, Gray Eyes, were killed, and by early afternoon, the remaining survivors requested peace. They were greatly frightened and humbled by the effect of the cannon, which, although small, was quite effective. During the main fight, the Dakotas occupied themselves with gathering and taking away all the corn they could find.

See also the record of Lean-Wolf’s expedition in Fig. 452.

See also the record of Lean-Wolf’s expedition in Fig. 452.

SECTION 2.
BATTLE RECORD.

Lafitau (b) gives the following account, translated with condensation, of the records of expedition, battle, etc., made by the Iroquois and northeastern Algonquins:

Lafitau (b) provides this account, translated and condensed, of the records of expeditions, battles, etc., created by the Iroquois and northeastern Algonquins:

The designs which the Indians have tattooed on their faces and bodies are employed as hieroglyphics, writing, and records. When an Indian returns from war and wishes to make his victory known to the neighboring nations through whose country he passes, when he has chosen a hunting ground and wishes it to be known that he has selected it for himself and that it would be an affront to him for others to establish themselves there, he supplies the lack of an alphabet by those characteristic symbols which distinguish him personally; he paints on a piece of bark, which is raised on a pole by a place of passage [trail], or he cuts away some pieces from a tree trunk with his hatchet, and, after having made a smooth surface, traces his portrait and adds other characters, which give all the information that he desires to convey.

The designs that Native Americans tattoo on their faces and bodies serve as hieroglyphics, writing, and records. When a Native American returns from war and wants to announce his victory to the neighboring nations he passes through, or when he claims a hunting ground and wants others to know that it belongs to him and that it would be disrespectful for anyone else to settle there, he replaces the absence of an alphabet with those distinctive symbols that identify him personally. He paints on a piece of bark, which is raised on a pole by a trail, or he carves into a tree trunk with his hatchet, and after smoothing the surface, he traces his portrait and adds other characters that convey all the information he wants to share.

When I say that he draws his portrait, it will be understood that he is not skillful enough to delineate all the features of his face in such a manner that it would be recognized. They have, indeed, no other way of painting than that monogrammatic or linear painting, which consists of little more than the mere outlines of the shadow of the body rather than of the body itself—a picture so imperfect that it was often necessary to add below the name of the object which was intended to be represented in order to make it known.

When I say that he draws his portrait, it should be clear that he isn't skilled enough to depict all the features of his face in a way that would be recognizable. They really only have one method of painting, which is a simple or linear style, consisting of little more than just the outlines of the shadow of the body rather than the body itself—a picture so incomplete that it was often necessary to add the name of the object underneath to make it clear what it was meant to represent.

The Indian then, to represent his portrait, draws a simple outline in the form of a head, adding scarcely any marks to indicate the eyes, nose, ears, or other features of the face. In place of these he draws the designs which are tattoed upon his own face, as well as those upon his breast, and which are peculiar to him and render him recognizable not only to those who have seen him, but even to all who, knowing him only by reputation, are acquainted with his hieroglyphic symbol, as formerly in Europe an individual was distinguished by his device and as we to-day know a family by its armorial bearings. About his head he paints the object which expresses his name; the Indian, for example, called the Sun paints a sun; at the right he traces the animals which are the symbols of the nation and family to which he belongs. That of the nation is above the one representing the family, and the beak or muzzle of the former is so placed that it corresponds to the place of his right ear, as if this symbolic figure of his nation represented its spirit, which inspires him. If this Indian is returning from war, he represents beneath his portrait the number of warriors composing the party which he leads, and beneath the warriors the number of prisoners made and those whom he has killed by his own hand. At the left side are indicated his expeditions and the prisoners or scalps taken by those of his party. The warriors are represented with their weapons or simply by lines; the prisoners by the stick decorated with feathers and by the chichikoue or tortoise-shell rattle, which are the marks of their slavery; the scalps or the dead by the figures of men, women, or children without heads. The number of expeditions is designated by mats. He distinguishes those which he has accompanied from those which he has commanded by adding strings [of wampum] to the latter. If the Indian goes as an ambassador of peace all the symbols are of a pacific nature. He is represented below his portrait with the calumet in his hand; at the left is seen an enlarged figure of the calumet, the symbolic figure of the nation with which he goes to treat, and the number of those who accompany him on the embassy.

The Indian, to create his portrait, draws a simple outline in the shape of a head, adding very few marks to indicate the eyes, nose, ears, or other facial features. Instead, he depicts the designs tattooed on his own face and chest, which are unique to him and help him stand out, not just to those who have seen him, but also to anyone who knows him by reputation and recognizes his symbolic tattoos, much like individuals in Europe were identified by their personal emblems and families by their coats of arms. Around his head, he paints the symbol that represents his name; for instance, if his name is Sun, he paints a sun. To the right, he outlines the animals that symbolize his nation and family. The national symbol is placed above the family one, with the beak or snout of the former aligning with his right ear, as if this figure represents the spirit of his nation, inspiring him. If this Indian has returned from war, he shows below his portrait the number of warriors in the party he leads, and beneath them, he lists the number of prisoners captured and those he has killed himself. On the left side, he marks his expeditions and the prisoners or scalps taken by his group. The warriors are depicted with their weapons or simply as lines; the prisoners are represented by a stick adorned with feathers and by a chichikoue or tortoise-shell rattle, which signify their status as captives; the scalps or the dead are shown by figures of men, women, or children without heads. The number of expeditions is indicated by mats. He differentiates between those he has accompanied and those he has commanded by adding strings of wampum to the latter. If the Indian is serving as an ambassador for peace, all his symbols convey peaceful intentions. He is depicted below his portrait holding the calumet; to the left, there is a larger image of the calumet, the symbol of the nation he is negotiating with, and the number of companions joining him on the mission.

The same author, on page 194 of the same volume, explains how the mat or mattress came to mean war:

The same author, on page 194 of the same volume, explains how the mat or mattress came to mean war:

The Iroquois and the Hurons call war n’ondoutagette and gaskenrhagette. The final verb gagetton, which is found in the composition of these two words, and which signifies to bear or to carry, shows, verily, that heretofore something was borne to it [i. e., to war], which was a symbol of it [i. e., of war] to such a degree that it [war] had assumed its [the symbol’s] designation. The term ondouta signifies the down [the wool-like substance] which is taken from the ear [cat-tails] of marsh reeds, and it also denotes the entire plant, which they use in making the mattresses [nattes] upon which they lie; so that it appears that they applied this term to war because every warrior in this kind of expeditions carried with him his own mattress; in fact, the mattress is still to-day the symbol employed in their hieroglyphic picture-writing to denote the number of their campaigns.

The Iroquois and the Hurons call war n’ondoutagette and gaskenrhagette. The last verb gagetton, which appears in these two words and means to bear or to carry, clearly indicates that something was taken to war that served as a symbol of it to such an extent that the war came to be named after that symbol. The term ondouta refers to the down from the cat-tails of marsh reeds, and it also means the entire plant, which they use for making the mattresses they sleep on; thus, it seems they used this term for war because every warrior on these kinds of expeditions brought his own mattress with him. In fact, the mattress is still today the symbol used in their hieroglyphic picture-writing to indicate the number of their campaigns.

Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, in Science, April 1, 1892, has gone deeper into the etymology of the words quoted, but coincides generally with Father Lafitau in the explanation that they were denotive of the custom of the Iroquoian warrior to carry his mattress when on the warpath.

Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, in Science, April 1, 1892, has explored the origins of the quoted words in more detail, but generally agrees with Father Lafitau's explanation that they referred to the custom of the Iroquoian warrior to carry his mattress when going to battle.

Figs. 782 and 783 are reproductions of Lafitau’s (c) illustrations, which were explained as follows by him:

Figs. 782 and 783 are reproductions of Lafitau’s (c) illustrations, which he explained as follows:

Fig. 782.—Record of battle.

Fig. 782.—Battle record.

Fig. 782 shows that the Indian called Two-Feathers, a b, of the Crane nation c, and the Buffalo family d, accompanied by fifteen warriors h, has made one prisoner f, and taken three scalps g, on his sixth expedition k, and on the fourth, when he commanded it, i.

Fig. 782 shows that the Indian known as Two-Feathers, a b, from the Crane nation c, and the Buffalo family d, along with fifteen warriors h, has taken one prisoner f and collected three scalps g during his sixth expedition k, and on the fourth one, which he led i.

Fig. 783.—Record of battle.

Fig. 783.—Battle record.

Fig. 783 relates that the Indian named Two-Arrows a, of the nation of the Deer c, and the Wolf family d, has gone as an ambassador bearing the calumet of peace to the Bear nation e, accompanied by thirty persons h. In both figures the Indian is not only represented by his “hieroglyph,” but he is also pictured at full length in the first with his arms, and in the second holding the calumet and the rattle.

Fig. 783 states that an Indian named Two-Arrows a, from the Deer nation c and the Wolf family d, has gone as an ambassador carrying the peace pipe to the Bear nation e, accompanied by thirty people h. In both images, the Indian is depicted not only by his “hieroglyph,” but he is also shown in full length in the first image with his arms, and in the second holding the peace pipe and the rattle.

Fig. 784.—Battle of 1797. Ojibwa.

Fig. 784.—1797 Battle. Ojibwa.

A historical record relating to a fight between the Ojibwa and the Dakota ninety-one years ago is given in Fig. 784. The following narrative was given by the draftsman of the record, an Ojibwa:

A historical record about a battle between the Ojibwa and the Dakota ninety-one years ago is shown in Fig. 784. The following story was shared by the creator of the record, an Ojibwa:

Ninety-one winters ago (A. D. 1797) twenty-five Ojibwa were encamped on a small lake, o, called Zi'zabe'gamik, just west of Mille Lacs, Minnesota. The chief’s lodge, a, was erected a short distance from the lake, m, where the Indians had been hunting, and as he felt unsafe on account of the hostile Sioux he directed some of his warriors to reconnoiter south of the lower lake, where they soon discovered a body of three hundred of their enemies. The chief of the reconnoitering party, b, sent back word for the women and children to be removed to a place of safety, but three of the old women refused to go. Their lodges are represented in c, d, and e. Five Ojibwa escaped through the brush, in a northwest direction (indicated in f).

Ninety-one winters ago (A.D. 1797), twenty-five Ojibwa were camping by a small lake, o, called Zi'zabe'gamik, just west of Mille Lacs, Minnesota. The chief's lodge, a, was set up a short distance from the lake, m, where the Indians had been hunting. Feeling threatened by the hostile Sioux, he ordered some of his warriors to scout south of the lower lake, where they soon found a group of three hundred enemies. The leader of the scouting party, b, sent a message for the women and children to move to a safer place, but three of the older women refused to leave. Their lodges are shown in c, d, and e. Five Ojibwa managed to escape through the brush, heading northwest (shown in f).

The Sioux surrounded the lake and the fight took place on the ice. Twenty of the Ojibwa were killed, the last to die being the chief of the party, who, from appearances, was beaten to death with a tomahawk; g represents three bearskins; h, i, and j, respectively, deer, grouse, and turtle, the kinds of game hunted there during the several seasons.[557] The canoe k indicates the manner of hunting along the shore and the stream connecting the lakes, l, m, and o.

The Sioux surrounded the lake, and the fight happened on the ice. Twenty Ojibwa were killed, with the last to die being the chief of the group, who appeared to have been beaten to death with a tomahawk; g represents three bearskins; h, i, and j represent deer, grouse, and turtle, the types of game hunted there during the different seasons.[557] The canoe k shows the way of hunting along the shore and the stream connecting the lakes, l, m, and o.

The Ojibwa frequently spent part of a season at the middle lake, m, and at another time had been engaged in a skirmish with the Sioux farther north, on the small lake indicated at o. The Ojibwa had been scattered about, but when the attack was made by the Sioux the former rapidly came to the rescue both by boat, p, and on foot, q, so that the enemy was gradually driven off. In the first mentioned battle 70 Sioux were killed, their bodies being subsequently buried in the lake by cutting holes through the ice. The openings are shown at r, the lines representing bodies ready to be cast down into the water.

The Ojibwa often spent part of a season at the middle lake, m, and at another time they had been involved in a skirmish with the Sioux further north, at the small lake marked as o. The Ojibwa had been spread out, but when the Sioux launched their attack, the Ojibwa quickly came to their aid by both boat, p, and on foot, q, driving the enemy away little by little. In the first battle mentioned, 70 Sioux were killed, and their bodies were later buried in the lake by cutting holes through the ice. The openings are marked at r, with the lines representing the bodies ready to be lowered into the water.

Baron Lahontan (b) says:

Baron Lahontan (b) states:

When a Party of (Algonkin) Savages have routed their enemies in any Place whatsoever, the Conquerors take care to pull the Bark off the Trees for the height of five or six Foot in all Places where they stop in returning to their own Country; and in honour of their Victory paint certain images with Coal pounded and beat up with[558] Fat and Oyl. These Pictures continue upon the peel’d Tree for ten or twelve Years, as if they were Grav’d, without being defac’d by the Rain.

When a group of Algonquin warriors has defeated their enemies anywhere, the victors make sure to strip the bark off trees about five or six feet high at every place they stop while returning to their homeland. To celebrate their victory, they paint specific images using coal that’s ground up and mixed with fat and oil. These paintings last on the stripped trees for ten to twelve years, as if they were carved, without being ruined by the rain.[558]

The same author, on page 86, et seq., of the same volume, gives an illustration, with descriptive explanation, of a pictographic record supposed to be made by the Canadian Algonquins. The explanation is useful as indicating the principles of pictography adopted by the North American Indians for a record of that character, but it is not deemed proper to reproduce the illustration here. It has often been copied, but it is misleading in its artistic details. It is obviously drawn by a European artist as his own interpretation of a verbal description of the record.

The same author, on page 86, et seq., of the same volume, provides an example, along with a description, of a pictographic record thought to be created by the Canadian Algonquins. The description is helpful for understanding the principles of pictography used by North American Indians for this type of record, but it’s not appropriate to reproduce the illustration here. It has been copied many times, but it can be misleading in its artistic details. It is clearly created by a European artist interpreting a verbal description of the record.

The more valuable parts of the explanation are condensed as follows, the quaint literation of the early translation being retained:

The more important parts of the explanation are summarized as follows, keeping the old wording of the early translation:

The Arms of France, with an Ax above. Now the Ax is a Symbol of War among the Savages as the Calumet is the Bond of Peace: So that this imports that the French have taken up the Ax, or have made a Warlike Expedition with as many tens of Men as there are Marks or Points Round the Figure. These marks are eighteen in number and so they signifie an Hundred and eighty Warriors.

The Arms of France, featuring an Ax above. The Ax represents War among the Savages, just as the Calumet symbolizes Peace: This means that the French have taken up the Ax or launched a Warlike Expedition with as many tens of Men as there are Marks or Points around the Figure. There are eighteen marks, which signifies one hundred and eighty Warriors.

A Mountain that represents the City of Monreal and the Fowl upon the Wing at the top signifies Departure. The Moon upon the Back of the Stag signifies the first Quarter of the July Moon which is call’d the Stag-Moon.

A mountain that represents the city of Monreal, and the bird in flight at the top symbolizes departure. The moon on the back of the stag represents the first quarter of the July moon, which is called the stag moon.

A Canow, importing that they have travel’d by Water as many Days as you see Huts in the Figure, i. e., 21 Days [the huts undoubtedly mean stopping places for night shelters].

A Canow, indicating that they have traveled by water for as many days as the number of huts you see in the figure, i.e., 21 days [the huts clearly refer to overnight stopping places].

A foot, importing that after their Voyage by Water they march’d on Foot as many Days as there are Huts design’d; that is, seven Days Journeys for Warriors, each Days Journey being as much as five common French Leagues, or five of those which are reckon’d to be twenty in a Degree.

A foot means that after their journey by water, they traveled on foot for as many days as there are huts planned; that is, seven days of travel for warriors, with each day's journey equal to about five standard French leagues, or five of those that are counted as twenty in a degree.

A Hand and three Huts, which signifie that they are got within three Days Journey of the Iroquese Tsonnontouans [Senecas], whose Arms are a Hut with two trees leaning downwards, as you see them drawn. The Sun imports that they were just to the Eastward of the Village.

A Hand and three Huts, which means they are located within a three-day journey of the Iroquese Tsonnontouans [Senecas], whose emblem is a Hut with two trees leaning downward, as shown in the drawing. The Sun indicates that they were directly to the east of the Village.

Twelve marks, signifying so many times ten Men like those last mentioned. The Hut with two Trees being the Arms of the Tsonnontouans, shows that they were of that Nation; and the Man in a lying posture speaks that they were surpris’d.

Twelve marks, representing ten men each, just like the ones previously mentioned. The hut with two trees, which is the emblem of the Tsonnontouans, indicates that they belonged to that nation; the man lying down suggests that they were taken by surprise.

In this row there appears a Club and eleven Heads, importing that they had kill’d eleven Tsonnontouans, and the five men standing upright upon the five Marks signifie that they took as many times ten prisoners of War.

In this row, there’s a Club and eleven Heads, indicating that they killed eleven Tsonnontouans, and the five men standing upright on the five Marks signify that they took as many as fifty prisoners of War.

Nine Heads in an Arch [i. e., Bow] the meaning of which is, that nine of the Aggressors or of the Victorious side were kill’d; and the twelve Marks underneath signifie that as many were Wounded.

Nine Heads in an Arch [i.e., Bow] means that nine of the Aggressors or Victorious side were killed; and the twelve Marks underneath indicate that as many were wounded.

Arrows flying in the air, some to one side and some to the other, importing a vigorous Defence on both sides.

Arrows flying through the air, some to one side and some to the other, showing a strong defense on both sides.

The arrows all point one way, which speaks the worsted Party either flying or fighting upon a Retreat in disorder.

The arrows all point in one direction, indicating that the worsted Party is either fleeing or desperately defending itself during a disorganized retreat.

The meaning of the whole is: A hundred and eighty French soldiers set out from Montreal in the first quarter of the month of July and sailed twenty-one days; after which they marched 35 leagues over land and surprised 120 Senecas on the east side of their village, 11 of whom were killed and 50 taken prisoners; the French sustaining the loss of 9 killed and 12 wounded, after a very obstinate engagement.

The overall meaning is: One hundred and eighty French soldiers left Montreal in early July and sailed for twenty-one days; then they marched 35 leagues on land and surprised 120 Senecas on the east side of their village, killing 11 and capturing 50; the French lost 9 killed and 12 wounded after a very fierce battle.

Fig. 785 is a reproduction of a drawing by a Winnebago Indian of[559] the battle of Hard river, fought against a large force of Sioux by Gen. Sully’s command, with which was a company of Winnebagos.

Fig. 785 is a reproduction of a drawing by a Winnebago Indian of[559] the battle of Hard River, fought against a large force of Sioux by Gen. Sully’s command, which included a company of Winnebagos.

Fig. 785.—Battle of Hard river, Winnebago.

Fig. 785.—Battle of Hard River, Winnebago.

a. Gen. Sully’s camp, on the left bank of Hard river, from which camp the company of Winnebagos were sent across the river.

a. General Sully’s camp, on the left bank of the Hard River, from which camp the group of Winnebagos was sent across the river.

b. The Winnebagos skirmishing with a party of hostile Sioux. Two Winnebagos, having gone ahead of the main party, came first upon about thirty Sioux, who immediately gave chase. The two Winnebagos are represented endeavoring to escape arrows from pursuing Sioux flying about them, and the blood from the horse of one of them flowing over the ground. The rest of the Winnebagos are coming to rescue their companions.

b. The Winnebagos were in a conflict with a group of hostile Sioux. Two Winnebagos, who had gone ahead of the main group, were the first to encounter about thirty Sioux, who immediately started chasing them. The two Winnebagos are depicted trying to evade arrows from the pursuing Sioux, which are flying around them, while blood from one of their horse's wounds spills onto the ground. The rest of the Winnebagos are rushing in to help their companions.

c. Gen. Sully’s entire force, after crossing Hard river, were assailed by a number of Sioux. Gen. Sully’s forces formed in hollow square to repulse the Sioux, who with loud yells went galloping about them, trying to stampede horses or throw his men into confusion.

c. General Sully’s entire force, after crossing Hard River, was attacked by a group of Sioux. General Sully’s troops formed a hollow square to defend against the Sioux, who, with loud shouts, rode around them, trying to scare the horses or throw his men into chaos.

d. The camp of the Sioux, the women and children escaping over the hills. One squaw was left in the camp and with her papoose is seen. One of the Sioux previously wounded was found dead and was scalped, a representation of which operation the artist has given.

d. The Sioux camp, with women and children fleeing over the hills. One woman was left behind in the camp, visible with her baby. One of the previously wounded Sioux was found dead and had been scalped, which the artist has depicted.

Fig. 786.—Battle between Ojibwa and Sioux.

Fig. 786.—Fight between the Ojibwa and Sioux.

Fig. 786 is a copy of a birch-bark record made and also explained by the leader of the expedition referred to.

Fig. 786 is a copy of a birch-bark record created and explained by the leader of the expedition mentioned.

In 1858 a war party of Mille Lacs Ojibwa Indians, a, under the leadership of Shahâsh'king, b, went to attack Shákopi’s camp, c, of Sioux at St. Peter’s river, d. Shákopi is represented at e. The Ojibwa lost one man, f, at the St. Peter’s river, while the Ojibwa killed five Sioux, but succeeded in securing only one arm of an Indian, g.

In 1858, a war party of Mille Lacs Ojibwa Indians, a, led by Shahâsh'king, b, went to attack Shákopi’s camp, c, of Sioux at St. Peter’s River, d. Shákopi is depicted at e. The Ojibwa lost one man, f, at St. Peter’s River, while they killed five Sioux but only managed to secure one arm of an Indian, g.

The line h is the trail followed between Mille Lacs, a, and Shákopi’s camp, c. The spots at c designate the location of lodges, while the vertical line with short ones extending from it, i, signifies the prairie with trees growing near camp.

The line h marks the path taken between Mille Lacs, a, and Shákopi’s camp, c. The spots at c indicate where the lodges are located, while the vertical line with shorter lines branching off, i, represents the prairie with trees growing close to the camp.

Fig. 787.—Megaque’s last battle.

Fig. 787.—Megaque's final battle.

Fig. 787 is the pictorial story of Megaque’s last battle, drawn on birch bark by the Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, with his interpreted description.

Fig. 787 is the illustrated account of Megaque's final battle, created on birch bark by the Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, along with his interpreted description.

In the old times there was a certain Indian chief and hunter. He was so cruel and brave in time of war and his success in conquering his enemies and taking so many scalps was so great that he was called Megaque, or the Scalping Man. In hunting seasons he always went to his hunting grounds with his warriors to defend and guard their hunting grounds from the trespassing of other hunters. He was well known by other Indians for his bravery and his cruelty to his prisoners. He conquered so many other warriors and tortured them that he was hated, and they tried to capture him alive. Some of the warriors from other tribes gathered an army and marched to his hunting grounds when they knew that he could not escape from their hands. When they come near where he is they send messengers to him and notify him of the approaching army; he is out hunting when they reach his camp, but they make marks on a piece of birch bark, a figure of an Indian warrior with tomahawk in one hand and spear in the other, similar to that seen in g, which is put up in a village of wigwams, i. When Megaque returned from his hunt and found someone had visited him during his absence, he also found the pieces of bark which read to mean a band of warriors. He has no time. He was so brave and proud he did not try to escape. In a day or two the band of warriors had reached him. After fighting, when he killed many as usual, he was finally captured and taken to the enemy’s country to be tortured. He can stand all the usual tortures bravely and sing his usual war songs while he is tormented. Finally he was killed.

In ancient times, there was an Indian chief and hunter known for his cruelty and bravery in battle. His success in defeating his enemies and collecting many scalps earned him the nickname Megaque, or the Scalping Man. During hunting seasons, he would always head to his hunting grounds with his warriors to protect them from intruding hunters. He was well-known among other tribes for his fearless nature and harsh treatment of prisoners. He defeated so many warriors and inflicted such torture that he became hated, and others sought to capture him. Some warriors from neighboring tribes joined forces and marched to his hunting grounds when they realized he was trapped. As they approached, they sent messengers to inform him about the impending army; he was hunting when they arrived at his camp, but they marked a piece of birch bark with a drawing of an Indian warrior holding a tomahawk in one hand and a spear in the other, similar to the depiction in g, displayed in a village of wigwams, i. When Megaque came back from his hunt and discovered that someone had visited during his absence, he also found the bark which indicated a group of warriors. There was no time for him to flee. He was too brave and proud to attempt an escape. A day or two later, the group of warriors reached him. After a fierce battle where he killed many as usual, he was ultimately captured and taken to the enemy’s territory to be tortured. He endured all the usual tortures with courage, singing his war songs even as he suffered. In the end, he was killed.

The following is the explanation of the details: a, Megaque; b, his braves; c, the course by which the enemy comes; d, e, f, Megaque’s rivers and lakes; g, the enemy; h, their warriors; i, their village; j, river boundary line.

The following is the explanation of the details: a, Megaque; b, his warriors; c, the path the enemy takes; d, e, f, Megaque’s rivers and lakes; g, the enemy; h, their fighters; i, their village; j, river boundary line.

The figures now following are those notices of battle pictured in the several Winter Counts which have been selected as being of more than ordinary interest either from the importance and notoriety of the events or from their mode of delineation:

The figures that follow are the battle notices depicted in the various Winter Counts, chosen for their notable interest either because of the significance and recognition of the events or due to the way they are illustrated:

Fig. 788.

Fig. 788.

Fig. 788.—The Oglalas killed three lodges of Omahas. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1785-’86. The Omaha is prostrate and scalped.

Fig. 788.—The Oglalas killed three groups of Omahas. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1785-’86. The Omaha is down and scalped.

Fig. 789.

Fig. 789.

Fig. 789.—The Omahas made an assault on a Dakota village. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1802-’03. Bullets are flying back and forth. The single rider represents the whole of the troop. He is partially covered by the shield and the horse’s neck, behind which he hangs in a manner common among the Indian horsemen. The ornamented shield with its device of a[562] displayed eagle, and the lance with eagle feather for a pennon, recalls the equipments of chivalry.

Fig. 789.—The Omahas launched an attack on a Dakota village. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1802-’03. Bullets are flying in both directions. The lone rider represents the entire troop. He is partially shielded by the shield and the horse’s neck, hanging in a way typical of Indian horsemen. The decorated shield with its design of a[562] displayed eagle, and the lance with an eagle feather for a pennon, evoke the gear of chivalry.

Fig. 790.

Fig. 790.

Fig. 790.—The Dakotas and Pawnees fought on the ice on the North Platte river. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The Dakotas were on the north side (the right-hand side in the figure), the Pawnees on the south side (the left in the figure). Horsemen and footmen on the left are opposed to footmen on the right. Both sides have guns and bows, as shown by the bullet-marks and the arrows. Blood-stains are on the ice.

Fig. 790.—The Dakotas and Pawnees fought on the ice of the North Platte river. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The Dakotas were on the north side (the right side in the figure), and the Pawnees were on the south side (the left side in the figure). Horsemen and foot soldiers on the left faced off against foot soldiers on the right. Both sides carried guns and bows, as indicated by the bullet marks and arrows. Blood stains are visible on the ice.

Fig. 791.

Fig. 791.

Fig. 791.—The Dakotas fought the Pawnees across the ice on the North Platte. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The man on the left is a Pawnee. This is a variant of the preceding figure, far less graphically expressed.

Fig. 791.—The Dakotas battled the Pawnees on the ice of the North Platte. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The man on the left is a Pawnee. This is a different version of the previous figure, presented in a much less vivid way.

Fig. 792.

Fig. 792.

Fig. 792.—The Dakotas fought with the Cheyennes. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1834-’35. The stripes on the arm are for Cheyenne, as before explained.

Fig. 792.—The Dakotas fought with the Cheyennes. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1834-’35. The stripes on the arm represent the Cheyenne, as explained earlier.

Fig. 793.

Fig. 793.

Fig. 793.—White-Bull and thirty other Oglalas were killed by the Crows and Shoshoni. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1845-’46.

Fig. 793.—White Bull and thirty other Oglalas were killed by the Crows and Shoshoni. American Horse’s Winter Count, 1845-’46.

Fig. 794.

Fig. 794.

Fig. 794.—Mato-wayuhi, Conquering-Bear, was killed by white soldiers, and thirty white soldiers were killed by the Dakotas, 9 miles below Fort Laramie. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1854-’55. The thirty black dots in three lines stand for the soldiers, and a red stain at the end of the line, starting from the pictured discharge of a gun, means killed. The head covered[563] with a fatigue cap further shows the soldiers were white. Indian soldiers are usually represented in a circle or semicircle. The gesture-sign for white soldier means “all in line,” and is made by placing the nearly closed hands, with palms forward and thumbs near together, in front of the body and then separating them laterally about 2 feet.

Fig. 794.—Mato-wayuhi, Conquering-Bear, was killed by white soldiers, and thirty white soldiers were killed by the Dakotas, 9 miles below Fort Laramie. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1854-’55. The thirty black dots in three lines represent the soldiers, and a red stain at the end of the line, starting from the pictured discharge of a gun, signifies killed. The head covered with a fatigue cap further indicates that the soldiers were white. Indian soldiers are typically shown in a circle or semicircle. The gesture-sign for white soldier means “all in line,” and is made by placing the nearly closed hands, with palms forward and thumbs close together, in front of the body and then spreading them laterally about 2 feet.

Fig. 795.

Fig. 795.

Fig. 795.—The Dakotas killed one hundred white men at Fort Phil. Kearny. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1866-’67. The hats and the cap-covered head represent the whites; the red spots, the killed; the circle of characters around them, rifle or arrow shots; the black strokes, Dakota footmen; and the hoof-prints, Dakota horsemen. The Phil. Kearny massacre occurred December 21, 1866, and eighty-two whites were killed, including officers, citizens, and enlisted men. Capt. W. J. Fetterman was in command of the party.

Fig. 795.—The Dakotas killed one hundred white men at Fort Phil. Kearny. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1866-’67. The hats and cap-covered heads represent the white men; the red spots indicate the killed; the characters around them represent rifle or arrow shots; the black strokes represent Dakota foot soldiers; and the hoof prints belong to Dakota cavalry. The Phil. Kearny massacre took place on December 21, 1866, resulting in the deaths of eighty-two white men, including officers, civilians, and enlisted personnel. Capt. W. J. Fetterman was in charge of the group.

THE BATTLE OF THE LITTLE BIGHORN.

Dr. Charles E. McChesney, acting assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, has communicated a most valuable and unique account, both in carefully noted gesture-signs and in pictographs, of the battle, now much discussed, which was fought in Montana on June 25, 1876, and is popularly but foolishly styled “Custer’s massacre.” If the intended surprise, with the object of killing as many Indians as possible, had been successful instead of being a disastrous defeat, any surviving Indians might with some propriety have spoken of “Custer’s massacre.” The account now presented in one of its forms, was given by Red-Horse, a Sioux chief and a prominent actor in the battle. The form which gives the relation in gesture-signs and shows the syntax of the sign-language perhaps better than any published narrative, will be inserted in a work now in preparation by the present writer to be issued by the Bureau of Ethnology. The narrative, closely translated into simple English, is given below. Accompanying the record of signs are forty-one sheets of manila paper, besides one map of the battle ground, all drawn by Red-Horse, which average 24 by 26 inches, most of them being colored. These may either be considered as illustrations of the signs or the signs may be considered as descriptive of the pictographs. It is impossible to reproduce now this mass of drawing on any scale which would not be too minute for appreciation. It has been decided to present, with necessary reduction from the above-mentioned dimensions, the map and nine of the typical sheets in Pls. XXXIX to XLVIII. Indeed, without considering the space required, there would be small advantage in reproducing all of the sheets, as they are made objectionable by monotonous repetitions.

Dr. Charles E. McChesney, acting assistant surgeon in the U.S. Army, has shared a highly valuable and unique account of the much-discussed battle that took place in Montana on June 25, 1876, often mistakenly referred to as “Custer’s massacre.” If the plan for a surprise attack aimed at killing as many Native Americans as possible had succeeded rather than resulting in a devastating defeat, any surviving Native Americans might have justifiably referred to it as “Custer’s massacre.” The account being presented now comes from Red-Horse, a Sioux chief and key participant in the battle. The version that illustrates the events through gesture-signs and effectively showcases the syntax of sign language may serve as a better representation than any existing narrative and will be included in a forthcoming work by the author, which will be published by the Bureau of Ethnology. Below is a close translation of the narrative into simple English. Along with the sign records, there are forty-one sheets of manila paper, plus one map of the battleground, all created by Red-Horse, with an average size of 24 by 26 inches, most of which are in color. These sheets can either be viewed as illustrations of the signs or as signs that describe the pictographs. It is impractical to reproduce this collection of drawings at any size that would be suitable for proper appreciation. Therefore, it has been decided to present the map and nine of the representative sheets in Pls. XXXIX to XLVIII with necessary reductions from the aforementioned dimensions. In fact, even without considering the space required, reproducing all of the sheets would offer little benefit as they contain repetitive elements that diminish their quality.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIX
MAP OF LITTLE BIG HORN BATTLE FIELD.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIX
MAP OF LITTLE BIG HORN BATTLEFIELD.

Here follows the story of Red-Horse. Pl. XXXIX is the map of the[564] Little-Bighorn battlefield and adjacent territory, embracing part of Montana and the Dakotas, drawn at Cheyenne River agency, South Dakota, in 1881. The map as now presented is reduced to one-sixteenth from the original, which is drawn in colors on a sheet of manila paper. The letters were not on the original and are inserted only for reference from the descriptive text, as follows:

Here’s the story of Red-Horse. Pl. XXXIX is the map of the[564] Little-Bighorn battlefield and surrounding area, covering parts of Montana and the Dakotas, created at Cheyenne River agency, South Dakota, in 1881. The map presented here is scaled down to one-sixteenth of the original, which is colored on a sheet of manila paper. The letters were not in the original and have been added only for reference from the descriptive text, as follows:

a, Wind River mountains, called by the Sioux “the Enemies’ mountains.”

a, Wind River mountains, referred to by the Sioux as “the Enemies' mountains.”

b, Bighorn mountains.

Bighorn Mountains.

c, Missouri river.

C, Missouri River.

d, Yellowstone river.

Yellowstone River.

e, Bighorn river.

Bighorn River.

f, Little Bighorn river, called by the Sioux Greasy Grass creek and Grass Greasy creek.

f, Little Bighorn River, known by the Sioux as Greasy Grass Creek and Grass Greasy Creek.

g, Indian camp.

g, Indian camp.

h, battlefield.

h, battleground.

i, Dry creek.

i, Dry creek.

j, Rosebud river.

Rosebud River.

k, Tongue river.

K, Tongue River.

l, Powder river.

Powder River.

m, Little Missouri river.

Little Missouri River.

n, Cheyenne river, called by the Sioux Good river. The North and South Forks are drawn but not lettered.

n, Cheyenne River, known by the Sioux as Good River. The North and South Forks are shown but not labeled.

o, Bear butte.

o, Bear Butte.

p, Black hills.

p, Black Hills.

q, Cheyenne agency.

q, Cheyenne agency.

r, Moreau or Owl creek.

r, Moreau or Owl Creek.

s, Thin butte.

s, Slim butte.

t, Rainy butte.

Rainy butte.

u, White butte.

u, White Butte.

v, Grand or Ree river.

Grand or Ree River.

w, Ree village.

Ree village.

x, White Earth river.

x, White Earth River.

y, Fort Buford.

Fort Buford.

Five springs ago I, with many Sioux Indians, took down and packed up our tipis and moved from Cheyenne river to the Rosebud river, where we camped a few days; then took down and packed up our lodges and moved to the Little Bighorn river and pitched our lodges with the large camp of Sioux.

Five springs ago, I, along with many Sioux Indians, took down and packed up our tipis and moved from the Cheyenne River to the Rosebud River, where we camped for a few days; then we took down and packed up our lodges again and moved to the Little Bighorn River, setting up our lodges with the large camp of Sioux.

The Sioux were camped on the Little Bighorn river as follows: The lodges of the Uncpapas were pitched highest up the river under a bluff. The Santee lodges were pitched next. The Oglala’s lodges were pitched next. The Brulé lodges were pitched next. The Minneconjou lodges were pitched next. The Sans Arcs’ lodges were pitched next. The Blackfeet lodges were pitched next. The Cheyenne lodges were pitched next. A few Arikara Indians were among the Sioux (being without lodges of their own). Two-Kettles, among the other Sioux (without lodges). [Pl. XL shows the Indian camp.]

The Sioux were camped by the Little Bighorn River like this: The Uncpapa lodges were set up highest up the river under a bluff. Next were the Santee lodges. Following them were the Oglala's lodges. After that came the Brulé lodges. Then the Minneconjou lodges were set up. Next were the Sans Arcs' lodges. The Blackfeet lodges were pitched next. The Cheyenne lodges followed. A few Arikara Indians were with the Sioux (since they didn’t have lodges of their own). Two-Kettles were among the other Sioux (also without lodges). [Pl. XL shows the Indian camp.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XL
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. INDIAN CAMP.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XL
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. INDIAN CAMP.

I was a Sioux chief in the council lodge. My lodge was pitched in the center of the camp. The day of the attack I and four women were a short distance from the camp digging wild turnips. Suddenly one of the women attracted my attention to a cloud of dust rising a short distance from camp. I soon saw that the soldiers were charging the camp. [Pl. XLI shows the soldiers charging the Indian camp.] To the camp I and the women ran. When I arrived a person told me to hurry to the council lodge. The soldiers charged so quickly we could not talk (council). We came out of the council lodge and talked in all directions. The Sioux mount horses, take guns, and go fight the soldiers. Women and children mount horses and go, meaning to get out of the way.

I was a Sioux chief in the council lodge. My lodge was set up in the center of the camp. On the day of the attack, I and four women were a short distance from the camp digging wild turnips. Suddenly, one of the women pointed out a cloud of dust rising nearby. I quickly realized that the soldiers were charging the camp. [Pl. XLI shows the soldiers charging the Indian camp.] The women and I ran to the camp. When I got there, someone told me to hurry to the council lodge. The soldiers charged so fast that we couldn't talk (council). We came out of the council lodge and started talking in every direction. The Sioux mounted their horses, grabbed guns, and went to fight the soldiers. Women and children mounted horses and left, trying to get out of the way.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLI
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SOLDIERS CHARGING INDIAN CAMP.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLI
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SOLDIERS CHARGING INDIAN CAMP.

Among the soldiers was an officer who rode a horse with four white feet. [From Dr. McChesney’s memoranda this officer was Capt. French, Seventh Cavalry.] The Sioux have for a long time fought many brave men of different people, but the Sioux say this officer was the bravest man they had ever fought. I don’t know whether this was Gen. Custer or not. Many of the Sioux men that I hear talking tell me it was. I saw this officer in the fight many times, but did not see his body. It has[565] been told me that he was killed by a Santee Indian, who took his horse. This officer wore a large-brimmed hat and a deerskin coat. This officer saved the lives of many soldiers by turning his horse and covering the retreat. Sioux say this officer was the bravest man they ever fought. I saw two officers looking alike, both having long yellowish hair.

Among the soldiers was an officer who rode a horse with four white feet. [From Dr. McChesney’s notes, this officer was Capt. French, Seventh Cavalry.] The Sioux have long battled many brave men from different groups, but the Sioux say this officer was the bravest man they had ever faced. I'm not sure if this was Gen. Custer or not. Many Sioux men I've heard talking tell me it was. I saw this officer in the fight many times, but I didn’t see his body. It has[565] been said that he was killed by a Santee Indian, who took his horse. This officer wore a large-brimmed hat and a deerskin coat. He saved the lives of many soldiers by turning his horse around and covering the retreat. The Sioux say this officer was the bravest man they ever fought. I saw two officers who looked alike, both having long yellowish hair.

Before the attack the Sioux were camped on the Rosebud river. Sioux moved down a river running into the Little Bighorn river, crossed the Little Bighorn river, and camped on its west bank.

Before the attack, the Sioux were camped along the Rosebud River. The Sioux moved down a river that flowed into the Little Bighorn River, crossed the Little Bighorn River, and set up camp on its west bank.

This day [day of attack] a Sioux man started to go to Red Cloud agency, but when he had gone a short distance from camp he saw a cloud of dust rising and turned back and said he thought a herd of buffalo was coming near the village.

This day [day of attack] a Sioux man began heading to Red Cloud agency, but after traveling a little way from camp, he noticed a cloud of dust rising. He turned around and said he thought a herd of buffalo was approaching the village.

The day was hot. In a short time the soldiers charged the camp. [This was Maj. Reno’s battalion of the Seventh Cavalry.] The soldiers came on the trail made by the Sioux camp in moving, and crossed the Little Bighorn river above where the Sioux crossed, and attacked the lodges of the Uncpapas, farthest up the river. The women and children ran down the Little Bighorn river a short distance into a ravine. The soldiers set fire to the lodges. All the Sioux now charged the soldiers [Pl. XLII] and drove them in confusion across the Little Bighorn river, which was very rapid, and several soldiers were drowned in it. On a hill the soldiers stopped and the Sioux surrounded them. A Sioux man came and said that a different party of soldiers had all the women and children prisoners. Like a whirlwind the word went around, and the Sioux all heard it and left the soldiers on the hill and went quickly to save the women and children.

The day was sweltering. Soon, the soldiers charged into the camp. [This was Major Reno’s battalion of the Seventh Cavalry.] The soldiers followed the trail left by the Sioux camp as they moved, crossed the Little Bighorn River above where the Sioux had crossed, and attacked the lodges of the Uncpapas, the furthest upriver. The women and children fled down the Little Bighorn River for a short way into a ravine. The soldiers set the lodges on fire. All the Sioux then charged at the soldiers [Pl. XLII] and pushed them back in chaos across the fast-moving Little Bighorn River, where several soldiers drowned. On a hill, the soldiers halted and the Sioux surrounded them. A Sioux man came up and said that another group of soldiers had captured all the women and children. Like a wildfire, the news spread, and the Sioux all heard it, abandoning the soldiers on the hill to rush off and rescue the women and children.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SIOUX CHARGING SOLDIERS.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SIOUX CHARGING SOLDIERS.

From the hill that the soldiers were on to the place where the different soldiers [by this term Red-Horse always means the battalion immediately commanded by General Custer, his mode of distinction being that they were a different body from that first encountered] were seen was level ground with the exception of a creek. Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill [i. e., Reno’s battalion] would charge them in rear, but when they did not the Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill were out of cartridges. As soon as we had killed all the different soldiers [Pl. XLIII shows the fighting with Custer’s battalion] the Sioux all went back to kill the soldiers on the hill. All the Sioux watched around the hill on which were the soldiers until a Sioux man came and said many walking soldiers were coming near. The coming of the walking soldiers was the saving of the soldiers on the hill. Sioux can not fight the walking soldiers [infantry], being afraid of them, so the Sioux hurriedly left.

From the hill where the soldiers were, to the spot where the different soldiers [by this term, Red-Horse always refers to the battalion directly commanded by General Custer, marking them as a separate group from the first encountered] could be seen, there was flat ground except for a creek. The Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill [i.e., Reno’s battalion] would charge them from the back, but when they didn't, they assumed the soldiers on the hill were out of ammo. Once we had killed all the different soldiers [Pl. XLIII shows the fighting with Custer’s battalion], the Sioux went back to attack the soldiers on the hill. All the Sioux kept an eye around the hill where the soldiers were until a Sioux man reported that many infantry soldiers were approaching. The arrival of the infantry soldiers saved the soldiers on the hill. The Sioux are unable to fight against the infantry, as they fear them, so they quickly withdrew.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SIOUX FIGHTING CUSTER’S BATTALION.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SIOUX FIGHTING CUSTER’S BATTALION.

The soldiers charged the Sioux camp about noon. The soldiers were divided, one party charging right into the camp. After driving these soldiers across the river, the Sioux charged the different soldiers [i. e., Custer’s] below, and drove them in confusion; these soldiers became foolish, many throwing away their guns and raising their hands, saying, “Sioux, pity us; take us prisoners.” The Sioux did not take a single soldier prisoner, but killed all of them; none were left alive for even a few minutes. These different soldiers discharged their guns but little. I took a gun and two belts off two dead soldiers; out of one belt two cartridges were gone, out of the other five.

The soldiers attacked the Sioux camp around noon. They were split up, with some charging straight into the camp. After pushing these soldiers across the river, the Sioux went after the rest of the soldiers [i.e., Custer’s] below, driving them into disarray; these soldiers lost their composure, many abandoning their guns and raising their hands, begging, “Sioux, have mercy on us; take us as prisoners.” The Sioux didn’t take any soldiers prisoner; they killed all of them; none were left alive for even a few minutes. The other soldiers barely fired their weapons. I took a gun and two belts from two dead soldiers; one belt had two cartridges missing, while the other had five.

The Sioux took the guns and cartridges off the dead soldiers and went to the hill on which the soldiers were, surrounded and fought them with the guns and cartridges of the dead soldiers. Had the soldiers not divided I think they would have killed many Sioux. The different soldiers [i. e., Custer’s battalion] that the Sioux killed made five brave stands. Once the Sioux charged right in the midst of the different soldiers and scattered them all, fighting among the soldiers hand to hand.

The Sioux took the guns and ammunition from the dead soldiers and went to the hill where the soldiers were. They surrounded them and fought using the weapons of the fallen soldiers. If the soldiers hadn’t split up, they might have killed many Sioux. The different soldiers (i.e., Custer’s battalion) that the Sioux defeated made five courageous stands. At one point, the Sioux charged right into the middle of the different soldiers and scattered them all, engaging in hand-to-hand combat.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIV
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. THE DEAD SIOUX.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIV
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. THE DEAD SIOUX.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLV
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. The Dead Sioux.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLV
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. The Fallen Sioux.

One band of soldiers was in rear of the Sioux. When this band of soldiers charged, the Sioux fell back, and the Sioux and the soldiers stood facing each other. Then all the Sioux became brave and charged the soldiers. The Sioux went but a short distance before they separated and surrounded the soldiers. I could see the officers riding in front of the soldiers and hear them shouting. Now the Sioux had many[566] killed. [Pls. XLIV and XLV show the dead Sioux.] The soldiers killed 136 and wounded 160 Sioux. The Sioux killed all these different soldiers in the ravine. [Pl. XLVI shows the dead cavalry of Custer’s battalion.]

One group of soldiers was positioned behind the Sioux. When this group charged, the Sioux fell back, and both sides faced each other. Then the Sioux rallied their courage and charged at the soldiers. They didn’t go far before splitting up and surrounding the soldiers. I could see the officers riding in front of the soldiers and hear them shouting. By now, many Sioux had been killed. [Pls. [566] show the dead Sioux.] The soldiers killed 136 and wounded 160 Sioux. The Sioux were responsible for killing various soldiers in the ravine. [Pl. XLVI shows the dead cavalry of Custer’s battalion.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVI
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Custer’s Dead Cavalry.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVI
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Custer’s Fallen Cavalry.

The soldiers charged the Sioux camp farthest up the river. A short time after the different soldiers charged the village below. While the different soldiers and Sioux were fighting together the Sioux chief said, “Sioux men, go watch the soldiers on the hill and prevent their joining the different soldiers.” The Sioux men took the clothing off the dead and dressed themselves in it. Among the soldiers were white men who were not soldiers. The Sioux dressed in the soldiers’ and white men’s clothing fought the soldiers on the hill.

The soldiers rushed toward the Sioux camp located upstream on the river. Soon after, other soldiers attacked the village downriver. While the soldiers and Sioux were engaged in battle, the Sioux chief instructed, “Sioux warriors, go keep an eye on the soldiers on the hill and stop them from joining the others.” The Sioux men stripped the dead of their clothes and put them on. Among the soldiers were white men who weren’t in uniform. The Sioux, dressed in the soldiers’ and white men’s clothing, fought against the soldiers on the hill.

The banks of the Little Bighorn river were high, and the Sioux killed many of the soldiers while crossing. The soldiers on the hill dug up the ground [i. e., made earthworks], and the soldiers and Sioux fought at long range, sometimes the Sioux charging close up. The fight continued at long range until a Sioux man saw the walking soldiers coming. When the walking soldiers came near the Sioux became afraid and ran away. [Pls. XLVII and XLVIII show the Indians leaving the battle ground.]

The banks of the Little Bighorn River were steep, and the Sioux took out many soldiers as they crossed. The soldiers on the hill dug into the earth to create defenses, and both the soldiers and Sioux exchanged fire from a distance, with the Sioux occasionally charging closer. The battle went on at range until a Sioux warrior spotted the marching soldiers approaching. When the marching soldiers got close, the Sioux became frightened and fled. [Pls. XLVII and XLVIII show the Indians leaving the battlefield.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. INDIANS LEAVING BATTLE GROUND.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. INDIANS LEAVING BATTLE GROUND.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVIII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Indians Leaving Battle Ground.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVIII
BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Indigenous People Leaving the Battlefield.

SECTION 3.
Migration Record.

Fig. 796.—Record of Ojibwa migration.

Fig. 796.—Ojibwa migration record.

Fig. 796 is a pictorial account of the migrations of the Ojibwa, being a reduced copy of a drawing made by Sika'ssigĕ'. The account, especially in its commencement, follows the rule of all ancient history in being mixed with religion and myth. The otter was the messenger of Mi'nabō'zho and led the Âni'shinabē'g, who were the old or original people, the ancestors of the Ojibwa, and also of some other tribes which they knew, from an island, which was the imagined center of the world as bounded by the visible horizon, to the last seats of the tribe before interference by Europeans. The details of the figure were thus explained by the draftsman:

Fig. 796 provides a visual story of the migrations of the Ojibwa, serving as a reduced copy of a drawing created by Sika'ssigĕ’. The narrative, especially at the beginning, aligns with the pattern of all ancient history, blending religious elements and mythology. The otter acted as the messenger of Mi'nabō'zho and guided the Âni'shinabē'g, who were the original people, the ancestors of the Ojibwa, along with some other tribes they recognized, from an island that was considered the center of the world as defined by the visible horizon, to the final locations of the tribe before European interference. The draftsman provided the following explanation for the figure:

a. The circle signifies the earth’s surface, bounded by the horizon, as before described, and the dot in the center is the imagined island or original home of the human race. b. A line separating the history of the Midē'wiwin, that is, the strictly religious tradition from that of the actual migration as follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, which fact is referred to by the spot c, he disappeared beneath the surface of the water and went toward the west, in which direction the Âni'shinabég followed him, and located at Ottawa island, d. Here they erected the Midē'wigân and lived for many years. Then the Otter again disappeared beneath the water, and it a short time reappeared at A'wiat'ang (e), when the Midē'wiwin was again erected and the sacred rites conducted in accordance with the teachings[567] of Mi'nabō'zho. Afterwards an interrupted migration was continued, the several resting places being given below in their proper order, and at each of them the rites of the Midē'wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to locate at was Mi'shenama'kinagung—Mackinaw (f); then Ne'mikung (g); Kiwe'winang' (h); Bâ'wating—Sault Ste. Marie (i); Tshiwi'towi' (j); Nega'wadjĕ'ŭ—Sand mountain (k), northern shore of Lake Superior; Mi'nisa'wik [Mi'nisa'bikkăng]—Island of Rocks (l); Kawa'sitshĭŭwongk'—Foaming rapids (m); Mush'kisi'wi [Mash'kisi'bi]—Bad river (n); Sha'gawâ'mikongk—“Long sand bar beneath the surface” (o); Wikwe'dânwong'gan—Sandy bay (p); Neâ'shiwĭkongk'—Cliff point (q); Neta-wa-ya-sink—Little point of sand bar (r); Ân'nibis—Little elm tree (s); Wikup'bin-minsh—Little island basswood (t); Makubin'-minsh—Bear island (u); Shage'skike'-dawan'ga (v); Ne'wigwas'sikongk—The place where bark is peeled (w); Ta'pakwe'-ĭkak [Sa'apakwe'shkwa'okongk]—The place where lodge-bark is obtained (x); Ne'uwesak'kudĕze'bi [Ne'wisak'udĕsi'bi]—Point dead wood timber river (y); Anibi'kanzi'bĭ [modern name Ashkiba'gisi'bĭ] rendered by different authorities both as Fish Spawn river, and “Green Leaf river” (z).

a. The circle represents the earth’s surface, outlined by the horizon, as previously mentioned, and the dot in the middle is the imagined island or the original home of humanity. b. A line distinguishes the history of the Midē'wiwin, which is the strictly religious tradition, from that of the actual migration as follows: After the Otter offered four prayers, indicated by the spot c, he vanished beneath the water's surface and headed west, where the Âni'shinabég followed him and settled at Ottawa Island, d. Here, they built the Midē'wigân and lived for many years. Then the Otter disappeared under the water again, and shortly after, he reappeared at A'wiat'ang (e), where the Midē'wiwin was rebuilt and the sacred rites were carried out according to Mi'nabō'zho's teachings[567]. Later, an interrupted migration continued with several stops listed below in the correct order, where the rites of the Midē'wiwin were performed in their entirety. The next location was Mi'shenama'kinagung—Mackinaw (f); then Ne'mikung (g); Kiwe'winang' (h); Bâ'wating—Sault Ste. Marie (i); Tshiwi'towi' (j); Nega'wadjĕ'ŭ—Sand Mountain (k), on the northern shore of Lake Superior; Mi'nisa'wik [Mi'nisa'bikkăng]—Island of Rocks (l); Kawa'sitshĭŭwongk'—Foaming Rapids (m); Mush'kisi'wi [Mash'kisi'bi]—Bad River (n); Sha'gawâ'mikongk—“Long Sand Bar Beneath the Surface” (o); Wikwe'dânwong'gan—Sandy Bay (p); Neâ'shiwĭkongk'—Cliff Point (q); Neta-wa-ya-sink—Little Point of Sand Bar (r); Ân'nibis—Little Elm Tree (s); Wikup'bin-minsh—Little Island Basswood (t); Makubin'-minsh—Bear Island (u); Shage'skike'-dawan'ga (v); Ne'wigwas'sikongk—The Place Where Bark is Peeled (w); Ta'pakwe'-ĭkak [Sa'apakwe'shkwa'okongk]—The Place Where Lodge-Bark is Obtained (x); Ne'uwesak'kudĕze'bi [Ne'wisak'udĕsi'bi]—Point Dead Wood Timber River (y); Anibi'kanzi'bĭ [modern name Ashkiba'gisi'bĭ], referred to by different sources as both Fish Spawn River and “Green Leaf River” (z).

This locality is described as being at Sandy lake, Minnesota, where the Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midē'wigân was finally established. The Ojibwa say that they have dispersed in bands from La Pointe, as well as from Sandy lake, over various portions of Minnesota and into Wisconsin, which final separation into distinct bodies has been the chief cause of the gradual changes found to exist in the ceremonies of the Midē'wiwin.

This area is described as being at Sandy Lake, Minnesota, where the Otter appeared for the last time and where the Midē'wigân was finally set up. The Ojibwa say that they have spread out in groups from La Pointe and from Sandy Lake across different parts of Minnesota and into Wisconsin. This final separation into distinct groups has been the main reason for the gradual changes observed in the ceremonies of the Midē'wiwin.

Reference may be made to a highly interesting record of migration in Kingsborough, Codex Boturini, being a facsimile of an original Mexican hieroglyphic painting from the collection of Boturini, in twenty-three plates.

Reference may be made to a very interesting record of migration in Kingsborough, Codex Boturini, which is a facsimile of an original Mexican hieroglyphic painting from Boturini's collection, presented in twenty-three plates.

SECTION 4.
NOTABLE EVENTS LOG.

In this group are presented some figures from the Dakota Winter Counts, which record events of tribal or intertribal importance not included under other heads.

In this group, we present some figures from the Dakota Winter Counts, which document events of tribal or intertribal significance that aren't covered under other categories.

Fig. 797.—Origin of Brulé Dakota.

Fig. 797.—Origin of Brulé Dakota.

Fig 797.—The-people-were-burnt winter. Battiste Good’s Winter Count 1762-’63. He explains the origin of the title “Brulé” Dakota as follows:

Fig 797.—The people were burnt winter. Battiste Good’s Winter Count 1762-’63. He explains the origin of the title “Brulé” Dakota like this:

Some of the Dakotas were living east of their present country, when a prairie fire destroyed their entire village. Many of their children and a man and his wife, who were on foot some distance away from the village, were burned to death. Many of their horses were also burned to death. All the people that could get to a long lake which was near by saved themselves by jumping into it. Many of these were badly burned about the thighs and legs, and this circumstance gave rise to the name, si-can-gu, translated properly in to English as Burnt Thigh and by the French abbreviated as Brulé, by which latter name they have since been generally known.

Some of the Dakotas were living east of where they are now when a prairie fire wiped out their entire village. Many of their children, along with a man and his wife who were walking some distance away, were burned to death. A lot of their horses also perished in the fire. All the people who could make it to a nearby long lake saved themselves by jumping into it. Many of those who escaped suffered serious burns on their thighs and legs, which led to the name si-can-gu, properly translated into English as Burnt Thigh. The French shortened it to Brulé, and that’s how they have been generally known since.

Fig. 798.—Kiyuksas.

Fig. 798.—Kiyuksas.

Fig. 798.—The Oglalas engaged in a drunken brawl, which resulted in a division of the tribe, the Kiyuksas (Cut-Offs) separating from the others. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1841-’42.

Fig. 798.—The Oglalas got into a drunken fight, which led to a split in the tribe, with the Kiyuksas (Cut-Offs) breaking away from the rest. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1841-’42.

Fig. 799.—First coming of traders.

Fig. 799.—First arrival of traders.

Fig. 799.—Nine white men came to trade with the Dakotas. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1800-’01.

Fig. 799.—Nine white men came to trade with the Dakotas. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1800-’01.

The hatted head stands for a white man and also indicates that the eight dots over it are for white men. According to this count the first whites came in 1794-’95, and the party now depicted succeeded them and were the first traders.

The guy in the hat represents a white man, and the eight dots above him also symbolize white men. Based on this count, the first white people arrived in 1794-’95, and the group shown now followed them and were the first traders.

Fig. 800.—First coming of traders.

Fig. 800.—First arrival of traders.

Fig. 800.—The Good-White-Man came. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1800-’01.

Fig. 800.—The Good-White-Man arrived. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1800-’01.

He was the first white man to trade and live with that division of the Dakotas of which Cloud-Shield’s chart gives the early records.

He was the first white man to trade and live with that division of the Dakotas that Cloud-Shield’s chart reports on.

Fig. 801.—First coming of traders.

Fig. 801.—First arrival of traders.

Fig. 801.—A trader brought the Dakotas their first guns. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1801-’02.

Fig. 801.—A trader brought guns to the Dakotas for the first time. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1801-’02.

Fig. 802.—First coming of traders.

Fig. 802.—First arrival of traders.

Fig. 802.—The Dakotas saw wagons for the first time. Red-Lake, a white trader, brought his goods in them. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1830-’31.

Fig. 802.—The Dakotas saw wagons for the first time. Red-Lake, a white trader, brought his goods in them. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1830-’31.

The earliest traders came by the river, in boats.

The first traders arrived by the river, in boats.

Fig. 803.—Boy scalped.

Fig. 803.—Boy with scalp injury.

Fig. 803.—Some Crows came to the Dakota camp and scalped a boy. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1862-’63.

Fig. 803.—Some crows showed up at the Dakota camp and scalped a boy. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1862-’63.

This is represented also in the next figure.

This is also shown in the next figure.

Fig. 804.—Boy scalped alive.

Fig. 804.—Boy scalped while alive.

Fig. 804.—The Crows scalped an Oglala boy alive. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1862-’63.

Fig. 804.—The Crows scalped an Oglala boy while he was still alive. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1862-’63.

This unusually cruel outrage renewed the violence of warfare between Dakota and Absaroka.

This incredibly brutal act escalated the conflict between the Dakota and the Absaroka.

Fig. 805.—Horses killed.

Fig. 805.—Horses slain.

Fig. 805.—All of Standing Bull’s horses were killed. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1832-’33.

Fig. 805.—All of Standing Bull’s horses were killed. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1832-’33.

Hoof-prints, blood-stains, and arrows are shown under the horse. It may be remarked with regard to the name-device for Standing-Bull, that the quadruped can stand on two legs, but cannot run or even walk with that limitation, so that the exhibition of two legs only may properly signify standing, though for convenience the fore legs are depicted.

Hoof prints, blood stains, and arrows are shown under the horse. It's worth noting about the name-device for Standing-Bull that the animal can stand on two legs, but can't run or even walk with that limitation, so showing just two legs might properly signify standing, even though for convenience the front legs are illustrated.

Fig. 806.—Annuities received.

Fig. 806.—Annuities received.

Fig. 806.—They received their first annuities at the mouth of Horse creek. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1851-’52.

Fig. 806.—They got their first annual payments at the mouth of Horse Creek. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1851-’52.

A one-point blanket is depicted and denotes dry goods. It is surrounded by a circle of marks which represent the people.

A one-point blanket is shown and signifies dry goods. It's encircled by a ring of marks that symbolize the people.

Fig. 807.—Annuities received.

Fig. 807.—Annuities received.

Fig. 807.—Many goods were issued to the Dakotas at Fort Laramie. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1851-’52.

Fig. 807.—Many items were given to the Dakotas at Fort Laramie. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1851-’52.

The goods were the first they received from the United States Government. The blanket which is represented stands for the whole issue.

The items were the first they got from the United States Government. The blanket shown represents the entire issue.

White-Cow-Killer calls it “Large-issue-of-goods-on-the-Platte-river-winter.”

White-Cow-Killer calls it “Winter Supply Challenge on the Platte River.”

This is a more conventionalized form of the preceding figure.

This is a more standardized version of the previous figure.

Fig. 808.—Annuities received.

Fig. 808.—Received annuities.

Fig. 808.—The Dakotas received annuities at Raw-Hide Butte. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1856-’57.

Fig. 808.—The Dakotas received payments at Raw-Hide Butte. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1856-’57.

The house and the blanket represent the agency and the goods.

The house and the blanket symbolize the agency and the goods.

Fig. 809.—Mexican blankets bought.

Fig. 809.—Purchased Mexican blankets.

Fig. 809.—The Dakotas bought Mexican blankets of John Richard, who bought many wagon-loads of the Mexicans. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1858-’59.

Fig. 809.—The Dakotas purchased Mexican blankets from John Richard, who bought many wagonloads from the Mexicans. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1858-’59.

Fig. 810.—Wagon Captured.

Fig. 810.—Captured Wagon.

Fig. 810.—They captured a train of wagons near Tongue river. The men who were with it got away. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1867-’68.

Fig. 810.—They captured a convoy of wagons near Tongue River. The men who were with it escaped. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1867-’68.

The blanket protruding from the front of the wagon represents the goods found in the wagons.

The blanket sticking out from the front of the wagon represents the goods inside the wagons.

Fig. 811.—Clerk killed.

Fig. 811.—Clerk murdered.

Fig. 811.—The Oglalas killed the Indian agent’s (Seville’s) clerk inside the stockade of the Red Cloud agency at Fort Robinson, Nebraska. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1873-’74.

Fig. 811.—The Oglalas killed the Indian agent’s (Seville’s) clerk inside the stockade of the Red Cloud agency at Fort Robinson, Nebraska. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1873-’74.

Fig. 812.—Flag staff cut down.

Fig. 812.—Flagpole cut down.

Fig. 812.—The Oglalas at the Red Cloud agency, near Fort Robinson, Nebraska, cut to pieces the flagstaff which had been cut and hauled by order of their agent, but which they would not allow him to erect, as they did not wish to have a flag flying over their agency. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1874-’75.

Fig. 812.—The Oglalas at the Red Cloud agency, near Fort Robinson, Nebraska, chopped up the flagpole that had been cut and transported by their agent's order, but they wouldn't let him put it up, as they didn't want a flag flying over their agency. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1874-’75.

This was in 1874. The flag which the agent intended to hoist was lately at the Pine ridge agency, Dakota.

This was in 1874. The flag that the agent planned to raise was recently at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota.

Fig. 813.—Horses taken.

Fig. 813.—Horses captured.

Fig. 813.—Horses taken by United States government. The Flame’s Winter Count, 1876-’77.

Fig. 813.—Horses captured by the United States government. The Flame’s Winter Count, 1876-’77.

This figure refers to the action of the military authorities of the United States toward the Indian tribes which had been connected with or suspected of favoring the outbreak which resulted in the defeat of the force under Gen. Custer. A body of troops swept the reservations on the Missouri river and took away all the ponies of the tribes, thereby depriving them of their means of transportation for hostile purposes. The hatted man with a star above his head is the brigadier-general in command of the United States forces. The hoof prints without marks of horseshoes indicate the Indian ponies as usual. The black blurs among them probably refer to the considerable number of the ponies that fell and died before they reached Bismark and other points of sale to which they were driven. It was promised that the amount realized from the sale of the drove should be returned to the owners, but the latter received little.

This figure represents the actions of the U.S. military towards the Indian tribes that were either involved in or suspected of supporting the uprising that led to the defeat of General Custer's forces. A group of soldiers swept through the reservations along the Missouri River and confiscated all the tribes' ponies, stripping them of their transportation for any aggressive actions. The man wearing a hat with a star on it is the brigadier general leading the U.S. forces. The hoof prints without horseshoe marks indicate the Indian ponies as usual. The dark smudges among them likely refer to the many ponies that fell and died before reaching Bismarck and other selling points they were driven to. It was promised that the proceeds from the sale of the herd would be returned to the owners, but they ultimately received very little.

CHAPTER XVII.
BIO.

Pictographs under this head may be grouped as: 1st. Continuous record of events in life. 2d. Particular exploits or events. Pictographs of both of these descriptions are very common. An excellent collection is published in the George Catlin Indian Gallery in the U. S. National Museum, with memoir and statistics by Thomas Donaldson, a part of the Smithsonian Report for 1885, Pls. 100 to 110.

Pictographs in this category can be divided into: 1st. Ongoing records of life events. 2nd. Specific feats or incidents. Pictographs of both types are quite common. An outstanding collection is available at the George Catlin Indian Gallery in the U.S. National Museum, featuring a memoir and statistics by Thomas Donaldson, which is part of the Smithsonian Report for 1885, Pls. 100 to 110.

SECTION 1.
Ongoing Record of Life Events.

An authentic and distinct example of a continuous record is the following “autobiography,” which was prepared at Grand River, Dakota, in 1873, in a series of eleven drawings, by Running-Antelope, chief of the Uncpapa Dakotas. Seven of these, regarded as of most interest, are now presented. The sketches were painted in water colors and were made for Dr. W. J. Hoffman, to whom the following interpretations were given by the artist.

An authentic and unique example of a continuous record is the following "autobiography," which was created at Grand River, Dakota, in 1873, through a series of eleven drawings by Running-Antelope, chief of the Uncpapa Dakotas. Seven of these, considered to be the most interesting, are now presented. The sketches were painted in watercolors and were made for Dr. W. J. Hoffman, who was given the following interpretations by the artist.

The record comprises the most important events in the life of Running-Antelope as a warrior. Although frequently more than one person is represented as slain, it is not to be inferred that all included in the same figure were killed at one time unless it is so specified, but that thus they were severally the victims of one expedition, of which the warrior was a member or leader. The bird (Falco cooperi?) upon the[572] shield always borne by him, refers to the clan or band totem, while the antelope always drawn beneath the horses, in the act of running, identifies his personal name.

The record includes the key events in the life of Running-Antelope as a warrior. Even though it often shows more than one person killed, it shouldn't be assumed that everyone depicted in the same image died at the same time unless it's clearly stated; rather, they were individually casualties of a single campaign, in which the warrior was either a member or a leader. The bird (Falco cooperi?) featured on the[572] shield that he always carries symbolizes the clan or band totem, while the antelope, which is always drawn below the horses in a running pose, represents his personal name.

Fig. 814.—Killed two Arikara.

Fig. 814.—Killed two Arikara.

Fig. 814.—Killed two Arikara Indians in one day. The lance held in the hand, thrusting at the foremost of the enemy, signifies that Running-Antelope killed him with that weapon; the left-hand figure was shot, as is shown by the discharging gun, and afterwards struck with the lance. This occurred in 1853.

Fig. 814.—Killed two Arikara Indians in one day. The lance held in the hand, thrusting at the frontmost enemy, indicates that Running-Antelope killed him with that weapon; the figure on the left was shot, as shown by the gun being fired, and then struck with the lance. This happened in 1853.

Fig. 815.—Shot and scalped an Arikara.

Fig. 815.—Shot and scalped an Arikara.

Fig. 815.—Shot and scalped an Arikara Indian in 1853. It appears that the Arikara attempted to inform Running-Antelope of his being unarmed, as the right hand is thrown outward with distended fingers, in imitation of making the gesture for negation, having nothing.

Fig. 815.—Shot and scalped an Arikara Indian in 1853. It seems that the Arikara tried to signal Running-Antelope that he was unarmed, as his right hand is extended outward with spread fingers, mimicking the gesture for negation, having nothing.

Fig. 816.—Killed ten men and three women.

Fig. 816.—Killed ten men and three women.

Fig. 816.—Killed ten men and three squaws in 1856. The grouping of persons strongly resembles the ancient Egyptian method of drawing.

Fig. 816.—Killed ten men and three women in 1856. The arrangement of people strongly resembles the ancient Egyptian style of drawing.

Fig. 817.—Killed two chiefs.

Fig. 817.—Killed two leaders.

Fig. 817.—Killed two Arikara chiefs in 1856. Their rank is shown by the appendages to the sleeve and coat, which are made of white weasel skins. The arrow in the left thigh of the victor shows that he was wounded. The scars remained distinct upon the thigh of Running-Antelope, showing that the arrow had passed through it.

Fig. 817.—Killed two Arikara chiefs in 1856. Their status is indicated by the decorations on the sleeve and coat, which are made of white weasel skins. The arrow in the left thigh of the victor shows that he was injured. The scars remained visible on the thigh of Running-Antelope, indicating that the arrow had gone through it.

Fig. 818.—Killed one Arikara.

Fig. 818.—Killed one Arikara.

Fig. 818.—Killed one Arikara in 1857. Striking the enemy with a bow is considered the greatest insult that can be offered. See for a similar concept among the eastern Algonquians (Leland, b). The act entitles the warrior to count one coup when relating his exploits in the council chamber.

Fig. 818.—Killed one Arikara in 1857. Hitting the enemy with a bow is seen as the biggest insult possible. See for a similar idea among the eastern Algonquians (Leland, b). This act allows the warrior to claim one coup when telling his stories in the council chamber.

Fig. 819.—Killed two Arikara hunters.

Killed two Arikara hunters.

Fig. 819.—Killed two Arikara hunters in 1859. Both were shot, as is indicated by the figure of a gun in contact with each Indian. The cluster of lines drawn across the body of each victim represents the discharge of the gun, and shows where the ball took effect. The upper one of the two figures was in the act of shooting an arrow when he was killed.

Fig. 819.—Killed two Arikara hunters in 1859. Both were shot, as shown by the image of a gun next to each Indian. The set of lines drawn across each victim's body represents the gunfire and indicates where the bullet hit. The upper figure was in the process of shooting an arrow when he was killed.

Fig. 820.—Killed five Arikara.

Fig. 820.—Killed five Arikara people.

Fig. 820.—Killed five Arikara in one day in 1863. The dotted line indicates the trail which Running-Antelope followed, and when the Indians discovered that they were pursued, they took shelter in an isolated[575] copse of shrubbery, where they were killed at leisure. The five guns within the inclosure represent the five persons armed.

Fig. 820.—Killed five Arikara in one day in 1863. The dotted line indicates the path that Running-Antelope took, and when the Indians realized they were being followed, they took cover in a secluded[575] thicket of bushes, where they were killed at their convenience. The five guns inside the enclosure represent the five armed individuals.

The Arikara are nearly always delineated in these pictures wearing the topknot of hair, a fashion specially prevalent among the Absaroka, though as the latter were the most inveterate enemies of the Sioux, and as the word Palláni for Arikara is applied to all enemies, the Crow custom may have been depicted as a generic mark.

The Arikara are usually shown in these images with a topknot hairstyle, which is especially common among the Absaroka. However, since the Absaroka were the Arikara's most persistent enemies, and the term Palláni for Arikara is used to refer to all enemies, the Crow style might have been portrayed as a general symbol.

Wiener (e) gives the following account of the tablet found at Mansiche, reproduced as Fig. 821, one-fifth actual size:

Wiener (e) provides the following description of the tablet discovered at Mansiche, shown in Fig. 821 at one-fifth of its actual size:

Fig. 821.—Peruvian biography.

Fig. 821.—Peruvian biography.

It gives all the descriptive elements of the life of the deceased; in fact his biography. He was a chieftain of royal blood (vide the red planache with five double plumes). He commanded an entire tribe. He had a military command (v. the mace which he holds in his right hand). He had taken part in three battles (v. the three arms which three times proved his strength). He was a judge in his district (v. the sign of the speaking-trumpet in the center). He had under him four judges (v. the four signs of the speaking-trumpet in the corners). He had during his administration irrigated the country (v. the designs which surround the painting); and he had constructed great buildings (v. the checkers surrounding the meanders). He had busied himself besides all that in the raising of cattle (v. the indications of llamas). He had lived 42 years (v. the blocks, which indicate years, just as the rings indicate the age of trees). He had had five children, three sons and two daughters (indicated by the little drops of sperm). Such is the life of this person, written by ideography on a tablet, which at first would be taken as a fantasy of an infant painter.

It includes all the details about the life of the deceased; essentially, his biography. He was a chief of royal lineage (see the red headdress with five double plumes). He led an entire tribe. He held a military command (see the mace in his right hand). He participated in three battles (see the three arms that demonstrated his strength three times). He served as a judge in his district (see the sign of the speaking-trumpet in the center). He had four judges under his authority (see the four signs of the speaking-trumpet in the corners). During his leadership, he irrigated the land (see the designs surrounding the painting); and he built large structures (see the checkers surrounding the meanders). Additionally, he was involved in raising livestock (see the indications of llamas). He lived for 42 years (see the blocks, which represent years, just as the rings indicate the age of trees). He had five children, three sons and two daughters (represented by the little drops of sperm). This is the life of this individual, documented through ideography on a tablet, which at first glance might appear to be the fantasy of a child artist.

SECTION 2.
Specific exploits or events.

Fig. 822.—Hunting record. Iroquois.

Fig. 822.—Hunting record. Iroquois.

In the Doc. Hist. N. Y. (b) is an illustration, presented here as Fig. 822, of an Iroquois “returning from hunting, who has slept two nights on the hunting ground and killed three does; for when they are bucks they add their antlers.”

In the Doc. Hist. N. Y. (b) is an illustration, presented here as Fig. 822, of an Iroquois “returning from hunting, who has slept two nights on the hunting ground and killed three does; for when they are bucks they add their antlers.”

From the same volume, page 9, the following extract is made, describing Fig. 823:

From the same volume, page 9, the following excerpt is taken, describing Fig. 823:

Fig. 823.—Martial exploits. Iroquois.

Fig. 823.—Martial exploits. Iroquois.

b. This is the way they mark when they have been to war, and when there is a bar extending from one mark to the other it signifies that, after having been in battle, he did not come back to his village, and that he returned with other parties whom he met or formed.

b. This is how they keep track of their experiences in war, and when there’s a line connecting one mark to another, it means that after being in battle, he didn’t return to his village and came back with other groups he met or joined.

c. This arrow, which is broken, denotes that they were wounded in this expedition.

c. This broken arrow indicates that they were injured in this mission.

d. Thus they denote that the belts which they gave to raise a war party and to avenge the death of some one, belonging to them or to some of the same tribe.

d. So they indicate that the belts they provided were meant to gather a war party and to avenge the death of someone related to them or from the same tribe.

e. He has gone back to fight without having entered his village.

e. He has returned to battle without ever stepping foot in his village.

f. A man whom he killed on the field of battle, who had a bow and arrow.

f. A man he killed in battle, who had a bow and arrow.

g. These are two men, whom he took prisoners, one of whom had a hatchet and the other a gun in his hand.

g. These are two men he captured, one with a hatchet and the other holding a gun.

gg. This is a woman who is designated only by a species of waistcloth.

gg. This is a woman who is identified solely by a type of waistcloth.

Fig. 824 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1853-’54.

Fig. 824 is from Battiste Good's Winter Count for the year 1853-’54.

He calls the year Cross-Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter.

He calls the year Cross-Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter.

Fig. 824.—Cross-Bear’s death.

Fig. 824.—Cross-Bear’s death.

The character on the extreme left hand is a “travail,” and means they moved; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo; the bear with mouth open and paw advanced, cross-bear. The involute character frequently repeated in Battiste’s record signifies pain in the stomach and intestines, resulting in death. In this group of characters there is not only the brief story, an obituary notice, but an ideographic mark for a particular kind of death, a noticeable name-totem, and a presentation of the Siouan mode of transportation.

The character on the far left is a “travail,” indicating movement; the buffalo represents hunting buffalo; the bear with its mouth open and paw raised symbolizes a cross-bear. The twisted character that appears often in Battiste’s record signifies pain in the stomach and intestines, leading to death. In this collection of characters, there’s not just a short story or an obituary, but also a symbol for a specific type of death, a distinctive name-totem, and a depiction of the Siouan way of transportation.

The word “travail” may require explanation. It refers to the peculiar sledge which is used by many tribes of Indians for the purpose of transportation. It is used on the surface of the ground when not covered with snow even more than when snow prevails. In print the word is more generally found in the plural, where it is spelled “travaux”[577] and sometimes “travois.” The etymology of this word has been the subject of much discussion. It is probably one of the words which descended in corrupted form from the language of the Canadian voyageurs, and was originally the French word “traineau,” with its meaning of sledge. The corrupt form “travail” was retained by English speakers from its connection with the sound of the word “travel.”

The word “travail” might need some clarification. It refers to the unique sled used by many Native American tribes for transportation. It's used on the ground even when there isn’t snow, and even more so when there is. In writing, the word is usually seen in the plural form, spelled “travaux”[577] and sometimes “travois.” The origin of this word has been widely discussed. It likely evolved from a corrupted form of the language of Canadian fur traders and comes from the French word “traineau,” meaning sled. The altered form “travail” was adopted by English speakers due to its similarity to the word “travel.”

Fig. 825 is taken from a roll of birch bark, known to be more than seventy years old, obtained in 1882 from the Ojibwa Indians at Red Lake, Minnesota. The interpretation was given by an Indian from that reservation, although he did not know the author nor the history of the record. With one exception, all of the characters were understood and interpreted to Dr. Hoffman, in 1883, by Ottawa Indians at Harbor Springs, Michigan.

Fig. 825 is from a roll of birch bark that is over seventy years old, acquired in 1882 from the Ojibwa people at Red Lake, Minnesota. An Indian from that reservation provided the interpretation, although he wasn't familiar with the author or the history of the record. With one exception, all of the characters were understood and explained to Dr. Hoffman in 1883 by Ottawa Indians in Harbor Springs, Michigan.

Fig. 825.—A dangerous trading trip.

Fig. 825.—A risky business trip.

a represents the Indian who visited a country supposed to have been near one of the great lakes. He has a scalp in his hand which he obtained from the head of an enemy, after having killed him. The line from the head to the small circle denotes the name of the person, and the line from the mouth to the same circle signifies (in the Dakota method), “That is it,” having reference to proper names.

a represents the Indian who visited a country thought to be near one of the great lakes. He is holding a scalp that he got from an enemy after killing him. The line from the head to the small circle indicates the name of the person, and the line from the mouth to the same circle means (in the Dakota way), “That is it,” referring to proper names.

b, the enemy killed. He was a man who held a position of some consequence in his tribe, as is indicated by the horns, marks used by the Ojibwas among themselves for shaman, wabeno, etc. It has been suggested that the object held in the hand of this figure is a rattle, though the Indians, to whom the record was submitted for examination, are in doubt, the character being indistinct.

b, the enemy killed. He was a man of some importance in his tribe, as shown by the horns, symbols used by the Ojibwas among themselves for shaman, wabeno, etc. Some have suggested that the object held in this figure's hand is a rattle, but the Native Americans, to whom the record was presented for review, are unsure, as the details are unclear.

c, three disks connected by short lines signify, in the present instance,[578] three nights, i. e., three black suns. Three days from home was the distance the Indian a traveled to reach the country for which he started.

c, three disks linked by short lines represent, in this case,[578] three nights, meaning three black suns. The Indian a traveled three days from home to reach the destination for which he set out.

d represents a shell, and denotes the primary object of the journey. Shells were needed for making ornaments and to trade, and traffic between members of the different and even distant tribes was common, although attended with danger.

d represents a shell, which is the main focus of the journey. Shells were used to make ornaments and for trading, and interaction between different, even faraway tribes was common, though it often came with risks.

e, two parallel lines are here inserted to mark the end of the present record and the beginning of another.

e, two parallel lines are added here to indicate the end of this record and the start of a new one.

The following narrative of personal exploit was given to Dr. W. J. Hoffman by “Pete,” a Shoshoni chief, during a visit of the latter to Washington, in 1880. The sketch, Fig. 826, was drawn by the narrator, who also gave the following explanation of the characters:

The following story of personal adventure was shared with Dr. W. J. Hoffman by “Pete,” a Shoshoni chief, during his visit to Washington in 1880. The sketch, Fig. 826, was created by the narrator, who also provided the following explanation of the characters:

Fig. 826.—Shoshoni raid for horses.

Fig. 826.—Shoshoni horse theft.

a, Pete, a Shoshoni chief; b, a Nez Percés Indian, one of the party from whom the horses were stampeded, and who wounded Pete in the side with an arrow; c, hoof-marks, showing course of stampede; d, lance, which was captured from the Nez Percés; e, e, e, saddles captured; f, bridle captured; g, lariat captured; h, saddle-blanket captured; i, body-blanket captured; j, pair of leggings captured; k, three single legs of leggings captured.

a, Pete, a Shoshoni chief; b, a Nez Perce Indian, one of the group from whom the horses were driven off, and who wounded Pete in the side with an arrow; c, hoof prints, showing the path of the stampede; d, lance, which was taken from the Nez Perce; e, e, e, saddles taken; f, bridle taken; g, lariat taken; h, saddle blanket taken; i, body blanket taken; j, pair of leggings taken; k, three individual legs of leggings taken.

The figures in the following group represent some of the particular exploits and events in life which have been considered by the recorders of the Winter Counts of the Dakotas to be specially worthy of note:

The people in the following group represent some of the notable achievements and events in life that the recorders of the Winter Counts of the Dakotas deemed particularly noteworthy:

Fig. 827.—Life risked for water.

Fig. 827.—Life risked for water.

Fig. 827.—While surrounded by the enemy (Mandans) a Blackfeet Dakota Indian goes at the risk of his life for water for the party. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1795-’96. The interpreter stated that this was near the present Cheyenne agency, Dakota. In the original character there is a bloody wound at the shoulder,[579] showing that the heroic Indian was wounded. He is shown bearing a water vessel.

Fig. 827.—While surrounded by the enemy (Mandans), a Blackfeet Dakota Indian risks his life to fetch water for his group. The Flame’s Winter Count, 1795-’96. The interpreter mentioned that this took place near what is now the Cheyenne agency in Dakota. In the original illustration, there is a bloody wound on his shoulder, [579] indicating that the brave Indian was injured. He is depicted carrying a water container.

Fig. 828.—Runs by the enemy.

Fig. 828.—Enemy attacks.

Fig. 828.—Runs-by-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure suggests a feat of special courage and fleetness in making a circuit of a hostile force.

Fig. 828.—Runs-by-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure indicates an act of exceptional bravery and speed in navigating around an opposing force.

Fig. 829.—Runs around.

Fig. 829.—Runs in circles.

Fig. 829.—Runs-Around. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure seems to indicate a warrior surrounded and shot at by a number of enemies, who yet escapes by his swiftness.

Fig. 829.—Runs-Around. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure appears to show a warrior encircled and shot at by several enemies, yet he manages to escape due to his speed.

Fig. 830.—Goes through the camp.

Fig. 830.—Walks through the camp.

Fig. 830.—Goes-through-the-Camp. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure notes the successful passage of a spy through the enemy’s camp.

Fig. 830.—Goes-through-the-Camp. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure notes the successful passage of a spy through the enemy's camp.

Fig. 831.—Cut through.

Fig. 831.—Cut through.

Fig. 831.—Cut-Through. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here a footman cuts his way through a line of hostile horsemen.

Fig. 831.—Cut-Through. Red-Cloud's Census. Here, a foot soldier makes his way through a line of enemy cavalry.

Fig. 832.—Killed in tipi.

Fig. 832.—Killed in tent.

Fig. 832.—Paints-His-Face-Red, a Dakota, was killed in his tipi by the Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1837-’38. The right to paint the face red was sometimes gained by providing the ceremonial requirements for a commemoration of the dead, which were very expensive. There are two facts depicted by the figure. The man and his tipi are surrounded by a ring of enemies, who are shooting him, and, touched by the upper part of the ring, is the bottom of another and more minute tipi, marked with the sign of a fatal shot.

Fig. 832.—Paints-His-Face-Red, a Dakota, was killed in his tipi by the Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1837-’38. The right to paint the face red was sometimes earned by fulfilling the ceremonial requirements for a memorial for the dead, which were quite costly. There are two things shown by the figure. The man and his tipi are surrounded by a ring of enemies who are shooting at him, and, touching the upper part of the ring, is the bottom of another smaller tipi, marked with the sign of a fatal shot.

Fig. 833.—Killed in tipi.

Fig. 833.—Killed in tent.

Fig. 833.—Paints-His-Cheeks-Red and his family, who were camping by themselves, were killed by Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1837-’38. This character tells the same story as the one preceding, but is more conventional.

Fig. 833.—Paints-His-Cheeks-Red and his family, who were camping alone, were killed by the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1837-’38. This figure tells the same story as the previous one but is more traditional.

Fig. 834.—Took the warpath.

Fig. 834.—Went to battle.

Fig. 834.—Spotted-Horse carried the pipe around and took the warpath against the Pawnees to avenge the death of his uncle, Paints-His-Cheeks-Red. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1838-’39. This figure is the sequel to those immediately preceding.

Fig. 834.—Spotted-Horse carried the pipe around and went on the warpath against the Pawnees to avenge his uncle, Paints-His-Cheeks-Red. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1838-’39. This figure follows those directly before it.

Fig. 835.—White-Bull killed.

Fig. 835.—White Bull killed.

Fig. 835.—White-Bull and many others were killed in a fight with the Shoshoni. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1845-’46. This warrior seems to have lost more than the normal quantity of scalp.

Fig. 835.—White-Bull and several others were killed in a battle with the Shoshoni. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1845-’46. This warrior appears to have lost more than the usual amount of scalp.

Fig. 836.—Brave-Bear killed.

Fig. 836.—Brave-Bear shot.

Fig. 836.—Brave-Bear was killed in a quarrel over a calf. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1854-’55. He was killed by enemies; hence his scalp is gone.

Fig. 836.—Brave-Bear was killed in a fight over a calf. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1854-’55. He was killed by foes; that’s why his scalp is missing.

Fig. 837.—Brave-Man killed.

Fig. 837.—Brave Man killed.

Fig. 837.—The-Brave-Man was killed in a great fight. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1817-’18. The fight is shown by the arrows flying to and from him. He is also scalped.

Fig. 837.—The Brave Man was killed in a major battle. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1817-’18. The battle is illustrated by the arrows flying to and from him. He has also been scalped.

Fig. 838.—Crazy-Horse killed.

Fig. 838.—Crazy Horse killed.

Fig. 838.—A soldier ran a bayonet into Crazy-Horse and killed him. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1877-’78. This was done in the guard-house at Fort Robinson, Nebraska, September 5, 1877. The horse in this instance does not distinctly exhibit the wavy lines shown in several other representations of the chief which appear among the illustrations of this paper. This omission is doubtless due to carelessness of the Indian artist.

Fig. 838.—A soldier stabbed Crazy Horse with a bayonet, killing him. American Horse’s Winter Count, 1877-’78. This happened in the guardhouse at Fort Robinson, Nebraska, on September 5, 1877. The horse here doesn’t clearly show the wavy lines seen in several other depictions of the chief that are included in the illustrations of this paper. This omission is likely due to the Indian artist's carelessness.

Fig. 839.—Killed for whipping wife.

Fig. 839.—Killed for beating wife.

Fig. 839.—Striped-Face stabbed and killed his daughter’s husband for whipping his wife. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1829-’30.

Fig. 839.—Striped-Face stabbed and killed his daughter’s husband for beating his wife. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1829-’30.

Fig. 840.—Killed for whipping wife.

Fig. 840.—Killed for beating wife.

Fig. 840.—Spotted-Face stabs his daughter’s husband for whipping his wife. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1829-’30. This is another form of the preceding figure.

Fig. 840.—Spotted-Face stabs his daughter's husband for whipping his wife. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1829-’30. This is another version of the previous figure.

Fig. 841.

Fig. 841.

Fig. 841.—Kaglala-kutepi, Shot-Close. The Oglala Roster. This may refer to an incident in the warrior’s life in which he had a narrow escape, or may, on the other hand, refer to his stealing upon and shooting from near by at an enemy. The design, as often occurs, allows of double interpretation. The close shooting is not accurate markmanship, but with proximity as suggested by the arrow touching the head while still near the bow. This figure may receive some interpretation from the one following.

Fig. 841.—Kaglala-kutepi, Shot-Close. The Oglala Roster. This might refer to an event in the warrior’s life where he had a close call, or it could also refer to him sneaking up and shooting an enemy from a short distance. The design, as is often the case, can be interpreted in two ways. The close shooting isn't precise marksmanship, but rather, the idea of being close is indicated by the arrow touching the head while still being near the bow. This figure may be further understood by the one that follows.

Fig. 842.

Fig. 842.

Fig. 842.—The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1835-’36. A Minneconjou chief named Lame-Deer shot an Assiniboin three times with the same arrow. He kept so close to his enemy that he never let the arrow slip away from the bow but pulled it out and shot it in again.

Fig. 842.—The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1835-’36. A Minneconjou chief named Lame-Deer shot an Assiniboin three times with the same arrow. He stayed so close to his enemy that he never let the arrow leave the bow but pulled it out and shot it again.

Fig. 843.—Lean-Wolf’s exploits.

Fig. 843.—Lean-Wolf's adventures.

Fig. 843 consists of two stories pictured by Lean-Wolf, a Hidatsa chief, showing the attack made by Sioux Indians in search of horses and the result of the raid. In the upper figure, at the left end, is shown the Sioux camp from which the trail of the horse thieves extends to near the camp of the Hidatsa, at Fort Berthold, North Dakota. This village is indicated by the circular dirt lodges within a square inclosure. The Sioux captured some Indian horses and rode away, as indicated by the prints of horse hoofs. A series of short lines from the Hidatsa village indicates that Lean-Wolf and his companions followed on foot, subsequently overtaking the Sioux, killing one and taking his[582] scalp. The scalp is shown above the figure of the human head, while the weapon with which he struck the Sioux is also shown. This is the war club. The lower division of the figure is similar to the upper. In the pursuit of the Sioux, who had come to Fort Berthold on another occasion to steal horses, Lean-Wolf assisted in capturing and killing three of the marauders. In the left-hand group of the three human heads he is shown to have killed an enemy; in the second he was the third to strike a Sioux after he was shot, but took his scalp, and in the third, or right hand, he was the fourth to strike the fallen enemy.

Fig. 843 shows two panels created by Lean-Wolf, a Hidatsa chief, depicting an attack by Sioux Indians looking for horses and the outcome of that raid. In the upper panel, on the left side, you can see the Sioux camp, which is connected by a trail to the Hidatsa camp at Fort Berthold, North Dakota. This village is represented by the circular dirt lodges within a square enclosure. The Sioux stole some Indian horses and escaped, as shown by the horse hoof prints. A series of short lines from the Hidatsa village indicates that Lean-Wolf and his friends chased them on foot and eventually caught up with the Sioux, killing one and taking his [582] scalp. The scalp is displayed above the figure of the human head, along with the weapon he used to strike the Sioux, which is the war club. The lower part of the panel mirrors the upper. During the chase of the Sioux, who had previously come to Fort Berthold to steal horses, Lean-Wolf played a role in capturing and killing three of the thieves. In the left group of three human heads, he is depicted as having killed one enemy; in the second, he was the third person to strike a Sioux after that Sioux was shot, but he took his scalp; and in the right group, he was the fourth to strike the fallen enemy.

Fig. 844.—Record of hunt. Alaska.

Fig. 844.—Hunting record. Alaska.

A record on ivory shown as Fig. 844 was obtained by Dr. Hoffman in San Francisco, California, in 1882, and was interpreted to him by an Alaskan native. The story represents the success of a hunt; the animals desired are shown, as well as those which were secured.

A record on ivory shown as Fig. 844 was obtained by Dr. Hoffman in San Francisco, California, in 1882, and was explained to him by an Alaskan native. The story depicts the success of a hunt; the animals they wanted are shown, along with those that were captured.

The following is the explanation of the characters:

The following is an explanation of the characters:

a, b, deer; c, porcupine; d, winter, or permanent, habitation. The cross-piece resting upon two vertical poles constitutes the rack, used for drying fish; e, one of the natives occupying the same lodge with the recorder; f, the hunter whose exploits are narrated; g, h, i, beavers; j, k, l, m, n, martens; o, a weasel, according to the interpretation, although there are no specific characters to identify it as different from the preceding; p, land otter; q, a bear; r, a fox; s, a walrus; t, a seal; u, a wolf.

a, b, deer; c, porcupine; d, winter or permanent dwelling. The crossbeam supported by two vertical poles makes up the rack, which is used for drying fish; e, one of the locals living in the same lodge as the recorder; f, the hunter whose adventures are described; g, h, i, beavers; j, k, l, m, n, martens; o, a weasel, based on interpretation, even though there are no specific markings to distinguish it from the previous ones; p, land otter; q, a bear; r, a fox; s, a walrus; t, a seal; u, a wolf.

By comparing the illustration with the text it will be observed that all the animals secured are turned toward the house of the speaker, while the heads of those animals desired, but not obtained, are turned away from it.

By comparing the illustration with the text, you will notice that all the captured animals are facing the speaker's house, while the heads of the animals that are wanted but not caught are turned away from it.

The following is the text in the Kiatéxamut dialect of the Innuit language as dictated by the Alaskan, with his own literal translation into English:

The following is the text in the Kiatéxamut dialect of the Innuit language as spoken by the Alaskan, along with his own literal translation into English:

Huí-nu-ná-ga | huí-pu-qtú-a | pi-cú-qu-lú-a | mus'-qu-lí-qnut. | Pa-mú-qtu-līt'
I, (from) my place. (settlement.) | I went | hunting | (for) skins. (animals) | martens

ta-qí-mĕn, | a-mí-da-duk' | a-xla-luk', | á-qui-á-muk | pi-qú-a | a-xla-luk';
five, | weasel | one, | land otter | caught | one;

ku-qú-lu-hú-nu-mŭk' | a-xla-luk', | tun'-du-muk | tú-gu-qlí-u-gú | me-lú-ga-nuk',
wolf | one, | deer | (I) killed | two,

pé-luk | pi-naí-u-nuk, | nú-nuk | pit'-qu-ní, | ma-klak-muk' | pit'-qu-ní,
beaver | three, | porcupine | (I) caught none, | seal | (I) caught none,

a-cí-a-na-muk | pit'-qu-ni, | ua-qí-la-muk | pit'-qu-ní, | ta-gú-xa-muk | pit'-qu-ní.
walrus | (I) caught none, | fox | (I) caught none, | bear | (I) caught none.

Huí-nu-ná-ga | huí-pu-qtú-a | pi-cú-qu-lú-a | mus'-qu-lí-qnut. | Pa-mú-qtu-līt'
I, (from) my place. (settlement.) | I went | hunting | (for) skins. (animals) | martens

ta-qí-mĕn, | a-mí-da-duk' | a-xla-luk', | á-qui-á-muk | pi-qú-a | a-xla-luk';
five, | weasel | one, | land otter | caught | one;

ku-qú-lu-hú-nu-mŭk' | a-xla-luk', | tun'-du-muk | tú-gu-qlí-u-gú | me-lú-ga-nuk',
wolf | one, | deer | (I) killed | two,

pé-luk | pi-naí-u-nuk, | nú-nuk | pit'-qu-ní, | ma-klak-muk' | pit'-qu-ní,
beaver | three, | porcupine | (I) caught none, | seal | (I) caught none,

a-cí-a-na-muk | pit'-qu-ni, | ua-qí-la-muk | pit'-qu-ní, | ta-gú-xa-muk | pit'-qu-ní.
walrus | (I) caught none, | fox | (I) caught none, | bear | (I) caught none.

CHAPTER XVIII.
Ideography.

The imagination is stimulated and developed by the sense of sight more than by any other sense, perhaps more than by all of the other senses combined. The American Indians, and probably all savages, are remarkable for acute and critical vision, and also for their retentive memory of what they have once seen. When significance is once attached to an object seen, it will always be recalled, though often with false deductions. Therefore, like deaf-mutes, who depend mainly on sight, the American Indians have developed great facility in communicating by signs, and also in expressing their ideas in pictures which are ideographic though seldom artistic. This tendency has likewise affected their spoken languages. Their terms express with wonderful particularity the characters and relations of visible objects, and their speeches, which are in a high degree metaphoric, become so by the figurative presentation in words of such objects accompanied generally by imitative signs for them, and often by their bodily exhibition.

The imagination is sparked and developed more by sight than by any other sense, possibly even more than by all the other senses put together. Native Americans, and likely all indigenous people, are known for their sharp and critical eyesight, as well as their strong memory of what they've seen before. Once they attach significance to a visual object, they will always remember it, though they might draw incorrect conclusions. Because of this, like people who are deaf and mute and rely mainly on sight, Native Americans have become very skilled at communicating through gestures and expressing their ideas in pictures that are symbolic, though not often artistic. This tendency has also influenced their spoken languages. Their words convey remarkable details about the characteristics and relationships of visible objects, and their speeches, which are highly metaphorical, become so through the figurative use of words for these objects, usually along with imitative gestures and often by physically demonstrating them.

The statement once made that the aboriginal languages of North America are not capable of expressing abstract ideas is incorrect, but the tendency to use tangible and visible forms for such ideas is apparent. This practice was most marked in reference to religious subjects, which were often presented under the veil of symbols, as has been the common expedient of most peoples who have emerged from the very lowest known stages of human culture, but have not attained the highest.

The claim that the native languages of North America can’t express abstract ideas is wrong, but it’s clear that there’s a tendency to use concrete and visible representations for those ideas. This was especially true when it came to religious topics, which were often communicated through symbols, similar to what many cultures do when they’re at the lower stages of human development and haven’t reached the highest levels.

Many instances appear in this work in which pictures expressive of an idea present more than mere portraitures of objects, which latter method has been styled imitative or iconographic writing.

Many examples in this work show that images expressing an idea convey more than just simple representations of objects, which this method has been called imitative or iconographic writing.

It is, however, impossible to classify with scientific precision the pictured ideograms collected, for the reason that many of them occupy intermediate points in any scheme that would be succinct enough to be practically useful. In the arrangement of the present chapter the division is made into: 1st. Abstract ideas expressed pictorially. 2d. Signs, symbols, and emblems. 3d. Significance of colors. 4th. Gesture and posture signs depicted. When any of the graphic representations of ideas have become successful, i. e., commonly adopted, it soon becomes[584] more or less conventionalized. Chapter XIX is devoted specially to that branch of the general subject.

It’s impossible to classify the pictured ideograms collected with scientific precision because many of them fall into intermediate categories that wouldn’t be simple enough to be practically useful. In this chapter, we divide the content into: 1st. Abstract ideas shown visually. 2nd. Signs, symbols, and emblems. 3rd. Meaning of colors. 4th. Gesture and posture signs illustrated. When any of the graphic representations of ideas become widely accepted, they quickly become[584] more or less conventional. Chapter XIX focuses specifically on that aspect of the subject.

SECTION 1.
ABSTRACT IDEAS SHOWN PICTORIALLY.

The first stage of picture-writing, as considered in the present chapter, was the representation of a material object in such style or connection as determined it not to be a mere portraiture of that object, but figurative of some other object or person. This stage is abundantly exhibited among the American Indians. Indeed, their personal and tribal names thus objectively represented constitute the largest part of their picture-writing so far thoroughly understood.

The first stage of picture-writing, as discussed in this chapter, was about representing a physical object in a way that made it more than just a portrait of that object, but instead a symbol for something else or someone. This stage is clearly seen among American Indians. In fact, their personal and tribal names shown this way make up the biggest part of their picture-writing that we currently understand.

The second step was when a special quality or characteristic of an object, generally an animal, became employed to express a general quality, i. e., an abstract idea. It can be readily seen how, among the Egyptians, a hawk with bright eye and lofty flight might be selected to express divinity and royalty, and that the crocodile should denote darkness, while a slightly further advance in metaphors made the ostrich feather, from the equality of its filaments, typical of truth. All peoples whose rulers used special objective designations of their rank, made those objects the signs for power, whether they were crowns or umbrellas, eagle feathers, or colored buttons. A horse meant swiftness, a serpent life—or immortality when drawn as a circle—a dog was watchfulness, and a rabbit was fecundity. It is evident from examples given in the present paper that the American tribes at the time of the Columbian discovery had entered upon this second step of picture-writing, though with marked inequality between tribes and regions in advance therein. None of them appear to have reached such proficiency in the expression of connected ideas by picture, as is shown in the sign-language existing among some of them, which may be accounted for by its more frequent use required by the constant meeting of many persons speaking different languages. There is no more necessary connection between abstract ideas and sounds, the mere signs of thought that strike the ear, than there is between the same ideas and signs addressed only to the eye. The success and scope of either mode of expression depends mainly upon the amount of its exercise, in which oral language undoubtedly has surpassed both sign-language and picture-writing.

The second step occurred when a specific quality or characteristic of an object, usually an animal, was used to represent a general quality, i.e., an abstract idea. It's easy to see how, among the Egyptians, a hawk with a bright eye and a high flight might symbolize divinity and royalty, while a crocodile would represent darkness, and further development in metaphors led to the ostrich feather, which, due to the equality of its filaments, became a symbol of truth. All cultures whose rulers had specific titles associated with their rank used those objects as symbols of power, whether they were crowns, umbrellas, eagle feathers, or colored buttons. A horse represented speed, a serpent symbolized life—or immortality when drawn as a circle—a dog stood for watchfulness, and a rabbit represented fertility. It is clear from the examples provided in this paper that American tribes at the time of Columbus's discovery had begun this second step of picture-writing, though there was a notable disparity between tribes and regions in their advancement in this area. None seemed to have achieved the level of sophistication in expressing connected ideas through pictures as evidenced in the sign language used by some of them, which can be attributed to its more frequent use due to the constant interaction among many people speaking different languages. There is no necessary link between abstract ideas and sounds, which are simply signs of thought that we hear, just as there is no connection between those same ideas and visual signs. The effectiveness and range of either form of expression mainly depend on how much it is practiced, in which spoken language has undoubtedly surpassed both sign language and picture-writing.

The examples now following in this chapter are by no means all the graphic representations of abstract ideas collected. Indeed many others are contained in the work under other headings, but the following are selected for grouping here with an attempt at order. In the popular definition, or want of definition, some of them would be classed as symbols.

The examples coming up in this chapter are definitely not all the visual representations of abstract concepts that have been gathered. In fact, many more are included in the work under different headings, but the following are chosen to be organized here with an effort at structure. In the common definition, or lack of definition, some of them would be categorized as symbols.

AFTER.

Fig. 845.—Charge after.

Fig. 845.—Follow up.

Fig. 845.—Charge after; Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 845.—Charge after; Red Cloud’s Census.

Here is suggested the order in a charge upon an enemy, apparently a Crow. The concept is not the general charge of a number of warriors upon the Crows, but the succession between themselves of the men who made that charge. The person whose name is represented probably followed in but did not lead some celebrated charge.

Here is suggested the order in a charge against an enemy, apparently a Crow. The idea isn’t about a generic attack by a group of warriors against the Crows, but rather about the sequence in which individual men charged. The person whose name is mentioned likely participated in a famous charge but wasn’t the one leading it.

Fig. 846.—Killed after.

Fig. 846.—Killed later.

Fig. 846.—John Richard shot and killed an Oglala named Yellow-Bear, and the Oglalas killed Richard before he could get out of the lodge; American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1871-’72. This occurred in the spring of 1872. As the white man was killed after the Indian, he is placed behind him in the figure. The bear’s head is shown.

Fig. 846.—John Richard shot and killed an Oglala named Yellow-Bear, and the Oglalas killed Richard before he could escape the lodge; American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1871-’72. This happened in the spring of 1872. Since the white man was killed after the Indian, he is positioned behind him in the figure. The bear’s head is shown.

AGE—OLD AND YOUNG.

OLD.

Fig. 847.—Old-Horse.

Fig. 847.—Old Horse.

Fig. 847.—Old-Horse; Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the old age is shown by the wrinkles and projecting lips.

Fig. 847.—Old-Horse; Red-Cloud’s Census. Here, old age is depicted through the wrinkles and protruding lips.

Fig. 848.—Old-Mexican.

Fig. 848.—Old Mexican.

Fig. 848.—Old-Mexican; Red-Cloud’s Census. The man in European dress is bent and supported by a staff, thus depicting the gesture-sign mentioned in connection with Fig. 994. The Dakota had probably received his name from killing an aged Mexican.

Fig. 848.—Old-Mexican; Red-Cloud’s Census. The man in European clothing is hunched over and leaning on a staff, illustrating the gesture mentioned in connection with Fig. 994. The Dakota likely got his name from having killed an elderly Mexican.

YOUNG.

Fig. 849.—Young-Rabbit.

Fig. 849.—Young Rabbit.

Fig. 849.—Young-Rabbit, a Crow, was killed in battle by Red-Cloud. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1861-’62. Here the youth of the Rabbit is expressed by diminutive size and short legs.

Fig. 849.—Young-Rabbit, a Crow, was killed in battle by Red-Cloud. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1861-’62. Here, the youth of the Rabbit is shown by its small size and short legs.

Fig. 850.—Bad-Boy.

Fig. 850.—Troublemaker.

Fig. 850.—Bad-Boy. Red-Cloud’s Census. The boyhood is expressed by the short hair and short scalp lock.

Fig. 850.—Bad-Boy. Red-Cloud’s Census. The childhood is shown by the short hair and short scalp lock.

BAD.

Fig. 851.—Bad-Horn.

Fig. 851.—Bad Horn.

Fig. 851.—Bad-Horn. Red-Cloud’s Census. The bad quality of the horn is expressed by its decayed and broken condition and its distorted curve.

Fig. 851.—Bad-Horn. Red-Cloud’s Census. The poor quality of the horn is shown by its decayed and broken state and its warped shape.

Fig. 852.—Bad-Face.

Fig. 852.—Bad Face.

Fig. 852.—Bad-Face, a Dakota, was shot in the face. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1794-’95. The bad face may have been broken out with blotches of disease before the shot, or the scars may have been the result of the shot, which gave occasion for a new name, as is common. The idea of “bad” is often expressed by an abnormality, especially one which disfigures.

Fig. 852.—Bad-Face, a Dakota, was shot in the face. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1794-’95. The bad face may have had blotches of disease before the shot, or the scars might have come from the gunshot, which led to a new name, as often happens. The concept of “bad” is frequently represented by an abnormality, particularly one that disfigures.

Fig. 853.—Bad. Ojibwa.

Fig. 853.—Poor. Ojibwa.

Fig. 853, taken from Copway (d), represents “bad.” The concept appears to be the preponderance of “below” to “above.”

Fig. 853, taken from Copway (d), represents “bad.” The idea seems to be that there is more from “below” than “above.”

BEFORE.

Fig. 854.—Got there first.

Fig. 854.—Arrived first.

Fig. 854.—Got there first. Red-Cloud’s Census. The figure portrays a successful escape of an unmounted Indian from a chase by enemies on horseback. The chased man gets home to his tipi before being overtaken by his pursuers, whose horses’ tracks are shown.

Fig. 854.—Got there first. Red-Cloud’s Census. The figure shows a successful escape of an unmounted Native American from a chase by enemies on horseback. The man being chased makes it back to his tipi before his pursuers can catch him, whose horses' tracks are visible.

BIG.

Fig. 855.—Big-Turnip.

Fig. 855.—Large Turnip.

Fig. 855.—Big-Turnip. Red-Cloud’s Census. The plant is also known as the navet de prairie. The large size of the specimen, as compared with the human head, is apparent.

Fig. 855.—Big-Turnip. Red-Cloud’s Census. The plant is also known as the prairie turnip. The large size of the specimen, compared to a human head, is obvious.

Fig. 856.—Big-Crow.

Fig. 856.—Large Crow.

Fig. 856.—A Minneconjou Dakota, named Big-Crow, was killed by the Crow Indians. Swan’s Winter Count, 1859-’60. He had received his name from killing a Crow Indian of unusual size. The bird is portrayed much larger than similar objects in the Winter Count, from which it is taken.

Fig. 856.—A Minneconjou Dakota named Big-Crow was killed by the Crow Indians. Swan’s Winter Count, 1859-’60. He got his name from killing a Crow Indian of unusual size. The bird is shown much larger than similar objects in the Winter Count, from which it is taken.

Fig. 857.—Grasp.

Fig. 857.—Grip.

Fig. 857.—Grasp. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the indication of size and strength of the hand is suggested by one[587] hand growing out from another, a species of duplication. To have drawn two distinct hands would only have been normal and not suggestive of unusual power of grip.

Fig. 857.—Grasp. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the indication of size and strength of the hand is suggested by one[587] hand growing out from another, a kind of duplication. Drawing two separate hands would have seemed normal and wouldn't have indicated an extraordinary grip strength.

Fig. 858.—Big-Hand.

Fig. 858.—Large Hand.

Fig. 858.—Big-Hand. From Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the fingers are widely separated and displayed.

Fig. 858.—Big-Hand. From Red-Cloud’s Census. Here, the fingers are spread apart and shown clearly.

Fig. 859.—Big-Thunder.

Fig. 859.—Big Thunder.

Fig. 859.—Big-Thunder. From Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the size or power is suggested by implication. The double or two-voiced thunder is big thunder.

Fig. 859.—Big-Thunder. From Red-Cloud’s Census. Here, the size or power is hinted at through suggestion. The double or two-voiced thunder is big thunder.

Fig. 860.—Big-Voice.

Fig. 860.—Loudspeaker.

Fig. 860.—Big-Voice. From Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure there are still more voices than in the preceding.

Fig. 860.—Big-Voice. From Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure, there are even more voices than in the previous one.

CENTER.

Fig. 861.—Center-Feather.

Fig. 861.—Center Feather.

Fig. 861.—Upi-Yaslate. Center-Feather. The Oglala Roster. This is the indication of a particular feather, i. e., the middle tail feather of a bird, probably of an eagle, the tail feathers of which bird are represented in many pictographs in this paper. There was some reason for the selection of the center feather for the name, and to indicate the center three feathers were depicted with a line touching the middle one.

Fig. 861.—Upi-Yaslate. Center-Feather. The Oglala Roster. This refers to a specific feather, namely, the middle tail feather of a bird, likely an eagle, whose tail feathers appear in many illustrations in this document. There was a reason for choosing the center feather for the name, and to show this, the three center feathers were illustrated with a line connecting to the middle one.

DEAF.

Fig. 862.—Deaf-Woman.

Fig. 862.—Deaf Woman.

Fig. 862.—Wi-nugin-kpa, Deaf-Woman. The Oglala Roster. The ears are covered by a line, i. e., are closed, and the ear most in view is connected with the crown of the head, to show that the name is expressed.

Fig. 862.—Wi-nugin-kpa, Deaf-Woman. The Oglala Roster. The ears are covered by a line, meaning they are closed, and the ear that is most visible is connected to the crown of the head, indicating that the name is being expressed.

DIRECTION.

This title has been selected as being the most comprehensive one for the five following figures. The first shows a moccasin with a serpentine track, at the farthest end of which is an angular design, indicating leadership as well as the direction taken. This suggests the leader of a war party conducting his band over an uncertain trail. The second is explanatory of the first. That the chief goes in front is indicated in a manner the reverse of that which would appear in the designs common in our military text-books. He is supposed to be in the opening in the angle of the advance and not at its apex. The third figure shows a steadfast leadership in the determined straight direction of attack against the enemy. This is still more ideographically represented by the single strong straight line showing that he “Don’t turn” in the fourth figure of this group.

This title has been chosen as the most comprehensive for the following five figures. The first figure shows a moccasin with a winding track, at the far end of which is an angular design, representing leadership and the direction taken. This implies the leader of a war party guiding his group along an uncertain path. The second figure explains the first. It indicates that the chief leads from the front, which is illustrated differently than what is typically found in our military textbooks. He is positioned at the opening of the angle of advance rather than at its peak. The third figure illustrates strong leadership in a determined, direct attack against the enemy. This is further symbolized in the fourth figure with a single strong straight line, showing that he should "not turn."

Fig. 863.—Direction.

Fig. 863.—Direction.

Fig. 863.—Warrior. Red-Cloud’s Census. The name does not give any idea of the design.

Fig. 863.—Warrior. Red-Cloud’s Census. The name doesn’t convey what the design is about.

Fig. 864.—Goes-in-Front.

Fig. 864.—Front-Loading.

Fig. 864.—Goes-in-Front. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 864.—Goes-in-Front. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 865.—Don’t-turn.

Fig. 865.—Do not turn.

Fig. 865.—Don’t-turn. Red-Cloud’s Census. This means that the warrior don’t—that is, won’t—turn from his direct course.

Fig. 865.—Don’t-turn. Red-Cloud’s Census. This means that the warrior doesn’t—that is, won’t—turn from his direct course.

Fig. 866.—Don’t-turn.

Fig. 866.—No U-turn.

Fig. 866.—Don’t-turn. Red Cloud’s Census. This figure is a variant of the last, and a body of mounted men following the leader, all on horseback as shown by the lunules.

Fig. 866.—Don’t-turn. Red Cloud’s Census. This figure is a variation of the previous one, depicting a group of mounted men following their leader, all on horseback as indicated by the crescent shapes.

Fig. 867.—Returning Scout.

Fig. 867.—Return Scout.

Fig. 867.—Tunweya-gli, Returning-Scout. The Oglala Roster. The returning is ingeniously represented by the line curving backward and returning to the point of starting. The two balls above the head are simply two fixed points, which establish the course of the line.

Fig. 867.—Tunweya-gli, Returning-Scout. The Oglala Roster. The return is cleverly depicted with the line curving back to the starting point. The two balls above the head are just two fixed points that outline the path of the line.

DISEASE.

Fig. 868.—Whooping cough.

Whooping cough.

Fig. 868.—Many had the whooping cough. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1813-’14. The cough is represented by the lines issuing from the man’s mouth, but the characteristics of the disease are better expressed in the three charts of the Lone-Dog system, Figs. 196, 197, and 198.

Fig. 868.—Many people had whooping cough. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1813-’14. The cough is shown by the lines coming from the man's mouth, but the features of the disease are better illustrated in the three charts of the Lone-Dog system, Figs. 196, 197, and 198.

Fig. 869.—Measles.

Fig. 869.—Measles.

Fig. 870.—Measles or smallpox.

Fig. 870.—Measles or chickenpox.

Fig. 869.—All the Dakotas had measles, very fatal. Swan’s Winter Count, 1818-’19. Battiste Good says: “Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” They, i. e., the Dakotas, at this time lived on the Little White river, about 20 miles above the Rosebud agency. The character in Battiste Good’s chart is presented here in Fig. 870 as a variant.

Fig. 869.—All the Dakotas had measles, which was very deadly. Swan’s Winter Count, 1818-’19. Battiste Good says: “Smallpox really hit them hard that winter.” They, meaning the Dakotas, at this time lived on the Little White River, about 20 miles above the Rosebud agency. The character in Battiste Good’s chart is shown here in Fig. 870 as a variant.

Fig. 871.—Ate buffalo and died.

Fig. 871.—Ate buffalo and passed away.

Fig. 872.—Died of “whistle.”

Fig. 872.—Died from “whistle.”

Fig. 871.—Dakota war party ate a buffalo and all died. Swan’s Winter Count, 1826-’27. Battiste Good calls the same year, “Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter,” Fig. 872, and explains that six Dakotas on the warpath had nearly perished with hunger, when they found and ate the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on which the wolves had been feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in the stomach, their bellies swelled, and gas poured from the mouth and the anus, and they “died of a whistle,” or from eating a whistle. The sound of gas escaping from the mouth is illustrated in the figure. The character on the abdomen and on its right may be considered to be the ideograph for pain in that part of the body.

Fig. 871

Fig. 873.—Smallpox.

Fig. 873.—Smallpox.

Fig. 873.—Many people died of smallpox. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1782-’83. The charts all record two successive winters of smallpox, but American-Horse makes the first year of the epidemic one year later than that of Battiste Good, and Cloud-Shield makes it two years later.

Fig. 873.—Many people died of smallpox. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1782-’83. The charts all note two consecutive winters of smallpox, but American-Horse places the first year of the epidemic one year later than Battiste Good, and Cloud-Shield places it two years later.

Fig. 874.—Smallpox.

Fig. 874.—Smallpox.

Fig. 874.—Many died of smallpox. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1780-’81. Here the smallpox marks are on the face and neck of a Dakota, as indicated by the arrangement of the hair.

Fig. 874.—Many died of smallpox. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1780-’81. Here the smallpox scars are visible on the face and neck of a Dakota, as shown by the way the hair is arranged.

Fig. 875.—Smallpox. Mexican.

Fig. 875.—Smallpox. Mexican.

Kingsborough (e) explains Fig. 875 by these words in the text: “In the year of Seven Rabbits, or in 1538, many of the people died of the smallpox.” This may be compared with the two preceding figures.

Kingsborough (e) explains Fig. 875 with the following statement in the text: “In the year of Seven Rabbits, or in 1538, many people died from smallpox.” This can be compared to the two previous figures.

Fig. 876.—Died of cramps.

Fig. 876.—Died from cramps.

Fig. 876.—Many died of the cramps. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1849-’50. The cramps were those of Asiatic cholera, which was epidemic in the United States at that time, and was carried to the plains by the California and Oregon emigrants. The position of the man is very suggestive of cholera.

Fig. 876.—Many people died from cramps. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1849-’50. The cramps were caused by Asiatic cholera, which was widespread in the United States at that time and was brought to the plains by emigrants heading to California and Oregon. The posture of the man is very indicative of cholera.

Fig. 877.—Died in childbirth.

Fig. 877.—Passed away during childbirth.

Fig. 877.—Many women died in childbirth. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1798-’99.

Fig. 877.—Many women died during childbirth. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1798-’99.

Fig. 878.—Died in childbirth.

Fig. 878.—Died during childbirth.

Fig. 878.—Many women died in childbirth. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1792-’93.

Fig. 878.—Many women died during childbirth. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1792-’93.

Fig. 879.—Sickness. Ojibwa.

Fig. 879.—Illness. Ojibwa.

Fig. 879, from Copway (e), represents sickness. It evidently refers to the loss of flesh consequent thereon. The sick man is a European.

Fig. 879, from Copway (e), shows sickness. It clearly relates to the resulting weight loss. The sick man is European.

Fig. 880.—Sickness. Chinese.

Fig. 880.—Illness. Chinese.

Edkins (a) gives Fig. 880 as “sickness,” and calls it a picture of a sick man leaning against a support. All words connected with diseases are arranged under this head.

Edkins (a) presents Fig. 880 as “sickness” and describes it as an image of a sick man leaning on a support. All terms related to illnesses are organized under this category.

FAST.

The following figures clearly indicate rapidity of motion:

The following figures clearly show the speed of motion:

Fig. 881.—Fast-Horse.

Fig. 881.—Speedy Horse.

Fig. 881.—Fast-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 881.—Fast Horse. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 882.—Fast-Elk.

Fast-Elk

Fig. 882.—Fast-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 882.—Fast-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Survey.

FEAR.

The following ideograms for the concept of fear show respectively an elk, a bear, and a bull surrounded by a circle of hunters. It would seem that the latter were supposed to be afraid to attack the animals when at bay in hand-to-hand fight, but stood off in a circle until they had killed the enraged beast, or at least wounded it sufficiently to allow of approach without danger.

The following symbols for the idea of fear show an elk, a bear, and a bull surrounded by a circle of hunters. It seems that the hunters were meant to be afraid to attack the animals in close combat when they were backed against a wall, but instead stayed at a distance until they had either killed the angry beast or at least hurt it enough to approach without risk.

Fig. 883.—Afraid-of-Elk.

Fig. 883.—Elk Fear.

Fig. 883.—Afraid-of-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 883.—Afraid-of-Elk. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 884.—Afraid-of-Bull.

Fig. 884.—Bull-Phobia.

Fig. 884.—Afraid-of-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 884.—Afraid-of-Bull. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 885.—Afraid-of-Bear.

Fig. 885.—Bear Fear.

Fig. 885.—Afraid-of-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 885.—Afraid-of-Bear. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 886.—The Bear-stops.

Fig. 886.—Bear Stops.

Fig. 886.—Matokinajin, The-Bear-Stops. The Oglala Roster. The bear is surrounded by a circle of hunters, so is forced to stop. This figure is in no essential respect different from the one preceding, yet the name is suggestive of the converse of the fact expressed. In this case the bear is forced to stop, and doubtless fear is exhibited by that animal and not his hunters. Each of the ideas is appropriately expressed, the point of consideration being changed.

Fig. 886.—Matokinajin, The-Bear-Stops. The Oglala Roster. The bear is surrounded by a circle of hunters, so it has to stop. This figure is fundamentally the same as the previous one, but the name suggests the opposite of what is depicted. Here, the bear is made to stop, and it’s clear that the fear is shown by the bear, not the hunters. Each idea is effectively expressed, with the focus shifted.

Fig. 887.

Fig. 887.

Fig. 887 is taken from Copway, loc. cit. It probably represents “fear,” the concept being the imagined sinking or depression of the heart and vital organs, as is correspondingly expressed in several languages.

Fig. 887 is taken from Copway, loc. cit. It probably represents “fear,” which is the idea of the heart and vital organs feeling like they are sinking or depressed, as is similarly expressed in several languages.

FRESHET.

This small group shows the Dakotan modes of portraying the freshets of the rivers on the banks of which they lived, which were often disastrous. Each of the three figures pictures differently the same event.

This small group displays the Dakotan ways of illustrating the river floods along their shores, which were often catastrophic. Each of the three figures represents the same event in a different manner.

Fig. 888.—River freshet.

Fig. 888.—River flood.

Fig. 888.—“Many-Yanktonais-drowned winter.” The river bottom on a bend of the Missouri river, where they were encamped, was suddenly submerged, when the ice broke and many women and children were drowned. Battiste Good’s Winter Count 1825-’26.

Fig. 888.—“Many-Yanktonais-drowned winter.” The riverbank on a bend of the Missouri River, where they were camping, was suddenly flooded when the ice broke, and many women and children drowned. Battiste Good’s Winter Count 1825-’26.

Fig. 889.—River freshet.

Fig. 889.—River flood.

Fig. 889.—Many of the Dakotas were drowned in a flood caused by a rise in the Missouri river, in a bend of which they were encamped. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1825-’26. The curved line is the bend in the river; the waved line is the water, above which the tops of the tipis are shown.

Fig. 889.—Many of the Dakotas drowned in a flood caused by a rise in the Missouri River, where they were camped in a bend of the river. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1825-’26. The curved line represents the river bend; the wavy line shows the water, above which the tops of the tipis are visible.

Fig. 890.—River freshet.

Fig. 890.—River flood.

Fig. 890.—Some of the Dakotas were living on the bottom lands of the Missouri river, below the Whetstone, when the river, which was filled with broken ice, rose and flooded their village. Many were drowned or else killed by the floating ice. Many of those that escaped climbed on cakes of ice or into trees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1825-’26.

Fig. 890.—Some of the Dakotas were living on the lowlands by the Missouri River, below the Whetstone, when the river, filled with broken ice, rose and flooded their village. Many were drowned or killed by the floating ice. Many of those who escaped climbed onto chunks of ice or into trees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1825-’26.

GOOD.

Fig. 891.—Good weasel.

Fig. 891.—Nice weasel.

Fig. 891.—Good-Weasel. Red-Cloud’s Census. The character is represented with two waving lines passing upward from the mouth in imitation of the gesture sign, good talk, as made by passing two extended and separated fingers (or all fingers separated) upward and forward from the mouth. This gesture is made when referring either to a shaman or to a Christian clergyman. It is connected with the idea of “mystic” frequently mentioned in this work.

Fig. 891.—Good-Weasel. Red-Cloud’s Census. The character is shown with two wavy lines rising from the mouth to mimic the gesture for "good talk," which is when you extend and separate two fingers (or all fingers) upward and forward from the mouth. This gesture is used when talking about either a shaman or a Christian clergyman. It is linked to the idea of “mystic,” which is often referenced in this work.

HIGH.

Various modes of delineating this idea are represented as follows:

Different ways of expressing this idea are shown below:

Fig. 892.—Top-man.

Fig. 892.—Crew member.

Fig. 892.—Top-man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This character for Top-man, or more properly “man above,” is drawn a short distance above a curved line, which represents the character for sky inverted. The gesture for sky is sometimes made by passing the hand from east to west, describing an arc. Other pictographs for sky are shown in Fig. 1117.

Fig. 892.—Top-man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This symbol for Top-man, or more accurately "man above," is positioned slightly above a curved line that represents the inverted symbol for sky. The gesture for sky can sometimes be made by moving the hand from east to west in an arc. Other pictographs for sky are shown in Fig. 1117.

Fig. 893.—High-Cloud.

Fig. 893.—High Cloud.

Fig. 893.—High-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. The light and horizontal character of the cloud suggests that it is one of those classed by meteorologists[593] as belonging to the higher regions of the atmosphere. This differs from all the varieties of clouds depicted in the Dakotan system.

Fig. 893.—High-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. The light and flat nature of the cloud indicates that it is categorized by meteorologists[593] as part of the higher levels of the atmosphere. This is different from all the types of clouds shown in the Dakotan system.

Fig. 894.—High-Bear.

Fig. 894.—High-Bear.

Fig. 894—High-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The length of the line and the animal’s stretch of attitude suggest the altitude.

Fig. 894—High-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The length of the line and the animal’s posture suggest the elevation.

Fig. 895.—High-Eagle.

Fig. 895.—High Eagle.

Fig. 895.—High-Eagle. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there is an additional suggestion of elevation from the upward angle or pointer delineated below the eagle’s body and in front of its legs.

Fig. 895.—High-Eagle. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there is an additional hint of elevation from the upward angle or pointer illustrated below the eagle’s body and in front of its legs.

Fig. 896.—Wolf on height.

Fig. 896.—Wolf on a hill.

Fig. 896.—Wolf-stands-on-a-hill. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the following representation of the same name show variation in execution. The first, which is faint, as if distant vertically, is connected with a straight line. The second shows the hill, appearing from vertical distance too small to be the support of the wolf, which requires an imaginary support for its hind legs.

Fig. 896.—Wolf-stands-on-a-hill. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the following representation of the same name show variation in execution. The first one is faint, as if viewed from a distance, and is connected by a straight line. The second shows the hill, appearing too small from that vertical distance to actually support the wolf, which seems to need an imaginary support for its hind legs.

Fig. 897.—Wolf on height.

Fig. 897.—Wolf on hill.

Fig. 897.—Wolf-stands-on-hill. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 897.—Wolf on Hill. Red Cloud’s Census.

LEAN.

In the five figures next following the leanness of the several animals is objectively portrayed. In Fig. 903 the idea is conveyed of “nothing inside.”

In the five figures that follow, the thinness of the various animals is clearly shown. In Fig. 903, the concept of "nothing inside" is communicated.

Fig. 898.—Lean-Skunk.

Fig. 898.—Lean Skunk.

Fig. 898.—Lean-Skunk. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 898.—Lean-Skunk. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 899.—Lean-Dog.

Fig. 899.—Thin Dog.

Fig. 899.—Lean-Dog. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 899.—Lean Dog. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 900.—Lean-Bear.

Fig. 900.—Lean Bear.

Fig. 900.—Lean-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. This bear being excessively hungry is rendered ferocious by devouring unpalatable provender.

Fig. 900.—Lean-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. This bear, being extremely hungry, becomes fierce from eating unpleasant food.

Fig. 901.—Lean-Elk.

Fig. 901.—Lean-Elk.

Fig. 901.—Lean-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 901.—Lean-Elk. Red-Cloud's Survey.

Fig. 902.—Lean-Bull.

Fig. 902.—Lean Bull.

Fig. 902.—Lean-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 902.—Lean Bull. Red Cloud's Census.

Fig. 903.—Lean-Wolf.

Fig. 903.—Lean Wolf.

The original of Fig. 903 was made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of the Hidatsa, in 1881, and represents the method which he had employed to designate himself for many years past. During his boyhood he had another name. This is a current, or perhaps it may be called cursive, form of the name, which is given more elaborately in Fig. 548.

The original of Fig. 903 was created by Lean-Wolf, the second chief of the Hidatsa, in 1881, and shows the way he had used to identify himself for many years. As a child, he had a different name. This is a modern, or maybe it can be called a flowing, version of the name, which is explained in more detail in Fig. 548.

LITTLE.

Fig. 904.—Little-Ring.

Fig. 904.—Little Ring.

Fig. 904.—Little-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the six following figures express smallness by their minute size relative to the other characterizing figures among nearly three hundred in the census.

Fig. 904.—Little-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the six figures that follow represent smallness through their tiny size compared to the other distinctive figures among nearly three hundred in the census.

Fig. 905.—Little-Ring.

Fig. 905.—Little Ring.

Fig. 905.—Little-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 905.—Little-Ring. Red Cloud's Census.

Fig. 906.—Little-Crow.

Fig. 906.—Little Crow.

Fig. 906.—Little-Crow. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 906.—Little Crow. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 907.—Little-Cloud.

Fig. 907.—Little Cloud.

Fig. 907.—Little-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 907.—Little Cloud. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 908.—Little-Dog.

Fig. 908.—Puppy.

Fig. 908.—Little-Dog. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 908.—Little Dog. Red Cloud's Census.

Fig. 909.—Little-Wolf.

Fig. 909.—Little Wolf.

Fig. 909.—Little-Wolf. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 909.—Little Wolf. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 910.—Little-Bear.

Fig. 910.—Little Bear.

Fig. 910.—Little-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 910.—Little Bear. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 911.—Little-Elk.

Fig. 911.—Little Elk.

Fig. 911.—Little-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there is an ideogram explained by the sign-language for small, little, as follows:

Fig. 911.—Little-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here, there’s an ideogram explained by the sign language for small, little, as follows:

Hold imaginary object between left thumb and index; point (carrying right index close to tips) to the last. In the original appears a small round spot over the back of the deer representing the imaginary point made in the gesture.

Hold an imaginary object between your left thumb and index finger; point (with your right index finger close to the tips) to the last one. In the original, there’s a small round spot on the back of the deer that represents the imaginary point made in the gesture.

Fig. 912.—Little-Beaver.

Fig. 912.—Little Beaver.

Fig. 912.—Little-Beaver and three other white men came to trade. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. In this figure the man is small and the beaver abnormally large.

Fig. 912.—Little-Beaver and three other white men came to trade. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. In this image, the man is small and the beaver is unusually large.

Fig. 913.—Little-Beaver.

Fig. 913.—Little Beaver.

Fig. 913.—Little-Beaver’s trading house was burned down. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1808-’09. The beaver is not comparatively so large as in the preceding figure, but still much too large for a proper proportion with the human head. It is indicated that the man is small.

Fig. 913.—Little-Beaver’s trading house was burned down. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1808-’09. The beaver is not quite as large as in the previous figure, but it's still way too big compared to the human head. It suggests that the man is small.

Fig. 914.—Little-Beaver.

Fig. 914.—Little Beaver.

Fig. 914.—Little-Beaver’s house was burned. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1809-’10. White-Cow-Killer says, “Little-Beaver’s (the white man) house-burned-down winter.” This is a third method of representing the same name.

Fig. 914.—Little-Beaver’s house was burned. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1809-’10. White-Cow-Killer says, “Little-Beaver’s (the white man) house-burned-down winter.” This is a third way of representing the same name.

Fig. 915.—Little-Moon.

Fig. 915.—Little Moon.

Fig. 915.—Little-Moon. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows a phase of the moon when the bright part of its disk is small.

Fig. 915.—Little-Moon. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows a phase of the moon when the bright part of its disk is minimal.

LONE.

Fig. 916.—Lone-woman.

Fig. 916.—Solo woman.

Fig. 916.—Winyan-isnala, Lone-Woman. The Oglala Roster. It is possible that the single straight line above the woman’s head shows unity, loneliness, or independence, as it may be interpreted.

Fig. 916.—Winyan-isnala, Lone-Woman. The Oglala Roster. The single straight line above the woman's head could symbolize unity, loneliness, or independence, depending on how one interprets it.

Fig. 917.—Lone-Bear.

Fig. 917.—Lone Bear.

Fig. 917.—Lone-Bear was killed in battle. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1866-’67. This figure is perhaps to be explained by the one preceding. The bear is drawn sitting upright and solitary, not standing as it would be with the device turned, feet to ground, as might be suspected to be the intended attitude instead of that here shown.

Fig. 917.—Lone-Bear was killed in battle. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1866-’67. This figure might be interpreted in relation to the one before it. The bear is shown sitting upright and alone, rather than standing as it would be if the figure were turned with its feet on the ground, which might be the expected position instead of what is shown here.

MANY, MUCH.

In the two following figures the idea of “many” is conveyed by repetition.

In the two following figures, the concept of "many" is expressed through repetition.

In the third, Fig. 920, the representation is that of a heap, for much.

In the third, Fig. 920, the image shows a pile, for a lot.

Fig. 918.—Many-Shells.

Fig. 918.—Multiple Shells.

Fig. 918.—Many-Shells. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 918.—Many-Shells. Red Cloud's Census.

Fig. 919.—Many deer.

Many deer.

Fig. 919.—General Maynadier made peace with the Oglalas and Brulés. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1865-’66. The general’s name (the sound of which resembles the words “many deer”) is indicated by the two deer heads connected with his mouth by lines. The pictographers represented his name in the same manner as they do their own. It is not an example of rebus, but of misunderstanding the significance of the word as spoken and heard by such Indians as had some knowledge of English. The official interpreters would be likely to commit the error as they seldom understand more than the colloquial English phrases.

Fig. 919.—General Maynadier made peace with the Oglalas and Brulés. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1865-’66. The general’s name (which sounds like “many deer”) is shown by the two deer heads connected to his mouth by lines. The pictographers depicted his name in the same way they do their own. This isn’t an example of a rebus, but rather a misunderstanding of the word's significance as spoken and heard by those Indians who had some knowledge of English. The official interpreters were likely to make this mistake since they often only understood colloquial English phrases.

Fig. 920.—Much snow.

Much snow.

Fig. 920 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year 1841-’42. He calls the year “Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” Also “Deep-snow winter.”

Fig. 920 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year 1841-’42. He refers to the year as “Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” Also “Deep-snow winter.”

The extended index denotes the man’s name, “Pointer,” the circular line and spots, deep snow.

The extended index shows the man's name, “Pointer,” along with the circular line and dots, deep snow.

The spots denoting snow occur also in other portions of this count, and the circle, denoting much, is in Fig. 260 connected with a forked stick and incloses a buffalo head to signify “much meat.” That the circle is intended to signify much is made probable, by the fact that a gesture for “much” is made by passing the hands upward from both sides and together before the body, describing the upper half of a circle, i. e., showing a heap.

The spots indicating snow also appear in other parts of this count, and the circle, representing “much,” is shown in Fig. 260 connected with a forked stick and encircling a buffalo head to mean “much meat.” The fact that the circle is meant to indicate abundance is likely supported by the gesture for “much,” which involves moving the hands upward from both sides and together in front of the body, forming the upper half of a circle, i.e., demonstrating a pile.

Fig. 921.-Great, much.

Great, very much.

Fig. 921, from Copway, gives the character meaning “great,” really “much.” See the above mentioned gesture.

Fig. 921, from Copway, shows the character that means “great,” really “a lot.” Check out the gesture mentioned above.

OBSCURE.

Fig. 922.—Ring-Cloud.

Fig. 922.—Ring Cloud.

Fig. 922.—Ring-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. The semicircle for cloud is the reverse in execution to that shown in Fig. 893. The ring is partially surrounded by the cloud.

Fig. 922.—Ring-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. The semicircle for the cloud is executed in the opposite way compared to what's shown in Fig. 893. The ring is partially encircled by the cloud.

Fig. 923.—Cloud-Ring.

Fig. 923.—Cloud Ring.

Fig. 923.—Cloud-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the outline of the ring is intentionally contorted and blurred, thus becoming obscure.

Fig. 923.—Cloud-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the outline of the ring is deliberately twisted and fuzzy, making it hard to see.

Fig. 924.—Fog.

Fig. 924.—Fog.

Fig. 924.—Fog. Red-Cloud’s Census. The obscurity here can only be appreciated by comparison with the other figures of the chart. The outline is drawn broad and with a blurred and in part double line, and there is no distinguishing mark of identity, as if to suggest that the man was so much obscured in the fog as not to be recognizable.

Fig. 924.—Fog. Red-Cloud’s Census. The obscurity here can only be appreciated by comparing it with the other figures on the chart. The outline is drawn thickly and with a blurred and partly double line, and there are no distinguishing features, as if to suggest that the man was so shrouded in fog that he was unrecognizable.

OPPOSITION.

The following two figures, 925 and 926, are introduced to show the opposition in attitude, which would not be understood without knowledge of the fact that these are perhaps the only instances in a collection of nearly three hundred in which the characterizing faces are turned to the right, all others being turned to the left. This shows the opposite of normality, i. e., opposition, as suggested in each case, with a different shade of meaning.

The following two figures, 925 and 926, are presented to illustrate the opposing attitudes, which wouldn’t make sense without knowing that these are possibly the only examples in a collection of nearly three hundred where the defining faces are turned to the right, while all the others face left. This indicates the opposite of what is normal, meaning opposition, as implied in each case, with a distinct nuance.

Fig. 925.—Kills-Back.

Fig. 925.—Kills-Back.

Fig. 925.—Kills-Back. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the backward concept is presented by the unusual attitude. The coup stick or lance is supposed to be wielded in the reverse manner.

Fig. 925.—Kills-Back. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the backward concept is shown by the unusual position. The coup stick or lance is supposed to be held in the opposite way.

Fig. 926.—Keeps-the-Battle.

Fig. 926.—Keeps the Battle.

Fig. 926.—Keeps-the-Battle. Red-Cloud’s Census. The concept is that of stubborn retreat while fighting against the advancing foe.

Fig. 926.—Keeps-the-Battle. Red-Cloud’s Census. The idea is about a determined withdrawal while battling the advancing enemy.

Fig. 927.—Keeps-the-Battle.

Fig. 927.—Keeps-the-Battle.

Fig. 927.—Keeps-the-Battle. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is the same name as the preceding, but the opposition suggested is that which is usual in pictographs of a battle, with the important addition of the opposed arrow points being attached together by striking the same object, and possibly being connected by an imaginary knot. This keeps or continues the struggle.

Fig. 927.—Keeps-the-Battle. Red-Cloud’s Census. This has the same name as the previous one, but the suggested opposition is the usual one found in battle pictographs, with the important addition that the opposing arrow points are connected by hitting the same target, and they might even be linked by an imaginary knot. This represents the ongoing struggle.

Fig. 928.—His-Fight.

Fig. 928.—His Fight.

Fig. 928.—Okicize-tawa, His-Fight. The Oglala[598] Roster. The opposed guns and tracks indicate the fight in which this warrior was conspicuous and probably victorious. This figure is introduced here as typical of simple opposition in battle.

Fig. 928.—Okicize-tawa, His-Fight. The Oglala[598] Roster. The crossed guns and tracks show the battle where this warrior stood out and likely won. This figure is included here as a representative example of straightforward conflict in battle.

Fig. 929.—River fight.

Fig. 929.—River battle.

Fig. 929.—Battiste Good’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. An encounter is represented between two tribes, separated by the banks of a river, from which arrows are fired across the water at the opposing party. The vertical lines represent the banks, while the opposing arrows denote a fight or an encounter.

Fig. 929.—Battiste Good’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The illustration shows a clash between two tribes, divided by a river, with arrows being shot across the water at the other side. The vertical lines depict the riverbanks, while the arrows indicate conflict or engagement.

POSSESSION.

Fig. 930.—Owns the arrows.

Fig. 930.—Has the arrows.

Fig. 930.—Owns-the-Arrows. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a common mode of expressing possession by exhibition in hand.

Fig. 930.—Owns-the-Arrows. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a typical way of showing ownership by displaying it in one’s hand.

Fig. 931.—Has something sharp.

Fig. 931.—Has something pointed.

Fig. 931.—Pesto-yuha, Has-something-sharp (weapon). Oglala Roster. The weapon or sharp utensil is held in front to denote its possession.

Fig. 931.—Pesto-yuha, Has-something-sharp (weapon). Oglala Roster. The weapon or sharp tool is held in front to show that it's owned.

PRISONER.

This group shows the several modes of expressing the idea of a prisoner.

This group presents various ways of expressing the concept of a prisoner.

Fig. 932.—Prisoner. Dakota.

Fig. 932.—Inmate. Dakota.

Fig. 932.—The Ponkas attacked two lodges of Oglalas, killed some of the people, and made the rest prisoners. The Oglalas went to the Ponka village a short time afterward and took their people from the Ponkas. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1802-’03.

Fig. 932.—The Ponkas attacked two Oglala lodges, killing some of the people and capturing the rest. The Oglalas went to the Ponka village shortly after and rescued their people from the Ponkas. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1802-’03.

In the figure an Oglala has a prisoner by the arm leading him away. The arrow indicates that they were ready to fight. The hand grasping the fore arm is the ideogram of prisoner.

In the figure, an Oglala is leading a prisoner by the arm away. The arrow shows that they were ready to fight. The hand holding the forearm represents the concept of a prisoner.

Fig. 933.—Takes enemy.

Fig. 933.—Defeats enemy.

Fig. 933.—Takes-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man is represented as not killed nor even wounded. He is touched by the coup stick or feathered lance, when he can not escape, and becomes a prisoner.

Fig. 933.—Takes-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man is shown as neither killed nor even injured. He is struck by the coup stick or feathered lance when he can't get away and becomes a prisoner.

Lafitau (d) gives the following account descriptive of Fig. 934, which reminds of the classic Roman parade of prisoners in triumph:

Lafitau (d) provides the following description of Fig. 934, which evokes the traditional Roman parade of triumphant prisoners:

Fig. 934.—Iroquois triumph.

Fig. 934.—Iroquois victory.

Those who have charge of the prisoners prepare them for this ceremony, which is a sort of triumph, having for them something of glory and of sorrow at the same time; for, whether it is desired to do them honor or to enhance the triumph of the conquerors, they paint their faces black and red as on a solemn feast day. Their[599] heads are decorated with a crown, embellished with feathers; in the left hand is placed a white stick covered with swan skin, which is a sort of commander’s baton or scepter, as if they represented the chief of the nation [sic] or the nation itself which had been vanquished; in the right hand is placed the rattle, and around the neck of the most prominent of the slaves the wampum necklace which the war chief has given or received when he raised the party and on which the other warriors have sealed their engagement. But if on one hand the prisoners are honored, on the other, to make them feel their miserable situation, they are deprived of everything else; so that they are left entirely naked and made to walk with the arms tied behind the back above the elbow.

Those in charge of the prisoners get them ready for this ceremony, which is a kind of triumph, bringing both glory and sorrow at the same time. Whether it’s meant to honor them or to boost the conquerors’ triumph, they paint their faces black and red, similar to a festive day. Their[599] heads are adorned with a crown decorated with feathers; they hold a white stick wrapped in swan skin in their left hand, which acts like a commander’s baton or scepter, representing either the chief of the nation or the nation itself that has been defeated. In their right hand, they carry a rattle, and around the neck of the leading slave is the wampum necklace that the war chief has given or received when he gathered the party, which the other warriors have validated with their engagement. However, while the prisoners are honored, they are also made to feel their unfortunate situation by being stripped of everything else; they are left completely naked and forced to walk with their arms tied behind their backs above the elbow.

Fig. 935.—Prisoners. Dakota.

Fig. 935.—Inmates. Dakota.

Fig. 935 is taken from Mrs. Eastman (d), and shows a Dakota method of recording the taking of prisoners. a and c are the prisoners, a being a female as denoted by the presence of mammæ, and c a male; b is the person making the capture. It is to be noted that the prisoners are without hands, to signify their helplessness.

Fig. 935 is taken from Mrs. Eastman (d), and shows a Dakota way of marking the capture of prisoners. a and c are the prisoners, with a being a female indicated by her breasts, and c a male; b is the person making the capture. It's important to note that the prisoners are depicted without hands to signify their helplessness.

In Doc. Hist. New York (c) is the following description of Fig. 936:

In Doc. Hist. New York (c) is the following description of Fig. 936:

Fig. 936.—Prisoners. Iroquois.

Fig. 936.—Iroquois Prisoners.

On their return, the Iroquois, if they have prisoners or scalps, paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong rampant (debout), with a staff on the shoulder along which are strung the scalps they may have and in the same number. After the animal are the prisoners they have made, with a chichicois (or gourd filled with beans which rattle) in the right hand. If they be women, they represent them with a cadenette or queue and a waistcloth.

On their way back, the Iroquois, if they have prisoners or scalps, paint the animal of their tribe standing upright (standing), with a staff on their shoulder strung with the scalps they have, in the same number as the scalps. Behind the animal are the prisoners they captured, holding a chichicois (or a gourd filled with beans that rattles) in their right hand. If the prisoners are women, they depict them with a braid or ponytail and a waistcloth.

a. This is a person returning from war who has taken a prisoner, killed a man and woman, whose scalps hang from the end of a stick that he carries. b. The prisoner. c. Chichicois (or a gourd), which he holds in the hand. d. These are cords attached to his neck, arms, and girdle. e. This is the scalp of a man; what is joined on one side is the scalp-lock. f. This is the scalp of a woman; they paint it with the hair thin.

a. This is a person coming back from war who has captured a prisoner and killed a man and a woman, whose scalps are hanging from the end of a stick he carries. b. The prisoner. c. Chichicois (or a gourd) that he holds in his hand. d. These are cords connected to his neck, arms, and belt. e. This is the scalp of a man; what's attached on one side is the scalp-lock. f. This is the scalp of a woman; it's painted with the hair thin.

Fig. 937.—Prisoners. Mexico.

Fig. 937.—Prisoners in Mexico.

The expression prisoner and slave are often convertible. The following from Kingsborough (f), explaining this illustration reproduced as Fig. 937, refers in terms to slavery. “The figures are those of the wife and son of a cacique who rebelled against Montezuma, and who, having been conquered, was strangled. The ‘collars’ upon their necks show that they have been reduced to slavery.”

The terms prisoner and slave are often interchangeable. The following from Kingsborough (f), explaining this illustration shown as Fig. 937, specifically talks about slavery. “The figures represent the wife and son of a cacique who revolted against Montezuma and, after being defeated, was strangled. The ‘collars’ around their necks indicate that they have been enslaved.”

SHORT.

Fig. 938.—Short-Bull.

Fig. 938.—Short Bull.

Fig. 938.—Short-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 16. The buffalo is markedly short even to distortion.

Fig. 938.—Short-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 16. The buffalo is noticeably short to the point of distortion.

SIGHT.

Fig. 939.—Sees-the-Enemy.

Fig. 939.—Sees the Enemy.

Fig. 939.—Sees-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this collection the eye is not indicated except where that organ is directly connected with the significance of the name. Here its mere presence suggests that vision is the subject matter. But, in addition, the object above the head is probably a hand mirror, which by its reflection is supposed to “see” the objects reflected. The plains Indians make use of such mirrors not only in their face painting but in flash signaling.

Fig. 939.—Sees-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this collection, the eye is only shown when it's relevant to the meaning of the name. Here, its presence implies that vision is the focus. Moreover, the object above the head is likely a hand mirror, which is thought to "see" the objects reflected in it. The plains Indians use such mirrors not only for their face painting but also for flash signaling.

Fig. 940.—Crier.

Fig. 940.—Announcer.

Fig. 940.—In a fight with the Mandans, Crier was shot in the head with a gun. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1827-’28. This figure is[601] introduced to present another rare instance in which the eye is delineated. Here the act is that of weeping.

Fig. 940.—In a battle with the Mandans, Crier was shot in the head with a gun. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1827-’28. This figure is[601] introduced to show another rare instance where the eye is depicted. Here, the action is that of weeping.

Fig. 941.—Comes-in-Sight.

Fig. 941.—Visible.

Fig. 941.—Comes-in-Sight. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 235. Distant objects, probably buffalo or other animals of the chase, are observed coming into the line of vision.

Fig. 941.—Comes-in-Sight. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 235. Distant objects, likely buffalo or other game animals, are seen coming into view.

Fig. 942.—Bear-comes-out.

Fig. 942.—Bear emerges.

Fig. 942.—Bear-comes-out. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the bear is supposed to come into sight through a hole in the tipi.

Fig. 942.—Bear-comes-out. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here, the bear is meant to appear through a hole in the tipi.

Fig. 943.—Bear-comes-out.

Fig. 943.—Bear Emerges.

Fig. 943.—Bear-comes-out. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is explained by the one preceding. Only half of the bear—the fore part—is to be seen as if emerging through some orifice. Heads and other parts of animals are frequently portrayed as signifying the whole, by synechdoche, but in this case the presentation of the head and forequarters has special significance.

Fig. 943.—Bear-comes-out. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is explained by the one before it. Only the front half of the bear is visible, as if it's coming out of some opening. Heads and other animal parts are often shown to represent the whole, using synecdoche, but in this case, showing the head and front quarters has particular importance.

Fig. 944.

Fig. 944.

Fig. 944.—Taken from Copway, p. 136, is the character which is employed to represent “see.”

Fig. 944.—Taken from Copway, p. 136, is the symbol used to represent “see.”

SLOW.

Fig. 945.—Slow-Bear.

Fig. 945.—Slow-Bear.

Fig. 945.—Slow-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure the bear seems to be in backing or retrograde motion, which is slower than any normal advance, and is therefore ideographically suggestive of slowness.

Fig. 945.—Slow-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure, the bear looks like it’s moving backward, which is slower than any normal forward movement, and therefore suggests slowness ideographically.

TALL.

Fig. 946.—Tall-Man.

Fig. 946.—Tall Guy.

Fig. 946.—Tall-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the five following animal figures show length and individual height objectively.

Fig. 946.—Tall-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the next five animal figures display length and individual height objectively.

Fig. 947.—Tall-White-Man.

Fig. 947.—Tall White Man.

Fig. 947.—Wasicun-wankatuya, Tall-White-Man. The Oglala Roster. The hat shows the man of European origin, but his figure is large in the face and short in the legs; so not tall in a usual sense. He was probably killed by the Oglala.

Fig. 947.—Wasicun-wankatuya, Tall-White-Man. The Oglala Roster. The hat indicates he’s of European descent, but he has a large face and short legs, so he isn't tall in the conventional sense. He was likely killed by the Oglala.

Fig. 948.—Tall-White-Man.

Fig. 948.—Tall White Man.

Fig. 948.—Tall-White-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This expresses the height much more graphically than the one preceding.

Fig. 948.—Tall-White-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This shows the height in a way that’s much clearer than the previous one.

Fig. 949.—Long-Panther.

Fig. 949.—Long Panther.

Fig. 949.—Long-Panther. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 949.—Long-Panther. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 950.—Tall-Panther.

Fig. 950.—Tall Panther.

Fig. 950.—Tall-Panther. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 950.—Tall Panther. Red Cloud's Census.

Fig. 951.—Tall-Bull.

Fig. 951.—Tall Bull.

Fig. 951.—Tall-Bull was killed by white soldiers and Pawnees on the south side of the South Platte river. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1869-’70. The combined arrangement of the human head and the buffalo so as to produce the effect of abnormal height in the latter is ingenious. The plan of this chart did not allow of long lines above the head, so the effect is attained by comparison of the standing buffalo with the height of the man.

Fig. 951.—Tall-Bull was killed by white soldiers and Pawnees on the south side of the South Platte River. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1869-’70. The way the human head and the buffalo are arranged to create the illusion of the latter's unusual height is clever. The design of this chart didn't permit long lines above the head, so the effect is achieved by comparing the standing buffalo with the height of the man.

Fig. 952.—Tall-Pine.

Fig. 952.—Tall Pine.

Fig. 952.—Tall-Pine. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this as in the two next figures the length of the trunk of the tree is apparent.

Fig. 952.—Tall-Pine. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this and the next two figures, the height of the tree trunk is clear.

Fig. 953.—Long-Pine.

Fig. 953.—Long Pine.

Fig. 953.—Long-Pine was killed in a fight with the Crows. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1879-’80. The absence of his scalp denotes that he was killed by an enemy. The fatal wound was made with the bow and arrow.

Fig. 953.—Long-Pine was killed in a fight with the Crows. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1879-’80. The absence of his scalp indicates that he was killed by an enemy. The deadly wound was inflicted with a bow and arrow.

Fig. 954.—Long-Pine.

Fig. 954.—Long Pine.

Fig. 954.—Long-Pine, a Dakota, was killed by Dakotas, perhaps accidentally or perhaps in a personal quarrel. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1846-’47. He was not killed by a tribal enemy, as he has not lost his scalp.

Fig. 954.—Long-Pine, a Dakota, was killed by other Dakotas, maybe by accident or possibly during a personal dispute. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1846-’47. He wasn't killed by a tribal enemy since he hasn't lost his scalp.

TRADE.

Fig. 955.—Trade.

Fig. 955.—Commerce.

Fig. 955.—They were compelled to sell many mules and horses to enable them to procure food, as they were in a starving condition. They willingly gave a mule for a sack of flour. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1868-’69. The mule’s halter is connected with two sacks of flour.

Fig. 955.—They had to sell many mules and horses to get enough food because they were starving. They eagerly traded a mule for a sack of flour. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1868-’69. The mule’s halter is attached to two sacks of flour.

Fig. 956.—Trade.

Fig. 956.—Trade.

Fig. 956 is taken from Prince Maximilian, of Wied’s (h) Travels. The cross signifies, I will barter or trade. Three animals are drawn on the right hand of the cross; one is a buffalo (probably albino); the two others, a weasel (Mustela Canadensis) and an otter. The pictographer offers in exchange for the skins of these animals the articles which he has drawn on the left side of the cross. He has there, in the first place, depicted a beaver very plainly, behind which there is a gun; to the left of the beaver are thirty strokes, each ten separated by a longer line; this means: I will give thirty beaver skins and a gun for the skins of the three animals on the right hand of the cross.

Fig. 956 is taken from Prince Maximilian of Wied’s (h) Travels. The cross means, I will barter or trade. Three animals are shown on the right side of the cross; one is a buffalo (likely albino); the other two are a weasel (Mustela Canadensis) and an otter. The pictographer is offering in exchange for the skins of these animals the items he has illustrated on the left side of the cross. He has, first of all, clearly depicted a beaver, behind which there is a gun; to the left of the beaver are thirty marks, each separated by a longer line; this indicates: I will give thirty beaver skins and a gun for the skins of the three animals on the right side of the cross.

The ideographic character of the design consists in the use of the cross—being a drawing of the gesture-sign for “trade”—the arms being interchanged in position. Of the two things each one is put in the place before occupied by the other thing, the idea of exchange.

The symbolic nature of the design relies on the cross, representing the gesture-sign for “trade,” with the arms switched around. Each item takes the place previously held by the other, illustrating the concept of exchange.

UNION.

The Dakotas often express this concept by uniting two or more figures by a distinct inclusive line below the figures. This sometimes means family relationship and sometimes common membership in the same tribe.

The Dakotas often convey this idea by connecting two or more figures with a clear, inclusive line beneath them. This can indicate either a family relationship or shared membership in the same tribe.

Fig. 957.—Brothers.

Fig. 957.—Siblings.

Fig. 957.—Antoine Janis’s two boys were killed by John Richard. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1872-’73. The line of union shows them to be intimately connected; in fact, they were brothers.

Fig. 957.—Antoine Janis’s two sons were killed by John Richard. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1872-’73. The line of union shows that they were closely connected; in fact, they were brothers.

Fig. 958.—Same tribe.

Fig. 958.—Same group.

Fig. 958.—The Oglalas got drunk at Chug creek and engaged in a quarrel among themselves, in which Red-Cloud’s brother was killed and Red-Cloud killed three men. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1841-’42. The union line shows that the quarrel was in the tribe.

Fig. 958.—The Oglalas got drunk at Chug Creek and started a fight among themselves, during which Red Cloud’s brother was killed and Red Cloud killed three men. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1841-’42. The union line indicates that the fight was within the tribe.

Fig. 959.—Man and wife.

Fig. 959.—Husband and wife.

Fig. 959.—Torn-Belly and his wife were killed by some of their own people in a quarrel. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1855-’56. Here the man and wife are united by the inclusive line.

Fig. 959.—Torn-Belly and his wife were killed by some of their own people in a dispute. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1855-’56. Here, the husband and wife are connected by the inclusive line.

Fig. 960.—Same tribe.

Fig. 960.—Same group.

Fig. 960.—Eight Minneconjou Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians at the mouth of Powder river. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1805-’06. This device is very frequently used to denote the death of the Dakotas. The black strokes indicate the death of persons of the number delineated and the union line shows that they were of the same tribe.

Fig. 960.—Eight Minneconjou Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians at the mouth of Powder River. The Swan’s Winter Count, 1805-’06. This method is often used to indicate the deaths of the Dakotas. The black strokes represent the deaths of the individuals shown, and the connecting line indicates that they were from the same tribe.

Fig. 961.—Same tribe.

Fig. 961.—Same group.

Fig. 961.—Blackfeet Dakotas kill three Rees. The-Flame’s Winter Count for 1798-’99. Here the uniting line of death refers to others than Dakotas, which does not often appear, but the principle is maintained that the dead are of the same tribe.

Fig. 961.—Blackfeet Dakotas kill three Rees. The-Flame’s Winter Count for 1798-’99. Here, the uniting line of death refers to individuals from tribes other than the Dakotas, which is not commonly seen, but the principle remains that the deceased belong to the same tribe.

WHIRLWIND.

Fig. 962.—Bear-Whirlwind.

Fig. 962.—Bear Tornado.

Fig. 962.—Mato-wamniyomni, Bear-Whirlwind. The Oglala Roster. This figure shows over the bear’s head a variant of the character given in Red-Cloud’s Census, Fig. 963. The figure appears, according to the explanation given by several Oglala Dakota Indians, to signify the course of a whirlwind with the transverse lines in imitation of the circular movement of the air, conveying dirt and leaves, observed during such aerial disturbances.

Fig. 962.—Mato-wamniyomni, Bear-Whirlwind. The Oglala Roster. This figure shows a variation of the character found in Red-Cloud’s Census, Fig. 963, above the bear’s head. According to explanations from several Oglala Dakota Indians, this figure represents the path of a whirlwind, with the cross lines mimicking the circular movement of air, carrying dirt and leaves seen during these aerial disturbances.

Fig. 963.—White-Whirlwind.

Fig. 963.—White Whirlwind.

Fig. 963.—Represents White-Whirlwind, above referred to, from Red-Cloud’s Census. In this the designating character is more distinct.

Fig. 963.—Shows the White-Whirlwind, mentioned earlier, from Red-Cloud’s Census. In this one, the identifying feature is more pronounced.

Fig. 964.—Leafing.

Fig. 964.—Turning pages.

Fig. 964.—Leafing. Red-Cloud’s Census. This seems to be of the same description. It is said to be drawn in imitation of a number of fallen leaves packed against one another and whirled along the ground. It also has reference to the season when leaves fall—autumn.

Fig. 964.—Leafing. Red-Cloud’s Census. This appears to be similar. It's thought to be designed to look like a bunch of fallen leaves bunched together and blown along the ground. It also relates to the time of year when leaves fall—autumn.

Mr. Keam’s MS. describing Fig. 965, says:

Mr. Keam’s manuscript describing Fig. 965 says:

Fig. 965.—Whirlwind.

Fig. 965.—Tornado.

It is a decoration of great frequency and consisting of the single and double spirals. The single spiral is the symbol of Ho-bo-bo, the twister, who manifests his power by the whirlwind. It is also of frequent occurrence as a rock etching in the vicinity of ruins, where also the symbol of the Ho-bo-bo[605] is seen. But the figure does not appear upon any of the pottery. The myth explains that a stranger came among the people, when a great whirlwind blew all the vegetation from the surface of the earth and all the water from its courses. With a flint he caught these symbols upon a rock, the etching of which is now in Keam’s Cañon, Arizona Territory. It is 17 inches long and 8 inches across. He told them that he was the keeper of breath. The whirlwind and the air which men breathe comes from this keeper’s mouth.

It’s a decoration that appears often and features both single and double spirals. The single spiral represents Ho-bo-bo, the twister, who shows his power through the whirlwind. It often appears as a rock etching near ruins, where the symbol of Ho-bo-bo[605] can also be found. However, this figure does not show up on any pottery. The myth tells of a stranger who arrived among the people when a massive whirlwind stripped all the plants from the surface of the earth and drained all the water from its streams. With a flint, he carved these symbols into a rock, which is now located in Keam’s Canyon, Arizona Territory. It measures 17 inches long and 8 inches wide. He informed them that he was the keeper of breath. The whirlwind and the air that people breathe come from this keeper’s mouth.

Fig. 966.—Whirlwind.

Fig. 966.—Tornado.

Fig. 966 is a copy of part of the decoration on a pot taken from a mound in Missouri, published in Second Annual Report of the Bureau Ethnology, Pl. LIII, fig. 11. On the authority of Rev. S. D. Hinman, it is the conventional device among the Dakotas to represent a whirlwind.

Fig. 966 is a copy of part of the decoration on a pot taken from a mound in Missouri, published in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Pl. LIII, fig. 11. According to Rev. S. D. Hinman, this is the traditional symbol used by the Dakotas to depict a whirlwind.

WINTER—COLD—SNOW.

Fig 967.—Froze to death.

Fig 967.—Froze to death.

Fig. 967.—Glue, an Oglala, froze to death on his way to a Brulé village. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1791-’92. A glue-stick is represented back of his head. Glue, made from the hoofs of buffalo, is used to fasten arrowheads to the shaft and is carried about on sticks. The cloud from which hail or snow is falling represents winter.

Fig. 967.—Glue, an Oglala, froze to death on his way to a Brulé village. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1791-’92. A glue stick is shown behind his head. Glue, made from buffalo hooves, is used to attach arrowheads to the shaft and is carried around on sticks. The cloud that is dropping hail or snow represents winter.

Fig. 968.—Froze to death.

Fig. 968.—Froze to death.

Fig. 968.—A Dakota, named Glue, froze to death. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1820-’21. This figure is introduced to corroborate of the preceding one as regards the name Glue. It gives another representation of the glue stick.

Fig. 968.—A Dakota person named Glue froze to death. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1820-’21. This figure is included to confirm the previous one regarding the name Glue. It offers another depiction of the glue stick.

Fig. 969.—Crows froze.

Fig. 969.—Crows paused.

Fig. 969.—A Dakota named Stabber froze to death. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1782-’83. The sign for winter is the same as before, but doubled, as if of twofold power or excessively severe.

Fig. 969.—A Dakota named Stabber froze to death. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1782-’83. The symbol for winter is the same as before, but doubled, suggesting it's twice as powerful or extremely harsh.

Fig. 970.—Froze to death.

Fig. 970.—Froze to death.

Fig. 970.—The winter was so cold that many crows froze to death. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1788-’89. White-Cow-Killer says “Many-black-crows-died winter.”

Fig. 970.—The winter was so cold that many crows froze to death. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1788-’89. White-Cow-Killer says “Many black crows died this winter.”

The Crow falling stiff and motionless is a good symbol for the effect of excessive cold.

The crow falling down, stiff and lifeless, is a strong symbol of the impact of extreme cold.

Fig. 971.

Fig. 971.

Fig. 971.—The snow was very deep. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1827-’28. The piled-up snow around the bottoms of the tipis is graphic; no other material than snow could make that kind of surrounding heap.

Fig. 971.—The snow was really deep. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1827-’28. The mounds of snow around the bottoms of the tipis are striking; no other material besides snow could create that kind of surrounding pile.

Fig. 972.—Cold, snow.

Cold, snowy.

Fig. 972.—From Copway, page 135, is the representation of “cold,” “snow.”

Fig. 972.—From Copway, page 135, is the depiction of “cold,” “snow.”

Fig. 973.

Fig. 973.

The Shoshoni and Banak sign for cold, winter, is: Clinch both hands and cross the forearms before the breast with a trembling motion. It is represented in Fig. 973. Cf. Battiste Good’s Winter count for 1747-’48 and 1783-’84.

The Shoshoni and Banak sign for cold, winter, is: Clench both hands and cross the forearms over the chest with a shaking motion. It's shown in Fig. 973. See Battiste Good’s Winter count for 1747-’48 and 1783-’84.

Fig. 974.

Fig. 974.

In Kingsborough (g) is the painting reproduced in Fig. 974 with this description: “In the year of seven Canes and 1447 according to our calculation, it snowed so heavily that lives were lost.”

In Kingsborough (g), the painting shown in Fig. 974 has this description: “In the year of seven Canes and 1447, according to our calculations, it snowed so heavily that lives were lost.”

Fig. 975.

Fig. 975.

In the same work and volumes, p. 146 and Pl. 26, is the original of Fig. 975, with the explanation that: “In this year of seven Flints, or 1512, there were heavy falls of snow.”

In the same work and volumes, p. 146 and Pl. 26, is the original of Fig. 975, with the explanation that: “In this year of seven Flints, or 1512, there were heavy falls of snow.”

Wiener, op. cit., p. 762, gives the following description (condensed) of Fig. 976, a remarkable example of ideography:

Wiener, op. cit., p. 762, provides the following concise description of Fig. 976, an impressive example of ideography:

Fig. 976.—Peruvian garrison.

Fig. 976.—Peruvian military base.

This is on a cloth on which the eight fortresses of Paramonga were presented. Between these bridges are drawn; these forts are of three stages and on each stage is a representation of a man or of two men. The men who are down on the plain had clothing of another color and even another colored face from those who appear on the different stages. Those who are on the plain at the foot of the fortress have no arms, but they have highly developed ears. The same is true of those who appear on the first stage. Those of the following stage are provided with arms, and the ears are of normal size. On the highest platform appear individuals with arms and they have ears like those on the second stage. In the middle a figure is provided with one arm and only one developed ear, which are on opposite sides. The men without arms are also without weapons. Those of the second stage carry at the height of the belt a kind of hatchet and those of the upper platform have each a club.

This is on a cloth showing the eight fortresses of Paramonga. Between these bridges are depicted; these forts have three levels, and each level features one or two men. The men on the ground below are dressed in a different color and even have a different skin tone than those on the various levels. Those at the base of the fortress have no weapons, but they have very large ears. The same goes for those on the first level. The men on the next level are armed, and their ears are of a normal size. On the highest level, there are individuals with weapons and ears like those on the second level. In the middle, there’s a figure with one arm and only one large ear, located on opposite sides. The men without arms also have no weapons. Those on the second level carry a type of hatchet at waist height, while those on the top level each have a club.

Considering the character of the locality where this cloth was found, the number of forts there, the marshy land which prevented dry-shod communication between them, it can not be doubted that the subject matter was the representation of that region, but this representation is not a drawing on a plan, but is a description which does not only treat of the nature of the place and of the work that man raised there, but it also indicates the rôle that the inhabitants played there.

Given the nature of the area where this cloth was discovered, the presence of numerous forts, and the marshy conditions that made it difficult to move around, it’s clear that the subject matter reflects that region. However, this representation isn't just a map; it describes not only the characteristics of the land and the structures built by humans but also highlights the role that the local inhabitants played in that setting.

The function of the men with exaggerated ears and no arms was that of scouts. The armed men with normal ears were guards or warriors[607] bearing different weapons, ax and club, and differently uniformed. The highest figure with one large ear was the chief of the garrison.

The role of the men with oversized ears and no arms was to act as scouts. The armed men with regular ears served as guards or warriors[607] equipped with various weapons, like axes and clubs, and dressed in different uniforms. The tallest figure with one big ear was the chief of the garrison.

It will be noticed that the scouts have enormous feet which do not rest on the ground. This in connection with their exaggerated ears implies that their duty is to listen and when they hear the enemy not to engage him, as they have no arms or weapons, but to fly to the headquarters and make the report. The duty of the warriors is not to listen, so their ears are not abnormal, but to fight, and therefore they have arms, one of which is exposed and the other holds a weapon. Their feet are attached to their several stations. The chief must both listen and direct, wherefore he is drawn with one exaggerated ear and one arm. His feet do not touch the platform, which signifies that he has no special station, but must move wherever he is most needed.

It’s noticeable that the scouts have huge feet that don’t touch the ground. This, combined with their large ears, suggests that their role is to listen, and when they detect the enemy, they shouldn't engage since they have no arms or weapons; instead, they should rush back to headquarters to report. The warriors, on the other hand, don’t have to listen, so their ears are normal; their job is to fight, so they are armed—one arm is visible while the other holds a weapon. Their feet are fixed to their specific positions. The chief needs to both listen and direct, which is why he’s depicted with one large ear and one arm. His feet don’t touch the platform, indicating that he doesn’t have a permanent position but must move where he’s needed most.

SECTION 2.
Signs, symbols, and emblems.

The terms sign, symbol, and emblem are often used interchangeably and therefore incorrectly. Many persons ascribe an occult and mystic signification to symbols, probably from their general religious and esoteric employment. All characters in Indian picture-writing have[608] been loosely styled symbols, and, as there is no logical distinction between the characters impressed with enduring form and when merely outlined in the ambient air, all Indian gestures, motions, and attitudes, intended to be significant, might with equal appropriateness be called symbolic. But an Indian sign-talker or a deaf-mute represents a person by mimicry, and an object by the outline of some striking part of its form, or by the pantomime of some peculiarity in its actions or relations. Their attempt is to bring to mind the person or thing through its characteristics, not to distinguish the characteristics themselves, which is a second step. In the same manner a simple pictorial sign attempts to express an object, idea, or fact without any approach to symbolism. Symbols are less obvious and more artificial than mere signs, are not only abstract, but metaphysical, and often need explanation from history, religion, and customs. They do not depict, but suggest subjects; do not speak directly through the eye to the intelligence, but presuppose in the mind knowledge of an event or fact which the sign recalls. The symbols of the ark, dove, olive branch, and rainbow would be wholly meaningless to people unfamiliar with the Mosaic or some similar cosmology, as would the cross and the crescent be to those ignorant of history.

The terms sign, symbol, and emblem are often used interchangeably and incorrectly. Many people attribute a mysterious and spiritual meaning to symbols, likely because of their common use in religious and esoteric contexts. All characters in Indian picture-writing have[608] been loosely referred to as symbols, and since there’s no clear difference between characters that are permanently marked and those that are simply outlined in the air, all Indian gestures, movements, and attitudes meant to convey meaning could also be called symbolic. However, an Indian sign-talker or a deaf-mute represents a person through mimicry, and an object by highlighting a distinctive feature of its shape, or by pantomiming some unique aspect of its actions or relationships. Their goal is to evoke the person or thing through its characteristics, not to identify the characteristics themselves, which is a secondary step. Similarly, a simple pictorial sign tries to convey an object, idea, or fact without relying on symbolism. Symbols are less obvious and more artificial than mere signs; they are not only abstract but also metaphysical, often requiring interpretation based on history, religion, and customs. They do not depict directly but suggest themes; they do not communicate straightforwardly through sight to understanding but assume that the viewer already has knowledge of an event or fact that the sign evokes. The symbols of the ark, dove, olive branch, and rainbow would be completely meaningless to people unfamiliar with Mosaic or similar beliefs, just as the cross and the crescent would be to those who lack historical knowledge.

The loose classification by which symbols would include every gesture or pictorial sign that naturally or conventionally recalls a corresponding idea, only recognizes the fact that every action and object can, under some circumstances, become a symbol. And indeed lovers of the symbolic live in, on, and by the symbols which they manufacture.

The broad classification that includes symbols as any gesture or visual sign that naturally or conventionally brings to mind a related idea simply acknowledges that any action or object can, in certain situations, serve as a symbol. In fact, people who appreciate symbolism thrive on, and are sustained by, the symbols they create.

A curious instance of the successful manufacture of a symbol by the ingenuity of one man is in the one now commonly pictured of a fish to represent Christ. The fish for obvious reasons has been connected with Eurasian mythology, and therefore was a heathen symbol many centuries before the Christian era; indeed, probably before the creed of the Israelites had become formulated. It was used metaphorically or emblematically by the early Christians without the apparent propriety of the lamb-bearing shepherd, the dove, and other emblems or symbols found in the catacombs, and Didron (b) says that only in the middle of the fourth century Optatus, bishop of Milesia, in Africa, declared the significance of the letters of the Greek word for fish, ΙΧΘΥΣ, to be the initials of Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς Θεοῦ Ὑιος Σωτηρ, which acrostic was received with acclamation, and new characteristics were from time to time invented, adding force to the thenceforth commonly displayed symbol. It may be noted that when symbols, which were generally religious, received acceptance, they were soon used objectively as amulets or talismans.

A notable example of how one person's creativity can create a symbol is the fish often depicted to represent Christ. The fish has long been associated with Eurasian mythology, making it a pagan symbol centuries before the Christian era; in fact, it likely predates the formal establishment of Israelite beliefs. Early Christians used it metaphorically or symbolically, unlike other more directly appropriate symbols like the lamb-bearing shepherd and the dove found in catacombs. Didron (b) mentions that it wasn’t until the middle of the fourth century that Optatus, the bishop of Milesia in Africa, revealed that the letters of the Greek word for fish, ΙΧΘΥΣ, stand for the initials of Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior. This acrostic was met with enthusiasm, and over time, new meanings were added, strengthening the symbol’s significance. It is interesting to note that once symbols—mostly religious in nature—gained acceptance, they were quickly adopted as amulets or talismans.

This chapter is not intended to be a treatise on symbolism, but it is proper to mention the distinction in the writer’s mind between a pictorial sign, an emblem, and a symbol; though it is not easy to preserve accurate discrimination in classification of ideographic characters. To partly express the distinction, nearly all of the characters in the Winter[609] Counts in this work are regarded as pictorial signs, and the class represented by tribal and clan designations, insignia, etc., is considered to belong to the category of emblems. There is no doubt, however, that true symbols exist among the Indians, as they must exist to some extent among all peoples not devoid of poetic imagination. Some of them are shown in this work. The pipe is generally a symbol of peace, although in certain positions and connections it signifies preparation for war, and, again, subsequent victory. The hatchet is a common symbol for war, and joined hands or approaching palms denote peace. The tortoise has been clearly used as a symbol for land, and many other examples can be admitted. Apart from the exaggerations of Schoolcraft, true symbolism is found among the Ojibwa, of which illustrations are presented. The accounts of the Zuñi, Moki, and Navajo, before mentioned, show the constant employment of symbolic devices by those tribes which are notably devoted to mystic ceremonies. Nevertheless the writer’s personal experience is that when he has at first supposed a character to be a genuine symbol, better means of understanding has often proved it to be not even an ideograph, but a mere objective representation. In this connection the remarks on the circle, in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for 1811-’12, and those on the cross infra, may be in point.

This chapter isn't meant to be a deep dive into symbolism, but it's worth mentioning the differences the author sees between pictorial signs, emblems, and symbols. It's not easy to clearly categorize ideographic characters, though. To clarify, most of the characters in the Winter[609] Counts in this work are seen as pictorial signs, while things like tribal and clan names, insignia, and so on are viewed as emblems. However, there’s no doubt that real symbols exist among Native Americans, just like they do in every culture that has some sense of poetic imagination. Some of these symbols are presented here. The pipe is usually a symbol of peace, but in some contexts, it can represent preparation for war or even victory afterward. The hatchet commonly symbolizes war, while joined hands or open palms signify peace. The tortoise is clearly used as a symbol of land, and there are many other examples. Despite exaggerations from Schoolcraft, true symbolism can be found among the Ojibwa, with illustrations provided. The stories of the Zuñi, Moki, and Navajo tribes consistently show the use of symbolic devices, especially since they're deeply involved in mystical ceremonies. Still, from the writer's personal experience, what he initially thought was a true symbol often turned out not to be an ideograph at all, but simply a representation of a physical object. In this context, the comments on the circle from Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for 1811-’12, and those on the cross below, could be relevant.

The connection, to the unlettered Indian, between printed words, pictures, and signs, was well illustrated through the spontaneous copial, by a Cheyenne, of the ornate labels on packages of sugar and coffee, which he had seen at a reservation, and the lines of which he rather skillfully and very ingeniously repeated on a piece of paper when sending to a post-trader to purchase more of the articles. The printed label was to him the pictorial sign for those articles.

The link, for the uneducated Indian, between printed words, images, and symbols, was clearly shown when a Cheyenne artistically copied the fancy labels from sugar and coffee packages he had seen at a reservation. He skillfully and cleverly recreated the lines on a piece of paper to send to a trader to buy more of those items. To him, the printed label was a visual representation of those products.

The following remarks are quoted from D’Alviella (a):

The following comments are taken from D’Alviella (a):

There is a symbolism so natural, that, like certain implements peculiar to the stone age, it does not belong to any particular race, but constitutes a characteristic trait of mankind at a certain phase of its development. Of this class are representations of the sun by a disk or radiating face, of the moon by a crescent, of the air by birds, of water by fishes or a broken line, of thunder by an arrow or a club, etc. We ought, perhaps, to add a few more complicated analogies, as those which lead to symbolizing the different phases of human life by the growth of a tree, the generative forces of nature by phallic emblems, the divine triads by an equilateral triangle, or in general by any triple combination the members of which are equal, and the four principal directions of space by a cross. How many theories have been built upon the presence of the cross as an object of veneration among nearly all the peoples of the Old and New Worlds? Roman Catholic writers have justly protested, in recent years, against attributing a pagan origin to the cross of the Christians, because there were cruciform signs in the symbolism of religions anterior to Christianity. It is also right, by the same reason, to refuse to accept the attempts to seek for infiltrations of Christianity in foreign religions because they also possess the sign of redemption. * * * Nearly all peoples have represented the fire from the sky by an arm and, sometimes also, by a bird of strong and rapid flight. It was symbolized among the Chaldeans by a trident. Cylinders going back to the most ancient ages of Chaldean art exhibit a water jet gushing from a trident which[610] is held by the god of the sky or of the storm. The Assyrian artist who first, on the bas-reliefs of Nimroud or Malthai, doubled the trident or transformed it into a trifid fascicle, docile to the refinements and elegancies of classic art, by that means secured for the ancient Mesopotamian symbol the advantage over all the other representations of thunder with which it could compete. The Greeks, like the other Indo-European nations, seem to have represented the storm-fire under the features of a bird of prey. When they received the Asiatic figure of the thunderbolt, they put it in the eagle’s claws and made of it the scepter of Zeus, explaining the combination, after their habit, by the story of the eagles bringing thunder to Zeus when he was preparing for the war against the Titans. Latin Italy transmitted the thunderbolt to Gaul, where, in the last centuries of paganism, it alternated on the Gallo-Roman monuments with the two-headed hammer.

There is a symbolism so natural that, like certain tools from the Stone Age, it doesn't belong to any specific race but is a characteristic of humanity at a certain stage of its development. This includes representations of the sun as a disk or a radiating face, the moon as a crescent, the air as birds, water as fish or a broken line, thunder as an arrow or a club, etc. We might also include some more complex analogies, like symbolizing different stages of human life through the growth of a tree, the generative forces of nature with phallic symbols, the divine triads as an equilateral triangle, or generally any triple combination of equal elements, and the four main directions of space by a cross. Many theories have been developed around the presence of the cross as an object of worship among almost all peoples of the Old and New Worlds. In recent years, Roman Catholic writers have rightly protested against attributing a pagan origin to the Christian cross, noting that there were cruciform signs in the symbolism of religions that preceded Christianity. Similarly, it's also valid to reject attempts to find influences of Christianity in foreign religions merely because they also have a sign of redemption. Nearly all cultures have depicted fire from the sky with an arm and, at times, by a bird known for its strong and swift flight. The Chaldeans symbolized it with a trident. Ancient Chaldean art showcases cylinders with water jets gushing from a trident held by the god of the sky or storm. The Assyrian artist who first doubled the trident or transformed it into a trifid bundle in the bas-reliefs of Nimroud or Malthai, adapting it to the refinements and elegance of classical art, gave the ancient Mesopotamian symbol a competitive edge over other representations of thunder. The Greeks, like other Indo-European nations, seem to have depicted storm-fire in the form of a bird of prey. When they adopted the Asiatic thunderbolt, they placed it in the eagle’s claws and turned it into Zeus’s scepter, explaining this combination in their usual way by the story of eagles delivering thunder to Zeus as he prepared for war against the Titans. Latin Italy passed the thunderbolt to Gaul, where, in the last centuries of paganism, it alternated on Gallo-Roman monuments with the two-headed hammer.

The emblem writers, so designated, have furnished an immense body of literature, and apparently have considered such pictures as those of the Winter Counts in the present work and also all symbols to be included in their proper scope. The best summary on the subject is by Henry Greene (a), from which the following condensed extract is taken:

The emblem writers, as they're called, have created a vast amount of literature and seem to have viewed images like those in the Winter Counts of this work, along with all symbols, as part of their relevant material. The best summary on the topic is by Henry Greene (a), from which the following condensed extract is taken:

Of the changes through which a word may pass the word emblem presents one of the most remarkable instances. Its present signification, type, or allusive representation is of comparatively modern use, while its original meaning is obsolete. Among the Greeks an emblem meant something thrown in or inserted after the fashion of what we now call marquetry and mosaic work, or in the form of a detached ornament to be affixed to a pillar, a tablet, or a vase, and put off or on as there might be occasion.

Of the changes a word can go through, the word "emblem" is one of the most interesting examples. Its current meaning, type, or symbolic representation is relatively modern, while its original meaning is no longer in use. For the Greeks, an emblem referred to something added in the way we now think of marquetry and mosaic work, or as a separate ornament that could be attached to a pillar, a tablet, or a vase, and removed or added as needed.

Quintilian (lib. 2, cap. 4), in enumerating the arts of oratory used by the pleaders of his day, describes some of them as in the habit of preparing and committing to memory certain highly finished clauses, to be inserted (as occasion might arise) like emblems in the body of their orations. Such was the meaning of the term in the classical ages of Greece and Rome; nor was its signification altered until some time after the revival of literature in the fifteenth century.

Quintilian (lib. 2, cap. 4), while listing the speaking techniques used by lawyers in his time, describes how some of them would prepare and memorize polished phrases to use as needed in their speeches. This was the understanding of the term during the classical periods of Greece and Rome, and its meaning didn’t change until some time after the revival of literature in the fifteenth century.

Thus, in their origin, emblems were the figures or ornaments fashioned by the tools of the artists, in metal or wood, independent of the vase, or the column, or the furniture they were intended to adorn; they might be affixed or detached at the promptings of the owner’s fancy. Then they were formed, as in mosaic, by placing side by side little blocks of colored stone, or tiles, or small sections of variegated wood. Raised or carved figures, however produced, came next to be considered as emblems; and afterwards any kind of figured ornament or device, whether carved or engraved or simply traced, on the walls and floors of houses or on vessels of wood, clay, stone, or metal.

Thus, originally, emblems were the designs or decorations created by artists using tools on metal or wood, separate from the vases, columns, or furniture they were meant to decorate; they could be attached or removed based on the owner's preference. Next, they were made like mosaics, by placing small pieces of colored stone, tiles, or bits of different types of wood next to each other. Raised or carved figures, however they were made, were then regarded as emblems; and eventually, any type of decorative design or symbol, whether carved, engraved, or simply drawn, on the walls and floors of homes or on objects made of wood, clay, stone, or metal.

By a very easy and natural step figures and ornaments of many kinds, when placed on smooth surfaces, were named emblems; and as these figures and ornaments were very often symbolical, i. e., signs or tokens of a thought, a sentiment, a saying, or an event, the term emblem was applied to any painting, drawing, or print that was representative of an action, of a quality of the mind, or of any peculiarity or attribute of character. Emblems in fact were and are a species of hieroglyphics, in which the figures or pictures, besides denoting the natural objects to which they bear resemblances, were employed to express properties of the mind, virtues and abstract ideas, and all the operations of the soul.

By a simple and natural progression, figures and decorations of various types, when placed on smooth surfaces, were called emblems. Since these figures and decorations often had symbolic meanings, representing thoughts, feelings, sayings, or events, the term emblem came to refer to any painting, drawing, or print that depicted an action, a mental quality, or a characteristic trait. Emblems were, and still are, a form of hieroglyphics, where the figures or images not only represent the natural objects they resemble but are also used to convey mental properties, virtues, abstract ideas, and all aspects of the soul's activities.

The following remarks of the same author (b) are presented in this connection, though they pass beyond the scope of either symbols or emblems into other divisions of pictography, as classified in the present work:

The following comments from the same author (b) are shared in this context, even though they go beyond just symbols or emblems into different areas of pictography, as categorized in this work:

Coins and medals furnish most valuable examples of emblematical figures; indeed some of the emblem writers, as Sambucus, in 1564, were among the earliest to publish[611] impressions or engravings of ancient Roman money, on which are frequently given very interesting representations of customs and symbolical acts. On Grecian coins we find, to use heraldic language, that the owl is the crest of Athens, a wolf’s head that of Argos, and a tortoise the badge of the Peloponnesus. The whole history of Louis XIV and that of his great adversary, William III, is represented in volumes containing the medals that were struck to commemorate the leading events of their reigns, and, though outrageously untrue to nature and reality by the adoption of Roman costumes and classic symbols, they serve as records of remarkable occurrences.

Coins and medals provide incredibly valuable examples of symbolic figures; in fact, some of the early emblem writers, like Sambucus in 1564, were among the first to publish[611] impressions or engravings of ancient Roman currency, which often showcase very interesting depictions of customs and symbolic actions. On Greek coins, to put it in heraldic terms, the owl represents Athens, a wolf’s head symbolizes Argos, and a tortoise is the emblem of the Peloponnesus. The entire history of Louis XIV and his formidable opponent, William III, is captured in volumes that feature the medals minted to commemorate the significant events of their reigns. Although they are ridiculously untrue to life and reality due to their use of Roman costumes and classic symbols, they act as records of extraordinary events.

Heraldry throughout employs the language of emblems; it is the picture-history of families, of tribes, and of nations, of princes and emperors. Many a legend and many a strange fancy may be mixed up with it, and demand almost the credulity of simplest childhood in order to obtain our credence; yet in the literature of chivalry and honors there are enshrined abundant records of the glory that belonged to mighty names.

Heraldry uses the language of symbols; it tells the story of families, tribes, nations, princes, and emperors. Many legends and strange ideas might be intertwined with it, requiring the kind of belief typical of young children to accept them; yet in the literature of chivalry and honor, there are plenty of records celebrating the glory connected to great names.

The custom of taking a device or badge, if not a motto, is traced to the earliest times of history. It is a point not to be doubted that the ancients used to bear crests and ornaments in the helmets and on the shields; for we see this clearly in Virgil, when he made the catalogue of the nations which came in favor of Turnus against the Trojans, in the eighth book of the Æneid; Amphiaraus then (as Pindar says), at the war of Thebes, bore a dragon on his shield. Similarly Statius writes of Capaneus and of Polinices that the one bore the Hydra and the other the Sphynx.

The practice of carrying a device or emblem, if not a motto, can be traced back to the earliest periods of history. It's certain that ancient people used to display crests and decorations on their helmets and shields; this is clearly illustrated in Virgil, when he listed the nations that supported Turnus against the Trojans in the eighth book of the Æneid. For instance, Amphiaraus (as Pindar mentions) carried a dragon on his shield during the war of Thebes. Likewise, Statius writes about Capaneus and Polynices, with one displaying the Hydra and the other the Sphinx.

Emblems do not necessarily require any analogy between the objects representing and the objects or qualities represented, but may arise from pure accident. They may bear any meaning that men may choose to attach to them, so their value still more than that of symbols depends upon extrinsic facts and not intrinsic features. After a scurrilous jest the beggar’s wallet became the emblem of the confederated nobles, the Gueux of the Netherlands; and a sling, in the early minority of Louis XIV, was adopted from the refrain of a song by the Frondeur opponents of Mazarin.

Emblems don’t necessarily need to have a connection between what they represent and the qualities or objects they stand for; sometimes, they come about by pure chance. They can hold any meaning that people choose to give them, which means their value relies even more on external factors rather than inherent qualities. After a nasty joke, the beggar’s wallet turned into the emblem of the united nobles, the Gueux of the Netherlands; and during the early years of Louis XIV’s rule, a sling was taken from the lyrics of a song by the Frondeur opponents of Mazarin.

The several tribal designations for Sioux, Arapaho, Cheyenne, etc., are their emblems, precisely as the star-spangled flag is that of the United States, but there is no intrinsic symbolism in them. So the designs for individuals, when not merely translations of their names, are emblematic of their family totems or personal distinctions, and are no more symbols than are the distinctive shoulder-straps of an army officer.

The various tribal names for Sioux, Arapaho, Cheyenne, and others are their symbols, just like the star-spangled banner represents the United States, but they don’t hold any deep meaning. Similarly, the designs for individuals, when they aren’t just translations of their names, represent their family totems or personal traits, and they are no more symbolic than the unique shoulder straps of a military officer.

The point urged is that while many signs can be used as emblems and both can be converted by convention into symbols or be explained as such by perverted ingenuity, it is futile to seek for that form of psychological exuberance in the stage of development attained by the greater part of the American tribes. All predetermination to interpret their pictographs on the principles of symbolism as understood or pretended to be understood by its admirers, and as are sometimes properly applied not only to Egyptian hieroglyphics, but to Mexican, Maya, and some other southern pictographs, results in mooning mysticism.

The main point is that while many signs can serve as symbols and can be turned into symbols by agreement or twisted into symbols through misguided creativity, it’s pointless to look for that kind of psychological enthusiasm in the level of development reached by most American tribes. Any attempt to interpret their pictographs based on the principles of symbolism as it is understood, or claimed to be understood, by its supporters—similar to how it’s sometimes correctly applied to Egyptian hieroglyphics, as well as to Mexican, Maya, and some other southern pictographs—leads to pointless mysticism.

The following examples are presented as being either symbols or emblems, according to the definition of those terms, and therefore[612] appropriate to this section. More will be found in Chapter XX, on Special Comparisons, and indeed may appear under different headings; e. g., Battiste Good symbolizes hunting by a buffalo head and arrow, Fig. 321, and war by a special head-dress, Fig. 395.

The following examples are presented as either symbols or emblems, based on their definitions, and are therefore[612] suitable for this section. More will be found in Chapter XX, about Special Comparisons, and they may also appear under different headings; for example, Battiste Good symbolizes hunting with a buffalo head and arrow, Fig. 321, and war with a special headdress, Fig. 395.

Sir A. Mackenzie (c) narrates that in 1793 he found among the Athabascans an emblem of a country abounding in animals. This was a small round piece of green wood chewed at one end in the form of a brush, which the Indians use to pick the marrow out of bones.

Sir A. Mackenzie (c) recounts that in 1793 he discovered among the Athabascans a symbol of a land rich in wildlife. This was a small, round piece of green wood with one end chewed into a brush shape, which the Native Americans use to extract marrow from bones.

Mr. Frank H. Cushing, in notes not yet reduced to final shape for publication, gives two excellent examples of symbols among the Zuñi:

Mr. Frank H. Cushing, in notes not yet finalized for publication, provides two excellent examples of symbols among the Zuñi:

(1) The circle or halo around the sun is supposed to be and is called by the Zuñi the House of the Sun-God. This is explained by analogy. A man seeks shelter on the approach of a rainstorm. As the sun circle almost invariably appears only with the coming of a storm, the Sun, like his child, the man, seeks shelter in his house, which the circle has thus come to be.

(1) The circle or halo around the sun is believed to be, and is referred to by the Zuñi as, the House of the Sun-God. This is explained through analogy. A person looks for shelter when a rainstorm is approaching. Since the sun circle almost always shows up right before a storm, the Sun, like his child, seeks refuge in his house, which is how the circle has come to be seen.

The influence of this simple inference myth on the folklore of the Zuñi shows itself in the perpetuation, until within recent generations, of the round sun towers and circular estufas so intimately associated with sun worship, yet which were at first but survivals of the round medicine lodge.

The impact of this basic inference myth on Zuñi folklore can be seen in the continued existence, up until recently, of the round sun towers and circular estufas closely linked to sun worship, which were originally just remnants of the round medicine lodge.

(2) The rainbow is a deified animal having the attributes of a human being, yet also the body and some of the functions of a measuring worm. Obviously, the striped back and arched attitude of the measuring worm, its sudden appearance and disappearance among the leaves of the plants which it inhabits, are the analogies on which this personification is based. As the measuring worm consumes the herbage of the plants and causes them to dry up, so the rainbow, which appears only after rains, is supposed to cause a cessation of rains, consequently to be the originator of droughts, under the influence of which latter plants parch and wither away as they do under the ravages of the measuring worms. Here it will be seen that the visible phenomenon called the rainbow gets by analogy the personality of the measuring worm, while from the measuring worm in turn the rainbow gets its functions as a god. Of this the cessation of rain on the appearance of the rainbow is adduced as proof.

(2) The rainbow is a divine creature that has human-like qualities, but also resembles a measuring worm in its shape and some of its behaviors. Clearly, the striped back and curved position of the measuring worm, along with its sudden appearances and disappearances among the leaves of the plants it lives on, form the basis for this comparison. Just as the measuring worm eats the plants and makes them wither, the rainbow, which shows up only after it rains, is thought to bring an end to the rain, leading to droughts that make plants dry up and die, similar to the damage caused by measuring worms. Here, we can see that the visible phenomenon of the rainbow takes on the characteristics of the measuring worm, while the measuring worm grants the rainbow its qualities of a deity. The fact that rain stops when the rainbow appears is presented as evidence of this belief.

The following is reported by Dr. W. H. Dall (e), and explains how the otter protruding his tongue is the emblem of Shaman:

The following is reported by Dr. W. H. Dall (e), and explains how the otter sticking out its tongue is a symbol of the Shaman:

The carvings on the rattles of the Tlinkit are matters belonging particularly to the shaman or medicine man, and characteristic of his profession. Among these very generally, if not invariably, the rattle is composed of the figure of a bird, from which, near the head of the bird or carved upon the back of the bird’s head, is represented a human face with the tongue protruding.

The carvings on the rattles of the Tlinkit are specifically associated with the shaman or medicine man and are typical of his role. Typically, if not always, the rattle features a bird figure, from which a human face is depicted near the bird's head or carved on the back of the bird’s head, with the tongue sticking out.

This tongue is bent downward and usually meets the mouth of a frog or an otter, the tongue of either appearing continuous with that of the human face. In case it is a frog it usually appears impaled upon the tongue of a kingfisher, whose head and variegated plumage are represented near the handle in a conventional way. It is asserted that this represents the medicine man absorbing from the frog, which has been brought to him by the kingfisher, either poison or the power of producing evil effects on other people.

This tongue is bent downward and typically meets the mouth of a frog or an otter, with the tongue of either appearing seamless with that of the human face. If it's a frog, it often looks like it's impaled on the tongue of a kingfisher, whose head and colorful feathers are depicted near the handle in a traditional style. It's said that this symbolizes the medicine man drawing from the frog, which has been brought to him by the kingfisher, either poison or the ability to inflict harm on others.

In case it is an otter the tongue of the otter touches the tongue of the medicine man, as represented on the carving. * * *

In the case that it's an otter, the otter's tongue touches the medicine man's tongue, as shown in the carving. * * *

This carving is represented, not only on rattles, but on totem posts, fronts of houses, and other objects associated with the medicine man, the myth being that when the young aspirant for the position of medicine man goes out into the woods after fasting for a considerable period, in order that his to be familiar spirit may[613] seek him, and that he may become possessed of the power to communicate with supernatural beings; if successful he meets with a river otter, which is a supernatural animal. The otter approaches him and he seizes it, kills it with the blow of a club, and takes out the tongue, after which he is able to understand the language of all inanimate objects, of birds, animals, and other living creatures. * * *

This carving is found not just on rattles but also on totem poles, the fronts of houses, and other items linked to the medicine man. The legend is that when a young person wants to become a medicine man, they go into the woods after fasting for a long time so that their spirit may find them. If they succeed, they encounter a river otter, which is a supernatural creature. The otter approaches, and the young person grabs it, kills it with a club, and removes its tongue. After that, they can understand the language of all inanimate objects, birds, animals, and other living beings. * * *

This ceremony or occurrence happens to every real medicine man. Consequently the otter presenting his tongue is the most universal type of the profession as such, and is sure to be found somewhere in the paraphernalia of every individual of that profession.

This event happens to every genuine medicine man. As a result, the otter showing its tongue is the most common symbol of the profession and is sure to be included in the gear of every person in that field.

With this account from the Pacific coast a similar determination of emblems by the Indians in the northeastern parts of the United States may be compared. The objects seen by them in their fasting visions not only were decisive of their names but were held to show the course of their lives. If a youth saw an eagle or bear he was destined to be a warrior; if a deer he would be a man of peace; and a turkey buzzard or serpent was the sign that he would be a medicine man. The figures of those animals therefore were respectively the emblems of the qualities and dispositions implied. See Fig. 159, supra, for a drawing of the Sci-Manzi or “Mescal Woman” of the Kaiowa as it appears on a sacred gourd rattle used in the mescal ceremony of that tribe, with description.

With this account from the Pacific coast, we can compare it to a similar understanding of symbols by the Native Americans in the northeastern United States. The visions they experienced while fasting not only determined their names but were believed to reveal the direction of their lives. If a young man saw an eagle or bear, he was destined to become a warrior; if he saw a deer, he would become a man of peace; and a turkey vulture or serpent indicated he would be a medicine man. Thus, the images of those animals represented the qualities and traits associated with them. See Fig. 159, supra, for a drawing of the Sci-Manzi or “Mescal Woman” of the Kaiowa, as it appears on a sacred gourd rattle used in that tribe's mescal ceremony, along with a description.

In Kingsborough (h) is the record that “in the year of Ten Houses, or 1489, a very large comet, which they name Xihuitli, appeared.”

In Kingsborough (h) there’s a record stating that “in the year of Ten Houses, or 1489, a very large comet, which they call Xihuitli, appeared.”

Fig. 977.—Comet. Mexican.

Fig. 977.—Comet. Mexican.

The comet is represented in the plate by the symbol of a caterpillar, in allusion, perhaps, to its supposed influence in causing blights. This may be compared with the measuring worm, symbol of the rainbow, supra. The character is reproduced in Fig. 977.

The comet is shown in the plate with the symbol of a caterpillar, possibly referring to its believed effect in causing blights. This can be compared to the measuring worm, which symbolizes the rainbow, mentioned above. The character is depicted in Fig. 977.

In the same work and Codex, Pls. 10, 12, and 33, are three characters, somewhat differing, representing earthquakes, which, according to the text in Vol. VI, p. 137, et seq., occurred in Mexico in the years A. D. 1461, 1467, and 1542. The concept appears to be that of the disruption and change of the position of the several strata of soil, which are indicated by the diverse coloration. These characters are reproduced in the present work in Pl. XLIX as the three on the right hand in the lower line.

In the same work and Codex, Pls. 10, 12, and 33, there are three symbols, each slightly different, that represent earthquakes. According to the text in Vol. VI, p. 137, et seq., these earthquakes occurred in Mexico in the years A. D. 1461, 1467, and 1542. The idea seems to be about the disruption and shifting of the different layers of soil, which are shown by the varied colors. These symbols are shown in this work in Pl. 49 as the three on the right side in the lower line.

Fig. 978.—Robbery. Mexican.

Fig. 978.—Theft. Mexican.

Fig. 978 is from the same work (i), Codex Mendoza, and is the symbol for robbery, in allusion to the punishment of the convicted robber.

Fig. 978 is from the same work (i), Codex Mendoza, and represents the symbol for robbery, referring to the punishment for the convicted robber.

In the same work (k), Codex Vaticanus, is the following description, in quaint language, of the plate now reproduced in Pl. XLIX:

In the same work (k), Codex Vaticanus, is the following description, in old-fashioned language, of the plate now shown in Pl. 49:

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIX
MEXICAN SYMBOLS.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIX
MEXICAN SYMBOLS.

These are the twenty letters or figures which they employed in all their calculations, which they supposed ruled over men, as the figure shows, and they cured in a corresponding manner those who became ill or suffered pains in any part of the body. The sign of the wind was assigned to the[614] liver; the rose to the breast; the earthquake to the tongue; the eagle to the right arm; the vulture to the right ear; the rabbit to the left ear; the flint to the teeth; the air to the breath; the monkey to the left arm; the cane to the heart; the herb, to the bowels; the lizard to the womb of women; the tiger to the left foot; the serpent to the male organ of generation, as that from which their diseases proceeded in their commencement; for in this manner they considered the serpent, wherever it occurred, as the most ominous of all their signs. Even still physicians continue to use this figure when they perform cures, and, according to the sign and hour in which the patient became ill, they examined whether the disease corresponded with the ruling sign; from which it is plain that this nation is not as brutal as some persons pretend, since they observed so much method and order in their affairs and employed the same means as our astrologers and physicians use, as this figure still obtains amongst them and may be found in their repertoires.

These are the twenty letters or symbols they used in all their calculations, which they believed influenced people, as the illustration shows. They treated those who were ill or in pain in a corresponding way. The sign for the wind was associated with the liver; the rose represented the chest; the earthquake was linked to the tongue; the eagle corresponded to the right arm; the vulture was for the right ear; the rabbit represented the left ear; the flint was associated with the teeth; the air related to the breath; the monkey matched the left arm; the cane symbolized the heart; the herb pertained to the bowels; the lizard was connected to the womb of women; the tiger was linked to the left foot; the serpent represented the male organ of generation, as they believed diseases began there. They regarded the serpent as the most foreboding of all their signs. Even today, doctors continue to use this symbol when treating patients, and based on the sign and the time when the patient fell ill, they check if the disease matches the ruling sign. It’s clear this society isn't as primitive as some might claim since they demonstrated a lot of organization and method in their practices, using similar approaches to those our astrologers and doctors use, as this symbol remains significant among them and can be found in their records.

a, deer or stag; b, wind; c, rose; d, earthquake; e, eagle; f, eagle of a different species; g, water; h, house; i, skull or death; j, rain; k, dog; l, rabbit; m, flint; n, air; o, monkey; p, cane; q, grass or herb; r, lizard; s, tiger; t, serpent.

a, deer or stag; b, wind; c, rose; d, earthquake; e, eagle; f, eagle of a different species; g, water; h, house; i, skull or death; j, rain; k, dog; l, rabbit; m, flint; n, air; o, monkey; p, cane; q, grass or herb; r, lizard; s, tiger; t, serpent.

Dr. S. Habel (d) gives the description concerning Fig. 979, which is presented here on account of the several symbols and gestures exhibited:

Dr. S. Habel (d) provides a description of Fig. 979, which is included here due to the various symbols and gestures shown:

Fig. 979.—Guatemalan symbols.

Guatemalan symbols.

This is a block of dark gray porphyry (vulcanite) 12 feet long, 3 feet broad and 2 feet thick, the upper left corner of which is slightly broken off. The sculpture occupies 9 feet of its upper part. The upper portion represents the head and breast of a female, surrounded by a circle, from which the arms project. Besides the stereotyped frill surrounding the forehead, the only ornament of the head consists of two[615] entwined rattlesnakes. The hair is of medium length and descends in tresses to the shoulders and breast. The ear is ornamented with circular disks inclosing smaller ones. Around the neck is a broad necklace of irregularly-shaped stones of extraordinary size. Below the necklace the breast is covered with a kind of scarf or textile fabric, the upper ends of which are fastened by buttons. To the center of this scarf seems to be attached a globe, the upper part of which is adorned by a knotted band from which four others ascend. From the lower part of the globe descends another band, with incisions characteristic of Mexican sculpture, while its sides are adorned by wreaths like wings. The wrists of both hands are covered with strings of large stones perforated in the center. From the semicircular bands emanate two of the twining staves; to the staves are attached knots, leaves, flowers, and various other emblems of a mythical character. The most conspicuous of these is the representation of a human face in a circle resembling the ordinary pictures of the full moon. The two central staves, originating from the neck, pass downward, and are differently ornamented. The fact that the head and part of the breast are surrounded by a circle, and that the image of the moon forms one of its ornaments, induces us to believe that this is the figure of the moon goddess. In the lower part of the sculpture appears, again, an individual imploring the deity with face upturned and elevated hand. The supplication is indicated by a curved staff knotted on the sides. Excepting a circular disk attached to the hair, the head is without ornament; the long hair hangs down to the breast and back, ending in a complicated ornament extending below the knees. In the lobe of the ear is a small ring from which a larger one depends. The breast is adorned with a globe similar to that on the breast of the goddess, only it is smaller. Around the wrist of the right hand is a plain cuff, while the left hand is covered by a skull; a stiff girdle, with a boar’s head ornamenting its back part, surrounds the waist. This girdle differs from the previous ones by being ornamented with circular depressions. From the front of the girdle descend two twisted cords surrounding the thigh, and a band tied in bow and ends. Below the right knee is a kind of garter with a pear-shaped pendant. The left foot, with the exception of the toes, is inclosed in a sort of shoe.

This is a block of dark gray porphyry (vulcanite) that is 12 feet long, 3 feet wide, and 2 feet thick, with the upper left corner slightly broken off. The sculpture takes up 9 feet of its upper part. The upper section depicts the head and chest of a female, surrounded by a circle from which the arms extend. Aside from the typical frill around the forehead, the only decoration on the head consists of two entwined rattlesnakes. The hair is medium-length, falling in tresses to the shoulders and chest. The ear is adorned with circular disks enclosing smaller ones. Around the neck is a wide necklace made of unusually large, irregularly shaped stones. Below the necklace, the chest is covered with a kind of scarf or textile fabric, held at the top by buttons. A globe seems to be attached to the center of this scarf, with its upper part decorated by a knotted band from which four other bands rise. Another band descends from the lower part of the globe, featuring cuts typical of Mexican sculpture, while its sides are adorned with wreaths resembling wings. The wrists of both hands are covered with strings of large stones that have holes in the center. From the semicircular bands emerge two twisting staves, which are adorned with knots, leaves, flowers, and various other mythical symbols. Among the most prominent is a depiction of a human face within a circle, resembling a typical image of a full moon. The two central staves, originating from the neck, extend downward and are differently decorated. The fact that the head and part of the chest are encircled and that a moon image is one of its decorations suggests this represents the moon goddess. In the lower section of the sculpture, there is another individual imploring the deity with their face turned up and hand raised. The plea is indicated by a curved staff that has knots on the sides. Except for a circular disk attached to the hair, the head is without decoration; the long hair flows down to the chest and back, ending in an elaborate ornament that extends below the knees. In the lobe of the ear is a small ring, from which a larger one hangs. The chest is adorned with a globe similar to the one on the goddess's chest, but smaller. The right wrist has a simple cuff, while the left hand is covered by a skull; a stiff girdle, decorated with a boar’s head on the back, encircles the waist. This girdle differs from the previous ones because it has circular depressions. From the front of the girdle hang two twisted cords that wrap around the thigh, along with a band tied in a bow. Below the right knee is a kind of garter with a pear-shaped pendant. The left foot, except for the toes, is enclosed in a type of shoe.

In front of the adorer is a small altar, the cover of which has incisions similar to those in the pendant of the globe on the breast of the deity. On the altar is a human head, from the mouth of which issues a curved staff, while other staves in the shape of arrows appear on the side of the head.

In front of the worshiper is a small altar, the surface of which has cuts similar to those on the pendant of the globe on the deity's chest. On the altar is a human head, from which a curved staff emerges from the mouth, while other staff-like arrows appear on the side of the head.

Fig. 980 is reproduced by permission from Lieut. H. R. Lemly (a), U. S. Army, who calls it a “stone calendar.” It is the work of the Chibcha Indians of the United States of Colombia, and its several parts, some of which are to be compared with similar designs in other regions, are explained as follows:

Fig. 980 is reproduced with permission from Lieut. H. R. Lemly (a), U.S. Army, who refers to it as a “stone calendar.” It was created by the Chibcha Indians of the United States of Colombia, and its various components, some of which can be compared to similar designs in other areas, are explained as follows:

a, Ata, a small frog in the act of leaping. This animal was the base of the system, and in this attitude denoted the abundance of water. b, Bosa, a rectangular figure with various divisions, imitating cultivated fields. c, Mica, a bicephalous figure, with the eyes distended, as if to examine minutely. It signified the selection and planting of seed. d, Muihica, similar to the preceding, but with the eyes almost closed. It represented the dark and tempestuous epoch in which, favored by the rain, the seed began to sprout. e, Hisca, resembling c and d of the stone, but larger, with no division between the heads. It was the symbol of the conjunction of the sun and moon, which the Chibchas considered the nuptials or actual union of these celestial spouses—one of the cardinal dogmas of their creed. f, Ta, almost identical with b. It represented the harvest month. g, Cuhupcua, an earless human head upon one of the lateral faces of the stone. It was the symbol of the useless or so-called deaf month of the Chibchan year. h, Suhuza, perhaps a tadpole, and probably referred to the generation of these animals. i, Aca, a figure of a frog, larger than a, but in a similar posture. It announced the approach of the rainy season. j, Ulchihica, two united rhomboids—a fruit or seed, and perhaps an ear. It referred to their invitations[616] and feasts. k, Guesa, a human figure in an humble attitude, the hands folded, and a halo about the head. It is supposed to represent the unfortunate youth selected as the victim of the sacrifice made every twenty Chibchan years to the god of the harvest.

a, Ata, a small frog about to leap. This creature was the core of the system and in this position symbolized the abundance of water. b, Bosa, a rectangular shape divided into sections, resembling cultivated fields. c, Mica, a two-headed figure with wide eyes, as if to take a close look. It signified the selection and planting of seeds. d, Muihica, similar to the previous one but with eyes almost closed. It represented the dark and stormy period when, with the help of rain, the seeds began to sprout. e, Hisca, resembling c and d but larger, without a division between the heads. It symbolized the conjunction of the sun and moon, which the Chibchas considered the marriage or actual union of these celestial partners—one of the key beliefs of their faith. f, Ta, nearly identical to b. It represented the month of harvest. g, Cuhupcua, an earless human head on one of the stone's sides. It symbolized the useless or so-called deaf month of the Chibchan calendar. h, Suhuza, possibly a tadpole, likely referring to the generation of these creatures. i, Aca, a figure of a frog, larger than a, but in a similar position. It indicated the approach of the rainy season. j, Ulchihica, two connected rhomboids—a fruit or seed, and probably an ear. It referred to their invitations[616] and feasts. k, Guesa, a human figure in a humble posture, hands folded, and a halo around the head. It is believed to represent the unfortunate youth chosen as the victim for the sacrifice made every twenty Chibchan years to the god of the harvest.

The characters b and f below, markedly resemble one given by Pipart (a), with the same signification. It referred to the preparation of the ground for sowing.

The characters b and f below look a lot like the one provided by Pipart (a), with the same meaning. It was about getting the ground ready for planting.

Fig. 980.—Chibcha symbols.

Fig. 980.—Chibchan symbols.

Wiener (f) gives the following summary of prominent Peruvian symbols:

Wiener (f) provides the following summary of key Peruvian symbols:

In the conventional system of the Peruvians a bird indicates velocity, a lion strength, the lion and the bird united in one figure strength and velocity together, and, deductively, power. The meander indicates fertility and the pyramid with degrees or steps indicates defense. A bird combined with the meander indicates rapid production. A rectangular oblong figure (the mouth) indicates speech and discourse. A circle with a depression almost in the form of a heart means a female child, a circle with a small blade or stalk a male child. The circle with two stalks is the symbol of a man—the worker. The circle with four stalks means a married couple, marriage, etc.

In the traditional system of the Peruvians, a bird represents speed, while a lion symbolizes strength. When the lion and the bird are combined into one image, they signify both strength and speed, which together imply power. The meander symbolizes fertility, and a pyramid with steps or levels indicates protection. A bird combined with the meander represents rapid production. A rectangular shape (the mouth) signifies speech and communication. A circle with a dip resembling a heart represents a female child, while a circle with a small blade or stalk indicates a male child. The circle with two stalks symbolizes a man—the worker. A circle with four stalks represents a married couple, marriage, and so on.

Fig. 981.—Syrian symbols.

Fig. 981.—Syrian symbols.

Fig. 981 is presented to show another collection of engraved symbols, some of which with different execution resemble some found in North America. It is a bronze tablet found in Syria in the collection of M. Péretié, and is described by Maj. Claude R. Conder, R. F. (a):

Fig. 981 is shown to display another group of engraved symbols, some of which, with different styles, look similar to those found in North America. It is a bronze tablet discovered in Syria in the collection of M. Péretié, and is described by Maj. Claude R. Conder, R. F. (a):

It measures 4½ inches in height by 3¼ in width. The design is supposed to represent the fate of the soul according to Assyrian or Phenician belief. The tablet is divided into four compartments horizontally, the lowest being the largest and highest the most narrow. In the top compartment various astronomical symbols occur, many of which, as M. Canneau points out, occur on other Assyrian monuments. On the extreme right are the seven stars, next to these the crescent, next the winged solar disk, then an eight-rayed star in a circle. The remaining symbols are less easily explained, but the last is called by M. Canneau a “cidaris” or Persian tiara, while another appears to approach most nearly to the Trisul, or symbol of “fire,” the emblem of the Indian Siva.

It measures 4½ inches in height and 3¼ inches in width. The design is meant to represent the soul's fate according to Assyrian or Phoenician beliefs. The tablet is divided into four horizontal sections, with the bottom one being the largest and the top one the smallest. In the top section, various astronomical symbols appear, many of which, as M. Canneau notes, also appear on other Assyrian monuments. On the far right are the seven stars, next to them is the crescent, followed by the winged solar disk, and then an eight-rayed star inside a circle. The other symbols are more difficult to interpret, but the last one is referred to by M. Canneau as a “cidaris” or Persian tiara, while another one seems to be closest to the Trisul, or symbol of “fire,” which is the emblem of the Indian Siva.

Below these symbols stand seven deities facing to the right, with long robes, and the heads of various animals. The first to the left resembles a lion, the second a wolf or hound, the fourth a ram, the sixth a bird, the seventh a serpent, while the third and fifth are less easily recognized. In the third compartment a body lies on a bier, with a deity at the head, and another at the feet. These deities have the right hand held up, and the left down (a common feature of Indian symbolism also observable in the attitude of the Mâlawiyeh dervishes), and the figure to the left appears to hold a branch or three ears of corn. Both are robed in the peculiar fish-headed costume, with a scaly body and fish tail, which is supposed to be symbolical of the mythical Oannes, who according to Berosus, issued from the Persian gulf and taught laws and arts to the early dwellers on the Euphrates. Behind the left-hand fish-god is a tripod stand, on which is an indefinite object; to the right of the other fish-god are two lion-headed human figures with eagles’ claws, apparently contending with one another, the right arms being raised, the left holding hand by hand. To the right of these is another figure of Assyrian type, with a domed headdress and beard.

Below these symbols stand seven deities facing to the right, wearing long robes and having the heads of various animals. The first on the left looks like a lion, the second resembles a wolf or hound, the fourth is a ram, the sixth a bird, and the seventh a serpent, while the third and fifth are harder to identify. In the third compartment, a body lies on a bier, with one deity at the head and another at the feet. These deities have their right hands raised and their left hands down (a common aspect of Indian symbolism also seen in the stance of the Mâlawiyeh dervishes), and the figure on the left seems to hold a branch or three ears of corn. Both are dressed in a unique fish-headed costume, featuring a scaly body and fish tail, which is thought to symbolize the mythical Oannes, who, according to Berosus, emerged from the Persian Gulf and taught laws and arts to the early inhabitants of the Euphrates. Behind the left fish-god is a tripod stand with an indistinct object on it; to the right of the other fish-god are two lion-headed human figures with eagle's claws, apparently in conflict with each other, their right arms raised and their left hands clasped. To the right of these is another figure of Assyrian style, with a domed headdress and beard.

In the lowest compartment the infernal river fringed with rushes, and full of fish, is represented. A fearful lion-headed goddess with eagles’ claws kneels on one knee on a horse (the emblem of death) which is carried in a kneeling attitude on a boat with bird-headed prow. The goddess crushes a serpent in either hand, and two lion cubs are represented sucking her breasts. To the left is a demon bearing a close resemblance to the one which supports the tablet itself, and which appears to urge on the boat from the bank; to the right are various objects, mostly of an indefinite character, among which M. Ganneau recognizes a vase, and a bottle, a horse’s leg with hoof, etc.; possibly offerings to appease the infernal deities. The lion-headed goddess might well be taken for the terrible infernal deity Kali or Durga, the worship of whose consort, Yama, was the original source of that of the later Serapis, whose dog was the ancestor of Cerberus. There is also a general resemblance between this design and the well-known Egyptian picture representing the wicked soul conveyed to hell in the form of a pig.

In the lowest section, the hellish river is lined with reeds and teeming with fish. A terrifying lion-headed goddess with eagle claws kneels on one knee on a horse (the symbol of death), which is positioned in a kneeling stance on a boat with a bird-shaped prow. The goddess crushes a serpent in each hand, and two lion cubs are shown nursing from her breasts. To the left, there’s a demon that closely resembles the one supporting the tablet itself, seemingly urging the boat from the shore; to the right, there are various objects, mostly unclear in form, among which M. Ganneau identifies a vase, a bottle, and a horse's leg with a hoof, possibly offerings to placate the underworld gods. The lion-headed goddess could easily be mistaken for the fearsome infernal deity Kali or Durga, whose consort, Yama, was the original source of the later worship of Serapis, whose dog was the ancestor of Cerberus. There's also a general similarity between this scene and the well-known Egyptian image depicting the wicked soul being taken to hell in the form of a pig.

The Oannes figures take the place of the two goddesses who in Egyptian designs stand at either end of the mummy and who form the prototype of the two angels for whom the pious Moslem provides seats at the head and foot of his tombstone. Perhaps the miserable horse who stumbles under the weight of the gigantic lion goddess may represent the unhappy soul itself, while the three ears of corn remind us of the grains of corn which have been found in skulls dug up in Syria by Capt. Burton. Corn is intimately connected with Dagon, the Syrian fish-god.

The Oannes figures replace the two goddesses that, in Egyptian designs, stand at either end of the mummy and serve as the model for the two angels for whom devout Muslims provide seats at the head and foot of their tombstones. The unfortunate horse, struggling under the weight of the massive lion goddess, might symbolize the troubled soul itself, while the three ears of corn remind us of the grains of corn discovered in skulls excavated in Syria by Capt. Burton. Corn is closely tied to Dagon, the Syrian fish-god.

As a tentative suggestion I may, perhaps, be allowed to propose that the seven deities in the second compartment are the planets, and that the symbols above belong to them as follows, commencing on the right:

As a tentative suggestion, I might, perhaps, be allowed to propose that the seven deities in the second compartment represent the planets, and that the symbols above correspond to them as follows, starting on the right:

Planet. Assyrian name. Head of deity. Symbol.
1. Saturn Chiun Serpent Seven stars.
2. Moon Nannar Bird Crescent.
3. Sun Shamash Boar (?) Winged Disc.
4. Mars Marduk Ram Rayed disc.
5. Mercury Nebo (?) Two columns.
6. Venus Ishtar Wolf (?) Trisul.
7. Jupiter Ishn Lion Cidaris (?).

The serpent is often the emblem of Saturn, who, as the eldest of the seven (“the great serpent father of the gods”), naturally comes first and therefore on the right, and has seven stars for his symbol.

The serpent often represents Saturn, who, being the oldest of the seven (“the great serpent father of the gods”), naturally comes first and is therefore on the right, and has seven stars as his symbol.

The moon, according to Lenormant, was always an older divinity than the sun.

The moon, as Lenormant stated, was always considered an older deity than the sun.

The boar is often an emblem of the sun in its strength.

The boar often symbolizes the sun in its strength.

The disc (litu) was the weapon employed by Marduk, the warrior god, as mentioned by Lenormant.

The disc (litu) was the weapon used by Marduk, the warrior god, as noted by Lenormant.

The two pillars of Hermes are the proper emblem of the ancient Set or Thoth, the planet Mercury.

The two pillars of Hermes are the correct symbol of the ancient Set or Thoth, the planet Mercury.

The trisul belongs properly to the Asherah, god or goddess of fertility—the planet Venus.

The trisul rightly belongs to Asherah, the god or goddess of fertility—the planet Venus.

The Cidaris occurs in the Bavian sculptures in connection with a similar emblem. In the Chaldean system, Jupiter and Venus occur together as the youngest of the planets.

The Cidaris appears in the Bavian sculptures along with a similar symbol. In the Chaldean system, Jupiter and Venus are seen together as the youngest of the planets.

It should also be noted that the position of the arms and the long robe covering the feet resemble the attitudes and dress of the Mâlawîyeh dervishes in their sacred dance, symbolic of the seven planets revolving (according to the Ptolemaic system) round the earth.

It should also be noted that the position of the arms and the long robe covering the feet resemble the poses and clothing of the Mâlawîyeh dervishes during their sacred dance, which symbolizes the seven planets rotating (according to the Ptolemaic system) around the earth.

Didron (c) thus remarks upon the emblems in the Roman catacombs:

Didron (c) makes the following observations about the symbols found in the Roman catacombs:

The large fish marks the fisher who catches it or the manufacturer who extracts the oil from it. The trident indicates the sailor, as the pick the digger. The trade of digger in the catacombs was quite elevated; the primitive monuments thus represent these men who are of the lower class among us, and who in the beginning of the Christian era, when they dug the graves of saints and martyrs, were interred side by side with the rich and even beside saints, and were represented holding a pickaxe in one hand and a lamp in the other; the lamp lighted them in their subterranean labors. The hatchet indicates a carpenter, and the capital a sculptor or an architect. As to the dove, it probably designates the duties of the mother of a family who nourishes the domestic birdlings as would appear to be indicated by a mortuary design in Bosis. It is possible, moreover, that it originated from a symbolic idea, but this idea would be borrowed from profane rather than religious sentiments, and I would more willingly see in it the memorial of the good qualities of the dead, man or woman, the fidelity of the wife, or of the dove, which returning to the ark after the deluge announced that the waters had retired and the land had again appeared; from this we can not conclude that the fish filled a rôle analogous to it, nor above all that it is the symbol of Christ; the dove is in the Old Testament, the fish neither in the old nor in the new.

The big fish symbolizes the fisherman who catches it or the manufacturer who extracts oil from it. The trident represents the sailor, just like the pick represents the digger. The job of a digger in the catacombs was quite prestigious; the early monuments depict these men, who are considered lower class, and who, during the early Christian era, when they were digging the graves of saints and martyrs, were buried alongside the wealthy and even next to saints, often shown holding a pickaxe in one hand and a lamp in the other; the lamp helped them during their underground work. The hatchet represents a carpenter, and the capital denotes a sculptor or architect. As for the dove, it likely signifies the responsibilities of a mother who cares for her young birds, as suggested by a funerary design in Bosis. It's also possible that it originated from a symbolic idea, but this idea would stem more from secular rather than religious feelings, and I would prefer to see it as a tribute to the good qualities of the deceased, whether man or woman, reflecting the loyalty of a wife, or the dove that returned to the ark after the flood to signal that the waters had receded and land had reappeared; from this, we cannot conclude that the fish played an analogous role, especially not that it symbolizes Christ; the dove appears in the Old Testament, while the fish does not appear in either the Old or New Testament.

Edkins (b) says respecting the Chinese:

Edkins (b) says about the Chinese:

It is easy to trace the process of symbol-making in the words used for the crenelated top of city walls, which are ya and c’hi, both meaning “teeth” and both being pictures of the object, and further, when the former is found also to be used for “tree buds” and “to bud.” Such instances of word creation show how considerable has been the prevalence of analogy and the association of ideas. The picture writing of the Chinese is to a large extent a continuation of the process of forming analogies to which the human mind had already become accustomed in the earlier stages of the history of language.

It’s easy to see how symbols are created in the words used for the notched tops of city walls, which are ya and c’hi, both meaning “teeth” and both visual representations of the object. Moreover, when ya is also used to refer to “tree buds” and “to bud,” it highlights the role of analogy and the connection of ideas. The pictorial writing of the Chinese largely continues the process of forming analogies that the human mind had already adapted to in the earlier stages of language development.

D’Alviella (b) furnishes this poetical and truthful suggestion:

D’Alviella (b) offers this poetic and truthful idea:

It is not surprising that the Hindoos and Egyptians should both have adopted as the symbol of the sun the lotus flower, which opens its petals to the dawn and infolds them on the approach of night, and which seems to be born of itself on the surface of the still waters.

It’s no surprise that both Hindus and Egyptians chose the lotus flower as a symbol of the sun. The flower opens its petals to greet the dawn and closes them as night approaches, appearing to emerge from the still waters on its own.

SECTION 3.
SIGNIFICANCE OF COLORS.

The use of color to be considered in studies of pictography is probably to be traced to the practice of painting on the surface of the human body. This use is very ancient. The Ethiopians in the army of Xerxes[619] applied vermillion and white plaster to their skins, and the German tribes when first known in history inscribed their breasts with the figures of divers animals. The North British clans were so much addicted to paint (or perhaps tattoo) that the epithet Picti was applied to them by the Romans. In this respect comparisons may be made with the Wichita, who were called by the French Pawnees Piqués, commonly rendered in English Pawnee Picts, and Marco de Niça, in Hakluyt, (e) says that Indians in the region of Arizona and New Mexico were called Pintados “because they painted their faces, breasts, and arms.” The general belief with regard to the employment of paint in the above and similar cases is that the colors had a tribal significance by which men became their own flags; the present form of flag not having great antiquity, as Clovis was the first among western monarchs to adopt it. Then the theory became current that colored devices, such as appeared on ensigns and on clothing, e. g., tartans, were imitated from the painted marks on the skin of the tribesmen. In this connection remarks made supra about tattoo designs are applicable. There is but little evidence in favor of the theory, save that fashions in colored decorations probably in time became tribal practices and so might have been evolved into emblems. But it is proper to regard such colorations as primarily ornamental, and to remember that even in England as late as the eighth century some bands of men were so proud of their decorated bodies that they refused to conceal them by clothes.

The use of color in pictography studies likely comes from the practice of painting on the human body. This practice goes back a long way. The Ethiopians in Xerxes' army used vermillion and white plaster on their skin, and the German tribes, when first recorded in history, decorated their chests with images of various animals. The North British clans were so fond of painting (or maybe tattooing) that the Romans called them Picti. Similar comparisons can be made with the Wichita, who were referred to as Piqués by the French Pawnees, often translated in English as Pawnee Picts. Marco de Niça, in Hakluyt, states that the Indians in Arizona and New Mexico were called Pintados “because they painted their faces, breasts, and arms.” The general belief about the use of paint in these cases is that the colors had tribal significance, allowing people to represent their own flags; the modern flag doesn’t have a long history, as Clovis was the first among Western monarchs to adopt it. It then became common to think that colorful designs on banners and clothing, like tartans, were inspired by the painted marks on tribesmen's skin. Remarks made earlier about tattoo designs are relevant here. There's little evidence supporting this theory, except that trends in colorful decorations likely became tribal customs and could have evolved into emblems. However, it’s important to see such colorations as mostly decorative and to remember that even in England, as late as the eighth century, some groups were so proud of their decorated bodies that they refused to cover them with clothing.

This topic may be divided into: 1. Decorative use of color. 2. Idiocrasy of colors. 3. Color in ceremonies. 4. Color relative to death and mourning. 5. Colors for war and peace. 6. Colors designating social status.

This topic can be broken down into: 1. Decorative use of color. 2. Color preferences. 3. Color in ceremonies. 4. Color related to death and mourning. 5. Colors for war and peace. 6. Colors indicating social status.

DECORATIVE USE OF COLOR.

The following notes give instances of the use of painting which appear to be purely decorative:

The following notes provide examples of how painting is used in ways that seem to be purely decorative:

Fernando Alarchon, in Hakluyt, (f) says of the Indians of the Bay of California: “These Indians came decked after sundry fashions, some came with a painting that couered their face all ouer, some had their faces halfe couered, but all besmouched with cole and euery one as it liked him best.”

Fernando Alarchon, in Hakluyt, (f) says of the Indians of the Bay of California: “These Indians came dressed in various styles; some were fully painted all over their faces, some had their faces half covered, but they were all smudged with charcoal, each one as they preferred.”

John Hawkins, in Hakluyt, (g) speaking of the Florida Indians, tells of “Colours both red, blacke, yellow, and russet, very perfect, wherewith they so paint their bodies and Deere skinnes which they weare about them, that with water it neither faded away nor altereth in color.”

John Hawkins, in Hakluyt, (g) discussing the Florida Indians, describes “Colors like red, black, yellow, and brown, very vivid, with which they paint their bodies and the deer skins they wear, so that with water it neither fades nor changes color.”

Maximilian of Wied (f), reports:

Maximilian of Wied (f), reports:

Even in the midst of winter the Mandans wear nothing on the upper part of the body, under their buffalo robe. They paint their bodies of a reddish brown colour, on some occasions with white clay, and frequently draw red or black figures on their arms. The face is, for the most part, painted all over with vermillion or yellow, in which latter case the circumference of the eyes and the chin are red. There are,[620] however, no set rules for painting, and it depends on the taste of the Indian dandy; yet, still, a general similarity is observed. The bands, in their dances and also after battles, and when they have performed some exploit, follow the established rule. In ordinary festivals and dances, and whenever they wish to look particularly fine, the young Mandans paint themselves in every variety of way, and each endeavors to find out some new mode. Should he find another dandy painted just like himself, he immediately retires and makes a change in the pattern, which may happen three or four times during the festival. If they have performed an exploit, the entire face is painted jet black.

Even in the middle of winter, the Mandans don’t wear anything on the upper part of their bodies under their buffalo robes. They paint their bodies a reddish-brown color, sometimes using white clay, and often draw red or black designs on their arms. Their faces are mostly painted all over with bright red or yellow, and when they use yellow, the area around their eyes and their chins is red. There are, [620] however, no strict rules for painting; it really depends on the style of the individual dandy. Still, there is a general similarity observed. During dances, after battles, and when they’ve accomplished something, the groups follow certain traditions. In regular festivals and dances, or when they want to look particularly impressive, the young Mandans paint themselves in various ways, each trying to come up with a new style. If one dandy sees another painted the same way as himself, he quickly steps away to change his design, which can happen three or four times throughout the festival. If they have achieved something noteworthy, their entire face is painted jet black.

A colored plate in the report of the Pacific Railroad Expedition (f) shows the designs adopted by the Mojave Indians for painting the body. These designs consist of transverse lines extending around the body, arms, and legs, or horizontal lines or different parts may partake of different designs. Clay is now generally used.

A colored plate in the report of the Pacific Railroad Expedition (f) shows the patterns the Mojave Indians used for body painting. These patterns include lines that wrap around the body, arms, and legs, or horizontal lines, with different sections featuring various designs. Clay is now commonly used.

Everard F. im Thurn (h) describes the painting of the Indians of Guiana as follows:

Everard F. im Thurn (h) describes the painting of the Indigenous people of Guiana like this:

The paint is applied either in large masses or in patterns. For example, a man, when he wants to dress well, perhaps entirely coats both his feet up to the ankles with a crust of red; his whole trunk he sometimes stains uniformly with blue-black, more rarely with red, or covers it with an intricate pattern of lines of either color; he puts a streak of red along the bridge of his nose; where his eyebrows were till he pulled them out he puts two red lines; at the top of the arch of his forehead he puts a big lump of red paint, and probably he scatters other spots and lines somewhere on his face. The women, especially among the Ackawoi, who use more body-paint than other ornament, are more fond of blue-black than of red; and one very favorite ornament with them is a broad band of this, which edges the mouth, and passes from the corners of that to the ears. Some women especially affect certain little figures, like Chinese characters, which look as if some meaning were attached to them, but which the Indians are either unable or unwilling to explain.

The paint is applied either in large chunks or in designs. For example, when a man wants to look good, he might completely coat both his feet up to the ankles with a thick layer of red. He often stains his entire torso evenly with blue-black, sometimes with red, or covers it with a complicated pattern of lines in either color. He might add a streak of red along the bridge of his nose; where his eyebrows used to be before he plucked them, he places two red lines; at the top of his forehead's arch, he applies a big blob of red paint and probably sprinkles other spots and lines across his face. The women, especially among the Ackawoi, who use more body paint than other decorations, prefer blue-black over red. One popular adornment for them is a wide band of this color that frames the mouth and extends from the corners to the ears. Some women particularly like certain small figures, like Chinese characters, which seem to have some meaning attached, but the Indians either can’t or won’t explain them.

Kohl (a) says of the Indians met by him around Lake Superior that “The young men only paint—no women. When they become old they stop and cease to pluck out their beards which are an obstacle in painting.” It is probable that the custom of plucking the hairs originated in the attempt to facilitate face and body painting.

Kohl (a) describes the Indians he encountered around Lake Superior by saying, “The young men are the only ones who paint—none of the women do. When they get older, they stop and no longer pluck out their beards, which get in the way of painting.” It’s likely that the practice of plucking hairs started as a way to make it easier to paint their faces and bodies.

Herndon (b) gives the following report from the valley of the Amazon:

Herndon (b) provides this report from the Amazon valley:

Met a Conibo on the beach. This man was evidently the dandy of his tribe. He was painted with a broad stripe of red under each eye; three narrow stripes of blue were carried from one ear, across the upper lip to the other—the two lower stripes plain, and the upper one bordered with figures. The whole of the lower jaw and chin were painted with a blue chain-work of figures, something resembling Chinese figures.

Met a Conibo on the beach. This guy was clearly the dandy of his tribe. He had a wide red stripe under each eye, and three narrow blue stripes stretched from one ear, across his upper lip to the other—the two lower stripes were plain, and the upper one had figures around it. His entire lower jaw and chin were painted with a blue chain-like pattern of figures, something that looked a bit like Chinese designs.

According to Dr. J. J. von Tschudi (b):

According to Dr. J. J. von Tschudi (b):

The uncivilized Indians of Peru paint their bodies, but not exactly in the tattoo manner; they confine themselves to single stripes. The Sensis women draw two stripes from the shoulder, over each breast, down to the pit of the stomach; the Pirras women paint a band in a form of a girdle round the waist, and they have three of a darker color round each thigh. These stripes, when once laid on, can never be removed by washing. They are made with the unripe fruit of one of the Rubiacaceæ. Some tribes paint the face only; others, on the contrary, do not touch that part; but bedaub with colors their arms, feet, and breasts.

The indigenous people of Peru decorate their bodies, but not in the way of tattoos; they stick to single stripes instead. The women from the Sensis tribe paint two stripes from their shoulders, over each breast, down to their stomachs; the women from the Pirras tribe apply a band around their waists that looks like a girdle, and they have three darker bands around each thigh. Once these stripes are applied, they can't be washed off. They are made using the unripe fruit of a plant from the Rubiacaceæ family. Some tribes only paint their faces; others don’t touch their faces at all but instead color their arms, feet, and chests.

F. J. Mouat, M. D., in Jour. Roy. Geogr. Soc., (a) says that Andaman Islanders rub red earth on the top of the head, probably for the purpose of ornamentation. This fashion is similar to that of some North American Indian tribes which rub red pigment on the parting of the hair.

F. J. Mouat, M. D., in Jour. Roy. Geogr. Soc., (a) mentions that Andaman Islanders apply red earth on the tops of their heads, likely for decorative purposes. This practice is similar to that of certain North American Indian tribes who use red pigment on their hair partings.

Marcano (e) says:

Marcano (e) says:

The present Piaroas of Venezuela are in the habit of painting their bodies, but by a different process. They make stamps out of wood, which they apply to their skins after covering them with coloring matter.

The current Piaroas of Venezuela have a tradition of painting their bodies, but they do it differently now. They carve stamps from wood and use those to apply color to their skin.

Fig. 982.—Piaroa color stamps.

Fig. 982.—Piaroa color stamps.

Fig. 982 shows examples of these stamps. The most noteworthy thing about them is that they reproduce the types of certain petroglyphs, particularly of those of the upper Cuchivero (see Figs. 152 and 153, supra).

Fig. 982 shows examples of these stamps. The most notable thing about them is that they replicate the styles of specific petroglyphs, especially those from the upper Cuchivero (see Figs. 152 and 153, supra).

The Piaroas either copied the models they found carved on the rocks by peoples who preceded them, or they are aware of their meaning and preserved the tradition of it. The former hypothesis is the only tenable one. Not being endowed with inventive faculties, it seems more natural that they should simply have copied the only models they found. The Indians of French Guiana paint themselves in order to drive away the devil when they start on a journey or for war, whence Crevaux concludes that the petroglyphs must have been carved for a religious purpose. But painting is to the Piaroas a question of ornamentation and of necessity. It is a sort of garment that protects them against insects, and which, applied with extra care, becomes a fancy costume to grace their feasts and meetings.

The Piaroas either copied the designs they found carved on rocks by earlier peoples or they understand their meaning and have kept the tradition alive. The first theory is the only plausible one. Lacking inventive skills, it makes more sense that they simply copied the only examples available to them. The Indians of French Guiana paint themselves to ward off the devil when starting a journey or going to war, leading Crevaux to conclude that the petroglyphs must have been created for religious reasons. However, for the Piaroas, painting is more about decoration and practicality. It's like a protective layer against insects, and when done carefully, it becomes an elaborate outfit for their celebrations and gatherings.

It is to be noted that at least one instance is found of the converse of the Piaroa practice, by which the face-marks are used as the designs of pictographs on inanimate objects. The Serranos, near Los Angeles, California, formerly cut lines upon the trees and posts marking boundaries of land, these lines corresponding to those adopted by the owner as facial decorations.

It’s worth mentioning that there's at least one example of the opposite of the Piaroa practice, where facial markings are used as designs for pictographs on non-living things. The Serranos, near Los Angeles, California, used to carve lines into trees and posts to mark land boundaries, with those lines matching the designs the owner used as facial decorations.

A suggestion appropriate to this branch of the topic is presented in the answer communicated in a personal conversation of a Japanese lady who was asked why she blackened her teeth: “Any dog has white[622] teeth!” An alteration of the physical appearance is itself a distinction, and the greater the difference between the decorated person and the want of decoration in others the greater the distinction. Modern milliners, dressmakers, tailors and hatters, and their patrons pursue the same ends of fashionable distinction which are exhibited in rivalry for priority and singularity. These arbitrary fluctuations of fashion, which are seen equally in the Mandan and the millionaire, the Pueblan and the Parisian, are to be considered with reference to the supposed tribal significance of colors before mentioned. So far as they originated in fashion they changed with fashion, and the studies made in the preparation of this paper tend to a disbelief in their distinctness and stability. The conservatism of religious and of other ceremonial practices and of social customs preserved, however, a certain amount of consistency and continuity.

A relevant suggestion related to this topic comes from a conversation with a Japanese woman who was asked why she blackened her teeth: “Any dog has white teeth!” Changing physical appearance is a way to stand out, and the bigger the contrast between the decorated person and others without decoration, the more noticeable the distinction. Today’s milliners, dressmakers, tailors, and hatters, along with their customers, chase the same goals of fashionable distinction, competing for uniqueness and priority. These changing trends, seen in everyone from the Mandan to millionaires, Pueblans to Parisians, should be understood in relation to the perceived tribal significance of colors mentioned earlier. As much as they stemmed from fashion, they also changed with it, and the research done for this paper leans towards the idea that they lack distinctness and stability. However, the conservatism found in religious and other ceremonial practices, as well as social customs, maintained some level of consistency and continuity.

IDEOCRASY OF COLORS.

It has often been asserted that there was and is an intrinsic significance in the several colors. A traditional recognition of this among the civilizations connected with modern Europe is shown by the associations of death and mourning with black, of innocence and peace with white, danger with red, and epidemic disease officially with yellow. A comparison of the diverse conceptions attached to the colors will show great variety in their several attributions.

It has often been claimed that different colors hold inherent meaning. A common understanding of this in cultures tied to modern Europe is seen in how black is associated with death and mourning, white with innocence and peace, red with danger, and yellow with contagious diseases. A look at the various meanings connected to these colors reveals a wide range of interpretations.

The Babylonians represented the sun and its sphere of motion by gold, the moon by silver, Saturn by black, Jupiter by orange, Mars by red, Venus by pale yellow, and Mercury by deep blue. Red was anciently and generally connected with divinity and power both priestly and royal. The tabernacle of the Israelites was covered with skins dyed red, and the gods and images of Egypt and Chaldea were of that color, which to this day is the one distinguishing the Roman Pontiff and the cardinals.

The Babylonians symbolized the sun and its movement with gold, the moon with silver, Saturn with black, Jupiter with orange, Mars with red, Venus with pale yellow, and Mercury with deep blue. Red has historically been associated with divinity and power, both in religion and royalty. The Israelites' tabernacle was covered with red-dyed skins, and many of the gods and images from Egypt and Chaldea were also red. This color continues to distinguish the Roman Pontiff and the cardinals today.

In ancient art each color had a mystic sense or symbolism, and its proper use was an essential consideration. With regard to early Christian art Mrs. Clement (a) furnishes the following account:

In ancient art, every color had a mystical meaning or symbolism, and using them correctly was crucial. Concerning early Christian art, Mrs. Clement (a) provides the following account:

White is worn by the Saviour after his resurrection; by the Virgin in representations of the Assumption; by women as the emblem of chastity; by rich men to indicate humility; and by the judge as the symbol of integrity. It is represented sometimes by silver or the diamond, and its sentiment is purity, virginity, innocence, faith, joy, and light.

White is worn by the Savior after his resurrection, by the Virgin in depictions of the Assumption, by women as a symbol of chastity, by wealthy individuals to show humility, and by judges as a sign of integrity. It can also be represented by silver or diamonds, and it signifies purity, virginity, innocence, faith, joy, and light.

Red, the color of the ruby, speaks of royalty, fire, divine love, the holy spirit, creative power, and heat. In an opposite sense it symbolized blood, war, and hatred. Red and black combined were the colors of Satan, purgatory, and evil spirits. Red and white roses are emblems of love and innocence or love and wisdom, as in the garland of St. Cecilia.

Red, the color of the ruby, represents royalty, fire, divine love, the Holy Spirit, creative energy, and warmth. Conversely, it symbolizes blood, war, and hatred. The combination of red and black signifies Satan, purgatory, and evil spirits. Red and white roses symbolize love and innocence or love and wisdom, as seen in the garland of St. Cecilia.

Blue, that of the sapphire, signified heaven, heavenly love and truth, constancy and fidelity. Christ and the Virgin Mary wear the blue mantle; St. John a blue tunic.

Blue, like that of the sapphire, represented heaven, divine love and truth, loyalty and faithfulness. Christ and the Virgin Mary wear blue robes; St. John has a blue tunic.

Green, the emerald, the color of spring, expressed hope and victory.

Green, the emerald, the color of spring, represented hope and victory.

Yellow or gold was the emblem of the sun, the goodness of God, marriage and fruitfulness. St. Joseph and St. Peter wear yellow. Yellow has also a bad signification when it has a dirty, dingy hue, such as the usual dress of Judas, and then signifies jealousy, inconstancy, and deceit.

Yellow or gold symbolizes the sun, the goodness of God, marriage, and fertility. St. Joseph and St. Peter wear yellow. However, yellow can also have negative connotations when it appears dirty or dull, like the typical attire of Judas, representing jealousy, unreliability, and trickery.

Violet or amethyst signified passion and suffering or love and truth. Penitents, as the Magdalene, wear it. The Madonna wears it after the crucifixion, and Christ after the resurrection.

Violet or amethyst represents passion and suffering or love and truth. Penitents, like Magdalene, wear it. The Madonna wears it after the crucifixion, and Christ after the resurrection.

Gray is the color of penance, mourning, humility, or accused innocence.

Gray represents penance, mourning, humility, or claimed innocence.

Black with white signified humility, mourning, and purity of life. Alone, it spoke of darkness, wickedness, and death, and belonged to Satan. In pictures of the Temptation Jesus sometimes wears black.

Black with white represented humility, mourning, and the purity of life. Alone, it symbolized darkness, evil, and death, and was associated with Satan. In depictions of the Temptation, Jesus sometimes wears black.

The associations with the several colors above mentioned differ widely from those in modern folk-lore; for instance, those with green and yellow, the same colors being stigmatized in the old song that “green’s forsaken and yellow’s forsworn.”

The meanings associated with the various colors mentioned above are very different from those in today's folklore. For example, the views on green and yellow are contrasted in the old song that says, “green’s forsaken and yellow’s forsworn.”

The Hist. de Dieu, by Didron (d), contains the following:

The Hist. of God, by Didron (d), includes the following:

The hierarchy of colors could well, in the ideas of the Middle Ages, have been allied at the same time to symbolism. The most brilliant color is gold, and here it is given to the greatest saints. Silver, color of the moon, which is inferior to the sun, but its companion, however, should follow; then red, or the color of fire, attribute of those who struggle against passion, and which is inferior to the two metals, gold and silver, to the sun and moon, of which it is but an emanation; next green, which symbolizes hope, and which is appropriate to married people; lastly, the uncertain yellowish color, half white and half yellow, a modified color, which is given to saints who were formerly sinners, but who have succeeded in reforming themselves and are made somewhat bright in the sight of God by penitence.

The color hierarchy in the Middle Ages was often tied to symbolism. Gold, the brightest color, was associated with the greatest saints. Silver, representing the moon, follows as it is inferior to the sun but still a companion. Next is red, the color of fire, linked to those who battle against passion, ranking lower than gold and silver, which symbolize the sun and moon, of which red is merely a reflection. Then comes green, symbolizing hope, which is fitting for married people. Finally, there's the ambiguous yellowish color, a blend of white and yellow, assigned to saints who were once sinners but have managed to reform themselves and shine somewhat brightly in God's eyes through their repentance.

A note in the Am. Journal of Psychology, Vol. I, November, 1887, p. 190, gives another list substantially as follows:

A note in the Am. Journal of Psychology, Vol. I, November, 1887, p. 190, provides another list pretty much like this:

Yellow, the color of gold and fire, symbolizes reason.

Yellow, the color of gold and fire, represents logic.

Green, the color of vegetable life, symbolizes utility and labor.

Green, the color of plant life, represents usefulness and hard work.

Red, the color of blood, symbolizes war and love.

Red, the color of blood, represents war and love.

Blue, the color of the sky, symbolizes spiritual life, duty, religion.

Blue, the color of the sky, represents spiritual life, responsibility, and faith.

COLOR IN CEREMONIES.

The colors attributed to the cardinal points have been the subject of much discussion. Some of these special color schemes of the North American Indians are now mentioned.

The colors associated with the cardinal points have been widely discussed. Some of the unique color traditions of Native Americans are now highlighted.

Mr. James Stevenson, in an address before the Anthropological Society of Washington, D. C.; Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. Army, in the Fifth Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 449; and Mr. Thomas V. Keam, in a MS. contribution, severally report the tribes mentioned below as using in their ceremonial dances the respective colors designated to represent the four cardinal points, viz:

Mr. James Stevenson, in a speech to the Anthropological Society of Washington, D.C.; Dr. Washington Matthews, U.S. Army, in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 449; and Mr. Thomas V. Keam, in a manuscript contribution, each report that the tribes listed below use specific colors in their ceremonial dances to represent the four cardinal points, namely:

 N.S.E.W.
Stevenson—ZuñiYellow.Red.White.Black.
Matthews—NavajoBlack.Blue.White.Yellow.
Keam—MokiWhite.Red.Yellow.Blue.

Mr. Stevenson, in his paper on the Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis, in the Eighth Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, agrees with Dr.[624] Matthews regarding the ceremonial scheme of the Navajo colors symbolic of the cardinal points, as follows: “The eagle plumes were laid to the east, and near by them white corn and white shell; the blue feathers were laid to the south, with blue corn and turquoise; the hawk feathers were laid to the west, with yellow corn and abalone shell; and to the north were laid the whippoorwill feathers, with black beads and corn of all the several colors.”

Mr. Stevenson, in his paper on the Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis, in the Eighth Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, agrees with Dr.[624] Matthews about the ceremonial scheme of the Navajo colors that symbolize the cardinal points, as follows: “The eagle plumes were placed to the east, along with white corn and white shell; the blue feathers were placed to the south, with blue corn and turquoise; the hawk feathers were placed to the west, with yellow corn and abalone shell; and to the north were placed the whippoorwill feathers, with black beads and corn of all different colors.”

In A Study of Pueblo Architecture, by Mr. Victor Mindeleff, in the Eighth Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, the prayers of consecration by the Pueblos are addressed thus:

In A Study of Pueblo Architecture, by Mr. Victor Mindeleff, in the Eighth Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, the prayers of consecration by the Pueblos are addressed like this:

To the west: Siky’ak   oma’uwu   Yellow cloud.
To the south: Sa’kwa   oma’uwu   Blue cloud.
To the east: Pal’a   oma’uwu   Red cloud.
To the north: Kwetsh   oma’uwu   White cloud.

Mr. Frank H. Cushing, in Zuñi Fetiches, Second Ann. Rep., Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 16-17, gives the following:

Mr. Frank H. Cushing, in Zuñi Fetiches, Second Ann. Rep., Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 16-17, gives the following:

In ancient times, while yet all beings belonged to one family, Po-shai-ang-k’ia, the father of our sacred bands, lived with his children (disciples) in the City of the Mists, the middle place (center) of the medicine societies of the world. When he was about to go forth into the world he divided the universe into six regions, namely, the North (Direction of the swept or barren place); the West (Direction of the Home of the Waters); the South (Direction of the Place of the Beautiful Red); the East (Direction of the Home of Day); the Upper Regions (Direction of the Home of the High); and the Lower Regions (Direction of the Home of the Low).

In ancient times, when all beings were part of one family, Po-shai-ang-k’ia, the father of our sacred groups, lived with his children (disciples) in the City of the Mists, the center of the world’s medicine societies. Just before he ventured out into the world, he divided the universe into six regions: the North (Direction of the barren land); the West (Direction of the Home of the Waters); the South (Direction of the Beautiful Red Place); the East (Direction of the Home of Day); the Upper Regions (Direction of the Home of the High); and the Lower Regions (Direction of the Home of the Low).

In the center of the great sea of each of these regions stood a very ancient sacred place—a great mountain peak. In the North was the Mountain Yellow, in the West the Mountain Blue, in the South the Mountain Red, in the East the Mountain White, above the Mountain All-color, and below the Mountain Black.

In the center of the vast seas of each of these regions stood a very ancient sacred place—a towering mountain peak. In the North was the Yellow Mountain, in the West the Blue Mountain, in the South the Red Mountain, in the East the White Mountain, above the All-color Mountain, and below the Black Mountain.

We do not fail to see in this clear reference to the natural colors of the regions referred to—to the barren North and its auroral hues, the West with its blue Pacific, the rosy South, the white daylight of the east, the many hues of the clouded sky, and the black darkness of the “caves and holes of earth.” Indeed these colors are used in the pictographs and in all the mythic symbolism of the Zuñis to indicate the directions or regions respectively referred to as connected with them.

We can easily recognize in this clear mention of the natural colors of the areas mentioned—the desolate North with its northern lights, the West with its blue Pacific, the vibrant South, the bright daylight of the East, the various shades of the cloudy sky, and the deep darkness of the “caves and holes of the earth.” In fact, these colors are represented in the pictographs and in all the mythic symbolism of the Zuñis to indicate the directions or areas associated with them.

Mr. A. S. Gatschet (a), in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., gives the symbolic colors of the Isleta Pueblo for the points of the compass, as “white for the east; from there they go to the north, which is black; to the west, which is blue; and to the south, which is red.”

Mr. A. S. Gatschet (a), in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., provides the symbolic colors of the Isleta Pueblo for the cardinal directions, stating, “white for the east; then north, which is black; next west, which is blue; and lastly south, which is red.”

Mr. James Mooney, in Seventh Ann. Rep., Bureau Ethnology, p. 342, says that the symbolic color system of the Cherokees is:

Mr. James Mooney, in Seventh Ann. Rep., Bureau Ethnology, p. 342, says that the symbolic color system of the Cherokees is:

East—red—success; triumph.
North—blue—defeat; trouble.
West—black—death.
South—white—peace; happiness.

In the ceremonies of the Indians of the plains it is common that the smoke of the sacred pipe should be turned first directly upward, second directly downward, and then successively to the four cardinal points, but without absolute agreement among the several tribes as to the order of that succession. In James’ Long (i), it is reported that in a special ceremony of the Omaha regarding the buffalo the first whiff of[625] smoke was directed to them, next to the heavens, next to the earth, and then successively to the east, west, north, and south. The rather lame explanation was given that the east was for sunrise, the west for sunset, the north for cold country, and the south for warm country.

In the ceremonies of the Plains Indians, it's common for the smoke of the sacred pipe to be directed first upward, then downward, and then to the four cardinal directions, though there isn’t total agreement among the different tribes on the order of this sequence. In James’ Long (i), it notes that during a special ceremony of the Omaha related to the buffalo, the first puff of[625] smoke was directed to them, followed by the heavens, then the earth, and then to the east, west, north, and south. A rather weak explanation was offered that the east represents sunrise, the west sunsets, the north signifies cold regions, and the south indicates warm regions.

The Count de Charencey, in Des Couleurs considérés comme symboles des Pointes de l’Horizon, etc., and in Ages ou Soleils, gives as the result of his studies that in Mexico and Central America the original systems were as follows:

The Count de Charencey, in Colors Considered Symbols of the Horizon Peaks, etc., and in Age of Suns, concludes from his research that in Mexico and Central America, the original systems were as follows:

Quaternary system.
East—Yellow.
North—Black.
West—White.
South—Red.

Quaternary system.
East—Yellow.
North—Black.
West—White.
South—Red.

Quinary system.
South—Blue.
East—Red.
North—Yellow.
West—White.
Center—Black.

Quinary system.
South—Blue.
East—Red.
North—Yellow.
West—White.
Center—Black.

Mr. John Crawford (a) says:

Mr. John Crawford says:

In Java the divisions of the horizon and the corresponding colors were named in the following order: first, white and the east; second, red and the south; third, yellow and the west; fourth, black and the north; and fifth, mixed colors and the focus or center.

In Java, the sections of the horizon and their associated colors were labeled as follows: first, white for the east; second, red for the south; third, yellow for the west; fourth, black for the north; and fifth, mixed colors for the focus or center.

Boturini (a) gives the following arrangement of the “symbols of the four parts or angles of the world,” comparing it with that of Gemelli:

Boturini (a) provides this layout of the “symbols of the four parts or angles of the world,” comparing it to that of Gemelli:

Gemelli.Boturini.
1. Tochtli—South.1. Tecpatl—South.
2. Acatl—East.2. Calli—East.
3. Tecpatl—North.3. Tochtli—North.
4. Calli—West.4. Acatl—West.
SYMBOLS OF THE FOUR ELEMENTS.
Gemelli.Boturini.
1. Tochtli—Earth.1. Tecpatl—Fire.
2. Acatl—Water.2. Calli—Earth.
3. Tecpatl—Air.3. Tochtli—Air.
4. Calli—Fire.4. Acatl—Water.

Herrera (a) speaks only of the year symbols and colors, and, although he does not directly connect them, indicates his understanding in regard thereto by the order in which he mentions them:

Herrera (a) talks only about the year symbols and colors, and while he doesn't explicitly link them, he shows his understanding of them through the order in which he lists them:

They divided the year into four signs, being four figures; the one of a house, another of a rabbit, the third of a cane, the fourth of a flint, and by them they reckoned the year as it passed on. * * * They painted a sun in the middle from which issued four lines or branches in a cross to the circumference of the wheel, and they turned so that they divided it into four parts and the circumference and each of them moved with its branch of the same color, which were four—green, blue, red, and yellow.

They split the year into four signs, represented by four figures: one of a house, another of a rabbit, the third of a cane, and the fourth of a flint. They used these to track the year as it went by. * * * They painted a sun in the center, from which four lines or branches extended in a cross to the edge of the wheel. The wheel rotated, dividing it into four sections, and each section moved with its corresponding colored branch—green, blue, red, and yellow.

From this statement Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in Notes on certain Maya and Mexican Manuscripts, Third Ann. Rep., Bureau of Ethnology, concludes that Herrera’s arrangement would presumably be as follows:

From this statement, Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in Notes on certain Maya and Mexican Manuscripts, Third Ann. Rep., Bureau of Ethnology, concludes that Herrera’s arrangement would likely be as follows:

Calli—Green.
Tochtli—Blue.
Acatl—Red.
Tecpatl—Yellow.

Combining these several lists it would appear that Calli, color green, was Fire and West or Earth and East; Tochtli, color blue, was Earth and South or Air and North; Acatl, color red, was Water and East or Water and West; Tecpatl, color yellow, was Air and North or Fire and South.

Combining these various lists, it seems that Calli, color green, represented Fire and West or Earth and East; Tochtli, color blue, represented Earth and South or Air and North; Acatl, color red, represented Water and East or Water and West; Tecpatl, color yellow, represented Air and North or Fire and South.

The foregoing notes leave the symbolic colors of the cardinal points in a state of confusion, and on calm reflection no other condition could be expected. Taking the idea of the ocean blue, for instance, and recognizing the impressive climatic effects of the ocean, the people examined may be in any direction from the ocean and to each of them its topographic as well as color relation differs. If it shall be called blue, the color blue may be north, south, east, or west. So as to the concepts of heat and cold, however presented in colors by the fancy, heat being sometimes red and sometimes yellow, cold being sometimes considered as black by the manifestation of its violent destruction of the tissues and sometimes being more simply shown as white, the color of the snow. Also the geographic situation of the people must determine their views of temperature. The sun in tropical regions may be an object of terror, in Arctic climes of pure beneficence, and in the several seasons of more temperate zones the sun as fire, whether red or yellow, may be destructive or life-giving. Regarding the symbols of the cardinal points it seems that there is nothing intrinsic as to colors, but that the ideograms connected with the topic are local and variant. As the ancient assignments of color to the cardinal points are not established and definite among people who have been long settled in their present habitat, the hope of tracing their previous migration by that line of investigation may not be realized.

The previous notes leave the symbolic colors of the cardinal directions unclear, and on further thought, that confusion is to be expected. For example, considering the idea of ocean blue and acknowledging the significant climate effects of the ocean, people living in different areas from the ocean will have different topographic and color associations. If it’s referred to as blue, that color could represent north, south, east, or west. Similarly, the concepts of heat and cold, represented in various colors by imagination, show heat as sometimes red and sometimes yellow, while cold might be viewed as black due to its destructive impact on tissues, or more simply, as white, the color of snow. Additionally, the geographical location of the people influences their perception of temperature. In tropical areas, the sun can be terrifying, whereas in Arctic regions, it may be seen as a pure blessing, and in the milder seasons of temperate zones, the sun, whether red or yellow, can either harm or nurture life. Regarding the symbols for the cardinal points, it appears that there is nothing inherently linked to colors; rather, the ideograms related to the topic are local and variable. Because ancient color assignments to the cardinal directions aren't consistent among people who have lived in the same area for a long time, the hope of tracking their past migrations through this line of inquiry may not be achievable.

The following account of the degree posts of the Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa is condensed from an article by Dr. Hoffman in the Am. Anthropologist for July, 1889:

The following summary of the degree posts of the Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa is taken from an article by Dr. Hoffman in the American Anthropologist for July 1889:

In constructing the inclosure in which the Midē' priests practice the rites and ceremonies of initiation, a single post, from 4 to 5 feet in height and about 8 inches thick, is planted at a point opposite the main entrance, and about three-fourths the entire distance of the interior from it. This post is painted red, with a band of green about the top, of the width of a palm.

In building the enclosure where the Midē' priests perform their initiation rites and ceremonies, a single post measuring between 4 to 5 feet tall and around 8 inches thick is set up directly across from the main entrance, approximately three-fourths of the way into the interior from that point. This post is painted red, with a green band about the top that is a palm's width.

The red and green colors are used to designate the Midē' society, but for what reason is not positively known. The green appears to have some connection with the south, the sources of heat and abundance of crops; the thunder-bird also comes from that direction in the springtime, bringing rain, which causes the grass and fruits to grow, giving an abundance of food.

The red and green colors represent the Midē' society, but the exact reason for this is unclear. The green seems to be linked to the south, which is associated with warmth and plentiful crops; the thunderbird also originates from that direction in spring, bringing rain that stimulates the growth of grass and fruit, resulting in an abundance of food.

For the second degree two posts are erected within the inclosure, the first being like that for the first degree, the second being planted nearer the main entrance, though not far from the opposite end of the structure; this post is painted red and is covered with white spots made by applying white clay with the finger tip. These spots are symbolical of the migis shell, the sacred emblem of the Grand Medicine Society.

For the second degree, two posts are set up inside the enclosure. The first post is similar to the one used for the first degree, while the second post is placed closer to the main entrance, although not too far from the other end of the structure. This post is painted red and covered with white spots created by applying white clay with a fingertip. These spots represent the migis shell, the sacred symbol of the Grand Medicine Society.

The third degree contains three posts, the two preceding ones being used, to which a third is added and planted in a line with them; this post is painted black.

The third degree has three posts, with the two previous ones being used, and a third is added and aligned with them; this post is painted black.

In the fourth degree the additional post is really a cross, a crosspiece of wood being[627] attached near the top; the lower part of the upright piece is squared, the side on the east being painted white; on the south, green; on the west, red; and on the north, black. The white is the source of light facing the direction of the rising sun, the green, apparently the source of warmth, rains, and abundance of crops, while the north is black, and pertains to the region from which come cold, disease, and desolation. The red is placed upon the western side, but there is a diversity of opinion regarding its significance. The most plausible theory appears to relate to the “road of the dead,” referred to in the ritual of the Ghost Society, as the path upon which the departed shadow partakes of the gigantic strawberry which he finds. The upper portion of the cross is white, upon which are placed irregularly red spots.

In the fourth degree, the extra post is actually a cross, with a piece of wood[627] attached near the top. The bottom of the upright piece is squared, with the east side painted white, the south side green, the west side red, and the north side black. The white represents the source of light facing the rising sun, the green symbolizes warmth, rain, and a good harvest, while the black on the north side stands for the cold, disease, and desolation. The red on the western side has various interpretations. The most likely explanation relates to the “road of the dead,” mentioned in the Ghost Society rituals, as the path that the departed shadow takes to enjoy the giant strawberry it encounters. The top section of the cross is white, decorated with irregular red spots.

In the same article is the following account of face coloring in the Midē' degrees:

In the same article, there's this description of face painting in the Midē' degrees:

In connection with the colors of the degree posts, there is a systematic arrangement of facial ornamentation, each style to be characteristic of one of the four degrees, as well as the degree of the Ghost Society.

In relation to the colors of the degree posts, there is an organized system of facial decorations, each design representing one of the four degrees, along with the degree of the Ghost Society.

According to the White Earth (Minnesota) method, the arrangement is as follows:

According to the White Earth (Minnesota) method, the setup is as follows:

First degree. One red stripe across the face from near the ears across the tip of the nose.

First degree. One red stripe across the face from near the ears to the tip of the nose.

Second degree. One stripe as above and another across the eyes, temples, and root of the nose.

Second degree. One stripe as mentioned above and another across the eyes, temples, and bridge of the nose.

Third degree. The upper half of the face painted green and the lower half red.

Third degree. The upper half of the face is painted green and the lower half is red.

Fourth degree. The forehead and the left side of the face from the outer canthus of the eye downward is painted green; four spots of vermilion are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the green surface of the left cheek.

Fourth degree. The forehead and the left side of the face from the outer corner of the eye downwards are painted green; four spots of red are made with the tip of the finger on the forehead and four on the green area of the left cheek.

According to Sikassige, a Mille Lacs Midē' priest, the ornamentation practiced during his youth was as follows:

According to Sikassige, a Mille Lacs Midē' priest, the decoration done during his youth was as follows:

First degree. A broad band of green across the forehead and a narrow stripe of vermilion across the face just below the eyes.

First degree. A wide green band across the forehead and a narrow red stripe on the face just below the eyes.

Second degree. A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temple, eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this again one of green.

Second degree. A thin line of bright red across the temple, eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a similar line of green, then another of bright red, and above this again one of green.

Third degree. Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, the spots averaging three-fourths of an inch each in diameter.

Third degree. Red and white spots are smeared all over the face, with the spots averaging three-fourths of an inch in diameter.

Fourth degree. Two forms are admissible; in the former the face is painted red, with a stripe of green extended diagonally across it from the upper part of the left temporal region to the lower part of the right cheek. In the latter the face is painted red with two short, horizontal parallel green bars across the forehead.

Fourth degree. Two forms are allowed; in the first, the face is painted red with a green stripe going diagonally from the upper left side of the forehead to the lower right cheek. In the second, the face is painted red with two short, parallel green bars running horizontally across the forehead.

Either of these may be adopted as a sign of mourning by a man whose deceased son had been intended for the priesthood of the Grand Medicine Society.

Either of these could be taken as a sign of mourning by a man whose late son was meant to become a priest in the Grand Medicine Society.

The religious and ceremonial use of the color red by the New Zealanders is mentioned by Taylor (d):

The religious and ceremonial use of the color red by the New Zealanders is mentioned by Taylor (d):

Closely connected with religion, was the feeling they entertained for the Kura, or Red Paint, which was the sacred color; their idols, Pataka, sacred stages for the dead, and for offerings or sacrifices, Urupa graves, chief’s houses, and war canoes, were all thus painted.

Closely connected with religion was the feeling they had for the Kura, or Red Paint, which was the sacred color. Their idols, Pataka, sacred stages for the dead, as well as offerings and sacrifices, Urupa graves, chief’s houses, and war canoes, were all painted this way.

The way of rendering anything tapu was by making it red. When a person died, his house was thus colored; when the tapu was laid on anything, the chief erected a post and painted it with the kura; wherever a corpse rested, some memorial was set up, oftentimes the nearest stone, rock, or tree served as a monument; but whatever object was selected, it was sure to be made red. If the corpse were conveyed by water, wherever they landed a similar token was left; and when it reached its destination, the canoe was dragged on shore, thus distinguished, and abandoned. When the hahunga took place, the scraped bones of the chief, thus ornamented, and wrapped[628] in a red-stained mat, were deposited in a box or bowl, smeared with the sacred color, and placed in a tomb. Near his final resting place a lofty and elaborately carved monument was erected to his memory; this was called he tiki, which was also thus colored.

The way to mark anything as sacred was by painting it red. When someone died, their house was painted that color; when something was made sacred, the chief put up a post and painted it with red dye; wherever a body was laid to rest, a memorial was set up, often using the nearest stone, rock, or tree as a marker; but whatever object was chosen, it was always painted red. If the body was transported by water, a similar marker was left wherever they landed; and when it reached its destination, the canoe was pulled ashore, marked in this way, and left behind. During the hahunga ceremony, the cleaned bones of the chief, wrapped in a red-stained mat, were placed in a box or bowl that was also smeared with the sacred color and then put in a tomb. Near his burial site, a tall and intricately carved monument was built in his honor; this was called he tiki and was also painted red.

In former times the chief anointed his entire person with red ocher; when fully dressed on state occasions, both he and his wives had red paint and oil poured upon the crown of the head and forehead, which gave them a gory appearance, as though their skulls had been cleft asunder.

In the past, the chief covered his whole body in red ocher; when fully dressed for important events, both he and his wives had red paint and oil poured over their heads and foreheads, which made them look bloodied, as if their skulls had been split open.

Mr. S. Gason reports in Worsnop, op. cit.:

Mr. S. Gason reports in Worsnop, op. cit.:

On the Cooper, Herbert, and Diamentina rivers of the North there are no paintings in caves, but in special corroborees the bodies of the leading dancers are beautifully painted with every imaginable color, representing man, woman, animals, birds, and reptiles, the outlines being nearly faultless, and in proportion, independent of the blending of the colors.

On the Cooper, Herbert, and Diamentina rivers in the North, there aren't any cave paintings, but during special corroborees, the bodies of the main dancers are vividly painted in every color you can think of, depicting men, women, animals, birds, and reptiles. The outlines are almost perfect and well-proportioned, regardless of how the colors blend.

These paintings take about seven or eight hours’ hard tedious work for two men, one in front, the other at the back of the man who is to be painted, and when these men who are painted display themselves, surrounded by bright fires and rude torches, it has an enchanting effect to the others. After the ceremony is over, the paintings are allowed to be examined, and the artists congratulated or criticised.

These paintings require around seven or eight hours of intense, hard work from two people—one in front and the other behind the person being painted. When the painted individuals present themselves, surrounded by bright fires and rough torches, it creates a captivating effect for onlookers. Once the ceremony is finished, the paintings can be examined, and the artists are either congratulated or critiqued.

At the other ceremonies, after returning from “Bookatoo” (red ocher expedition), they paint a few of their dancers with all the colors of the rainbow, the outlines showing all the principal species of snakes. They are well drawn and colored, and take many hours of labor to complete.

At the other ceremonies, after coming back from “Bookatoo” (the red ocher expedition), they paint some of their dancers in every color of the rainbow, highlighting all the main species of snakes. The designs are well crafted and colorful, and they take many hours of work to finish.

These paintings of snakes are done for the purpose of having a good harvest of snakes. The women are not allowed to attend at this ceremony, as it is one of their strict secret dances.

These snake paintings are created to ensure a successful snake harvest. Women are not allowed to participate in this ceremony, as it is one of their strictly secret dances.

A few notes of other ceremonial and religious uses of color are presented.

A few notes on other ceremonial and religious uses of color are provided.

Capt. John G. Bourke (f) says that the Moki employ the colors in prayers—yellow for pumpkins, green for corn, and red for peaches. Black and white bands are typical of rain, and red and blue bands, of lightning.

Capt. John G. Bourke (f) says that the Moki use colors in their prayers—yellow for pumpkins, green for corn, and red for peaches. Black and white bands represent rain, while red and blue bands symbolize lightning.

In James’s Long (k), it is mentioned of the Omaha that the boy who goes to fast on the hill top to see his guardian spirit, as a preparation rubs his body over with whitish clay, but the same ceremonial among the Ouenebigonghelins near Hudson bay is described by Bacqueville de la Potherie (d), with the statement that the postulant paints his face black.

In James’s Long (k), it talks about the Omaha, where a boy who climbs the hill to meet his guardian spirit prepares by rubbing his body with white clay. In contrast, Bacqueville de la Potherie (d) describes the same ritual among the Ouenebigonghelins near Hudson Bay, noting that the participant paints his face black.

Peter Martyr (a) says the natives of the Island of Hispaniola [Haiti] when attending a festival at the religious edifice, go in a procession having their bodies and faces painted in black, red, and yellow colors. Some had feathers of the parrot and other birds, with which they decorated themselves. The women had no decoration.

Peter Martyr (a) says the natives of the Island of Hispaniola [Haiti] attending a festival at the religious site walk in a procession with their bodies and faces painted in black, red, and yellow. Some had parrot and other bird feathers to decorate themselves. The women had no decorations.

Pénicaut’s Relation, A. D. 1704, in Margry (f), gives an account of decorations of the victims who die with the grand chief, or Sun of the Natchez. Their faces were painted vermilion, as the author says, “lest they by paleness should show their fear.” Though the practice may have thus originated as a mere expedient, red thus used would become in time a sacrificial color.

Pénicaut’s Relation, A. D. 1704, in Margry (f), describes the decorations of the victims who die alongside the grand chief, or Sun of the Natchez. Their faces were painted bright red, as the author notes, “to avoid showing their fear through paleness.” Although this practice may have started as a simple solution, over time, the use of red evolved into a sacrificial color.

But the color red can not always be deduced from such an origin. It is connected with the color of fire and of blood. The Romans on great festivals[629] painted the face of Jupiter Capitolinus with vermilion. They painted in the same way all the statues of the gods, demi-gods, heroes, fauns, and satyrs. Pan is described by Virgil in Ecl. X, line 27:

But the color red can't always be traced back to that origin. It's linked with the colors of fire and blood. During major festivals, the Romans would paint the face of Jupiter Capitolinus with bright red. They did the same for all the statues of the gods, demigods, heroes, fauns, and satyrs. Virgil describes Pan in Ecl. X, line 27:

Pan, deus Arcadiæ venit, quem vidimus ipsi
Sanguineis ebuli baccis minioque rubentem.

Pan, the god of Arcadia, has arrived, whom we saw himself
Stained with the blood-red berries of the elder and crimson dye.

These verses are rendered with spirit by R. C. Singleton, Virgil in English Rhythm, London, 1871, though the translator wrote “cinnabar” instead of “red lead” and might as well have used the correct word, “minium,” which has the same prosodial quantity as cinnabar.

These verses are spiritedly translated by R. C. Singleton, Virgil in English Rhythm, London, 1871, although the translator used “cinnabar” instead of “red lead” and could have just as easily used the correct term, “minium,” which has the same prosodic quantity as cinnabar.

Pan came, the god of Arcady, whom we
Ourselves beheld, with berries bloody red
Of danewort, and with cinnabar aglow.

Pan arrived, the god of Arcady, whom we
Saw ourselves, with bright red berries
Of danewort, and glowing cinnabar.

In Chapman’s translation of Homer’s hymn to Pan the god is again represented stained with red, but with the original idea of blood.

In Chapman’s translation of Homer’s hymn to Pan, the god is again depicted stained with red, but retaining the original concept of blood.

A lynx’s hide, besprinkled round about
With blood, cast on his shoulders.

A lynx's fur, sprinkled all around
With blood, thrown over his shoulders.

By imitation of greatness and the semblance of divinity the faces of generals when they rode in triumph, e. g., Camillus as mentioned by Pliny, quoting Verrius, were painted red.

By copying greatness and the appearance of divinity, the faces of generals, like Camillus as noted by Pliny quoting Verrius, were painted red when they rode in triumph.

On the tree which supports the Vatican figure of the Apollo Belvedere are traces of an object supposed to be the στέμμα δελφικόν, which was composed of bushy tufts of Delphian laurel bound with threads of red wool into a series of knots and having at each end a tassel. This is an old sign of consecration and is possibly connected with the traditional gipsy sign of mutual binding in love signified by a red knot, as mentioned in a letter from Mr. Charles G. Leland.

On the tree that supports the Vatican statue of Apollo Belvedere, there are remnants of an object thought to be the Delphic crown, which was made from bushy clumps of Delphian laurel tied together with red wool threads into a series of knots, with tassels at each end. This is an ancient symbol of consecration and may be linked to the traditional gypsy sign of mutual love binding, represented by a red knot, as noted in a letter from Mr. Charles G. Leland.

The Spaniards distinguished red as the color par excellence, and among many of the savage and barbaric peoples red is the favorite and probably once was the sacred color.

The Spaniards considered red the ultimate color, and for many savage and barbaric cultures, red is the favorite and probably used to be the sacred color.

COLOR RELATIVE TO DEATH AND MOURNING.

Charlevoix (a) says of the Micmacs that “their mourning consisted in painting themselves black and in great lamentations.”

Charlevoix (a) says of the Micmacs that “their mourning involved painting themselves black and expressing deep grief.”

Champlain (f), in 1603, described the mourning posts of the northeastern Algonquian tribes as painted red.

Champlain (f), in 1603, described the mourning posts of the northeastern Algonquian tribes as being painted red.

Keatings’ Long (g) tells that the Sac Indians blackened themselves with charcoal in mourning and during its continuance did not use any vermilion or other color for ornamentation.

Keatings’ Long (g) states that the Sac Indians covered themselves in charcoal as a sign of mourning, and during this period, they refrained from using any vermilion or other colors for decoration.

Some of the Dakota tribes blackened the whole face with charcoal for mourning, but ashes were also frequently employed.

Some Dakota tribes would cover their entire face with charcoal for mourning, but ashes were also often used.

Col. Dodge (a) says that the Sioux did not use the color green in life, but that the corpses were wrapped in green blankets. The late Rev. S. D. Hinman, who probably was, until his death within the last year, the best authority concerning those Indians, contradicts this statement in a letter, declaring that the Sioux frequently use the color green in their face-painting, especially when they seek to disguise themselves,[630] as it gives so different an expression. If it is not used as generally as blue or yellow the reason is that it is seldom found in the clays which were formerly relied upon and therefore it required compounding. Also they do not use green as painting or designation for the dead, but red, that being their decoration for the “happy hunting ground.” But the color for the mourning of the survivors is black.

Col. Dodge (a) claims that the Sioux didn't use the color green in their lives, but that the bodies were wrapped in green blankets. The late Rev. S. D. Hinman, who was probably the leading authority on these Indians until his death last year, disputes this in a letter, stating that the Sioux often use the color green in their face paint, especially when they want to conceal their identity,[630] as it creates a very different expression. While it may not be used as frequently as blue or yellow, the reason is that it is rarely found in the clays they used in the past, so it required mixing. Additionally, they do not use green to paint or signify the dead; instead, they use red, which represents their decoration for the “happy hunting ground.” However, the color for mourning among the survivors is black.

Thomas L. McKenny (a) says the Chippeway men mourn by painting their faces black.

Thomas L. McKenny (a) says that Chippewa men grieve by painting their faces black.

The Winnebago men blacken the whole face with charcoal in mourning. The women make a round black spot on both cheeks.

The Winnebago men cover their entire faces with charcoal as a sign of mourning. The women apply a round black spot on each cheek.

Dr. Boas, in Am. Anthrop. (a), says of Snanaimuq, a Salish tribe:

Dr. Boas, in Am. Anthrop. (a), speaks about Snanaimuq, a Salish tribe:

The face of the deceased is painted red and black. After the death of husband or wife the survivor must paint his legs and his blanket red. For three or four days he must not eat anything; then three men or women give him food, and henceforth he is allowed to eat.

The deceased person's face is painted red and black. After the death of a husband or wife, the surviving partner must paint their legs and their blanket red. For three or four days, they shouldn't eat anything; after that, three men or women provide them with food, and from then on, they can eat.

In Bancroft (d) it is mentioned that the Guatemalan widower dyed his body yellow.

In Bancroft (d), it says that the Guatemalan widower dyed his body yellow.

Carl Bock (b) describes the mourning solemnities in Borneo as being marked chiefly by white, the men and women composing the mourning processions being enveloped in white garments, and carrying white flags and weapons and ornaments, all of which were covered with white calico.

Carl Bock (b) describes the mourning ceremonies in Borneo as mainly characterized by white, with the men and women in the mourning processions dressed in white clothing, and holding white flags, weapons, and ornaments, all of which were wrapped in white fabric.

A. W. Howitt (h) says of the Dieri of Central Australia:

A. W. Howitt (h) talks about the Dieri people of Central Australia:

A messenger who is sent to convey the intelligence of a death is smeared all over with white clay. On his approach to the camp the women all commence screaming and crying most passionately. * * * Widows and widowers are prohibited by custom from uttering a word until the clay of mourning has worn off, however long it may remain on them. They do not, however, rub it off, as doing so would be considered a bad omen. It must absolutely wear off of itself. During this period they communicate by means of gesture language.

A messenger sent to deliver news of a death is covered in white clay. As he approaches the camp, the women start screaming and crying intensely. * * * By custom, widows and widowers are not allowed to speak until the mourning clay has worn off, no matter how long that takes. They don’t rub it off because that would be seen as a bad omen. It has to come off on its own. During this time, they communicate using sign language.

A. C. Haddon (b) tells that among the western tribes of Torres strait plastering the body with gray mud was a sign of mourning.

A. C. Haddon (b) states that among the western tribes of Torres Strait, covering the body with gray mud was a sign of mourning.

Elisée Reclus (c) says: “In sign of mourning the Papuans daub themselves in white, yellow, or black, according to the tribes.”

Elisée Reclus (c) says: “As a sign of mourning, the Papuans paint themselves in white, yellow, or black, depending on the tribe.”

D’Albertis (d) reports that the women of New Guinea paint themselves black all over on the death of a relation, but that there are degrees of mourning among the men, e. g., the son of the deceased paints his whole body black, but other less related mourners may only paint the face more or less black. In Vol. II, p. 9, a differentiation is shown, by which in one locality the women daubed themselves from head to foot with mud. The same author says, in the same volume, p. 378, that the skulls preserved in their houses are always colored red and their foreheads frequently marked with some rough design.

D’Albertis (d) notes that the women of New Guinea completely cover themselves in black paint when a family member passes away, while the men show varying levels of mourning. For example, the deceased's son paints his entire body black, whereas others who are less closely related may only blacken their faces to some extent. In Vol. II, p. 9, a distinction is made, indicating that in one area, women cover themselves with mud from head to toe. The same author states in the same volume, p. 378, that the skulls kept in their homes are always painted red, and their foreheads are often marked with some rough design.

In Armenia, as told in The Devil Worshipers of Armenia, in Scottish Geog. Mag., viii, p. 592, widows dress in white.

In Armenia, as mentioned in The Devil Worshipers of Armenia, in Scottish Geog. Mag., viii, p. 592, widows wear white.

In Notes in East Equatorial Africa, Bull. Soc. d’Anthrop. de Brux. (b), it is told that in the region mentioned the women rub flour over their bodies on the death or departure of the husband.

In "Notes in East Equatorial Africa," Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Brux. (b), it mentions that in the area described, women rub flour on their bodies when their husband dies or leaves.

Sir G. Wilkinson (a) writes that the ancient Egyptians in their mourning ceremonies wore white fillets, and describes the same use of the color white in the funeral processions painted on the walls of Thebes.

Sir G. Wilkinson (a) states that the ancient Egyptians wore white headbands during their mourning rituals, and he also describes how the color white was used in the funeral processions depicted on the walls of Thebes.

Dr. S. Wells Williams (a) reports of the Chinese mourning colors that “the mourners are dressed entirely in white or wear a white fillet around the head. In the southern districts half-mourning is blue, usually exhibited in a pair of blue shoes and a blue silken cord woven in the queue, instead of a red one; in the northern provinces white is the only mourning color seen.”

Dr. S. Wells Williams (a) reports on the Chinese mourning colors that “the mourners are dressed entirely in white or wear a white band around the head. In the southern regions, half-mourning is blue, usually shown with a pair of blue shoes and a blue silk cord woven in the hair, instead of a red one; in the northern provinces, white is the only mourning color observed.”

Herr von Brandt, in the Ainos and Japanese, Journal of the Anthrop. Inst. G. B. and I. (e), tells that the coffins of the deceased Mikados were covered with red, that is, with cinnabar.

Herr von Brandt, in the Ainos and Japanese, Journal of the Anthrop. Inst. G. B. and I. (e), states that the coffins of the deceased Mikados were covered with red, specifically with cinnabar.

COLORS FOR WAR AND PEACE.

These colors, respecting the Algonquian Indians, are mentioned in 1763, as published in Margry, to the effect that red feathers on the pipe signify war, and that other colors [each of which may have a modifying or special significance] mean peace.

These colors, regarding the Algonquian Indians, are mentioned in 1763, as published in Margry, indicating that red feathers on the pipe signify war, while other colors [each of which could have a specific or special meaning] represent peace.

W. W. H. Davis (b) recounts that “in 1680 the Rio Grande Pueblos informed the Spanish officers that they had brought with them two crosses, one painted red, which signified war, and the other white, which indicated peace, and they might take their choice between the two.”

W. W. H. Davis (b) recounts that "in 1680, the Rio Grande Pueblos told the Spanish officers that they had brought two crosses with them: one painted red, which represented war, and the other white, which symbolized peace. They could choose between the two."

Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (b), writing in the year 1696 of the Algonquians of the Great Lake region near Mackinac, etc., describes their decorations for war as follows:

Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (b), writing in 1696 about the Algonquians of the Great Lake region near Mackinac, describes their war decorations like this:

On the day of departure the warriors dress in their best. They color their hair red; they paint their faces red and black with much skill and taste, as well as the whole of their bodies. Some have headdresses with the tail feathers of eagles or other birds; others have them decorated with the teeth of wild beasts, such as the wolf or tiger [wild cat]. Several adorn their heads, in lieu of hats, with helmets bearing the horns of deer, roebuck, or buffalo.

On the day of departure, the warriors wear their finest outfits. They dye their hair red and carefully paint their faces and bodies in red and black. Some wear headdresses decorated with the tail feathers of eagles or other birds, while others embellish theirs with the teeth of wild animals like wolves or tigers. Many choose to wear helmets instead of hats, featuring the horns of deer, roebucks, or buffalo.

Schoolcraft (r) says that blue signifies peace among the Indians of the Pueblo of Tesuque.

Schoolcraft (r) says that blue represents peace among the Pueblo of Tesuque Indians.

The Dakota bands lately at Grand river agency had the practice of painting the face red from the eyes down to the chin when going to war.

The Dakota groups recently at Grand River Agency used to paint their faces red from the eyes down to the chin when going to war.

The Absaroka or Crow Indians generally paint the forehead red when on the warpath. This distinction of the Crows is also noted by the Dakota in recording pictographic narratives of encounters with the Crows.

The Absaroka, or Crow Indians, usually paint their foreheads red when preparing for war. The Dakota have also recorded this characteristic of the Crows in their pictographic narratives about encounters with them.

Haywood (e) says of the Cherokees:

Haywood (e) talks about the Cherokees:

When going to war their hair is combed and annointed with bear’s grease and the red root, Sanguinaria canadensis, and they adorn it with feathers of various beautiful colors, besides copper and iron rings, and sometimes wampum or peak in the ears; and they paint their faces all over as red as vermilion, making a circle of black about one eye and another circle of white about the other.

When preparing for war, they style their hair and treat it with bear’s grease and the red root, Sanguinaria canadensis. They decorate it with feathers in various beautiful colors, as well as copper and iron rings, and sometimes wampum or other ornaments in their ears. They paint their faces bright red like vermilion, creating a black circle around one eye and a white circle around the other.

H. H. Bancroft (e) tells that when a Modoc warrior paints his face black before going into battle it means victory or death, and that he[632] will not survive a defeat. In the same volume, p. 105, he says that when a Thlinkit arms himself for war he paints his face and powders his hair a brilliant red. He then ornaments his head with a white eagle feather as a token of stern, vindictive determination.

H. H. Bancroft (e) notes that when a Modoc warrior paints his face black before going into battle, it symbolizes victory or death, and he[632] will not survive if he is defeated. In the same volume, p. 105, he mentions that when a Thlinkit prepares for war, he paints his face and dusts his hair with a bright red. He then decorates his head with a white eagle feather as a sign of fierce, vengeful resolve.

Mr. Dorsey reports that when the Osage men go to steal horses from the enemy they paint their faces with charcoal. [Possibly this may be for disguise, on the same principle that burglars use black crape.] The same authority gives the following description of the Osage paint for war parties:

Mr. Dorsey reports that when the Osage men go to steal horses from the enemy, they paint their faces with charcoal. [Possibly this is for disguise, similar to how burglars use black cloth.] The same source provides the following description of the Osage paint for war parties:

Before charging the foe the Osage warriors paint themselves anew. This is called the death paint. If any of the men die with this paint on them the survivors do not put on any other paint.

Before charging the enemy, the Osage warriors paint themselves again. This is known as the death paint. If any of the men die while wearing this paint, the survivors do not apply any other paint.

All the gentes on the “Left” side use the “fire paint,” which is red. It is applied by them with the left hand all over the face. And they use prayers about the fire: “As the fire has no mercy, so should we have none.” Then they put mud on the cheek, below the left eye, as wide as two or more fingers. The horse is painted with some of the mud on the left cheek, shoulder, and thigh.

All the people on the "Left" side use "fire paint," which is red. They apply it with their left hand all over their faces. They chant prayers about the fire: "As the fire knows no mercy, so should we." Next, they apply mud on the cheek, below the left eye, covering a space as wide as two or more fingers. The horse is also painted with some of the mud on its left cheek, shoulder, and thigh.

The following extract is from Belden (b):

The following extract is from Belden (b):

The sign paints used by the Sioux Indians are not numerous, but very significant. When the warriors return from the warpath and have been successful in bringing back scalps, the squaws, as well as the men, paint with vermilion a semicircle in front of each ear. The bow of the arc is toward the nose and the points of the half-circle on the top and bottom of the ear; the eyes are then reddened and all dance over the scalps.

The signs painted by the Sioux Indians aren't many, but they're really important. When the warriors come back from battle after successfully bringing back scalps, both the women and the men paint a semicircle in front of each ear with vermilion. The curve of the arc faces the nose, with the ends of the half-circle at the top and bottom of the ear. They then redden their eyes and all dance with the scalps.

John Lawson (a) says of the North Carolina Indians:

John Lawson (a) talks about the North Carolina Indians:

When they go to war * * * they paint their faces all over red, and commonly make a circle of black about one eye and another circle of white about the other, while others bedaub their faces with tobacco-pipe clay, lampblack, black lead, and divers other colors, etc.

When they go to war, they cover their faces in red and typically draw a black circle around one eye and a white circle around the other. Some paint their faces with tobacco pipe clay, black paint, graphite, and various other colors.

De Brahm, in documents connected with the History of South Carolina (a), reports that the Indians of South Carolina “painted their faces red in token of friendship and black in expression of warlike intentions.”

De Brahm, in documents related to the History of South Carolina (a), notes that the Native Americans of South Carolina “painted their faces red as a sign of friendship and black to show their warlike intentions.”

Rev. M. Eells (a) says of the Twana Indians of the Skokomish reservation that when about to engage in war “they would tamanamus in order to be successful and paint themselves with black and red, making themselves as hideous as possible.”

Rev. M. Eells (a) says of the Twana Indians of the Skokomish reservation that when they were about to go to war, “they would tamanamus for success and paint themselves in black and red, making themselves look as terrifying as possible.”

The U. S. Exploring Expedition (b), referring to a tribe near the Sacramento river, tells that the chief presented them with a tuft of white feathers stuck on a stick about 1 foot long, which was supposed to be a token of friendship.

The U.S. Exploring Expedition (b), referring to a tribe near the Sacramento River, recounts that the chief gifted them a 1-foot long stick with a tuft of white feathers on it, which was meant to symbolize friendship.

Dr. Boas, in Am. Anthrop. (b), says of the Snanaimuq that before setting out on war expeditions they painted their faces red and black.

Dr. Boas, in Am. Anthrop. (b), says of the Snanaimuq that before going on war expeditions, they painted their faces red and black.

Peter Martyr (b) says of the Ciguaner Indians:

Peter Martyr (b) says of the Ciguaner Indians:

The natives came out of the forest painted and daubed with spots. For it is their custom, when they go to war, to daub themselves from the face to the knee with black and scarlet or purple color in spots, which color they [obtain] from some curious fruits resembling “Pyren,” which they plant and cultivate in their gardens with the greatest care. Similarly they also cause the hair to grow in a thousand very curious[633] shapes, if it is not by nature long or black enough, so that they look not otherwise than if the similar devil or hellish Circe came running out of hell.

The natives emerged from the forest, their bodies painted with spots. It's their tradition to paint themselves from the face to the knees in black and scarlet or purple when they go to war. They get these colors from some unique fruits that look like “Pyren,” which they carefully plant and tend in their gardens. Additionally, they style their hair in a thousand very unique shapes, if it's not naturally long or dark enough, making them look like something straight out of a nightmare or a hellish version of Circe.[633]

Curr (c) tells that the Australians whitened themselves with white clay when about to engage in war. Some African tribes, according to Du Chaillu, also paint their faces white for war.

Curr (c) mentions that Australians would cover themselves in white clay before going into battle. Some African tribes, as noted by Du Chaillu, also paint their faces white for war.

Haddon (c) says of the western tribe of Torres straits:

Haddon (c) mentions the western tribe of Torres Straits:

When going to fight the men painted their bodies red, either entirely so or partially, perhaps only the upper portion of the body and the legs below the knees, or the head and upper part of the body only. The body was painted black all over by those who were actually engaged in the death dance.

When preparing for battle, the men painted their bodies red, either completely or just in parts, like only the upper body and legs below the knees, or just the head and upper body. Those who participated in the death dance covered their bodies entirely in black paint.

Du Chaillu (c) tells that among the Scandinavians there were peace and war shields, the former white and the latter red. When the white was hoisted on a ship it was a sign for the cessation of hostility, in the same manner that a flag of the same color is now used to procure or mark a truce. The red shield displayed on a masthead or in the midst of a body of men was the sign of hostility.

Du Chaillu (c) mentions that among the Scandinavians, there were peace and war shields, with the peace shields being white and the war shields being red. When the white shield was raised on a ship, it signaled the end of hostilities, similar to how a flag of the same color is used today to establish or indicate a truce. The red shield displayed on a mast or among a group of people signified aggression.

COLOR DESIGNATING SOCIAL STATUS.

The following extract is translated, from Peter Martyr (c):

The following extract is translated from Peter Martyr (c):

For the men are in body long and straight, possess a vivid and natural complexion which compares somewhat with a red and genuine flesh color. Their whole body and skin is lined over with sundry paints and curious figures, which they consider as a handsome ornament and fine decoration, and the uglier a man’s painting or lining over is the prettier he considers himself to be, and is also regarded as the most noble among their number.

For the men, their bodies are tall and straight, and they have a vibrant, natural complexion that resembles a genuine flesh color. Their entire body and skin are adorned with various paints and intricate designs, which they see as attractive decorations. The uglier the painting or design is, the more beautiful they consider themselves to be, and it's also believed to make them the most esteemed among their peers.

Mr. Dorsey reports of the Osages that all the old men who have been distinguished in war are painted with the decorations of their respective gentes. That of the Tsicu wactake is as follows: The face is first whitened all over with white clay; then a red spot is made on the forehead and the lower part of the face is reddened; then with the fingers the man scrapes off the white clay, forming the dark figures by letting the natural color of the face show through.

Mr. Dorsey reports that among the Osages, all the older men who have been recognized for their bravery in war are adorned with the symbols of their respective clans. The one for the Tsicu wactake is as follows: First, the face is completely covered with white clay; then a red dot is placed on the forehead and the lower part of the face is painted red; after that, using their fingers, the man scrapes off the white clay, creating dark patterns that reveal the natural color of the face underneath.

H. H. Bancroft (f), citing authorities, says the central Californians (north of San Francisco bay) formerly wore the down of Asclepias (?) (white) as an emblem of royalty; and in the same volume, p. 691, it is told that the natives of Guatemala wore red feathers in their hats, the nobles only wearing green ones.

H. H. Bancroft (f), referencing sources, says that the central Californians (north of San Francisco Bay) used to wear the down of Asclepias (?) (white) as a symbol of royalty; and in the same volume, p. 691, it mentions that the natives of Guatemala wore red feathers in their hats, with only the nobles wearing green ones.

The notes immediately following are about the significant use of color, not readily divisible into headings.

The notes that follow are about the important use of color, which can't easily be divided into headings.

Belden (c) furnishes the following remarks:

Belden (c) provides the following comments:

The Yanktons, Sioux, Santees, and Cheyennes use a great deal of paint. A Santee squaw paints her face the same as a white woman does, only with less taste. If she wishes to appear particularly taking she draws a red streak half an inch wide from ear to ear, passing it over the eyes, the bridge of the nose, and along the middle of the cheek. When a warrior desires to be left alone he takes black paint or lampblack and smears his face; then he draws zigzag lines from his hair to his chin by scraping off the paint with his nails. This is a sign that he is trapping, is melancholy, or in love.

The Yanktons, Sioux, Santees, and Cheyennes use a lot of paint. A Santee woman paints her face similarly to how a white woman does, but usually with less style. If she wants to look especially attractive, she paints a red stripe half an inch wide from ear to ear, crossing over her eyes, the bridge of her nose, and down the middle of her cheek. When a warrior wants to be left alone, he takes black paint or lampblack and smears it on his face; then he makes zigzag lines from his hair to his chin by scraping off the paint with his nails. This indicates that he is trapping, feeling down, or in love.

A Sioux warrior who is courting a squaw usually paints his eyes yellow and blue and the squaw paints hers red. I have known squaws to go through the painful operation of reddening the eye-balls, that they might appear particularly fascinating to the young men. A red stripe drawn horizontally from one eye to the other means that the young warrior has seen a squaw he could love if she would reciprocate his attachment.

A Sioux warrior who is trying to win over a woman usually paints his eyes yellow and blue, while the woman paints hers red. I've seen women go through the painful process of reddening their eyeballs to make themselves more appealing to young men. A red stripe painted horizontally from one eye to the other means that the young warrior has found a woman he could love if she feels the same way.

As narrated by H. H. Bancroft, the Los Angeles county Indian girls paint the cheeks sparingly with red ocher when in love. This also prevails among the Arikara, at Fort Berthold, Dakota.

As told by H. H. Bancroft, the Indian girls of Los Angeles County apply a little red ocher to their cheeks when they are in love. This practice is also seen among the Arikara at Fort Berthold, Dakota.

La Potherie (e) says that the Indian girls of a tribe near Hudson bay, when they have arrived at the age of puberty, at the time of its sign, daub themselves with charcoal or a black stone, and in far distant Yucatan, according to Bancroft (h), the young men restricted themselves to black until they were married, indulging afterwards in varied and bright colored figures.

La Potherie (e) states that the Indian girls from a tribe near Hudson Bay, when they reach puberty, cover themselves in charcoal or black stone. In far-off Yucatan, as noted by Bancroft (h), the young men wore only black until they got married, after which they enjoyed wearing a mix of bright colors and patterns.

The color green is chiefly used symbolically as that of grass, with reference to which Father De Smet’s MS. on the dance of the Tinton Sioux contains these remarks: “Grass is the emblem of charity and abundance; from it the Indians derive the food for their horses and it fattens the wild animals of the plains, from which they derive their subsistence.”

The color green is mainly used as a symbol of grass, which Father De Smet’s manuscript on the dance of the Tinton Sioux notes: “Grass represents charity and abundance; the Indians get food for their horses from it, and it feeds the wild animals of the plains, from which they get their food.”

Brinton (d) gives the following summary:

Brinton (d) provides the following summary:

Both green and yellow were esteemed fortunate colors by the Cakchiquels, the former as that of the flourishing plant, the latter as that of the ripe and golden ears of maize. Hence, says Coto, they were also used to mean prosperity.

Both green and yellow were considered lucky colors by the Cakchiquels, with green representing the thriving plant and yellow symbolizing the ripe, golden ears of corn. Therefore, as Coto states, they were also used to signify prosperity.

The color white, zak, had, however, by far the widest metaphorical uses. As the hue of light, it was associated with day, dawn, brightness, etc.

The color white, zak, had, however, by far the widest metaphorical uses. As the hue of light, it was associated with day, dawn, brightness, etc.

Marshall (b) gives as the explanation why certain gracious official documents are sealed with green that the color expresses youth, honor, beauty, and especially liberty.

Marshall (b) explains that certain official documents are sealed with green because the color represents youth, honor, beauty, and especially freedom.

H. M. Stanley (a) gives the following use of white as a sign of innocence: “Qualla drew a piece of pipeclay and marked a broad white band running from the wrist to the shoulder along each arm of Ngalyema, as a sign to all men present that he was guiltless.”

H. M. Stanley (a) gives the following use of white as a sign of innocence: “Qualla took some pipeclay and marked a broad white band running from Ngalyema's wrist to his shoulder on each arm, as a sign to everyone present that he was innocent.”

H. Clay Trumbull (a) says:

H. Clay Trumbull says:

The Egyptian amulet of blood friendship was red, as representing the blood of the gods. The Egyptian word for “red” sometimes stood for “blood.” The sacred directions in the Book of the Dead were written in red; hence follows our word “rubrics.” The rabbis say that, when persecution forbade the wearing of the phylacteries with safety, a red thread might be substituted for this token of the covenant with the Lord. It was a red thread which Joshua gave to Rahab as a token of her covenant relations with the people of the Lord. The red thread, in China, to-day, binds the double cup, from which the bride and bridegroom drink their covenant draught of “wedding wine,” as if in symbolism of the covenant of blood. And it is a red thread which, in India, to-day, is used to bind a sacred amulet around the arm or the neck. * * * Upon the shrines in India the color red shows that worship is still living there; red continues to stand for blood.

The Egyptian amulet of blood friendship was red, symbolizing the blood of the gods. The Egyptian word for “red” sometimes meant “blood.” The sacred directions in the Book of the Dead were written in red; this is where we get the word “rubrics.” The rabbis say that when persecution made it unsafe to wear phylacteries, a red thread could replace this sign of the covenant with the Lord. It was a red thread that Joshua gave to Rahab as a symbol of her covenant relationship with the people of the Lord. The red thread in China today binds the double cup from which the bride and groom drink their covenant “wedding wine,” symbolizing the covenant of blood. And it is a red thread that is used in India today to tie a sacred amulet around the arm or neck. * * * On the shrines in India, the color red shows that worship is still alive there; red continues to represent blood.

Mr. Mooney, in the Seventh Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, shows that to the Cherokee the color blue signifies grief or depression of[635] spirits, a curious parallel to the colloquial English phrase “has the blues” and wholly opposite to the poetical symbol of blue for hope.

Mr. Mooney, in the Seventh Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, shows that for the Cherokee, the color blue represents grief or a low mood[635], which is an interesting contrast to the English phrase “has the blues” and completely different from the poetic symbol of blue for hope.

The notes above collected on the general topic of color symbolism might be indefinitely extended. Those presented, however, are typical and perhaps sufficient for the scope of the present work. In regarding ideography of colors the first object is to expunge from consideration all merely arbitrary or fanciful decorations, which is by no means easy, as ancient customs, even in their decadence or merely traditional, preserve a long influence. But as a generalization it seems that all common colors have been used in historic times for nearly all varieties of ideographic expression by the several divisions of men, and that they have differed fundamentally in the application of those colors. Yet there was an intelligent origin in each one of those applications of color. With regard to mourning the color black is now considered to be that of gloom. It was still earlier expressed by casting ashes or earth over the head and frame, and possibly the somber paint was adopted for cleanliness, the concept being preserved and indeed intensified by durable blackness instead of the mere transient dinginess of dirt, although the actual defilement by the latter is thereby only symbolized. This gloom is the expression of the misery of the survivors, perhaps of their despair as not expecting any happiness to the dead or any hope of a meeting in another world. Other lines of thought are shown by blue, considered as the supposed sky or heavenly home of the future, and by green, as suggesting renewal or resurrection, and those concepts determine the mourning color of some peoples. Red or yellow may only refer to the conceptions of the colors of flames, and therefore might simply be an objective representation of the disposition of the corpse, which very often was by cremation. But sometimes these colors are employed as decoration and display to proclaim that the dead go to glory. White, used as frequently by the populations of the world as other funeral colors, may have been only to assert the purity and innocence of the departed, an anticipation of the flattering obituary notices or epitaphs now conventional in civilized lands.

The notes collected above on the topic of color symbolism could go on forever. However, the ones presented here are typical and probably enough for the scope of this work. When considering the symbolism of colors, the first task is to eliminate purely arbitrary or fanciful decorations, which isn't easy, as ancient customs, even in their decline or as traditions, still hold significant influence. Generally, it seems that all common colors have historically been used for various forms of symbolic expression across different cultures, although they have differed fundamentally in how those colors are applied. Each of those color applications had an intelligent origin. Regarding mourning, black is now considered a symbol of gloom. In earlier times, this was expressed by throwing ashes or dirt over one's head and body, and possibly the dark paint was adopted for cleanliness, with the idea being preserved and even intensified by the lasting blackness instead of the fleeting dirtiness of grime, although the actual uncleanness of dirt is merely symbolized. This gloom reflects the sorrow of the survivors, perhaps their despair at not expecting happiness for the deceased or any hope of a reunion in the afterlife. Other perspectives are represented by blue, which is seen as a symbol of the sky or a heavenly home for the future, and green, which suggests renewal or resurrection, and these ideas influence the mourning colors of certain cultures. Red or yellow might only refer to the colors of flames, serving as an objective representation of how the corpse is treated, which often involved cremation. However, sometimes these colors are used decoratively to signal that the deceased have gone to glory. White, used as frequently by people worldwide as other funeral colors, may simply be intended to assert the purity and innocence of the departed, anticipating the flattering obituaries or epitaphs that are commonplace in civilized societies.

With regard to the color red, it may be admitted that it originally represents blood; but it may be, and in fact is, used for the contradictory concepts of war and peace. It is used for war as suggesting the blood of the enemy, for peace and friendship to signify the blood relation or blood covenant, the strongest tie of love and friendship.

When it comes to the color red, it’s true that it originally represents blood; however, it’s also used to convey opposing ideas like war and peace. In the context of war, it suggests the blood of the enemy, while in peace and friendship, it signifies a blood relationship or blood covenant, which is the strongest bond of love and friendship.

So it would seem that, while colors have been used ideographically, the ideas which determined them were very diverse and sometimes their application has become wholly conventional and arbitrary. A modern military example may be in point which has no connection with the well-known squib of an English humorist. One of the officers of the U. S. Army of the last generation when traveling in Europe was much disgusted to observe that a green uniform was used in some of the armies for the corps of engineers and for branches of the service other[636] than rifles or tirailleurs. He insisted that the color naturally and necessarily belongs to the Rifles, because the soldiers of that arm when clad with that color were most useful as skirmishers in wooded regions. This reason for the selection of green for the riflemen who composed a part of the early army of the United States is correct, but in the necessity for the distinction of special uniforms for the several component parts of a military establishment, whether in Europe or America, the original and often obsolete application of color was wholly disregarded and colors were selected simply because they were not then appropriated by other branches of the service. So in the late formation of the signal corps of the U. S. Army, the color of orange, which had belonged to the old dragoons, was adopted simply because it was a good color no longer appropriated.

It seems that while colors have been used symbolically, the ideas that influenced their use were quite varied, and sometimes their applications have become entirely conventional and random. A modern military example illustrates this point, which has nothing to do with the famous quip of an English humorist. One of the officers of the U.S. Army from the last generation, while traveling in Europe, was quite frustrated to see that a green uniform was used in some armies for the corps of engineers and other branches of the service, not just for riflemen or skirmishers. He argued that the color naturally belongs to the Rifles because soldiers in that color were particularly effective as skirmishers in wooded areas. His reasoning for choosing green for the riflemen who were part of the early U.S. Army is sound, but in the need for distinct uniforms for various parts of a military organization, whether in Europe or America, the original and often outdated application of color was completely overlooked. Colors were chosen simply because they weren’t already used by other branches of the service. For instance, in the later formation of the signal corps of the U.S. Army, the color orange, which had been associated with the old dragoons, was selected merely because it was a good color that was no longer in use.

With these changes by abandonment and adoption comes fashion, which has its strong effect. It is even exemplified where least expected, i. e., in Stamboul. Every one knows that the descendants of the Prophet alone are entitled to wear green turbans, but a late Sultan, not being of the blood of Mohammed, could not wear the color, so the emirs who could do so carefully abstained from green in his presence and the color for the time was unfashionable.

With these changes through abandonment and adoption comes fashion, which has a significant impact. This is even seen in the most unexpected places, like Stamboul. Everyone knows that only the descendants of the Prophet are allowed to wear green turbans, but a recent Sultan, who wasn’t related to Mohammed, couldn’t wear that color. So the emirs, who could wear green, made sure to avoid it when he was around, and for the time being, green became unfashionable.

As the evolution of clothing commenced with painting and tattooing, it may be admitted that what is now called fashion must have had its effect on the earlier as on the later forms of personal decoration. Granting that there was an ideographic origin to all designs painted on the person, the ambition or vanity of individuals to be distinctive and to excel must soon have introduced varieties and afterward imitations of such patterns, colors, or combinations as favorably struck the local taste. The subject therefore is much confused.

As clothing began to evolve with painting and tattooing, it’s clear that what we now refer to as fashion must have influenced both earlier and later forms of personal decoration. Assuming that all designs painted on the body had an ideographic origin, it’s likely that the desire of individuals to stand out and be unique soon led to variations and eventually imitations of those patterns, colors, or combinations that appealed to local preferences. Thus, the topic is quite complicated.

An additional suggestion comes from the study of the Mexican codices. In them color often seems to be used according to the fancy of the scribe. Compare pages 108 and 109 of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough, Vol. II, with pages 4 and 5 of the Codex Telleriano Remensis, in part 4 of Kingsborough, Vol. I, where the figures and their signification are evidently the same, but the coloration is substantially reversed.

An additional suggestion comes from the study of the Mexican codices. In these works, color often seems to be chosen based on the scribe's preference. Compare pages 108 and 109 of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough, Vol. II, with pages 4 and 5 of the Codex Telleriano Remensis, in part 4 of Kingsborough, Vol. I, where the figures and their meanings are clearly the same, but the colors are significantly different.

A comparison of Henry R. Schoolcraft’s published coloration with the facts found by the recent examination of the present writer is set forth with detail on page 202, supra.

A comparison of Henry R. Schoolcraft’s published colors with the facts discovered by the recent examination by the current writer is detailed on page 202, above.

In his copious illustrations colors were exhibited freely and with stated significance, whereas, in fact, the general rule in regard to the birch-bark rolls is that they were never colored at all; indeed, the bark was not adapted to coloration. His colors were painted on and over the true scratchings, according to his own fancy. The metaphorical coloring was also used by him in a manner which, to any thorough student of the Indian philosophy and religions, seems absurd. Metaphysical significance is attached to some of the colored devices, or, as he calls[637] them, symbols, which could never have been entertained by a people in the stage of culture of the Ojibwa, and those devices, in fact, were ideograms or iconograms.

In his extensive illustrations, colors were used freely and with specific meaning, while, in reality, the typical practice regarding the birch-bark rolls was that they were never colored at all; in fact, the bark wasn't suitable for coloring. He painted colors on top of the actual scratchings, according to his own preferences. He also used metaphorical coloring in a way that seems ridiculous to anyone who truly studies Indian philosophy and religions. He attached metaphysical significance to some of the colored designs, or, as he refers to them, symbols, which could never have been considered by a culture like the Ojibwa's. Those designs were, in fact, ideograms or iconograms.

SECTION 4.
Gesture and posture signs shown.

Among people where a system of ideographic gesture signs has prevailed it would be expected that their form would appear in any mode of pictorial representation used with the object of conveying ideas or recording facts. When a gesture sign had been established and it became necessary or desirable to draw a character or design to convey the same idea, nothing could be more natural than to use the graphic form or delineation which was known and used in the gesture sign. It was but one more step, and an easy one, to fasten upon bark, skins, or rocks the evanescent air pictures of the signs.

Among people who have used a system of symbolic gesture signs, it's expected that their forms would show up in any kind of visual representation intended to share ideas or document facts. Once a gesture sign was established and it became necessary or useful to create a character or design to express the same idea, it would be completely natural to use the graphic form or drawing that was already familiar from the gesture sign. It was just one more step, and a simple one, to place those fleeting visual signs onto bark, animal skins, or rocks.

In the paper “Sign language among the North American Indians,” published in the First Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, a large number of instances were given of the reproduction of gesture lines in the pictographs made by those Indians, and they appeared to be most frequent when there was an attempt to convey subjective ideas. It was suggested, therefore, that those pictographs which, in the absence of positive knowledge, are the most difficult of interpretation were those to which the study of sign-language might be applied with advantage. The topic is now more fully discussed. Many pictographs in the present work, the meaning of which is definitely known from direct sources, are noted in connection with the gesture-signs corresponding with the same idea, which signs are also understood from independent evidence or legitimate deduction.

In the paper “Sign language among the North American Indians,” published in the First Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, numerous examples were provided of gesture lines reflected in the pictographs created by those Indians. These instances appeared most often when there was an effort to express subjective ideas. It was suggested that the pictographs which are hardest to interpret, especially without clear knowledge, could benefit from the study of sign language. This topic is now explored in greater detail. Many pictographs in this work, whose meanings are clearly known from direct sources, are discussed alongside the corresponding gesture signs for the same ideas, which are also supported by independent evidence or sound reasoning.

Dr. Edkins (c) makes the following remarks regarding the Chinese characters, which are applicable also to the picture-writing of the North American Indians, and indeed to that of all peoples among whom it has been cultivated:

Dr. Edkins (c) shares some thoughts about Chinese characters that also apply to the pictographs of North American Indians, and really to all cultures that have developed this form of writing:

The use of simple natural shapes, such as the mouth, nose, eye, ear, hand, foot, as well as the shape of branches, trees, grass, caves, holes, rivers, the bow, the spear, the knife, the tablet, the leaf—these formed, in addition to pictures of animals, much of the staple of Chinese ideographs.

The use of basic natural shapes like the mouth, nose, eye, ear, hand, foot, as well as the shapes of branches, trees, grass, caves, holes, rivers, the bow, the spear, the knife, the tablet, and the leaf—along with images of animals—made up a large part of the foundation of Chinese ideographs.

Attention should be drawn to the fact that the mouth and the hand play an exceptionally important part in the formation of the symbols.

Attention should be drawn to the fact that the mouth and the hand play a very important role in creating the symbols.

Men were more accustomed then than now to the language of signs by the use of these organs. Perhaps three-twentieths of the existing characters are formed by their help as one element.

Men were more used to communicating through gestures back then than they are now. Maybe three-twentieths of the current characters are created with their assistance as one part.

This large use of the mouth and hand in forming characters is, as we may very reasonably suppose, only a repetition of what took place when the words themselves were made.

This extensive use of the mouth and hand in creating characters is, as we can reasonably assume, just a repetition of what happened when the words themselves were created.

There is likely to be a primitive connection between demonstratives and names for the hand, because the hand is used in pointing.

There’s probably a basic link between demonstratives and words for the hand since we use our hands to point.

Fig. 983 is a copy of a colored petroglyph on a rock in the valley of Tule river, California, further described on page 52, et seq., supra.

Fig. 983 is a copy of a colored petroglyph on a rock in the Tule River valley, California, further described on page 52, et seq., supra.

a, a person weeping. The eyes have lines running down to the breast, below the ends of which are three short lines on either side. The arms and hands are in the exact position for making the gesture for rain. See h in Fig. 999, meaning eye-rain, and also Fig. 1002. It was probably the intention of the artist to show that the hands in this gesture should be passed downward over the face, as probably suggested by the short lines upon the lower end of the tears. It is evident that sorrow is portrayed.

a, a person crying. Tears are streaming down their face, with lines extending to their chest, where there are three short lines on each side. The arms and hands are positioned perfectly to make the gesture for rain. See h in Fig. 999, meaning eye-rain, and also Fig. 1002. It seems the artist intended to show that the hands in this gesture should move downward over the face, likely indicated by the short lines at the lower end of the tears. It's clear that sorrow is being expressed.

Fig. 983.—Rock painting. Tule river, California.

Fig. 983.—Rock art. Tule River, California.

b, c, d, six persons apparently making the gesture for “hunger” by passing the hands towards and backward from the sides of the body, suggesting a gnawing sensation. The person, d, shown in a horizontal position, may possibly denote a “dead man,” dead of starvation, this position being adopted by the Ojibwa, Blackfeet, and others as a common[639] device to represent a dead body. The varying lengths of head ornaments denote different degrees of status as warriors or chiefs.

b, c, d, six people seemingly making the gesture for “hunger” by moving their hands towards and away from the sides of their bodies, indicating a gnawing feeling. The person, d, depicted in a horizontal position, may represent a “dead man,” someone who died of starvation. This position is adopted by the Ojibwa, Blackfeet, and others as a common[639] way to symbolize a dead body. The different lengths of head ornaments signify various levels of status as warriors or chiefs.

e, f, g, h, i. Human forms of various shapes making gestures for negation, or more specifically “nothing, nothing here,” a natural and universal gesture made by throwing one or both hands outward toward either side of the body. The hands are extended, and, to make the action apparently more emphatic, the extended toes are also shown on e, f, g, and i. The several lines upon the leg of i probably indicate trimmings upon the leggings.

e, f, g, h, i. Human figures of different shapes making gestures to indicate negation, or more specifically “nothing, nothing here,” a natural and universal gesture made by throwing one or both hands outward to the sides of the body. The hands are extended, and to emphasize the action even more, the extended toes are also shown on e, f, g, and i. The multiple lines on the leg of i likely represent trimmings on the leggings.

The character at j is strikingly similar to the Alaskan pictographs (see b of Fig. 460), indicating self with the right hand, and the left pointing away, signifying to go.

The character at j looks a lot like the Alaskan pictographs (see b of Fig. 460), showing self with the right hand and the left pointing away, meaning to go.

k. An ornamented head with body and legs. It may refer to a Shaman, the head being similar to the representations of such personages by the Ojibwa and Iroquois.

k. A decorated head with a body and legs. It might refer to a Shaman, with the head resembling depictions of such figures by the Ojibwa and Iroquois.

Similar drawings occur at a distance of about 10 miles southeast of this locality as well as at other places toward the northwest, and it appears probable that the pictograph was made by a portion of a tribe which had advanced for the purpose of selecting a new camping place, but failed to find the quantities of food necessary for sustenance, and therefore erected this notice to inform their followers of their misfortune and determined departure toward the northwest. It is noticeable that the picture is so placed upon the rock that the extended arm of j points toward the north.

Similar drawings can be found about 10 miles southeast of this area, as well as at other locations toward the northwest. It seems likely that the pictograph was created by a group of a tribe that had moved forward to find a new campsite but couldn’t locate enough food for survival. As a result, they put up this notice to let their followers know about their misfortune and decision to head northwest. It’s worth noting that the picture is positioned on the rock in such a way that the extended arm of j points to the north.

The following examples are selected from a large number that could be used to illustrate those gesture signs known to be included in pictographs. Others not referred to in this place may readily be noticed in several parts of the present paper where they appear under other headings.

The following examples are taken from a vast number that could be used to show the gesture signs included in pictographs. Others not mentioned here can easily be found in various sections of this paper where they appear under different headings.

Fig. 984.—Coward.

Fig. 984.—Fearful.

Fig. 984.—Afraid-of-him. Red-Cloud’s Census. The following is the description of a common gesture sign used by the Dakotas for afraid, fear, coward:

Fig. 984.—Afraid-of-him. Red-Cloud’s Census. The following is the description of a common gesture sign used by the Dakotas for afraid, fear, coward:

Crook the index, close the other fingers, and, with its back upward, draw the right hand backward about a foot, from 18 inches in front of the right breast. Conception, “Drawing back.”

Crook the index finger, close the other fingers, and, with the back facing up, pull the right hand back about a foot, from 18 inches in front of the right chest. Conception, “Drawing back.”

Fig. 985.—Coward.

Fig. 985.—Chicken.

Fig. 985.—Afraid-of-him. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is obviously the same device without clear depiction of the arm, which is explained by the preceding.

Fig. 985.—Afraid-of-him. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is clearly the same device without a clear illustration of the arm, which is clarified by the previous section.

Fig. 986.—Little-Chief.

Fig. 986.—Little Chief.

Fig. 986.—Little-Chief. Red-Cloud’s Census. A typical gesture sign for chief is as follows:

Fig. 986.—Little-Chief. Red-Cloud’s Census. A typical gesture sign for a chief is as follows:

Raise the forefinger, pointed upwards, in a vertical direction and then reverse both finger and motion; the greater the elevation the “bigger” the chief. In this case the elevation above the head is slight, so the chief is “little.”

Raise your index finger, pointing upwards, and then change both the finger and the motion; the higher you raise it, the “bigger” the chief. In this case, the height above the head is low, so the chief is “small.”

Fig. 987.—Hit.

Fig. 987.—Score.

Fig. 987.—The Dakotas went out in search of the Crows in order to avenge the death of Broken-Leg-Duck. They did not find any Crows, but, chancing on a Mandan village, captured it and killed all the people in it. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1787-’88.

Fig. 987.—The Dakotas set out to find the Crows to avenge the death of Broken-Leg-Duck. They didn’t find any Crows, but by chance, they came across a Mandan village, took it over, and killed all the people there. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1787-’88.

The mark on the tipi is not the representation of a hatchet or tomahawk, but is explained by the gesture sign for “hit by a bullet from a gun,” made by the Dakotas as follows:

The mark on the tipi doesn't represent a hatchet or tomahawk; instead, it signifies the gesture for “hit by a bullet from a gun,” which the Dakotas show like this:

With the hands in the position of the completion of the sign for discharge of a gun, draw the right hand back from the left, that is, in toward the body; close all the fingers except the index, which is extended, horizontal, back toward the right, pointing straight outward, and is pushed forward against the center of the stationary left hand with a quick motion. Conception, “Bullet comes to a stop. It struck.”

With your hands in the position to indicate the firing of a gun, pull your right hand back toward your body from your left. Keep all your fingers closed except for your index finger, which should be extended, horizontal, and pointing straight outward to the right. Quickly push it forward against the center of your stationary left hand. This represents the idea: "The bullet comes to a stop. It struck."

Fig. 988.—Cow.

Fig. 988.—Cow.

Fig. 988.—The first stock cattle were issued to them. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1875-’76. The figure represents a cow surrounded by people. A common gesture sign distinguishing the cattle brought by Europeans from the buffalo is as follows:

Fig. 988.—The first stock cattle were given to them. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1875-’76. The figure shows a cow surrounded by people. A typical sign that differentiates the cattle brought by Europeans from the buffalo is as follows:

Make sign for buffalo, then extend the left forefinger and draw the extended index across it repeatedly at different places. Literally, spotted buffalo.

Make a sign for buffalo, then extend your left forefinger and draw the extended index across it repeatedly at different spots. Literally, spotted buffalo.

Fig. 989.—Two.

Fig. 989.—2.

Fig. 989.—Kills-two. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure only the suggestion of number is in point. Two fingers are extended.

Fig. 989.—Kills-two. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure, only the indication of quantity matters. Two fingers are extended.

Fig. 990.—Sign for Dakota.

Fig. 990.—Dakota Sign.

Fig. 990.—Four Crow Indians killed by the Minneconjou Dakotas. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1864-’65.

Fig. 990.—Four Crow Indians killed by the Minneconjou Dakotas. The-Swan's Winter Count, 1864-’65.

The four heads and necks are shown. The pictograph shows the tribe of the conquerors and not that of the victims. The gesture sign for Dakota is as follows:

The four heads and necks are shown. The pictograph depicts the tribe of the conquerors, not that of the victims. The gesture sign for Dakota is as follows:

Forefinger and thumb of right hand extended (others closed) are drawn from left to right across the throat as though cutting it. The Dakotas have been named the “cut-throats” by some of the surrounding tribes.

Forefinger and thumb of the right hand extended (other fingers closed) are drawn from left to right across the throat as if to cut it. The Dakotas have been called the “cut-throats” by some of the neighboring tribes.

Fig. 991.—Noon.

Fig. 991.—12 PM.

Fig. 991.—Noon. Red-Cloud’s Census. A Dakotan gesture sign for noon is as follows:

Fig. 991.—Noon. Red-Cloud’s Census. A Dakotan gesture sign for noon is as follows:

Make a circle with the thumb and index for sun, and then hold the hand overhead, the outer edge uppermost.

Make a circle with your thumb and index finger for the sun, and then hold your hand above your head with the palm facing up.

Fig. 992.—Hard.

Fig. 992.—Tough.

Fig. 992.—Hard. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is the representation of a stone hammer and coincides with the Dakotan gesture sign for hard as follows:

Fig. 992.—Hard. Red-Cloud’s Census. This shows a stone hammer and matches the Dakotan gesture sign for hard as follows:

Same as the sign for stone, which is: With the back of the arched right hand strike repeatedly in the palm of the left, held horizontal,[641] back outward, at the height of the breast and about a foot in front; the ends of the fingers point in opposite directions. Refers to the time when the stone hammer was the hardest pounding instrument the Indians knew.

Same as the sign for stone, which is: With the back of your arched right hand, strike the palm of your left hand, held horizontally, back outward, at breast level and about a foot away; the fingertips point in opposite directions. This refers to when the stone hammer was the toughest pounding tool the Indians were familiar with.[641]

Fig. 993.—Moon.

Fig. 993.—Moon.

Fig. 993.—Little-Sun. Red-Cloud’s Census. The moon is expressed both in gestural and oral language as sun-little.

Fig. 993.—Little-Sun. Red-Cloud’s Census. The moon is referred to in both gesture and spoken language as sun-little.

Fig. 994.—Old-Cloud.

Fig. 994.—Old-Cloud.

Fig. 994.—Old-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. Cloud is drawn in blue in the original; old is signified by drawing a staff in the hand of the man. The Dakotan gesture for old is described as follows:

Fig. 994.—Old-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. Cloud is drawn in blue in the original; old is indicated by showing a staff in the man's hand. The Dakotan gesture for old is described as follows:

With the right hand held in front of right side of body, as though grasping the head of a walking-stick, describe the forward arch movement, as though a person walking was using it for support. “Decrepit age dependent on a staff.”

With the right hand held in front of the right side of the body, as if holding the top of a walking stick, describe the forward arch movement, like someone walking is using it for support. “Old age relying on a cane.”

Fig. 995.—Call-for.

Fig. 995.—Call.

Fig. 995.—Call-for. Red-Cloud’s Census. The gesture for come or to call to one’s self is shown in this figure. This is similar to that prevalent among Europeans, and so requires no explanation.

Fig. 995.—Call-for. Red-Cloud’s Census. The gesture for inviting someone over or calling oneself is depicted in this figure. This is similar to what is commonly used among Europeans, so it doesn’t need any explanation.

Fig. 996.—Wise-Man.

Fig. 996.—Sage.

Fig. 996.—The-Wise-Man was killed by enemies.

Fig. 996.—The Wise Man was killed by enemies.

Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. The following gesture sign explains this figure:

Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. The following gesture sign explains this figure:

Touch the forehead with the right index and then make the sign for big directly in front of it. Conception, “Big brain.”

Touch your forehead with your right index finger and then gesture for "big" directly in front of it. Conception, “Big brain.”

In this as in other delineations of gesture the whole of the sign could not be expressed, but only that part of it which might seem to be the most suggestive.

In this, as in other descriptions of gesture, not all aspects of the sign could be conveyed, but only the parts that seemed the most impactful.

Fig. 997.—Sign for pipe.

Fig. 997.—Pipe sign.

Fig. 997 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good and is drawn to represent the sign for pipe, which it is intended to signify. The sign is made by placing the right hand near the upper portion of the breast, the left farther forward, and both held so that the index and thumb approximate a circle, as if holding a pipe-stem. The remaining fingers are closed.

Fig. 997 is from the winter count of Battiste Good and shows the symbol for pipe, which it aims to represent. The sign is made by placing the right hand near the upper part of the chest, with the left hand positioned further forward. Both hands are held so that the index finger and thumb form a circle, as if gripping a pipe stem. The other fingers are closed.

The point of interest in this character is that, instead of drawing a pipe, the artist drew a human figure making the sign for pipe, showing the intimate connection between gesture-signs and pictographs. The pipe, in this instance, was the symbol of peace.

The interesting thing about this character is that, instead of depicting a pipe, the artist illustrated a person gesturing the sign for a pipe, highlighting the close relationship between gesture-signs and pictographs. In this case, the pipe represented peace.

Fig. 998.—Searches-the-Heavens.

Fig. 998.—Skywatcher.

Fig. 998.—Mahpiya-wakita, Searches-the-Heavens; from the Oglala Roster. The cloud is drawn in[642] blue, the searching being derived from the expression of that idea in gesture by passing the extended index of one hand (or both) forward from the eye, then from right to left, as if indicating various uncertain localities before the person, i. e., searching for something. The lines from the eyes are in imitation of this gesture.

Fig. 998.—Mahpiya-wakita, Searches-the-Heavens; from the Oglala Roster. The cloud is drawn in[642] blue, and the act of searching is represented by the gesture of extending one or both index fingers forward from the eye, then moving them from right to left, as if pointing to various uncertain places in front of the person, meaning they are looking for something. The lines coming from the eyes mimic this gesture.

WATER.

Fig. 999.—Water symbols.

Fig. 999.—Water symbols.

The Chinese character for to give water is a, in Fig. 999, which may be compared with the common Indian gesture to drink, to give water, viz: “Hand held with the tips of fingers brought together and passed to the mouth, as if scooping up water” (see Fig. 1000), obviously from primitive custom, as with Mojaves, who still drink with scooped hands, throwing the water to the mouth.

The Chinese character for "to give water" is a, shown in Fig. 999, which can be compared to the typical Indian gesture for drinking or giving water: “Hand held with the tips of the fingers pressed together and brought to the mouth, mimicking the act of scooping up water” (see Fig. 1000). This is clearly rooted in primitive custom, similar to the Mojaves, who still drink with scooped hands, throwing the water to their mouths.

Fig. 1000.—Gesture sign for drink.

Fig. 1000.—Gesture sign for drink.

Another common Indian gesture sign for water to drink—I want to drink—is: “Hand brought downward past the mouth with loosely extended fingers, palm toward the face.” This appears in the Mexican character for drink, b, in Fig. 999, taken from Pipart (a). Water, i. e., the pouring out of water with the drops falling or about to fall, is shown in Fig. 999, c, taken from the same author (b), being the same arrangement of them as in the Indian gesture-sign for rain, shown in Fig. 1002, the hand, however, being inverted. Rain in the Mexican picture-writing is sometimes shown by small circles inclosing a dot, as in the last two designs, but not connected together, each having a short line upward marking the line of descent. Several other pictographs for rain are given below.

Another common Indian gesture that signals a desire for water to drink is: “Hand moved downward past the mouth with loosely extended fingers, palm facing the face.” This gesture is reflected in the Mexican character for drink, b, in Fig. 999, taken from Pipart (a). Water, meaning the act of pouring out water with drops falling or about to fall, is depicted in Fig. 999, c, also from the same author (b). It shows the same arrangement as the Indian gesture for rain, shown in Fig. 1002, although the hand is inverted. Rain in Mexican picture-writing is sometimes illustrated by small circles enclosing a dot, as seen in the last two designs, but not connected together, each having a short line upward to indicate the line of descent. Several other pictographs for rain are provided below.

Fig. 1001.—Water, Egyptian.

Fig. 1001.—Water, Egypt.

With the gesture sign for drink may be compared Fig. 1001, the Egyptian goddess Nu in the sacred sycamore tree, pouring out the water of life to the Osirian and his soul represented as a bird, in Amenti, from a funereal stelē in Cooper’s Serpent Myths (b).

With the gesture sign for drink, you can compare Fig. 1001, which depicts the Egyptian goddess Nu in the sacred sycamore tree, pouring out the water of life to the Osirian and his soul, represented as a bird, in Amenti, from a funeral stele in Cooper’s Serpent Myths (b).

The common Indian gesture for river or stream—water—is made by passing the horizontal flat hand, palm down, forward and to the left from the right side in a serpentine manner.

The typical Indian gesture for river or stream—water—is made by moving a horizontal flat hand, palm down, forward and to the left from the right side in a serpentine way.

The Egyptian character for the same is d in Fig. 999, taken from Champollion’s Dictionary (b). The broken line is held to represent the movement of the water on the surface of the stream. When made with one line less angular and more waving it means water. It is interesting to compare with this the identical character in the syllabary invented by a West African negro, Mormoru Doalu Bukere, for water, e, in Fig. 999, mentioned by Dr. Tylor (b).

The Egyptian character for this is d in Fig. 999, taken from Champollion’s Dictionary (b). The broken line is thought to represent the movement of water on the surface of the stream. When it's drawn with one less angular line and a more flowing shape, it means water. It's interesting to compare this with the same character in the syllabary created by a West African individual, Mormoru Doalu Bukere, for water, e, in Fig. 999, mentioned by Dr. Tylor (b).

The abbreviated Egyptian sign for water as a stream is f, in Fig. 999, taken from Champollion, loc. cit., and the Chinese for the same is as in g, same figure.

The short Egyptian symbol for water as a stream is f, shown in Fig. 999, taken from Champollion, loc. cit., and the Chinese symbol for the same is like in g, the same figure.

In the picture writing of the Ojibwa the Egyptian abbreviated character, with two lines instead of three, appears with the same signification.

In the Ojibwa pictograms, the Egyptian shorthand symbol, with two lines instead of three, has the same meaning.

Fig. 1002.—Gesture for rain.

Fig. 1002.—Rain gesture.

The Egyptian character for weep, h, in Fig. 999, i. e., an eye with tears falling, is also found in the pictographs of the Ojibwa, published by Schoolcraft (o), and is also made by the Indian gesture of drawing lines by the index repeatedly downward from the eye, though perhaps more frequently made by the full sign for rain—made with the back of the hand downward from the eye—“eye rain.” The sign is as follows, as made by the Shoshoni, Apache, and other Indians: Hold the hand (or hands) at the height of and before the shoulder, fingers pendent, palm down, then push it downward a short distance, as shown in Fig. 1002. That for heat is the same, with the difference that the hand is held above the head and thrust downward toward the forehead; that for to weep is made by holding the hand as in rain, and the gesture made from the eye downward over the cheek, back of the fingers nearly touching the face.

The Egyptian character for weep, h, in Fig. 999, which represents an eye with tears falling, is also seen in the pictographs of the Ojibwa, as published by Schoolcraft (o), and is expressed through the Indian gesture of repeatedly drawing lines downward from the eye with the index finger. However, it's often represented by the complete sign for rain—made with the back of the hand facing downward from the eye, referred to as “eye rain.” The sign is demonstrated by the Shoshoni, Apache, and other Indigenous groups as follows: Hold the hand (or hands) at shoulder height in front of you, fingers hanging down, palm facing down, then move it downward a short distance, as shown in Fig. 1002. The sign for heat is similar but involves holding the hand above the head and thrusting it downward toward the forehead; the sign for weeping is made by holding the hand as in the rain gesture and moving it from the eye downward over the cheek, with the back of the fingers nearly touching the face.

Fig. 1003.—Water sign. Moki.

Fig. 1003.—Water sign. Moki.

The upper design in Fig. 1003, taken from the manuscript catalogue of T.V. Keam, is water wrought into a meandering device, which is the conventional generic sign of the Hopitus. The two forefingers are joined as in the lower design in the same figure.

The upper design in Fig. 1003, taken from the manuscript catalog of T.V. Keam, shows water shaped into a meandering pattern, which is the standard generic symbol of the Hopitus. The two forefingers are connected as shown in the lower design in the same figure.

In relation to the latter, Mr. Keam says: “At the close of the religious festivals the participants join in a parting dance called the ‘dance of the linked finger.’ They form a double line, and crossing their arms in front of them they lock the forefingers of either hand with those of their neighbors, in both lines, which are thus interlocked together, and then dance, still interlocked by this emblematic grip, singing their parting song. The meandering designs are emblems of this friendly dance.”

In connection with that, Mr. Keam says: “At the end of the religious festivals, the participants take part in a farewell dance known as the ‘dance of the linked finger.’ They form two lines and cross their arms in front of them, locking the forefingers of each hand with those of their neighbors in both lines, which are then interlinked, and they dance together while still holding this symbolic grip, singing their farewell song. The flowing patterns represent this friendly dance.”

CHILD.

The Arapaho sign for child, baby, is the forefinger in the mouth, i. e., a nursing child, and a natural sign of a deaf-mute is the same. The Egyptian figurative character for the same is seen in Fig. 1004 a. Its linear form is b, same figure, and its hieratic is c, Champollion (c).

The Arapaho sign for child, baby, is when the forefinger is placed in the mouth, meaning a nursing child, and a natural sign for a deaf-mute is the same. The Egyptian pictorial representation for this is shown in Fig. 1004 a. Its linear form is b, same figure, and its hieratic is c, Champollion (c).

These afford an interpretation to the ancient Chinese form for son, d in same figure, given in Journ. Royal Asiatic Society, I, 1834, p. 219, as belonging to the Shang dynasty, 1756-1112 B. C., and the modern Chinese form, e, which, without the comparison, would not be supposed to have any pictured reference to an infant with hand or finger at or approaching the mouth, denoting the taking of nourishment. Having now suggested this, the Chinese character for birth, f in same figure, is understood as a parallel expression of a common gesture among the Indians, particularly reported from the Dakota, for born, to be born; viz, place the left hand in front of the body a little to the right, the palm, downward and slightly arched, then pass the extended right hand downward, forward, and upward, forming a short curve underneath the left, as in Fig. 1005 a. This is based upon the curve followed by the head of the child during birth, and is used generically. The same curve, when made with one hand, appears in Fig. 1005 b.

These provide an interpretation of the ancient Chinese character for son, d in the same figure, as published in the Journ. Royal Asiatic Society, I, 1834, p. 219, which is associated with the Shang dynasty, 1756-1112 B.C. The modern Chinese character, e, without this comparison, would not be thought to refer to an infant with a hand or finger at or near the mouth, indicating the act of feeding. Now suggesting this, the Chinese character for birth, f in the same figure, is understood as a parallel expression of a common gesture among the Indians, particularly noted from the Dakota, for born, to be born; namely, placing the left hand in front of the body slightly to the right, with the palm facing down and slightly arched, then moving the extended right hand downward, forward, and upward, creating a short curve under the left hand, as shown in Fig. 1005 a. This is based on the path followed by the child's head during birth and is used generically. The same curve, made with one hand, is depicted in Fig. 1005 b.

It may be of interest to compare with the Chinese child the Mexican abbreviated character for man, Fig. 1004 g, found in Pipart (c). The character on the right is called the abbreviated form of the one by its side.

It might be interesting to compare the Chinese child with the Mexican abbreviated character for man, Fig. 1004 g, found in Pipart (c). The character on the right is known as the abbreviated form of the one next to it.

Fig. 1004.—Symbols for child and man.

Fig. 1004.—Symbols for child and adult.

The Chinese character for man is Fig. 1004 h, and may have the same obvious conception as a Dakota sign for the same signification: “Place the extended index pointing upward and forward before the lower portion of the abdomen.”

The Chinese character for man is Fig. 1004 h, and it might carry the same clear meaning as a Dakota symbol for the same concept: “Hold the extended index finger pointing upward and forward in front of the lower part of the abdomen.”

Fig. 1005.—Gestures for birth.

Fig. 1005.—Birth gestures.

A typical sign made by the Indians for no, negation, is as follows:

A typical sign used by the Indigenous people for no, negation, is as follows:

The hand extended or slightly curved is held in front of the body, a little to the right of the median line; it is then carried with a rapid sweep a foot or more farther to the right.

The hand is extended or slightly curved and held in front of the body, a bit to the right of the center line; then it is moved with a quick swoop a foot or more further to the right.

The sign for none, nothing, sometimes used for simple negation, is made by throwing both hands outward from the breast toward their respective sides.

The sign for none, nothing, which is sometimes used for basic negation, is made by extending both hands outward from your chest to the sides.

Fig. 1006.—Negation.

Fig. 1006.—Not.

With these compare the two forms of the Egyptian character for no, negation, the two upper characters of Fig. 1006 taken from Champollion (d). No vivid fancy is needed to see the hands indicated at the extremities of arms extended symmetrically from the body on each side.

With these, compare the two versions of the Egyptian character for no, negation, the two upper characters of Fig. 1006 taken from Champollion (d). No vivid imagination is needed to see the hands shown at the ends of arms extending symmetrically from the body on each side.

Also compare the Maya character for the same idea of negation, the lowest character of Fig. 1006, found in Landa (a). The Maya word for negation is “ma,” and the word “mak,” a six-foot measuring rod, given by Brasseur de Bourbourg in his dictionary, apparently having connection with this character, would in use separate the hands as illustrated, giving the same form as the gesture made without the rod.

Also compare the Maya symbol for the same concept of negation, shown as the lowest symbol in Fig. 1006, found in Landa (a). The Maya word for negation is “ma,” and the term “mak,” a six-foot measuring stick referenced by Brasseur de Bourbourg in his dictionary, seemingly relates to this symbol, as it would separate the hands as illustrated, creating the same shape as the gesture made without the stick.

Another sign for nothing, none, made by the Comanche is: Flat hand thrown forward, back to the ground, fingers pointing forward and downward. Frequently the right hand is brushed over the left thus thrown out.

Another sign for nothing, none, made by the Comanche is: flat hand extended forward, palm facing down, fingers pointing forward and downward. Often, the right hand is brushed over the left before being thrown out.

Fig. 1007.—Hand.

Fig. 1007.—Hand.

Compare the Chinese character for the same meaning, the upper character of Fig. 1007. This will not be recognized as a hand without study of similar characters, which generally have a cross-line cutting off the wrist. Here the wrist bones follow under the crosscut, then the metacarpal bones, and last the fingers, pointing forward and downward.

Compare the Chinese character with the same meaning, the upper character in Fig. 1007. This won't be recognized as a hand without studying similar characters, which usually have a cross-line cutting off at the wrist. Here, the wrist bones are below the crosscut, then the metacarpal bones, and finally the fingers, pointing forward and downward.

Leon de Rosny (a) gives the second and third characters in Fig. 1007 as the Babylonian glyphs for “hand,” the upper being the later and the lower the archaic form.

Leon de Rosny (a) identifies the second and third characters in Fig. 1007 as the Babylonian symbols for “hand,” with the upper one being the more recent version and the lower one representing the ancient form.

Fig. 1008.—Signal of discovery.

Fig. 1008.—Discovery signal.

Fig. 1008 is reproduced from an ivory drill-bow (U. S. Nat. Mus., No. 24543) from Norton sound, Alaska. The figure represents the gesture sign or signal of discovery. In this instance the game consists of whales, and the signal is made by holding the boat paddle aloft and horizontally.

Fig. 1008 is taken from an ivory drill-bow (U.S. Nat. Mus., No. 24543) from Norton Sound, Alaska. The figure illustrates the gesture sign or signal of discovery. In this case, the game involves whales, and the signal is made by raising the boat paddle up and holding it horizontally.

Fig. 1009.—Pictured gestures. Maya.

Fig. 1009.—Illustrated gestures. Maya.

Fig. 1009, reproduced from Fig. 365, p. 308, Sixth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, is a copy of Pl. 53 of the Dresden Codex, and is a good example of the use of gestures in the Maya graphic system. The main figure in the upper division of the plate, probably that of a deity or ruler, holds his right hand raised to the level of the head, with the index prominently separated from the other fingers. This is the first part of a sign common to several of the Indian tribes of North America and signifies affirmation or assent. The Indians close the fingers other than the index more decidedly than in the plate and, after the hand has reached its greatest height, shake it forward and down, but these details, which indeed are not essential, could not well be indicated pictorially.[647] The human figure in the lower division is kneeling and holds both hands easily extended before the body, palms down and index fingers straight, parallel, and separated from the other fingers, which are flexed or closed. This in its essentials is a common Indian gesture sign for “the same,” “similar,” and also for “companion.” A sign nearly identical is used by the Neapolitans to mean “union” or “harmony.” If the two divisions of the plate are supposed to be connected, it might be inferred through the principles of gesture language that the kneeling man was praying to the seated personage for admission to his favor and companionship, and that the latter was responding by a dignified assent.

Fig. 1009, reproduced from Fig. 365, p. 308, Sixth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, is a copy of Pl. 53 of the Dresden Codex and serves as a good example of how gestures are used in the Maya graphic system. The main figure in the upper part of the plate, likely that of a deity or ruler, has his right hand raised to head level, with the index finger clearly apart from the other fingers. This is the first part of a gesture common to various Native American tribes, symbolizing affirmation or agreement. The Native Americans tend to close the other fingers more fully than shown in the plate, and after the hand reaches its highest point, they shake it forward and down. However, these details, while not essential, are difficult to represent pictorially.[647] The human figure in the lower section is kneeling and holds both hands extended comfortably in front of his body, palms down, with index fingers straight, parallel, and distinct from the other bent or closed fingers. In essence, this is a common Indian gesture indicating “the same,” “similar,” or “companion.” A very similar gesture is used by Neapolitans to signify “union” or “harmony.” If the two sections of the plate are meant to be connected, it could be interpreted through gesture language that the kneeling man is praying to the seated figure for acceptance and companionship, with the seated person responding with dignified agreement.

Fig. 1010.—Pictured gestures. Guatemala.

Fig. 1010.—Pictured gestures. Guatemala.

Dr. S. Habel (e) thus describes Fig. 1010, a sculpture in Guatemala:

Dr. S. Habel (e) describes Fig. 1010, a sculpture in Guatemala:

The upper half represents the head, arms, and part of the breast of a deity, apparently of advanced age, as indicated by the wrinkles in the face. The right arm is bent at the elbow, the finger tips of the outstretched hand apparently touching the region of the heart; the left upper arm is drawn up, the elbow being almost as high as the shoulder, and the fore arm and hand hanging at nearly right angles. From the head and neck issue winding staves, to which not only knots or nodes are attached, but also variously-shaped leaves, buds, flowers, and fruits. Apparently these are symbols of speech, replacing our letters and expressing the mandate of the deity.

The upper half shows the head, arms, and part of the chest of a god, who seems to be quite old, as seen from the wrinkles on the face. The right arm is bent at the elbow, and the fingertips of the outstretched hand are touching the area around the heart; the left upper arm is lifted, with the elbow nearly level with the shoulder, and the forearm and hand hanging at almost right angles. From the head and neck extend winding staves, which have knots or nodes attached, along with variously-shaped leaves, buds, flowers, and fruits. These appear to be symbols of communication, standing in for our letters and conveying the god's command.

The lower part represents an erect human figure with the face turned up toward the deity imploring, and from the mouth emanates a staff with[648] nodes variously arranged. The appeal is still further intensified by the raising of the right hand and arm. A human head partly covers the head of the figure, from which hang variously-shaped ribbons, terminating in the body and tail of a fish. Above the right wrist is a double bracelet, apparently formed of small square stones. The left hand is covered, gauntlet-like, by a human skull, and the wrist is ornamented by a double scaly bracelet. The waist is encircled by a stiff projecting girdle, which differs from the general style of this ornament by having attached to it on the side a human head, with another human head suspended from it. From the front of the girdle emanate four lines, which ascend towards the deity, uniting at the top. They seem to symbolize the emotions of the person, not expressed by words. From behind the image issue flames.

The lower part shows an upright human figure with its face turned up toward the deity, begging for mercy. From its mouth comes a staff with[648] nodes arranged in various ways. The appeal is further emphasized by the raising of the right hand and arm. A human head partially obscures the head of the figure, from which hang ribbons of different shapes, ending in the body and tail of a fish. Above the right wrist is a double bracelet made up of small square stones. The left hand is covered like a gauntlet by a human skull, and the wrist is adorned with a double scaly bracelet. The waist is wrapped in a stiff, projecting girdle, which stands out from the usual style of this ornament because it has a human head attached to the side, with another human head hanging from it. From the front of the girdle extend four lines that rise toward the deity and meet at the top. They seem to represent the emotions of the person that cannot be expressed in words. Flames are coming from behind the image.

CHAPTER XIX.
Standardizing.

Before writing was invented by a people there were attempts in its direction which are mentioned in other chapters of this paper. Human forms were drawn pictorially in the act of making gesture signs and in significant actions and attitudes and combinations of them. Other natural objects, as well as those purely artificial, which represented work or the result of work, were also drawn with many differing significations. When any of these designs had become commonly adopted on account of its striking fitness or even from frequent repetition with a special signification, it became a conventional term of thought-writing, with substantially the same use as when, afterward, the combinations of letters of an alphabet into words became the arbitrary signs of sound-writing. While the designs thus became conventional terms, their forms became more and more abbreviated or cursive until in many cases the original concept or likeness was lost. Sometimes when a specimen of the original form is preserved, its identity in meaning with the current form can be ascertained by correlation of the intermediate shapes.

Before writing was invented by any culture, there were efforts that pointed toward it, which are discussed in other chapters of this paper. Human figures were drawn to show gestures, actions, and significant postures, often in combinations. Other natural and artificial objects that represented work or its results were also illustrated with various meanings. When any of these designs became widely accepted due to their strong relevance or frequent repetition with a specific meaning, they evolved into conventional symbols of thought-writing, similar to how the combinations of letters in an alphabet became arbitrary symbols of sound-writing. As these designs turned into conventional terms, their shapes became increasingly simplified or cursive, to the point that the original concept or likeness was sometimes lost. Occasionally, when an example of the original form is preserved, its meaning can be traced back to current forms by examining the intermediate designs.

The original ideography is often exhibited by exaggeration. For instance, a loud voice has been sometimes indicated by a human face with an enormous mouth. Hearing, among the Peruvians, was early expressed by a man with very large ears; then by a head with such ears, and afterwards by the form of the ears without the head. Soon such forms became so conventionalized as to be practically ideographic writing. In the same manner a numeral cipher has become the representation of a mathematical quantity, a written musical note shows a kind and degree of sound, and other pictured signs give values of weights and measures. All of these signs express ideas independent of any language and may be understood by peoples speaking all diversities of language.

The original symbols are often shown through exaggeration. For example, a loud voice is sometimes represented by a human face with a huge mouth. Among the Peruvians, hearing was initially depicted by a man with very big ears; then it evolved into a head with those ears, and later became just the shape of the ears on their own. Over time, these shapes became so standardized that they functioned almost like ideographic writing. Similarly, a number system can represent a mathematical quantity, a written musical note indicates a type and level of sound, and other visual symbols convey values of weight and measure. All of these symbols communicate ideas without relying on any specific language and can be understood by people who speak various languages.

So also the idea of smallness and subjection may be conveyed by drawing an object in an obviously diminished size, of which examples are given in this chapter. Another expedient, illustrations of which also appear, is by repetition and combination, with reference to which the following condensed remarks of James Summers (a) are in point:

So, the concept of smallness and subjection can also be shown by drawing an object in a clearly smaller size, with examples provided in this chapter. Another technique, which is also illustrated, is through repetition and combination. Regarding this, the following brief comments from James Summers (a) are relevant:

The earliest Chinese characters were pictorial; but pictures could not be made which would clearly express all ideas. One of the means devised to express concepts that could not be indicated by a simple sketch, was to combine two or more familiar pictures. For instance, a man with a large eye represents “seeing;” two men, “to follow;” three men, “many;” two men on the ground, “sitting.”

The earliest Chinese characters were like pictures, but pictures alone couldn't clearly express all ideas. One method created to represent concepts that a simple sketch couldn't show was to combine two or more familiar images. For example, a man with a big eye symbolizes “seeing;” two men represent “to follow;” three men mean “many;” and two men on the ground indicate “sitting.”

All other means failing, the present great mass of characters was formed by a principle from which the class is called “phonetic;” because in the characters classed under it, while one part (called the “radical”) preserves its meaning, the other part (called the “phonetic” or “primitive”) is used to give its own sound to the whole figure. This part does sometimes, however, convey also its symbolic meaning as well as its sound.

All other methods failing, the current large group of characters was created based on a principle from which the class is referred to as “phonetic.” In the characters classified under this group, one part (called the “radical”) keeps its meaning, while the other part (called the “phonetic” or “primitive”) is used to provide its own sound to the entire figure. This part can sometimes also convey its symbolic meaning along with its sound.

But while the original mode of expressing ideas required various devices, when an idea had become established in pictography there always appeared an attempt to simplify the figure and reduce it in size, so as to require less space in the drafting surface and also to lessen the draftsman’s labor. This was more obvious in the degree in which the figure was complicated and of frequent employment.

But while the original way of expressing ideas needed different techniques, once an idea was established in pictography, there was always an effort to simplify the figure and make it smaller, so it would take up less space on the drafting surface and also lighten the draftsman's workload. This was more noticeable the more complex the figure was and how often it was used.

For convenience the subject is divided into: 1. Conventional devices. 2. Syllabaries and alphabets.

For convenience, the topic is divided into: 1. Traditional devices. 2. Syllabaries and alphabets.

SECTION 1.
Traditional Devices.

PEACE.

Among the North American Indians and in several parts of the world where, as among the Indians, the hand-grasp in simple salutation has not been found, the junction of the hands between two persons of different tribes is the ceremonial for union and peace, and the sign for the same concept is exhibited by the two hands of one person similarly grasped as an invitation to, or signification of, union and peace. The ideogram of clasped hands to indicate peace and friendship is found in pictographs from many localities. The exhibition and presentation of the unarmed hand may have affected the practice, but the concept of union by linking is more apparent.

Among North American Indigenous peoples and in various parts of the world, where, like the Indigenous people, a simple handshake for greeting isn’t common, the joining of hands between individuals from different tribes serves as a ceremonial gesture for unity and peace. Similarly, the act of one person clasping their own hands together symbolizes an invitation or expression of union and peace. The symbol of clasped hands to represent friendship and peace appears in pictographs from many places. The showing and extending of an unarmed hand may have influenced this practice, but the idea of unity through connection is more evident.

Fig. 1011.

Fig. 1011.

Fig. 1011.—The Dakotas made peace with the Cheyenne Indians. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1840-’41. Here the hands shown with fingers extended, and therefore incapable of grasping a weapon, are approaching each other. The different coloration of the arms indicates different tribes. The device on the right is a rough form of the forearm of the Cheyenne marked as mentioned several times in this work.

Fig. 1011.—The Dakotas made peace with the Cheyenne Indians. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1840-’41. Here, the hands shown with fingers extended, and therefore unable to grasp a weapon, are moving towards each other. The different colors of the arms indicate different tribes. The symbol on the right is a basic representation of the forearm of the Cheyenne, noted as mentioned several times in this work.

Fig. 1012.

Fig. 1012.

Fig. 1012.—The Dakotas made peace with the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1858-’59. The man on the left is a Pawnee.

Fig. 1012.—The Dakotas reached an agreement with the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1858-’59. The person on the left is a Pawnee.

Fig. 1013.

Fig. 1013.

Fig. 1013.—A Mandan and a Dakota met in the middle of the Missouri River, each swimming halfway across. They shook hands there and made peace. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1791-’92.

Fig. 1013.—A Mandan and a Dakota met in the middle of the Missouri River, each swimming halfway across. They shook hands there and made peace. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1791-’92.

Mulligan, post interpreter at Fort Buford, says that this was at Fort Berthold, and is an historic fact; also that the same Mandan long afterwards, killed the same Dakota.

Mulligan, the post interpreter at Fort Buford, states that this occurred at Fort Berthold, and it is a historical fact; he also mentions that the same Mandan later killed the same Dakota.

Fig. 1014.

Fig. 1014.

Fig. 1014.—The Omahas came and made peace to get their people whom the Dakotas held as prisoners. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1804-’05. The attitudes and expressions are unusually artistic. The uniting line may only intensify the idea of a treaty resulting in peace, but perhaps recognizes the fact that the Omaha (on the left) and Dakota belong to the same Siouan stock. The marks on the Omaha are not tribal, but refer to the prisoners—the marks of their bonds.

Fig. 1014.—The Omahas came together to negotiate peace in order to secure the release of their people who were held captive by the Dakotas. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1804-’05. The attitudes and expressions are remarkably artistic. The unifying line may simply emphasize the idea of a treaty leading to peace, but it might also acknowledge that the Omaha (on the left) and Dakota share the same Siouan heritage. The symbols on the Omaha are not tribal; they refer to the prisoners—the marks of their captivity.

Fig. 1015.

Fig. 1015.

Fig. 1015.—The Dakotas made peace with the Crows at Pine Bluff. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1816-’17. The arrow shows they had been at war. The Indian at the left is a Crow. The distinctive and typical arrangement of the hair of the several tribes in this and the preceding figure are worthy of note.

Fig. 1015.—The Dakotas made peace with the Crows at Pine Bluff. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1816-’17. The arrow shows they had been at war. The Indian on the left is a Crow. The unique and typical hairstyles of the different tribes in this and the previous figure are worth mentioning.

Fig. 1016.

Fig. 1016.

Fig. 1016.—The Dakotas made peace with the Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1814-’15. The man with the marked forehead, blue in the original, is a Pawnee, the other is a Dakota, whose body is smeared with clay. The four arrows show that they had been at war, and the clasped hands denote peace.

Fig. 1016.—The Dakotas made peace with the Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1814-’15. The man with the marked forehead, originally blue, is a Pawnee, while the other is a Dakota, whose body is covered in clay. The four arrows indicate that they had been at war, and the clasped hands represent peace.

Fig. 1017.

Fig. 1017.

Fig. 1017.—They made peace with the Gros Ventres. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1803-’04. But one arrow is shown, indicating that the subject in question was war, but that it was not waged at the time, as would have been shown by two opposed arrows.

Fig. 1017.—They made peace with the Gros Ventres. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1803-’04. But one arrow is shown, indicating that the subject in question was war, but that it was not waged at the time, as would have been shown by two opposed arrows.

Fig. 1018.

Fig. 1018.

Fig. 1018.—Dakotas made peace with the Crow Indians. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1851-’52. Here the representatives of the two tribes show their pipes crossed, indicating exchange as is expressed by a common gesture sign.

Fig. 1018.—Dakota people made peace with the Crow Indians. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1851-’52. Here, the representatives of the two tribes show their crossed pipes, indicating an exchange, as expressed by a common gesture.

Fig. 1019.

Fig. 1019.

Fig. 1019.—Made peace with Gen. Sherman and others at Fort Laramie. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1867-’68. This is the adoption of the white man’s flag, as the paramount symbol on recognition of which peace was made.

Fig. 1019.—Made peace with Gen. Sherman and others at Fort Laramie. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1867-’68. This is when the white man’s flag was adopted as the main symbol through which peace was established.

WAR.

Fig. 1020.

Fig. 1020.

Fig. 1020.—The Dakotas were at war with the Cheyennes. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1834-’35. The Cheyenne is[652] the man with stripes on his arm. The two arrows shot in opposite directions form one of the conventional symbols for war.

Fig. 1020.—The Dakotas were in conflict with the Cheyennes. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1834-’35. The Cheyenne is[652] the man with stripes on his arm. The two arrows shot in opposite directions are one of the common symbols for war.

Fig. 1021.

Fig. 1021.

Fig. 1021 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1840-’41. He names it “Came-and-killed-five-of-Little-Thunder’s-brothers winter.” He explains that the five were killed in an encounter with the Pawnees. The capote or headdress, always but not exclusively worn by Dakota war parties, is shown, and is the special symbol of war as also given in several other places in the same record. The five short vertical lines below the arrow signify that five were killed.

Fig. 1021 comes from Battiste Good's Winter Count for the year 1840-’41. He refers to it as “Came-and-killed-five-of-Little-Thunder’s-brothers winter.” He explains that the five were killed in a confrontation with the Pawnees. The capote or headdress, which is typically worn by Dakota war parties, is depicted and serves as a special symbol of war, as mentioned in several other parts of the same record. The five short vertical lines below the arrow indicate that five were killed.

Fig. 1022.

Fig. 1022.

Fig. 1022.—War-Eagle. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows a highly abbreviated conventional symbol. The pipe used in the ceremonial manner explained on page 539 et seq. means war and not peace, and the single eagle feather stands for the entire bird often called the war-eagle.

Fig. 1022.—War-Eagle. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows a simplified conventional symbol. The pipe used in the ceremonial way mentioned on page 539 et seq. represents war, not peace, and the single eagle feather symbolizes the whole bird often referred to as the war-eagle.

The adoption of a mat or mattress as an emblem of war or a military expedition is discussed and illustrated, supra, p. 553, Fig. 782.

The use of a mat or mattress as a symbol of war or a military campaign is talked about and shown, above, p. 553, Fig. 782.

In the Jesuit Relation for 1606, p. 51, it is narrated that “The Huron and Northern Algonkin chiefs, when their respective war parties met the enemy, distributed among their warriors rods which they carried for the purpose, and the warriors stuck them in the earth as a token that they would not retreat any more than the rods would.”

In the Jesuit Relation for 1606, p. 51, it's reported that “The Huron and Northern Algonkin chiefs, when their war parties encountered the enemy, handed out rods to their warriors, which they used for this purpose, and the warriors stuck them in the ground as a sign that they wouldn't retreat any more than the rods would.”

In their pictographs the rods became represented by strokes which were not only numerical, but signified warriors.

In their pictographs, the rods were represented by strokes that were not just numerical but also symbolized warriors.

CHIEF.

Fig. 1023.—Chief-Boy.

Fig. 1023.—Chief Kid.

Fig. 1023.—Naca-haksila, Chief-Boy. From the Oglala Roster. The large pipe held forward with the outstretched hand is among the Oglalas the conventional device for chief. This is explained elsewhere by the ceremonies attendant on the raising of war parties, in which the pipe is conspicuous. That the human figure is a boy is indicated by the shortness of the hair and the legs.

Fig. 1023.—Naca-haksila, Chief-Boy. From the Oglala Roster. The large pipe held forward with the outstretched hand is traditionally used by chiefs among the Oglalas. This is explained elsewhere by the ceremonies involved in forming war parties, where the pipe plays a prominent role. The figure being depicted as a boy is indicated by the short hair and legs.

Fig. 1024.—War Chief. Passamaquoddy.

Fig. 1024.—War Chief. Passamaquoddy.

Fig. 1024, drawn by a Passamaquoddy Indian, shows the manner of representing a war chief by that tribe:

Fig. 1024, drawn by a Passamaquoddy Indian, shows how that tribe represents a war chief:

It signifies a chief with 300 braves. The relative magnitude of the leading human figure indicates his rank. In this particular compare Figs. 137, 138, and 142. The device is common in the Egyptian glyphs.

It represents a leader with 300 warriors. The size of the main figure shows his status. In this case, see Figs. 137, 138, and 142. This symbol is commonly found in Egyptian glyphs.

Dr. Worsnop, op. cit., makes the following remarks about a similar device in Australia:

Dr. Worsnop, op. cit., makes the following comments about a similar device in Australia:

At Chasm island, in the Gulf of Carpentaria, indenting Australia, the third person of a file of thirty-two painted on the rock was twice the height of the others, and held in his hand[653] something resembling the waddy, or wooden sword, of the natives of Port Jackson, and was probably intended to represent a chief. They could not as with us, indicate superiority by clothing or ornament, since they wear none of any kind, and therefore, with the addition of a weapon similar to the ancients, they seem to have made superiority of persons the principal emblem of superior power, of which, indeed power is usually a consequence in the very early stages of society.

At Chasm Island, in the Gulf of Carpentaria, which cuts into Australia, the third figure in a group of thirty-two painted on the rock was twice the height of the others and held in his hand[653] something that looked like the waddy, or wooden sword, of the natives of Port Jackson, and was likely meant to represent a chief. They couldn't indicate superiority through clothing or ornaments like we do, since they don't wear any at all, so by adding a weapon similar to those used by ancient peoples, they seem to have made the presence of a person with a weapon the main symbol of power, which is often the case in the early stages of society.

The exhibition of horns as a part of the head dress, or pictorially displayed as growing from the head, is generally among the tribes of Indians an emblem of power or chieftancy. It is distinctly so asserted by Schoolcraft, vol. I, p. 409, as regards the Ojibwa, and by Lafitau, vol. II, 21, both authors presenting illustrations. The same concept was ancient and general in the eastern hemisphere. The images of gods and heads of kings were thus adorned, as at a later day were the crests of the dukes of Brittany. Some writers have suggested that this symbol was taken from the crescent moon, others that it referred to the vigor of the bull. Col. Marshall (a), however, gives an instance of special derivation. He says that the Todas, when idle, involuntarily twist and split branches of twigs and pieces of cane into the likeness of buffalo horns, because they dream of buffalo, live on and by it, and their whole religion is based on the care of the cow.

The display of horns as part of a headdress or depicted as growing from the head generally symbolizes power or leadership among Native American tribes. Schoolcraft clearly states this in volume I, p. 409, regarding the Ojibwa, and Lafitau mentions it in volume II, 21, both including illustrations. This idea was also ancient and widespread in the eastern hemisphere. Images of gods and royal figures were often adorned in this way, just as the crests of the dukes of Brittany were later on. Some writers have suggested that this symbol is inspired by the crescent moon, while others believe it represents the strength of the bull. Col. Marshall (a) provides a specific example of its origin. He notes that the Todas, when they're idle, unconsciously twist and split branches and pieces of cane into shapes resembling buffalo horns because they dream about buffalo, rely on them for sustenance, and their entire religion revolves around caring for cows.

COUNCIL.

Fig. 1025.

Fig. 1025.

Fig. 1025 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1851-’52. In that year the first issue of goods was made to the Dakotas, and the character represents a blanket surrounded by a circle to show how the Indians sat awaiting the distribution. The people are represented by small lines running at right angles to the circle.

Fig. 1025 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1851-’52. In that year, the first delivery of goods was made to the Dakotas, and the illustration shows a blanket surrounded by a circle to represent how the Indians sat waiting for the distribution. The people are depicted by small lines running at right angles to the circle.

Fig. 1026.

Fig. 1026.

Fig. 1026.—The-Good-White-Man returned and gave guns to the Dakotas. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1799-1800. The circle of marks represents the people sitting around him, the flint-lock musket the guns.

Fig. 1026.—The Good White Man returned and gave guns to the Dakotas. American Horse’s Winter Count, 1799-1800. The circle of marks represents the people sitting around him, and the flint-lock musket represents the guns.

Fig. 1027.

Fig. 1027.

Fig. 1027.—Council at Spotted-Tail agency. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1875-’76. Here the circle composed of short lines pointing to the center takes the conventional form frequently used to designate a council.

Fig. 1027.—Council at Spotted-Tail agency. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1875-’76. Here the circle made up of short lines pointing to the center takes the usual form often used to show a council.

Fig. 1028.

Fig. 1028.

Fig. 1028.—Surrounds-them. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is introduced in this place to show the[654] distinction made by an antagonistic “surround” and the peaceable ring depicted immediately before.

Fig. 1028.—Surrounds-them. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is included here to highlight the[654] difference between the hostile "surround" and the peaceful ring shown right before it.

Fig. 1029.

Fig. 1029.

Fig. 1029.—The Dakotas had a council with the whites on the Missouri river below the Cheyenne agency, near the mouth of Bad creek. They had many flags which the Good-White-Man gave them with their guns, and they erected them on poles to show their friendly feelings. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1805-’06. This was perhaps their meeting with the Lewis and Clarke expedition. The curved line is drawn to represent the council lodge, which they made by opening several tipis and uniting them at their sides to form a semicircle. The small dashes are for the people. This is a compromise between the Indian and the European mode of designating an official assemblage.

Fig. 1029.—The Dakotas held a council with the white settlers on the Missouri River, just below the Cheyenne agency, near the mouth of Bad Creek. They had many flags that the Good-White-Man gave them along with their guns, and they raised them on poles to display their friendly feelings. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1805-’06. This might have been their meeting with the Lewis and Clark expedition. The curved line represents the council lodge, which they created by opening several tipis and connecting them at the sides to form a semicircle. The small dashes represent the people. This is a mix of Indian and European ways of marking an official gathering.

PLENTY OF FOOD.

Fig. 1030.

Fig. 1030.

Fig. 1030.—The Dakotas have an abundance of buffalo meat. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1856-’57. This is shown by the full drying pole on which it was the usage after successful hunts to hang the pieces of meat to be dried for preservation.

Fig. 1030.—The Dakotas have a lot of buffalo meat. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1856-’57. This is indicated by the fully loaded drying pole where it was customary to hang the pieces of meat for drying and preservation after successful hunts.

Fig. 1031.

Fig. 1031.

Fig. 1031.—The Oglalas had an abundance of buffalo meat and shared it with the Brulés, who were short of food. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1817-’18. The buffalo hide hung on the drying pole, with the buffalo head above it, indicates an abundance of meat, as in the preceding figure.

Fig. 1031.—The Oglalas had plenty of buffalo meat and shared it with the Brulés, who were low on food. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1817-’18. The buffalo hide hanging on the drying pole, with the buffalo head above it, shows there was a lot of meat, similar to the previous figure.

Fig. 1032.

Fig. 1032.

Fig. 1032 is taken from Battiste Good’s Winter Count for the year 1745-’46, in which the drying-pole is as usual supported by two forked sticks or poles. This is a variant of the two preceding figures.

Fig. 1032 is taken from Battiste Good’s Winter Count for the year 1745-’46, where the drying pole is typically held up by two forked sticks or poles. This is a variation of the two previous figures.

Fig. 1033.

Fig. 1033.

Fig. 1033.—Immense quantities of buffalo meat. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1845-’46. This is another form of drying-pole in which a tree is used for one of the supports. The pieces of meat would not be recognized as such without explanation by the preceding figures.

Fig. 1033.—Huge amounts of buffalo meat. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1845-’46. This is another type of drying pole where a tree serves as one of the supports. The pieces of meat wouldn’t be identified as such without the explanation provided by the previous figures.

Fig. 1034.

Fig. 1034.

Fig. 1034 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1703-’04. The forked stick being one of the supports of the drying pole or scaffold, indicates meat. The irregular circular object means “heap,”[655] i. e., large quantity, buffalo having been very plentiful that year. The buffalo head denotes the kind of meat stored. This is an abbreviated form of the device before presented, and affords a suggestive comparison with some Egyptian hieroglyphics and Chinese letters, both in their full pictographic origin and in their abbreviation.

Fig. 1034 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1703-’04. The forked stick, which is one of the supports of the drying pole or scaffold, represents meat. The irregular circular object means “heap,”[655] that is, a large quantity, as buffalo were very plentiful that year. The buffalo head indicates the type of meat stored. This is a shortened version of the previously presented device and offers an interesting comparison to some Egyptian hieroglyphics and Chinese characters, both in their complete pictographic forms and their abbreviated versions.

Fig. 1035.

Fig. 1035.

Fig. 1035.—The Dakotas had unusual quantities of buffalo. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1816-’17. This representation of a buffalo hide or side is another sign for abundance of meat, and is the most abbreviated and conventional of all, with the same significance, in the collections now accessible.

Fig. 1035.—The Dakotas had a lot of buffalo. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1816-’17. This image of a buffalo hide or side represents an abundance of meat and is the most simplified and standard version of all, carrying the same meaning, in the collections now available.

Fig. 1036.

Fig. 1036.

Fig. 1036.—The Dakotas had unusual abundance of buffalo. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1861-’62. This is another mode of expressing the same abundance. The buffalo tracks, shown by the cloven hoofs, are coming up close to the tipi.

Fig. 1036.—The Dakotas had an abundance of buffalo. The Swan’s Winter Count, 1861-’62. This is another way of showing the same abundance. The buffalo tracks, marked by the cloven hooves, are coming right up to the tipi.

Fig. 1037.

Fig. 1037.

Fig. 1037.—They had an abundance of corn, which they got at the Ree villages. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1823-’24.

Fig. 1037.—They had plenty of corn, which they obtained from the Ree villages. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1823-’24.

The symbol shows the maize growing, and also is the tribal sign for Arikara or Ree.

The symbol represents the maize growing and is also the tribal sign for the Arikara or Ree.

FAMINE.

Fig. 1038.

Fig. 1038.

Fig. 1038.—The Dakotas had very little buffalo meat, but plenty of ducks in the fall. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1811-’12. The bare, drying pole is easily interpreted, but the reversed or dead duck would not be understood without explanation.

Fig. 1038.—The Dakotas had very little buffalo meat, but lots of ducks in the fall. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1811-’12. The bare, drying pole is easy to understand, but the upside-down or dead duck wouldn't make sense without some explanation.

Fig. 1039.

Fig. 1039.

Fig. 1039.—Food was very scarce and they had to live on acorns. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1813-’14. The tree is intended for an oak and the dots beneath it for acorns.

Fig. 1039.—Food was really scarce, and they had to survive on acorns. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1813-’14. The tree represents an oak, and the dots underneath symbolize acorns.

Fig. 1040.

Fig. 1040.

Fig. 1040.—A year of famine. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1787-’88. They, i. e., the Dakotas, lived on roots, which are represented in front of the tipi.

Fig. 1040.—A year of famine. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1787-’88. They, meaning the Dakotas, survived on roots, which are shown in front of the tipi.

Fig. 1041.

Fig. 1041.

Fig. 1041.—They could not hunt on account of the deep snow, and were compelled to subsist on anything they could get, as herbs (pézi) and roots. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1790-’91.

Fig. 1041.—They couldn’t hunt because of the deep snow and had to survive on whatever they could find, like herbs (pézi) and roots. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1790-’91.

Fig. 1042.

Fig. 1042.

Fig. 1042.—They had to sell many mules and horses to get food, as they were starving. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1868-’69. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Mules-sold-by-hungry-Sioux winter.” The figure is understood as a conventionalized sign by reference to the historic fact mentioned. The line of union between the horses’ necks shows that the subject-matter was not a horse trade, but that both of the animals, i. e., many, were disposed of.

Fig. 1042.—They had to sell a lot of mules and horses to buy food because they were starving. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1868-’69. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Mules-sold-by-hungry-Sioux winter.” The figure is understood as a stylized sign referring to the historical fact mentioned. The line connecting the horses' necks indicates that the topic wasn’t about a horse trade, but rather that both animals, meaning many, were sold off.

Fig. 1043.

Fig. 1043.

Fig. 1043.—Kingsborough (l) gives the pictograph recording that “In the year of One Rabbit and A. D. 1454 so severe a famine occurred that the people died of starvation.” It is reproduced in Fig 1043.

Fig. 1043.—Kingsborough (l) presents the pictograph noting that “In the year of One Rabbit and A.D. 1454, a severe famine struck, causing people to die from starvation.” It is shown in Fig 1043.

STARVATION.

Fig. 1044.

Fig. 1044.

Fig. 1044.—Many horses were lost by starvation, as the snow was so deep they couldn’t get at the grass. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1865-’66.

Fig. 1044.—Many horses died from starvation because the snow was so deep they couldn’t reach the grass. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1865-’66.

Fig. 1045.

Fig. 1045.

Fig. 1045, from the record of Battiste Good for the year 1720-’21, signifies starvation, denoted by the bare ribs. This design is abbreviated and conventionalized among the Ottawa and Pottawatomi Indians. Among the latter a single line only is drawn across the breast, shown in Fig. 1046. This corresponds also with one of the Indian gesture-signs for the same idea.

Fig. 1045, from Battiste Good's record for the year 1720-21, represents starvation, symbolized by the bare ribs. This design is simplified and stylized among the Ottawa and Pottawatomi Indians. Among the Pottawatomi, a single line is drawn across the chest, as shown in Fig. 1046. This also aligns with one of the Indian gesture signs for the same concept.

Fig. 1046.

Fig. 1046.

See also the Abnaki sign of starvation, a pot upside down, in Fig. 456, supra.

See also the Abnaki sign of starvation, an upside-down pot, in Fig. 456, above.

HORSES.

Fig. 1047.

Fig. 1047.

Fig. 1047.—They caught many wild horses south of the Platte river. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1811-’12. This figure shows a horse in the process of being caught by a lasso.

Fig. 1047.—They caught many wild horses south of the Platte River. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1811-’12. This figure shows a horse being caught by a lasso.

Fig. 1048.

Fig. 1048.

Fig. 1048.—Many wild horses caught. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1812-’13.

Fig. 1048.—Many wild horses captured. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1812-’13.

Fig. 1049.

Fig. 1049.

Fig. 1049.—Dakotas first used a lasso for catching wild horses. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1812-’13. In these two figures the lasso is shown without the animal, thus becoming the conventional sign for wild horse.

Fig. 1049.—The Dakotas were the first to use a lasso to catch wild horses. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1812-’13. In these two figures, the lasso is displayed without the animal, which makes it the standard symbol for a wild horse.

Fig. 1050.

Fig. 1050.

Fig. 1050.—Crow Indians stole 200 horses from the Minneconjou Dakotas, near Black Hills. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1849-’50. This figure is inserted to show in the present connection the lunules, which signify unshod horses. The Indians never shod their ponies, and the hoof marks may be either of wild horses, herds of which formerly roamed the prairies, or the common horses brought into subjection.

Fig. 1050.—Crow Indians took 200 horses from the Minneconjou Dakotas, near the Black Hills. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1849-’50. This figure is included to show the lunules, which represent unshod horses. The Indians never put shoes on their ponies, and the hoof marks could belong to either wild horses, which once roamed the prairies, or domesticated horses.

Fig. 1051.

Fig. 1051.

Fig. 1051.—Blackfeet Dakotas stole some American horses having shoes on. Horseshoes seen for the first time. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1802-’03. The horseshoe here depicted is the conventional sign for the white man’s horse.

Fig. 1051.—Blackfeet Dakotas stole some American horses that had shoes on. Horseshoes were seen for the first time. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1802-’03. The horseshoe shown here is the standard symbol for the white man’s horse.

HORSE STEALING.

Fig. 1052.

Fig. 1052.

Fig. 1052.—Runs-off-the-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. “Runs off” in the parlance of the plains means stealing.

Fig. 1052.—Runs-off-the-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. “Runs off” in the language of the plains means stealing.

Fig. 1053.

Fig. 1053.

Fig. 1053.—Runs-off-the-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure explains the one preceding. The man has in his hand a lariat or perhaps a lasso.

Fig. 1053.—Runs-off-the-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure explains the one before it. The man is holding a lariat or possibly a lasso.

Fig. 1054.

Fig. 1054.

Fig. 1054.—Drags-the-Rope. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a variant of the last figure, without, however, the exhibition of anything, such as tracks, to indicate horses.

Fig. 1054.—Drags-the-Rope. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a version of the previous figure, but it doesn’t show anything, like tracks, to suggest the presence of horses.

Fig. 1055.

Fig. 1055.

Fig. 1055.—Dog, an Oglala, stole seventy horses from the Crows. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1822-’23. Each of the seven tracks stands for ten horses. A lariat, which serves the purpose among others of a long whip, and is usually allowed to trail on the ground, is shown in the man’s hand.

Fig. 1055.—Dog, an Oglala, stole seventy horses from the Crows. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1822-’23. Each of the seven tracks represents ten horses. A lasso, which is also used as a long whip and is typically allowed to drag along the ground, is shown in the man's hand.

Fig. 1056.

Fig. 1056.

Fig. 1056.—Sitting-Bear, American-Horse’s father, and others, stole two hundred horses from the Flat Heads. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1840-’41. A trailing lariat is in the man’s hand.

Fig. 1056.—Sitting-Bear, the father of American-Horse, and others, stole two hundred horses from the Flat Heads. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1840-’41. A trailing lariat is in the man's hand.

Fig. 1057.

Fig. 1057.

Fig. 1057.—Brings-lots-of-horses. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a further step in conventionalizing. The lariat is but slightly indicated as connected with the horse track on the lower left-hand corner.

Fig. 1057.—Brings-lots-of-horses. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is another step in simplifying. The lariat is only briefly shown as linked to the horse track in the lower left corner.

Fig. 1058.

Fig. 1058.

Fig. 1058.—The Utes stole all of the Brulé horses. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1874-’75. The mere indication of a number of horse tracks without any qualifying or determinative object means that the horses are run off or stolen. This becomes the most conventionalized form of the group.

Fig. 1058.—The Utes took all of the Brulé horses. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1874-’75. Just showing a number of horse tracks without any additional identifying details means that the horses have been driven away or stolen. This represents the most standardized form of the group.

Fig. 1059.

Fig. 1059.

Fig. 1059.—Steals-Horses. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure the horse tracks themselves are more rude and conventionalized.

Fig. 1059.—Steals-Horses. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure, the horse tracks are more rough and stylized.

The Prince of Wied mentions, op. cit., p. 104, that in the Sac and Fox tribes the rattle of a rattlesnake attached to the end of the feather worn on the head signifies a good horse stealer. The stealthy approach of the serpent, accompanied with latent power, is here clearly indicated.

The Prince of Wied states, op. cit., p. 104, that in the Sac and Fox tribes, the rattle of a rattlesnake attached to the end of the feather worn on the head represents a skilled horse thief. The sneaky nature of the serpent, along with its hidden strength, is clearly shown here.

Fig. 1060.

Fig. 1060.

Fig. 1060.—Making-the-Hole stole many horses from a Crow tipi. Such is the translation in Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1849-’50. The man is cutting the hole with a knife. Through the orifice thus made he obtains access to the horse. But it is more probable that the single tipi represents a village into which the horse-thief effected an entrance and ran off the horses belonging to it.

Fig. 1060.—Making-the-Hole stole many horses from a Crow tipi. This is the translation in Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1849-’50. The man is cutting a hole with a knife. Through this opening, he gains access to the horse. However, it’s more likely that the single tipi represents a village that the horse-thief entered to steal the horses belonging to it.

KILL AND DEATH.

Fig. 1061.

Fig. 1061.

Fig. 1061.—Male-Crow, an Oglala, was killed by the Shoshoni. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1844-’45. The bow in contact with the head of the victim is frequently the conventional sign for “killed by an arrow.” This is not drawn in the Winter Counts on the[659] same principle as the touching with a lance or coup stick, elsewhere mentioned in this paper, but is generally intended to mean killed, and to specify the manner of killing, though in fact before the use of firearms the “coup” was often counted by striking with a bow.

Fig. 1061.—Male-Crow, an Oglala, was killed by the Shoshoni. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1844-’45. The bow touching the victim's head is often used as a typical symbol for “killed by an arrow.” This isn’t illustrated in the Winter Counts on the [659] for the same reason as touching with a lance or coup stick, mentioned elsewhere in this paper, but it generally means killed and indicates how the killing happened. However, prior to the use of firearms, a “coup” was often counted by striking with a bow.

Fig. 1062.

Fig. 1062.

Fig. 1062.—Kills-in-tight-place. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man has evidently been enticed into an ambush, to which his tracks lead.

Fig. 1062.—Kills-in-tight-place. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man has clearly been lured into an ambush, as indicated by his tracks.

Fig. 1063.

Fig. 1063.

Fig. 1063.—Uncpapas kill two Rees. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1799-1800. The object over the heads of the two Rees, projecting from the man figure, is a bow, showing the mode of death. The hair of the Arickaras is represented. This is clearly conventional and would not be understood from the mere delineation.

Fig. 1063.—Uncpapas kill two Rees. The Flame’s Winter Count, 1799-1800. The object above the two Rees, sticking out from the man figure, is a bow, indicating the way they died. The hair of the Arickaras is depicted here. This is clearly symbolic and wouldn’t be understood from just the drawing alone.

Fig. 1064.

Fig. 1064.

Fig. 1064.—Kills-by-the-camp. Red-Cloud’s Census. The camp is shown by the tipi, and the idea of “kill” by the bow in contact with the head of the victim.

Fig. 1064.—Kills-by-the-camp. Red-Cloud’s Census. The camp is represented by the tipi, and the concept of “kill” is illustrated by the bow touching the head of the victim.

Fig. 1065.

Fig. 1065.

Fig. 1065.—Kills-Two. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here is the indication of number by upright lines united by a horizontal line, as designating the same occasion and the same people, two of whom are struck by the coup stick.

Fig. 1065.—Kills-Two. Red-Cloud’s Census. This shows the count using vertical lines connected by a horizontal line, representing the same event and the same people, two of whom are marked by the coup stick.

Fig. 1066.

Fig. 1066.

Fig. 1066.—Feather-Ear-Rings was killed by the Shoshoni. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1842-’43. The four lodges and the many blood-stains intimate that he was killed in a battle when four lodges of Shoshoni were killed. Again appears the character for successful gunshot wound, before explained in connection with Fig. 987.

Fig. 1066.—Feather-Ear-Rings was killed by the Shoshoni. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1842-’43. The four lodges and the numerous blood stains suggest that he was killed in a battle where four lodges of Shoshoni were also lost. The symbol for a successful gunshot wound appears again, previously explained in relation to Fig. 987.

Fig. 1067.

Fig. 1067.

Fig. 1067.—Kills-the-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there appears to be a bullet mark in the middle of the paw representing the middle of the whole animal. The idea of death may be indicated by the reverse attitude of the paws, which are turned up, corresponding with the slang expression “toes up,” to indicate death.

Fig. 1067.—Kills-the-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there's a bullet mark in the center of the paw, which represents the middle of the entire animal. The concept of death may be suggested by the upside-down position of the paws, which are turned up, matching the slang term “toes up” to signify death.

Fig. 1068.

Fig. 1068.

Fig. 1068.—They killed a very fat buffalo bull. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1835-’36. This figure is introduced to show an ingenious differentiation. The rough outline of the buffalo’s forequarters is given[660] sufficiently to show that the arrow penetrates to an unusual depth, which indicates the mass of fat, into the region of the buffalo’s respiratory organs, and therefore there is a discharge of blood not only from the point of entrance of the arrow, but from the nostrils of the animal. No device of an analogous character is found among five hundred of the Dakotan pictographs studied, so that the designation of abnormal fat is made evident.

Fig. 1068.—They killed a very fat buffalo bull. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1835-’36. This figure is included to show a clever differentiation. The rough outline of the buffalo’s forequarters is given[660] clearly enough to show that the arrow penetrates to an unusual depth, indicating the large amount of fat, reaching into the region of the buffalo’s respiratory organs. As a result, there is a discharge of blood not only from the entry point of the arrow but also from the animal’s nostrils. No similar depiction is found among the five hundred Dakotan pictographs studied, making the indication of abnormal fat apparent.

Fig. 1069.

Fig. 1069.

Fig. 1069.—They killed many Gros Ventres in a village which they assaulted. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1832-’33. The single scalped head shows the killing. This conventional sign is so common as hardly to require notice.

Fig. 1069.—They killed many Gros Ventres in a village they attacked. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1832-’33. The single scalped head shows the killing. This conventional sign is so common that it hardly needs mentioning.

Fig. 1070.—Killed. Dakota.

Fig. 1070.—Deceased. Dakota.

Fig. 1070, taken from Mrs. Eastman’s Dakota (e), shows the Dakota pictograph for “killed”: a is a woman and b a man killed, and c and d a boy and girl killed.

Fig. 1070, taken from Mrs. Eastman’s Dakota (e), shows the Dakota pictograph for “killed”: a is a woman and b is a man killed, and c and d are a boy and girl killed.

Fig. 1071.—Life and death. Ojibwa.

Fig. 1071.—Life and death. Ojibwa.

Fig. 1071, taken from Copway (g), gives two characters which severally represent life and death, the black disk representing death and the simple circle life.

Fig. 1071, taken from Copway (g), shows two symbols that represent life and death: the black disk symbolizes death, while the simple circle represents life.

Fig. 1072.—Dead. Iroquois.

Fig. 1072.—Deceased. Iroquois.

In Doc. Hist. N. Y. (d), is the illustration now copied as Fig. 1072 with the statement that it shows the fashion of painting the dead among the Iroquois; the first two are men and the third is a woman, who is distinguished only by the waistcloth that she wears.

In Doc. Hist. N. Y. (d), is the illustration now copied as Fig. 1072 with the statement that it shows the fashion of painting the dead among the Iroquois; the first two are men and the third is a woman, who is distinguished only by the waistcloth that she wears.

The device is further explained by the following paragraphs from the same volume, on p. 6, which add other details:

The device is further explained by the following paragraphs from the same volume, on p. 6, which add other details:

When they have lost any men on the field of battle they paint the men with the legs in the air and without heads, and in the same number as they have lost; and to denote the tribe to which they belonged, they paint the animal of the tribe of the deceased on its back, the paws in the air, and if it be the chief of the party that is dead, the animal is without the head.

When they lose any men in battle, they paint the fallen soldiers with their legs in the air and without heads, in the same number as they have lost. To show which tribe they belonged to, they paint the animal of that tribe on their backs, with its paws up in the air, and if the dead person was the chief, the animal is also without a head.

If there be only wounded, they paint a broken gun which, however, is connected with the stock, or even an arrow, and to denote where they have been wounded, they paint the animal of the tribe to which the wounded belong with an arrow piercing the part in which the wound is located; and if it be a gunshot they make the mark of the ball on the body of a different color.

If there are only injuries, they paint a broken gun that, however, is still attached to the stock, or even an arrow. To show where they have been hurt, they paint the animal of the tribe to which the injured belong with an arrow going through the area where the wound is. If it's a gunshot, they mark the spot of the bullet on the body with a different color.

Fig. 1073.—Dead man. Arikara.

Fig. 1073.—Deceased man. Arikara.

Fig. 1073.—This is drawn by the Arikara for “dead man” and perhaps suggests the concept of nothing inside, i. e., no life, with a stronger emphasis than given to “lean” in Fig. 903, supra. It must be noted, however, that the Hidatsa draw the same character for “man” simply.

Fig. 1073.—This is illustrated by the Arikara for “dead man” and possibly implies the idea of emptiness, meaning no life, more strongly than the term “lean” in Fig. 903, above. However, it’s important to note that the Hidatsa represent the same symbol for “man” in a straightforward manner.

La Salle, in 1680, wrote that when the Iroquois had killed people they made red strokes with the figure of a man drawn in black with bandaged[661] eyes. As this bandaging was not connected with the form of killing, it may be conjectured that it ideographically meant death—the light of life put out.

La Salle, in 1680, wrote that when the Iroquois killed people, they made red marks with a drawing of a man in black with bandaged[661] eyes. Since this bandaging wasn’t related to how they killed, it could be assumed that it symbolized death—the light of life extinguished.

For other devices to denote “Kill,” see Figs. 93 and 94.

For other devices that indicate “Kill,” see Figs. 93 and 94.

SHOT.

In this group the figures show obvious similarity yet seem to be graphic, or at least ideographic, but on examining the text of the several records conventionality is developed.

In this group, the figures show clear similarities but appear to be graphic, or at least ideographic. However, when you examine the text of the various records, a sense of conventionality emerges.

Fig. 1074.

Fig. 1074.

Fig. 1074.—Shot-at. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here is shown the discharge of guns and lines of passage of the bullets, one of which is graphically displayed passing the neck of the human figure, but without either graphic mark of wound or the conventional sign for “hit” or “it struck.” He was shot at by many enemies, but was not hit.

Fig. 1074.—Shot-at. Red-Cloud’s Census. This shows the firing of guns and the paths of the bullets, with one bullet clearly shown passing the neck of the human figure, but there are no visible signs of a wound or the usual symbol for “hit” or “it struck.” He was fired at by many opponents, but he wasn't injured.

Fig. 1075.

Fig. 1075.

Fig. 1075.—Shot. Red-Cloud’s Census. There is no doubt that this man, a Dakota, was actually shot with an arrow.

Fig. 1075.—Shot. Red-Cloud’s Census. There’s no doubt that this man, a Dakota, was really shot with an arrow.

Fig. 1076.

Fig. 1076.

Fig. 1076.—Shot-at-his-horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here again are the flashes made by the discharge of guns and the horse tracks showing horses, but no specific indication of hitting. The mark within the right-hand horse track may be compared with the passing bullet in Fig. 1074. The horse was shot at but not hit.

Fig. 1076.—Shot-at-his-horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here again are the flashes from gunfire and the horse tracks showing horses, but there's no clear sign of a hit. The mark inside the right-hand horse track can be compared to the bullet path in Fig. 1074. The horse was shot at but not hit.

Fig. 1077.

Fig. 1077.

Fig. 1077.—Shot-his-horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is to be correlated with the last one, as it shows actual hitting and blood flowing from the wound.

Fig. 1077.—Shot-his-horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure should be compared with the previous one, as it depicts actual impact and blood flowing from the injury.

Fig. 1078.

Fig. 1078.

Fig. 1078.—Shot-in-front-the-lodge. Red-Cloud’s Census. Without explanation derived from the context this figure would not be understood. The right hand character means several bows united. Between these and the tipi is the usual device for blood flowing vertically downwards, meaning a fatal shot, and the device displayed horizontally and touching the tipi means that the man shot belonged to that tipi or lodge, in front of which he was shot.

Fig. 1078.—Shot-in-front-the-lodge. Red-Cloud’s Census. Without context, this figure wouldn't make sense. The character on the right represents multiple bows connected together. Between these bows and the tipi is the common symbol for blood flowing downwards, indicating a fatal shot, and the symbol displayed horizontally, touching the tipi, signifies that the man who was shot belonged to that tipi or lodge, in front of which he was shot.

COMING RAIN.

Fig. 1079.—Coming rain.

Fig. 1079.—Upcoming rain.

Mr. Keam in his MS. describes Fig. 1079 as two forms of the symbol of Aloseka, which is the bud of the squash. The form seen in the upper part of the figure, drawn in profile, is also used by the Moki to typify the east peak of the San Francisco mountains, the birthplace of the Aloseka; when the clouds circle, it presages the coming rain. In the rock carvings the curving profile is further conventionalized into straight lines and assumes the lower form.

Mr. Keam in his manuscript describes Fig. 1079 as two versions of the Aloseka symbol, which represents the squash bud. The shape shown in the upper part of the figure, drawn in profile, is also used by the Moki to symbolize the eastern peak of the San Francisco mountains, the origin of the Aloseka; when clouds gather around it, it indicates that rain is on the way. In the rock carvings, the curved profile is further stylized into straight lines, forming the lower version.

The collection of characters given in Figs. 1080 and 1081 are selected from a list published by Maj. C. R. Conder (b). That list includes all the Hittite designs distinctly deciphered which are so far known, and they are divided by the author into two plates, one giving the “Hittite emblems,” as he calls them, “of known sound,” and which are all compared with the Cypriote, and some with the cuneiform, Egyptian, and other characters; and the other comprising the “Hittite emblems of uncertain sound.” The collection is highly suggestive for comparison of the significance of many forms commonly appearing in several lands and also as a study of conventionalizing. In these respects its presentation renders it unnecessary to dwell as much as would otherwise be required upon the collections of Egyptian and cuneiform characters, with which students are more familiar and which teach substantially the same lessons.

The collection of characters shown in Figs. 1080 and 1081 is taken from a list published by Maj. C. R. Conder (b). This list includes all the Hittite designs that have been clearly deciphered so far, and it divides them into two groups. One group features the “Hittite emblems” that he describes as having a “known sound,” which are compared with Cypriote characters and some with cuneiform, Egyptian, and other designs. The other group includes the “Hittite emblems of uncertain sound.” This collection is very useful for comparing the meanings of many forms that appear frequently in various cultures, as well as for studying how symbols are stylized. Because of this, it reduces the need to focus heavily on the collections of Egyptian and cuneiform characters that students are already more familiar with, and which teach largely the same lessons.

HITTITE EMBLEMS OF KNOWN SOUND.

Fig. 1080.—Hittite emblems of known sound.

Fig. 1080.—Hittite symbols of recognized sounds.

a, a crook. Cypriote u.

a, a criminal. Cypriot u.

b, apparently a key. Cypriote ke. Compare the cuneiform emblem ik, “to open.”

b, seemingly a key. Cypriote ke. Compare the cuneiform symbol ik, “to open.”

c, a tiara. Cypriote ko; Akkadian ku, “prince;” Manchu chu, “lord.”

c, a tiara. Cypriote ko; Akkadian ku, “prince;” Manchu chu, “lord.”

d, another tiara, apparently a variant of c.

d, another tiara, seemingly a version of c.

e, hand and stick. Cypriote ta, apparently a causative prefix, like the Egyptian determinative; Chinese ta, “beat.”

e, hand and stick. Cypriote ta, seeming to be a causative prefix, similar to the Egyptian determinative; Chinese ta, "beat."

f, an herb. Cypriote te; Akkadian ti, “live;” Turkish it, “sprout;” ot, “herb.”

f, an herb. Cypriote te; Akkadian ti, “to live;” Turkish it, “to sprout;” ot, “herb.”

g, the hand grasping. Cypriote to. Compare the Egyptian, cuneiform and Chinese signs for “touch,” “take,” “have.” Akkadian tu, “have.”

g, the hand grasping. Cypriote to. Compare the Egyptian, cuneiform and Chinese symbols for “touch,” “take,” “have.” Akkadian tu, “have.”

h, apparently a branch. Cypriote pa. Compare Akkadian pa, “stick” (Lenormant).

h, seemingly a branch. Cypriote pa. See Akkadian pa, “stick” (Lenormant).

i, apparently a flower. Cypriote pu. Compare the Akkadian emblem pa, apparently a flower. Akkadian pu, “long;” Tartar boy, “long,” “growth,” “grass;” Hungarian fu, “herb.”

i, seemingly a flower. Cypriot pu. Compare the Akkadian symbol pa, seemingly a flower. Akkadian pu, “long;” Tartar boy, “long,” “growth,” “grass;” Hungarian fu, “herb.”

j, a cross. Cypriote lo; Carian h.

j, a cross. Cypriot lo; Carian h.

k, a yoke. Cypriote lo and le; Akkadian lu, “yoke.”

k, a yoke. Cypriote lo and le; Akkadian lu, “yoke.”

l probably represents rain. Compare the Egyptian, Akkadian, and Chinese emblems for “rain,” “storm,” “darkness.”

l likely represents rain. Check out the Egyptian, Akkadian, and Chinese symbols for “rain,” “storm,” “darkness.”

m seems to represent drops of water equivalent to the last. Cypriote re.

m seems to represent water droplets comparable to the last. Cypriote re.

n, possibly the “fire-stick.” Cypriote ri. Occurs as the name of a deity. Akkadian ri, “bright,” the name of a deity.

n, possibly the “fire-stick.” Cypriote ri. Appears as the name of a deity. Akkadian ri, “bright,” the name of a deity.

o, two mountains. Cypriote me or mi. The emblem for “country.”

o, two mountains. Cypriote me or mi. The symbol for “country.”

p resembles the cuneiform sign for “female.”

p looks like the cuneiform symbol for “female.”

q, this is the sign of opposition in cuneiform, in Chinese and Egyptian. Cypriote mu or no (nu, “not”).

q, this symbolizes opposition in cuneiform, Chinese, and Egyptian. Cypriote mu or no (nu, “not”).

r, a pot. Cypriote a or ya. Compare the Akkadian a, “water.”

r, a pot. Cypriote a or ya. Compare the Akkadian a, "water."

s, a snake. Perhaps the Cypriote ye.

s, a snake. Maybe the Cypriot ye.

t, apparently a sickle. Cypriote sa. Compare the Tartar sa, se, “knife.”

t, seemingly a sickle. Cypriote sa. Compare the Tartar sa, se, “knife.”

u, the open hand. Cypriote se. Akkadian sa, “give.” Tartar saa, “take.”

u, the open hand. Cypriote se. Akkadian sa, “give.” Tartar saa, “take.”

v resembles the cuneiform and Chinese emblem for “breath,” “wind,” “spirit.” Cypriote zo or ze. Occurs as the name of a god. Akkadian zi, “spirit.”

v looks like the cuneiform and Chinese symbol for “breath,” “wind,” “spirit.” Cypriote zo or ze. Appears as the name of a god. Akkadian zi, “spirit.”

w resembles the Chinese, cuneiform, and Egyptian emblem for heaven. Akkadian u. It may be compared with the Carian letter u or o.

w looks like the Chinese, cuneiform, and Egyptian symbol for heaven. Akkadian u. It can be compared to the Carian letter u or o.

x, the foot, used evidently as a verb, and resembles the cuneiform du. Probably may be sounded as in Akkadian and used for the passive (du, “come” or “become”).

x, the foot, clearly used as a verb, and looks like the cuneiform du. It might be pronounced similarly to Akkadian and used for the passive (du, “come” or “become”).

HITTITE EMBLEMS OF UNCERTAIN SOUND.

HITTITE SYMBOLS OF UNCERTAIN SOUND.

Fig. 1081.—Hittite emblems of uncertain sound.

Fig. 1081.—Hittite symbols of unknown pronunciation.

y, a serpent. Occurs in the name of a god.

y, a snake. Appears in the name of a deity.

z, perhaps a monument. It recalls the Cypriote ro.

z, maybe a monument. It reminds one of the Cypriote ro.

aa, apparently a monument.

aa, supposedly a landmark.

bb, probably the sun (ud or tam).

bb, probably the sun (ud or tam).

cc, apparently a house.

cc, looks like a house.

dd, perhaps the sole of the foot.

dd, maybe the bottom of the foot.

ee, a donkey’s head. Probably the god Set.

ee, a donkey's head. Probably the god Set.

ff, a ram’s head. Probably with the sound gug or guch and the meaning “fierce,” “mighty.”

ff, a ram’s head. Probably with the sound gug or guch and the meaning “fierce,” “mighty.”

gg, a sheep’s head. Probably lu or udu.

gg, a sheep's head. Probably lu or udu.

hh, a dog or fox head.

hh, a dog or fox head.

ii, a lion’s head. Only on seals.

ii, a lion's head. Only on seals.

jj, a demon’s head. Used specially in a text which seems to be a magic charm.

jj, a demon's head. Used specifically in a text that appears to be a magic charm.

kk, two legs. Resembles the cuneiform dhu, and means probably “go” or “run.”

kk, two legs. Looks like the cuneiform dhu, and likely means “go” or “run.”

ll, two feet. Probably “stand;” or “send,” as in Chinese.

ll, two feet. Probably "stand;" or "send," as in Chinese.

mm, apparently an altar.

mm, looks like an altar.

nn, perhaps a bundle or roll.

nn, maybe a bundle or a roll.

oo, apparently a knife or sword; perhaps pal.

oo, seemingly a knife or sword; maybe pal.

pp, apparently a tree.

pp, seems like a tree.

qq, apparently the sacred artificial tree of Asshur.

qq, clearly the holy artificial tree of Asshur.

rr, a circle. Compare the cuneiform sa, “middle.”

rr, a circle. Compare the cuneiform sa, “center.”

ss, twins. As in Egyptian.

ss, twins. Like in Egyptian.

tt resembles the Chinese emblem for “small.”

tt looks like the Chinese symbol for “small.”

uu, a pyramid or triangle.

uu, a pyramid or triangle.

vv, apparently a hand or glove, pointing downwards. Possibly tu or dun for “down.”

vv, seemingly a hand or glove, pointing downwards. Possibly tu or dun meaning “down.”

ww, apparently a ship, like the cuneiform ma. Appears only on seals.

ww, apparently a ship, similar to the cuneiform ma. Shows up only on seals.

xx, only once found on the Babylonian bowl, and seems to represent the inscribed bowl itself.

xx, only found once on the Babylonian bowl, seems to represent the inscribed bowl itself.

SECTION 2.
Syllabaries and alphabets.

It is worthy of observation that the Greeks used the same word, γράφειν, to mean drawing and writing, suggesting their early identity. Drawing was the beginning of writing, and writing was a conventionalized drawing. The connection of both with gesture signs has been noticed above. A gesture sign is a significant but evanescent motion, and a drawing is produced by a motion which leaves significant marks. When man became proficient in oral language, and desired to give permanence[665] to his thoughts, he first resorted to the designs of picture-writing, already known and used, to express the sounds of his speech.

It’s interesting to note that the Greeks used the same word, γράφειν, to refer to both drawing and writing, indicating their early connection. Drawing was the starting point for writing, and writing became a formalized version of drawing. As mentioned earlier, both are linked to gesture signs. A gesture sign is a meaningful yet fleeting movement, while a drawing results from a movement that leaves behind meaningful marks. When humans became skilled in spoken language and wanted to make their thoughts permanent[665], they initially turned to the designs of picture-writing that were already known and used to represent the sounds of their speech.

The study of different systems of writing—such as the Chinese, the Assyrian, and the Egyptian—shows that no people ever invented an arbitrary system of writing or originated a true alphabet by any fixed predetermination. All the known graphic systems originated in picture-writing. All have passed through the stage of conventionalism to that commonly called the hieroglyphic, while from the latter, directly or after an intermediate stage, sprang the syllabary which used modifications of the old ideograms and required a comparatively small number of characters. Finally, among the more civilized of ancient races the alphabet was gradually introduced as a simplification of the syllabary, and still further reduced the necessary characters.

The study of various writing systems—like those of the Chinese, Assyrian, and Egyptian—shows that no culture ever created a random writing system or truly developed an alphabet through any fixed plan. All known writing systems began as picture-writing. They all went through a phase of conventionalization to what is often called hieroglyphic writing, and from that, either directly or through an intermediary step, emerged the syllabary, which used variations of the old ideograms and needed a relatively small number of characters. Ultimately, among the more advanced ancient civilizations, the alphabet was gradually introduced as a simpler version of the syllabary, further reducing the number of necessary characters.

The old ideograms were, or may be supposed to have been, intelligible to all peoples without regard to their languages. In this respect they resembled the Arabic and Roman numerals which are understood by many nations of diverse speech when written while the sound of the words figured by them is unintelligible. Their number, however, was limited only by the current ideas, which might become infinite. Also each idea was susceptible of preservation in different forms, and might readily be misinterpreted; therefore the simplicity and precision of alphabetic writing amply compensated for its exclusiveness.

The old symbols were likely understandable to everyone, regardless of their language. In this way, they were similar to Arabic and Roman numerals, which many different people can recognize when written, even though the pronunciation of the words represented by them is not clear. However, the number of these symbols was only limited by existing concepts, which could potentially expand endlessly. Additionally, each concept could be preserved in various forms and could easily be misunderstood; thus, the clarity and accuracy of alphabetic writing more than made up for its limited accessibility.

The high development of pictorial writing in Mexico and Central America is well known. Some of these peoples had commenced the introduction of phonetics into their graphic system, especially in the rendering of proper names, which probably also was the first step in that direction among the Egyptians. But Prof. Cyrus Thomas (b) makes the following remark upon the Maya system, which is of general application:

The advanced development of pictorial writing in Mexico and Central America is widely recognized. Some of these cultures had started to incorporate phonetics into their writing system, particularly in the representation of proper names, which likely marked the first step in that direction among the Egyptians as well. However, Prof. Cyrus Thomas (b) makes this observation about the Maya system that has broader implications:

It is certain, and even susceptible of demonstration, that a large portion, perhaps the majority, of the characters are symbols.

It is clear, and even possible to prove, that a significant part, maybe even the majority, of the characters are symbols.

The more I study these characters the stronger becomes the conviction that they have grown out of a pictographic system similar to that common among the Indians of North America. The first step in advance appears to have been to indicate, by characters, the gesture signs.

The more I study these characters, the stronger my belief grows that they originated from a pictographic system similar to that used by the Native Americans of North America. The first step forward seems to have been using characters to represent gesture signs.

It is not possible now to discuss the many problems contained in the vast amount of literature on the subject of the Mexican and Central American writing, and it is the less necessary because much of the literature is recent and easily accessible. With regard to the Indian tribes north of Mexico, it is not claimed that more than one system of characters resembling a syllabary or alphabet was invented by any of them. The Cherokee alphabet, so called, was adopted from the Roman by Sequoya, also called George Gist, about A. D. 1820, and was ingenious and very valuable to the tribe, but being an imitation of an old invention it has no interest in relation to the present topic. The same is manifestly true regarding the Cree alphabet, which was of missionary origin.[666] The exception claimed is that commonly, but erroneously, called the Micmac hieroglyphics. The characters do not partake of the nature of hieroglyphs, and their origin is not Micmac.

It’s not possible to cover all the issues found in the extensive literature about Mexican and Central American writing right now, and it’s less necessary since a lot of the literature is recent and easy to find. Regarding the Indian tribes north of Mexico, it is not asserted that any of them invented more than one system of symbols resembling a syllabary or alphabet. The so-called Cherokee alphabet was developed from the Roman alphabet by Sequoya, also known as George Gist, around A.D. 1820. It was clever and very useful to the tribe, but since it’s based on an existing invention, it doesn’t really relate to the current discussion. The same clearly applies to the Cree alphabet, which originated from missionaries.[666] The only exception mentioned is what is commonly, but incorrectly, referred to as the Micmac hieroglyphics. The symbols don’t actually have the characteristics of hieroglyphs, and their origin isn’t Micmac.

THE MICMAC “HIEROGLYPHICS.”

The Micmac was an important tribe, occupying all of Nova Scotia, Cape Breton island, Prince Edward island, the northern part of New Brunswick, and the adjacent part of the province of Quebec, and ranging over a great part of Newfoundland. According to Rev. Silas T. Rand, op. cit., Megum is the singular form of the name which the Micmacs use for themselves. Rev. Eugene Vetromile (a) translates “Micmacs” as “secrets practicing men,” from the Delaware and old Abnaki word malike, “witchcraft,” and says the name was given them on account of their numerous jugglers; but he derives Mareschite, which is an Abnaki division, from the same word and makes it identical with Micmac. The French called them Souriquois, which Vetromile translates “good canoe men.” They were also called Acadians, from their habitat in Acadie, now Nova Scotia.

The Micmac were an important tribe that occupied all of Nova Scotia, Cape Breton Island, Prince Edward Island, the northern part of New Brunswick, and the nearby area of Quebec, as well as a large part of Newfoundland. According to Rev. Silas T. Rand, op. cit., "Megum" is the singular form of the name the Micmacs use for themselves. Rev. Eugene Vetromile (a) translates “Micmacs” as “secrets practicing men,” based on the Delaware and old Abnaki word malike, meaning “witchcraft,” and states that the name was given to them because of their many jugglers; he also derives "Mareschite," an Abnaki division, from the same word and considers it identical to Micmac. The French referred to them as Souriquois, which Vetromile translates as “good canoe men.” They were also known as Acadians, after their region in Acadie, now Nova Scotia.

The first reference in literature with regard to the spontaneous use by Indians of the characters now called the “Micmac hieroglyphs” appears in the Jesuit Relations of the year 1652, p. 28. In the general report of that year the work of Father Gabriel Druillettes, who had been a missionary to the Abnaki (including under this term the Indians of Acadia, afterwards distinguished as Micmacs), is dwelt upon in detail. His own words, in a subordinate report, appear to have been adopted in the general report of the Father Superior, and, translated, are as follows:

The first mention in literature regarding the spontaneous use of the characters now known as the “Micmac hieroglyphs” appears in the Jesuit Relations of the year 1652, p. 28. In the overall report of that year, the work of Father Gabriel Druillettes, who was a missionary to the Abnaki (which includes the Indians of Acadia, later recognized as Micmacs), is discussed in detail. His own words, in a secondary report, seem to have been included in the main report by the Father Superior, and, translated, are as follows:

Some of them wrote out their lessons in their own manner. They made use of a small piece of charcoal instead of a pen, and a piece of bark instead of paper. Their characters were novel, and so particuliers [individual or special] that one could not know or understand the writing of the other; that is to say, that they made use of certain marks according to their own ideas as of a local memory to preserve the points and the articles and the maxims which they had remembered. They carried away this paper with them to study their lesson in the repose of the night.

Some of them wrote their lessons in their own way. They used a small piece of charcoal instead of a pen and a piece of bark instead of paper. Their symbols were unique and so particuliers [individual or special] that no one could recognize or understand another's writing. In other words, they used certain marks based on their own perspectives as a local memory to keep track of the points and articles and maxims they had remembered. They took this bark with them to review their lessons peacefully at night.

No further remark or description appears.

No additional comments or descriptions are present.

It is interesting to notice that the abbé J. A. Maurault, (a) after his citation of the above report of Father Druillettes, states in a footnote translated as follows:

It’s interesting to see that Abbé J. A. Maurault, (a) after quoting the report from Father Druillettes, mentions in a footnote translated as follows:

We have ourselves been witnesses of a similar fact among the Têtes-de-Boule Indians of the River St. Maurice where we had been missionaries during three years. We often saw during our instructions or explanations of the catechism that the Indians traced on pieces of bark, or other objects very singular hieroglyphs. These Indians afterward passed the larger part of the following night in studying what they had so written, and in teaching it to their children or their brothers. The rapidity with which they by this manner learnt their prayers was very astonishing.

We have witnessed a similar situation among the Bald heads Indians of the St. Maurice River, where we were missionaries for three years. During our catechism lessons and explanations, we often saw the Indians creating unique hieroglyphs on pieces of bark or other items. They would spend most of the following night studying what they had written and teaching it to their children or siblings. The speed at which they learned their prayers this way was truly impressive.

The Indians called by the Abbé Maurault the Têtes-de-Boule or Round Heads, are also known as Wood Indians, and are ascertained[667] to have been a band of the Ojibwa, which shows a connection between the practice of the Ojibwa and that of the Micmacs, both being of the Algonquian stock, to mark on bark ideographic or other significant inscriptions which would assist them to memorize what struck them as of special interest and importance, notably religious rites. Many instances are given in the present paper, and the spontaneous employment of prayer sticks by other persons of the same stock is also illustrated in Figs. 715 and 716.

The Indians referred to by Abbé Maurault as the Têtes de Boule or Round Heads are also known as Wood Indians. They are recognized as a group of the Ojibwa, highlighting a connection between the practices of the Ojibwa and those of the Micmacs, both of Algonquian heritage. They would mark bark with ideographic or other significant inscriptions to help them remember things they found particularly interesting or important, especially religious rites. Many examples are provided in this paper, and the use of prayer sticks by others of the same heritage is also shown in Figs. 715 and 716.

The next notice in date is by Père Chrétien Le Clercq (a), a member of the Recollect order of Franciscans who landed on the coast of Gaspé in 1675, learned the language of the Micmacs and worked with them continuously for several years.

The next notice in date is by Père Chrétien Le Clercq (a), a member of the Recollect order of Franciscans who arrived on the coast of Gaspé in 1675, learned the Micmac language, and worked with them consistently for several years.

It would appear that he observed and took advantage of the pictographic practice of the Indians, which may have been continued from that reported by Father Druillettes a few years earlier with reference to the same general region, or may have been a separate and independent development in the tribe with which Father Le Clercq was most closely connected.

It seems that he noticed and utilized the pictographic tradition of the Indigenous people, which might have been carried on from what Father Druillettes had reported a few years earlier about the same area, or it could have been a separate and independent development within the tribe that Father Le Clercq was most closely associated with.

His quaint account is translated as follows:

His charming story is translated as follows:

Our Lord inspired me with this method the second year of my mission, when, being greatly embarrassed as to the mode in which I should teach the Indians to pray, I noticed some children making marks on birch bark with coal, and they pointed to them with their fingers at every word of the prayer which they pronounced. This made me think that by giving them some form which would aid their memory by fixed characters, I should advance much more rapidly than by teaching on the plan of making them repeat over and over what I said. I was charmed to know that I was not deceived, and that these characters which I had traced on paper produced all the effect I desired, so that in a few days they learned all their prayers without difficulty. I cannot describe to you the ardor with which these poor Indians competed with each other in praiseworthy emulation which should be the most learned and the ablest. It costs, indeed, much time and pains to make all they require, and especially since I enlarged them so as to include all the prayers of the church, with the sacred mysteries of the trinity, incarnation, baptism, penance, and the eucharist.

Our Lord inspired me with this method during the second year of my mission when I was really struggling with how to teach the Indians to pray. I saw some children making marks on birch bark with coal, pointing to them with their fingers as they said each word of the prayer. This made me think that if I provided them with a visual aid to help their memory, I could teach them much faster than by just having them repeat what I said over and over. I was delighted to find out that I was right, and the symbols I had drawn on paper had the desired effect, so in just a few days, they learned all their prayers easily. I can't express how passionately these poor Indians tried to outdo each other in a commendable competition to see who could learn the most and the best. It does take a significant amount of time and effort to create everything they need, especially since I expanded the materials to include all the prayers of the church, as well as the sacred mysteries of the Trinity, incarnation, baptism, penance, and the Eucharist.

There is no description whatever of the characters.

There’s no description of the characters at all.

Fig. 1082.—Title page of Kauder’s Micmac Catechism.

Fig. 1082.—Title page of Kauder’s Micmac Catechism.

The next important printed notice or appearance of the Micmac characters is in the work of Rev. Christian Kauder, a Redemptorist missionary, the title page of which is given in Fig. 1082. It was printed in Vienna in 1866 and therefore was about two centuries later than the first recorded invention of the characters. During those two centuries the French and therefore the Roman Catholic influences had been much of the time dormant in the habitat of the Micmacs (the enforced exodus of the French from Acadie being about 1755). Father Kauder was one of the most active in the renewal of the missions. He learned the Micmac language, probably gathered together such “hieroglyphs” on rolls of bark as had been preserved, added to them parts of the Greek and Roman alphabet and other designs, and arranged the whole in systematic and grammatic form. After about twenty years of work upon[668] them he procured their printing in Vienna. A small part of the edition, which was the first printed, reached the Micmacs. The main part, shipped later, was lost at sea in the transporting vessel.

The next important printed notice or appearance of the Micmac characters is in the work of Rev. Christian Kauder, a Redemptorist missionary, as shown on the title page in Fig. 1082. It was printed in Vienna in 1866, which was about two centuries after the first recorded invention of the characters. During those two centuries, French and Roman Catholic influences had largely been dormant in the Micmacs' region (following the forced exodus of the French from Acadie around 1755). Father Kauder was one of the most proactive in revitalizing the missions. He learned the Micmac language, likely collected the “hieroglyphs” on bark rolls that had been preserved, incorporated elements of the Greek and Roman alphabet, and other designs, and organized everything in a systematic and grammatical way. After about twenty years of work on[668] them, he arranged for their printing in Vienna. A small portion of this first edition made it to the Micmacs, while the majority, which was shipped later, was lost at sea during transport.

Fig. 1083.—The Lord’s Prayer in Micmac hieroglyphics.

Fig. 1083.—The Lord's Prayer in Micmac symbols.

Fig. 1083 shows the version of the Lord’s Prayer, published by Dr. J. G. Shea (a) in his translation of Le Clercq’s First Establishment of the Faith in New France, this and the preceding figure being taken from the Bibliography of the Languages of the N. A. Indians by Mr. J. C. Pilling, of the Bureau of Ethnology.

Fig. 1083 shows the version of the Lord’s Prayer published by Dr. J. G. Shea (a) in his translation of Le Clercq’s First Establishment of the Faith in New France. This figure and the one before it are taken from the Bibliography of the Languages of the N. A. Indians by Mr. J. C. Pilling, of the Bureau of Ethnology.

The publication of Father Kauder was a duodecimo in three parts: Catechism, 144 pages; religious reflections, 109 pages; and hymnal, 208 pages. They are very seldom found bound together, and a perfect copy of either of the parts or volumes is rare. On a careful examination of the hieroglyphs, so called, it seems evident that on the original substratum of Micmac designs or symbols, each of which represented mnemonically a whole sentence or verse, a large number of arbitrary[670] designs have been added to express ideas and words which were not American, and devices were incorporated with them intended to represent the peculiarities of the Micmac grammar as understood by Kauder, and it would seem of a universal grammar antedating Volapük. The explanation of these additions has never been made known. Kauder died without having left any record or explanation of the plan by which he attempted to convert the mnemonic characters invented by the Indians into what may be considered an exposition of organized words (not sounds) in grammatical form. An attempt which may be likened to this was made by Bishop Landa in his use of the Maya characters, and one still more in point was that of the priests in Peru, mentioned in connection with Figs. 1084 and 1085, infra.

The publication of Father Kauder was a twelvemo in three parts: Catechism, 144 pages; religious reflections, 109 pages; and hymnal, 208 pages. They are rarely found bound together, and a perfect copy of any of the parts or volumes is hard to come by. Upon careful examination of the so-called hieroglyphs, it appears clear that on the original foundation of Micmac designs or symbols, each of which represented a whole sentence or verse mnemonic, many arbitrary designs have been added to express ideas and words that were not American. Additionally, elements were included to represent the peculiarities of Micmac grammar as understood by Kauder, and it seems they reflect a universal grammar that predates Volapük. The explanation for these additions has never been disclosed. Kauder died without leaving any record or explanation of the method he used to convert the mnemonic characters created by the Indians into what can be considered an organized expression of words (not sounds) in grammatical form. A similar attempt was made by Bishop Landa with the Maya characters, and an even more relevant example was that of the priests in Peru, mentioned in connection with Figs. 1084 and 1085, infra.

The result is that in the several camps of Micmacs visited by the present writer in Cape Breton island, Prince Edward island, and Nova Scotia, fragments of the printed works are kept and used for religious worship, and also many copies on various sheets and scraps of paper have been made of similar fragments, but their use is entirely mnemonic, as was that of their ancient bark originals. Very few of the Indians who in one sense can “read” them currently in the Micmac language, have any idea of the connection between any one of the characters and the vocables of the language. When asked what a particular character meant they were unable to answer, but would begin at the commencement of the particular prayer or hymn, and when arrested at any point would then for the first time be able to give the Micmac word or words which corresponded with that character. This was not in any religious spirit, as is mentioned by Dr. Washington Matthews, in his Mountain Chant, Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, with reference to the Navajo’s repeating all, if any, of the chant, but because they only knew that way to use the script. In that use they do as is mentioned of the Ojibwa, supra. The latter often by their bark script keep the memory of archaic words, and the Micmac keep that of religious phrases not well understood. A few, and very few, of the characters, which were constantly repeated, and were specially conspicuous, were known as distinct from the other characters by one only of the Indians examined. It apparently had never occurred to any of them that these same characters, which in their special mnemonic connection represented Micmac words, could be detached from their context and by combination represent the same words in other sentences. Therefore, the expression “reading,” used in reference to the operation, is not strictly correct. In most cases the recitation of the script was in a chant, and the musical air of the Roman Catholic Church belonging to the several hymns and chants was often imitated. The object, therefore, which has been expressed in the above quoted accounts of Fathers Druillettes and Le Clercq had been accomplished regarding the then extant generation of Indians two hundred years before Father Kauder’s publication. That object was for Indians under their immediate charge to learn in the most speedy manner certain[671] formulæ of the church, by the use of which it was supposed that they would gain salvation. The formation of an alphabet, or even a syllabary, by which the structure of the language should be considered and its vocal expression recorded, was not the object. It is possible that there was an objection to the instruction of the Indians in a modern alphabet by which they might more readily learn either French or English, and at the same time be able to read profane literature and thereby become perverted from the faith. These missionaries certainly refrained, for some reason, not only from instructing the heathen in any of the languages of civilization, but also from teaching them the use of an alphabet for their own language.

The result is that in the various Micmac camps visited by the writer on Cape Breton Island, Prince Edward Island, and Nova Scotia, fragments of printed works are kept and used for religious worship. Many copies on different sheets and scraps of paper have also been made from similar fragments, but their use is purely for memory, similar to their ancient bark originals. Very few Indians who can "read" them in the Micmac language actually understand how any of the characters connect to the sounds in their language. When asked about the meaning of a specific character, they can’t answer right away. Instead, they start from the beginning of a particular prayer or hymn, and only when they are stopped at a certain point can they provide the Micmac word or words that match that character. This isn't done in a religious context, as mentioned by Dr. Washington Matthews in his Mountain Chant, Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, regarding the Navajo’s recitations. It's simply the way they have learned to use the script. In this respect, they align with the Ojibwa, who often use their bark script to preserve archaic words, while the Micmac preserve religious phrases that are not fully understood. Very few of the characters that were frequently repeated and notably distinct were recognized as different from the others by only one of the Indians interviewed. It apparently never occurred to any of them that these same characters, which in their specific memory-related use represented Micmac words, could be separated from that context and combined to represent the same words in different sentences. Thus, referring to the process as "reading" isn't entirely accurate. In most instances, reciting the script took the form of a chant, often imitating the musical style of Roman Catholic Church hymns and chants. Consequently, the objective expressed in the previously quoted accounts of Fathers Druillettes and Le Clercq was achieved regarding the then-existing generation of Indians two hundred years before Father Kauder’s publication. That goal was for the Indians under their direct care to quickly learn certain formulas of the church, which it was believed would lead them to salvation. Forming an alphabet, or even a syllabary, to analyze the structure of the language and record its spoken form was not the aim. It's possible there was a hesitation to teach the Indians a modern alphabet through which they could more easily learn French or English and potentially access secular literature, which might lead them away from their faith. These missionaries certainly avoided teaching heathens any of the languages of civilization, as well as instructing them in using an alphabet for their own language.

It is probable that Father Kauder had some idea of reducing the language of the Micmacs to a written form, based not upon verbal or even syllabic notation, but upon some anomalous compromise between their ideographic original or substratum and a grammatic superstructure. If so, he entirely failed. The interesting point with regard to this remarkable and unique attempt is, that there is undoubtedly a basis of Indian designs and symbols included and occluded among the differentiated devices in the three volumes mentioned, which arbitrarily express thoughts and words by a false pictographic method, instead of sentences and verses. But the change from the pictorial forms to those adopted, if not as radical as that from the Egyptian hieroglyphs to the Roman text, resembles that from the archaic to the modern Chinese. Therefore it would follow that the present form of the characters is not one which the Indians would learn more readily than an alphabet or a syllabary, and that is the ascertained fact. At Cow bay, a Micmac camp, about 12 miles from Halifax, an aged chief who in his boyhood at Cape Breton island was himself instructed by Father Kauder in these characters, explained that Kauder taught them to the boys by drawing them on a blackboard and by repetition, very much in the manner in which a schoolmaster in civilized countries teaches the alphabet to children. The actual success of the Cherokees in the free and general use of Sequoya’s Syllabary, which was not founded on pictographs, but on signs for sounds, should be noted in this connection.

It’s likely that Father Kauder had some intention of creating a written form of the Micmac language, not based on verbal or even syllabic notation, but on some unusual mix of their original ideographic system and a grammatical structure. If that was the case, he completely failed. The noteworthy aspect of this remarkable and unique attempt is that there is clearly a foundation of Indian designs and symbols present among the various elements in the three mentioned volumes, which arbitrarily convey thoughts and words through a misleading pictographic method, rather than sentences and verses. However, the shift from the pictorial forms to the adopted ones, while not as drastic as the transition from Egyptian hieroglyphs to Roman text, is similar to the change from archaic to modern Chinese. Thus, it seems that the current form of the characters is not one that the Indians would learn any more easily than an alphabet or a syllabary, and this has been confirmed as a fact. At Cow Bay, a Micmac camp around 12 miles from Halifax, an elderly chief who learned these characters from Father Kauder during his childhood in Cape Breton Island explained that Kauder taught them to the boys by drawing them on a blackboard and through repetition, very much like how a teacher in civilized countries instructs children in the alphabet. The actual success of the Cherokees in the widespread use of Sequoya’s Syllabary, which was based on sounds rather than pictographs, should be noted in this context.

Among the thousands of scratchings on the Kejemkoojik rocks, many of which were undoubtedly made by the Micmac, only two characters were found resembling any in Kauder’s volumes, and those were common symbols of the Roman Catholic Church, and might readily have been made by the Frenchmen, who also certainly left scratchings there. Altogether after careful study of the subject it is considered that the devices in Father Kauder’s work are so intrinsically changed, both in form and intent, from the genuine Micmac designs that they can not be presented as examples of Indian pictography.

Among the thousands of markings on the Kejemkoojik rocks, many of which were definitely made by the Micmac, only two symbols were found that resembled anything in Kauder’s volumes, and those were common symbols of the Roman Catholic Church, likely made by the French who also definitely left markings there. After careful study of the subject, it is believed that the designs in Father Kauder’s work are so fundamentally altered, both in form and purpose, from the authentic Micmac designs that they cannot be considered examples of Indian pictography.

Connected with this topic is the following account in the Jesuit Relations of 1646, p. 31, relative to the Montagnais and other Algonquians of the St. Lawrence river, near the Saguenay: “They confess themselves with admirable frankness; some of them carry small sticks to remind[672] them of their sins; others write, after their manner, on small pieces of bark.” This is but the application of the ideographic writing on birch bark by the converts to the ceremonies and stories of the Christian religion, as the same art had been long used for their aboriginal traditions.

Connected to this topic is the following account from the Jesuit Relations of 1646, p. 31, about the Montagnais and other Algonquians of the St. Lawrence River, near the Saguenay: “They confess their sins with remarkable honesty; some of them carry small sticks to remind[672] them of their sins; others write, in their own way, on small pieces of bark.” This is just the use of ideographic writing on birch bark by the converts for the ceremonies and stories of the Christian religion, just as this method had been used for their original traditions for a long time.

Fig. 1084.—Religious story. Sicasica.

Fig. 1084.—Religious story. Sicasica.

Examples of pictographic work, done in a spirit similar to that above mentioned, are given by Wiener (g), describing the illustrations of which Figs. 1084 and 1085 are copies, one-fifth real size.

Examples of pictographic work, created in a similar spirit to the one mentioned above, are provided by Wiener (g), describing the illustrations that Figs. 1084 and 1085 replicate, at one-fifth of the actual size.

In the most distant part of Peru, in the valley of Paucartambo, at Sicasica, the history of the passion of Christ was found written in the same ideographic system that the Indians of Ancon and the north of the coast were acquainted with before the conquest. (Fig. 1084.) The drawings were made with a pencil, probably first dipped in a mixture of gum and mandioc flour. This tissue is of a dark brown and the designs are of a very bright red.

In the farthest region of Peru, in the Paucartambo valley, at Sicasica, the story of Christ's passion was discovered written in the same ideographic system that the Ancon Indians and those from the northern coast knew before the conquest. (Fig. 1084.) The drawings were created with a pencil, likely first dipped in a mixture of gum and manioc flour. This material is dark brown, and the designs are a very bright red.

Fig. 1085.—Religious story. Sicasica.

Fig. 1085.—Religious story. Sicasica.

The second series, Fig. 1085, which was found at Paucartambo, was written in an analogous system on old Dutch paper. The designs are red and blue.

The second series, Fig. 1085, which was found at Paucartambo, was written in a similar system on old Dutch paper. The designs are in red and blue.

In an article by Terrien de Lacouperie (f) is the following condensed[673] account, part of which relates to Fig. 1086, and may be compared with the priestly inventions above mentioned:

In an article by Terrien de Lacouperie (f), there is a brief[673] summary, part of which refers to Fig. 1086 and can be compared with the priestly inventions mentioned earlier:

Fig. 1086.—Mo-so MS. Desgodins.

Fig. 1086.—Mo-so Manuscript Desgodins.

Père Desgodins was able, in 1867, to make a copy of eleven pages from a manuscript written in hieroglyphics, and belonging to a tom-ba or tong-ba, a medicine man among the Mo-sos. These hieroglyphics are not, properly speaking, a writing, still less the current writing of the tribe. The sorcerers or tong-bas alone use it when invited by the people to recite these so-called prayers, accompanied with ceremonies and sacrifices, and also to put some spells on somebody, a specialty of their own. They alone know how to read them and understand their meaning; they alone are acquainted with the value of these signs, combined with the numbers[674] of the dice and other implements of divination which they use in their witchcraft. Therefore, these hieroglyphics are nothing else than signs more or less symbolical and arbitrary, known to a small number of initiated who transmit their knowledge to their eldest son and successor in their profession of sorcerers. Such is the exact value of the Mo-so manuscripts; they are not a current and common writing; they are hardly a sacred writing in the limits indicated above.

Père Desgodins was able, in 1867, to make a copy of eleven pages from a manuscript written in hieroglyphics, which belonged to a tom-ba or tong-ba, a medicine man among the Mo-sos. These hieroglyphics are not really a form of writing, let alone the standard writing of the tribe. Only the sorcerers or tong-bas use it when asked by the people to recite these so-called prayers, accompanied by ceremonies and sacrifices, and also to cast spells on someone, which is their specialty. They are the only ones who can read and understand these symbols; they alone know the meaning of these signs, along with the numbers[674] from the dice and other divination tools they use in their witchcraft. Therefore, these hieroglyphics are just symbols that are somewhat arbitrary, known to a small number of initiated individuals who pass their knowledge to their eldest son and successor in their role as sorcerers. Such is the true nature of the Mo-so manuscripts; they are not a common or widely used form of writing; they are hardly even a sacred writing within the defined limits.

However, they are extremely important for the general theory of writing, inasmuch as they do not pretend to show in that peculiar hieroglyphical writing any survival of former times. According to these views, it was apparently made up for the purpose by the tom-bas or medicine men. This would explain, perhaps, the anomalous mixture of imperfect and bad imitations of ancient seal characters of China, pictorial figures of animals and men, bodies and their parts, with several Tibetan and Indian characters and Buddhist emblems.

However, they are extremely important for the overall theory of writing, as they do not claim to represent any remnants of earlier times in that unique hieroglyphic writing. According to this perspective, it seems to have been created specifically by the tom-bas or medicine men. This might explain the unusual blend of poor and flawed versions of ancient Chinese seal characters, pictorial representations of animals and humans, body parts, along with various Tibetan and Indian characters and Buddhist symbols.

It is not uninteresting to remark here that a kind of meetway or toomsah, i. e., priest, has been pointed out among the Kakhyens of Upper Burma. The description is thus quoted:

It’s worth noting that a type of meetway or toomsah, i.e., priest, has been identified among the Kakhyens of Upper Burma. The description is quoted as follows:

“A formal avenue always exists as the entrance to a Kakhyen village. * * * On each side of the broad grassy pathway are a number of bamboo posts, 4 feet high or thereabouts, and every 10 paces or so, taller ones, with strings stretching across the path, supporting small stars of split rattan and other emblems. There are also certain hieroglyphics which may constitute a kind of embryo picture-writing but are understood by none but the meetway or priest.”

"A formal pathway always serves as the entrance to a Kakhyen village. * * * On either side of the wide grassy path are several bamboo posts, about 4 feet tall, and every 10 steps or so, there are taller ones with strings stretched across the path, holding small stars made of split rattan and other symbols. There are also some symbols that might represent an early form of picture writing, but only the meetway or priest understands them."

PICTOGRAPHS IN ALPHABETS.

Mr. W. W. Rockhill, in Am. Anthrop., IV, No. 1, p. 91, notices the work of M. Paul Vial, missionary, etc., De la langue et de l’écriture indigènes au Yûnân, with the following remarks:

Mr. W. W. Rockhill, in Am. Anthrop., IV, No. 1, p. 91, mentions the work of M. Paul Vial, missionary, etc., From the indigenous language and writing in Yûnân, with the following remarks:

Père Vial has published a study upon the undeciphered script of the Lolos of Western China, of which the first specimen was secured some twelve years ago by E. Colborne Baber. Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie endeavored to establish a connection between these curious characters and the old Indian script known as the southern Ashoka alphabet. The present, Père Vial’s, work gives them a much less glorious origin. He says of them: “The native characters were formed without key, without method. It is impossible to decompose them. They are written not with the strokes of a brush, but with straight, curved, round, or angular lines, as the shape chosen for them requires. As the representation could not be perfect, they have stopped at something which can strike the eye or mind—form, motion, passion, a head, a bird’s beak, a mouth, right or left, lightness or heaviness; in short, at that portion of the object delineated which is peculiarly characteristic of it. But all characters are not of this expressive kind; some even have no connection with the idea they express. This anomaly has its reason. The native characters are much less numerous than the words of the language, only about thirty per cent. Instead of increasing the number of ideograms, the Lolos have used one for several words. As a result of this practice the natives have forgotten the original meaning of many of their characters.”

Père Vial has published a study on the undeciphered script of the Lolos of Western China, the first example of which was obtained about twelve years ago by E. Colborne Baber. Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie tried to link these intriguing characters to the ancient Indian script known as the southern Ashoka alphabet. However, Père Vial's current work suggests a much less impressive origin. He describes them as follows: “The native characters were created without any key or method. It is impossible to break them down. They are not written with brush strokes, but with straight, curved, round, or angular lines, depending on the shape chosen for them. Since the representation couldn’t be perfect, they’ve stopped at something that can catch the eye or mind—form, motion, emotion, a head, a bird’s beak, a mouth, right or left, lightness or heaviness; in short, at the aspect of the object that is uniquely characteristic of it. But not all characters are this expressive; some even have no relation to the idea they convey. This oddity has its explanation. The native characters are far fewer than the words in the language, only about thirty percent of them. Instead of increasing the number of ideograms, the Lolos have used one for multiple words. As a result of this approach, the natives have lost the original meanings of many of their characters.”

A summary of the original cuneiform characters, numbering one hundred and seventy, gives many of them as recognizable sketches of objects. The foot stands for “go,” the hand for “take,” the legs for “run,” much as in the Egyptian and in the Maya and other American systems. The bow, the arrow, and the sword represent war; the vase, the copper tablet, and the brick represent manufacture; boats, sails, huts, pyramids, and many other objects are used as devices.

A summary of the original cuneiform characters, totaling one hundred and seventy, shows many of them as recognizable illustrations of objects. The foot represents "go," the hand symbolizes "take," and the legs indicate "run," similar to the systems used in Egyptian, Maya, and other American cultures. The bow, arrow, and sword signify war; the vase, copper tablet, and brick signify manufacturing; boats, sails, huts, pyramids, and numerous other objects are utilized as symbols.

W. St. Chad Boscawen (a) says:

W. St. Chad Boscawen (a) says:

Man’s earliest ventures in the art of writing were, as we are well aware, of a purely pictorial nature, and even to this day such a mode of ideography can be seen among some of the Indian tribes. * * * There is no reasonable doubt but that all the principal systems of paleography now in vogue had their origin at some remote period in this pictorial writing. In so primitive a center as Babylonia we should naturally expect to find such a system had been in vogue, and in this we are not disappointed.

Man's first attempts at writing were, as we know, purely pictorial, and even today, we can see this type of visual writing among some Indian tribes. * * * There’s no doubt that all the main systems of paleography currently in use originated from this pictorial writing at some distant time. In such a primitive society as Babylonia, we would naturally expect to find that such a system was in use, and we are not let down in this expectation.

Fig. 1087.—Pictographs in alphabets.

Fig. 1087.—Pictographs in letters.

Fig. 1087 is presented as a brief exhibit of the pictographs in some inchoate alphabets.

Fig. 1087 shows a quick display of the pictographs in some early alphabets.

CHAPTER XX.
SPECIAL COMPARISONS.

The utility of the present work depends mainly upon the opportunity given by the various notes and illustrations collected for students to make their own comparisons and deductions. This chapter is intended to assist in that study by presenting some groups of comparisons which have seemed to possess special interest. For that reason descriptions and illustrations are collected here which logically belong to other headings.

The usefulness of this work mainly relies on the chance it gives students to make their own comparisons and conclusions based on the various notes and illustrations gathered. This chapter aims to aid that study by showcasing some groups of comparisons that are particularly interesting. Therefore, descriptions and illustrations are compiled here that logically fit under different headings.

Many of the pictographs discussed and illustrated in this chapter and in the one following are the representation of animals and other natural objects. It would therefore seem that they could be easily identified, but in fact the modes of representation of the same object among the several peoples differed, and when conventionalizing has also become a factor the objects may not be recognized without knowledge of the typical style. Sometimes there was apparently no attempt at the imitation of natural objects, but marks were used, such as points, lines, circles, and other geometric forms. These were combined in diverse modes to express concepts and record events. Those marks and combinations originated in many centers and except in rare instances of “natural” ideograms those of one people would not correspond with those of other peoples unless by conveyance or imitation. Typical styles therefore appear also in this class of pictographs and, when established, all typical styles afford some indication with regard to the peoples using them.

Many of the pictographs discussed and illustrated in this chapter and the next one represent animals and other natural objects. It might seem like they could be easily identified, but actually, the ways of representing the same object varied among different cultures. When conventionalizing also plays a role, these objects might not be recognized without familiarity with the typical style. Sometimes, there was clearly no attempt to imitate natural objects; instead, marks like points, lines, circles, and other geometric shapes were used. These were combined in various ways to express concepts and record events. These marks and combinations originated from many sources, and unless there was some conveyance or imitation, what one culture used wouldn’t match the symbols of another culture. Consequently, typical styles are also present in this type of pictograph, and once established, these styles provide insights about the cultures that used them.

This chapter is divided under the headings of: 1. Typical Style. 2. Homomorphs and Symmorphs. 3. Composite forms. 4. Artistic skill and methods.

This chapter is divided under the headings of: 1. Typical Style. 2. Homomorphs and Symmorphs. 3. Composite Forms. 4. Artistic Skills and Techniques.

SECTION 1.
Typical style.

Fig. 1088 is presented as a type of eastern Algonquian petroglyphs. It is a copy of the “Hamilton picture rock,” contributed by Mr. J. Sutton Wall, of Monongahela city, Pennsylvania. The drawings are on a sandstone rock, on the Hamilton farm, 6 miles southeast from Morgantown, West Virginia. The turnpike passes over the south edge of the rock.

Fig. 1088 shows a type of eastern Algonquian petroglyphs. It's a replica of the “Hamilton picture rock,” provided by Mr. J. Sutton Wall from Monongahela city, Pennsylvania. The drawings are on a sandstone rock located on the Hamilton farm, 6 miles southeast of Morgantown, West Virginia. The turnpike runs over the southern edge of the rock.

Fig. 1088.—Algonquian petroglyph. Hamilton farm, West Virginia.

Fig. 1088.—Algonquian rock carving. Hamilton farm, West Virginia.

Mr. Wall furnishes the following description of the characters:

Mr. Wall provides the following description of the characters:

a, outline of a turkey; b, outline of a panther; c, outline of a rattlesnake; d, outline of a human form; e, a “spiral or volute;” f, impression of a horse foot; g, impression of a human foot; h, outline of the top portion of a tree or branch; i, impression of a human hand; j, impression of a bear’s forefoot, but lacks the proper number of toe marks; k, impression of two turkey tracks; l, has some appearance of a hare or rabbit, but lacks the corresponding length of ears; m, impression of a bear’s hindfoot, but lacks the proper number of toe marks; n, outline of infant human form, with two arrows in the right hand; o, p, two cup-shaped depressions; q, outline of the hind part of an animal; r might be taken to represent the impression of a horse’s foot were it not for the line bisecting the outer curved line; s represent buffalo and deer tracks.

a, outline of a turkey; b, outline of a panther; c, outline of a rattlesnake; d, outline of a human form; e, a “spiral or volute;” f, impression of a horse's foot; g, impression of a human foot; h, outline of the top part of a tree or branch; i, impression of a human hand; j, impression of a bear’s forefoot, but missing the correct number of toe marks; k, impression of two turkey tracks; l, resembles a hare or rabbit, but missing the appropriate ear length; m, impression of a bear’s hind foot, but missing the correct number of toe marks; n, outline of an infant human form, with two arrows in the right hand; o, p, two cup-shaped indentations; q, outline of the back end of an animal; r could be seen as the impression of a horse’s foot if not for the line cutting through the outer curved line; s represents buffalo and deer tracks.

The turkey a, the rattlesnake c, the rabbit l, and the “footprints” j, m, and q, are specially noticeable as typical characters in Algonquian pictography.

The turkey a, the rattlesnake c, the rabbit l, and the “footprints” j, m, and q stand out as typical symbols in Algonquian pictography.

Mr. P. W. Sheafer furnishes, in his Historical Map of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1875, a sketch of a pictograph on the Susquehanna river, Pennsylvania, below the dam at Safe Harbor, part of which is reproduced in Fig. 1089. This appears to be purely Algonquian, and has more resemblance to Ojibwa characters than any other petroglyph in the eastern United States yet noted.

Mr. P. W. Sheafer provides a sketch of a pictograph on the Susquehanna River, Pennsylvania, below the dam at Safe Harbor, in his Historical Map of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1875. Part of this is shown in Fig. 1089. It seems to be purely Algonquian and resembles Ojibwa characters more than any other petroglyph recorded in the eastern United States so far.

Fig. 1089.—Algonquian petroglyphs. Safe Harbor, Pennsylvania.

Fig. 1089.—Algonquian rock carvings. Safe Harbor, Pennsylvania.

See also Figs. 70, et seq., supra, under the heading of Pennsylvania, as showing excellent types of eastern Algonquian petroglyphs and resembling those on the Dighton rock.

See also Figs. 70, et seq., above, under the heading of Pennsylvania, as showing great examples of eastern Algonquian petroglyphs that are similar to those on the Dighton rock.

Fig. 1090.—Algonquian petroglyphs. Cunningham’s island, Lake Erie.

Fig. 1090.—Algonquian petroglyphs. Cunningham’s Island, Lake Erie.

Fig. 1090 is reproduced from Schoolcraft (p), and is a copy taken in 1851 of an inscription sculptured on a rock on the south side of Cunningham’s island, Lake Erie. Mr. Schoolcraft’s explanation, given in great detail, is fanciful. It is perhaps only necessary to explain that the dotted lines are intended to divide the partially obliterated from the more distinct portions of the glyph. The central part is the most obscure.

Fig. 1090 is taken from Schoolcraft (p), and is a copy made in 1851 of an inscription carved on a rock on the south side of Cunningham’s island, Lake Erie. Mr. Schoolcraft’s explanation, which is very detailed, is imaginative. It’s probably enough to mention that the dotted lines are meant to separate the partially faded parts from the clearer sections of the glyph. The central area is the least clear.

It is to be remarked that this petroglyph is in some respects similar in general style to those before given as belonging to the eastern Algonquian type, but is still more like some of the representations of the Dighton rock inscription, one of them being Fig. 49, supra, and others, which it still more closely resembles in the mode of drawing human figures, are in the copies of Dighton rock on Pl. LIV, Chap. XXII. In some respects this Cunningham’s island glyph occupies a typical position intermediate between the eastern and western Algonquian.

It’s worth noting that this petroglyph is somewhat similar in general style to those previously described as belonging to the eastern Algonquian type, but it’s even more closely related to some of the representations found in the Dighton rock inscription. One of these is Fig. 49, supra, and others that resemble it more closely in the way human figures are drawn can be found in the copies of Dighton rock on Pl. LIV, Chap. XXII. In some ways, this Cunningham’s island glyph is typically positioned between the eastern and western Algonquian styles.

A good type of western Algonquian petroglyphs was discovered by the party of Capt. William A. Jones (b), in 1873, with an illustration here reproduced as Fig. 1091, in which the greater number of the characters are shown, about one-fifth real size.

A notable collection of western Algonquian petroglyphs was found by Captain William A. Jones’s team (b) in 1873, with an illustration reproduced here as Fig. 1091, displaying most of the characters at approximately one-fifth of their actual size.

Fig. 1091.—Algonquian petroglyphs. Wyoming.

Fig. 1091.—Algonquian rock carvings. Wyoming.

An abstract of his description is as follows:

An overview of his description is as follows:

* * * Upon a nearly vertical wall of the yellow sandstones, just back of Murphy’s ranch, a number of rude figures had been chiseled, apparently at a period not very recent, as they had become much worn. * * * No certain clue to the connected meaning of this record was obtained, although Pínatsi attempted to explain it when the sketch was shown to him some days later by Mr. F. W. Bond, who copied the inscriptions from the rocks. The figure on the left, in the upper row, somewhat resembles the design commonly used to represent a shield, with the greater part of the ornamental fringe omitted, perhaps worn away in the inscription. We shall possibly be justified in regarding the whole as an attempt to record the particulars of a fight or battle which once occurred in this neighborhood. Pínatsi’s remarks conveyed the idea to Mr. Bond that he understood the figure [the second in the upper line] to signify cavalry, and the six figures [three in the middle of the upper line, as also the three to the left of the lower line] to mean infantry, but he did not appear to recognize the hieroglyphs as the copy of any record with which he was familiar.

* * * On a nearly vertical wall of yellow sandstone, just behind Murphy’s ranch, several rough figures had been carved, apparently from a time not too long ago, since they had become quite worn. * * * No clear understanding of the overall meaning of this record was found, although Pínatsi tried to explain it when Mr. F. W. Bond showed him the sketch a few days later. Bond had copied the inscriptions from the rocks. The figure on the left, in the upper row, somewhat looks like a design typically used to represent a shield, with most of the decorative fringe missing, possibly worn away in the carving. We might reasonably interpret the entire scene as an attempt to document the details of a fight or battle that once took place in this area. Pínatsi’s comments gave Mr. Bond the impression that he understood the second figure in the upper line to represent cavalry, while the six figures (three in the middle of the upper line and three to the left of the lower line) indicated infantry. However, he didn’t seem to recognize the hieroglyphs as resembling any record he was aware of.

Throughout the Wind river country of Wyoming many petroglyphs[679] have been found and others reported by the Shoshoni Indians, who say that they are the work of the “Pawkees,” as they call the Blackfeet, or, more properly, Satsika, an Algonquian tribe which formerly occupied that region, and their general style bears strong resemblance to similar carvings found in the eastern portion of the United States, in regions known to have been occupied by other tribes of the Algonquian linguistic stock.

Throughout the Wind River area of Wyoming, many petroglyphs[679] have been discovered, with additional ones reported by the Shoshoni people. They believe these are the creations of the “Pawkees,” which is their name for the Blackfeet, or more accurately, Satsika, an Algonquian tribe that once lived in that area. Their overall style is very similar to carvings found in the eastern part of the United States, where other tribes from the Algonquian language family used to reside.

The four specimens of Algonquian petroglyphs presented here in Figs. 1088-91 and those referred to, show gradations in type. In connection with them reference may be made to the numerous Ojibwa bark records in this work; the Ottawa pipestem, Fig. 738; and they may be contrasted with the many Dakota, Shoshoni, and Innuit drawings also presented.

The four examples of Algonquian petroglyphs shown here in Figs. 1088-91, along with those mentioned, display different types. In relation to these, we can also look at the various Ojibwa bark records in this work, the Ottawa pipestem, Fig. 738; and they can be compared to the many Dakota, Shoshoni, and Inuit drawings also included.

The petroglyphs found scattered throughout the states and territories embraced within the area bounded by the Rocky mountains on the east and the Sierra Nevada on the west, and generally south of the forty-eighth degree of latitude, are markedly similar in the class of objects represented and the general style of their delineation, without reference to their division into pecked or painted characters; also in many instances the sites selected for petroglyphic display are of substantially the same character. This type has been generally designated as the Shoshonean, though many localities abounding in petroglyphs of the type are now inhabited by tribes of other linguistic stocks.

The petroglyphs found scattered across the states and territories within the area bordered by the Rocky Mountains to the east and the Sierra Nevada to the west, generally south of the forty-eighth degree of latitude, are notably similar in the types of objects depicted and the overall style of their representation, regardless of whether they are created through pecking or painting. Additionally, in many cases, the locations chosen for these petroglyphs are quite similar in nature. This type has generally been referred to as Shoshonean, although many areas rich in this type of petroglyphs are now inhabited by tribes of different linguistic backgrounds.

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has furnished a small collection of drawings of Shoshonean petroglyphs from Oneida, Idaho, shown in Fig. 39, supra.

Mr. G. K. Gilbert from the U.S. Geological Survey has provided a small collection of drawings of Shoshonean petroglyphs from Oneida, Idaho, displayed in Fig. 39, above.

Five miles northwest from this locality and one-half mile east from Marsh creek is another group of characters on basalt bowlders, apparently totemic, and drawn by Shoshoni. A copy of these, also contributed by Mr. Gilbert, is given in Fig. 1092.

Five miles northwest from this area and half a mile east from Marsh Creek, there's another set of designs on basalt boulders that seem to be totemic, created by the Shoshoni. A copy of these, also provided by Mr. Gilbert, is shown in Fig. 1092.

Fig. 1092.—Shoshonean petroglyphs. Idaho.

Fig. 1092.—Shoshone petroglyphs. Idaho.

All of these drawings resemble the petroglyphs found at Partridge[681] creek, northern Arizona, and in Temple creek canyon, southeastern Utah, mentioned supra, pages 50 and 116, respectively.

All of these drawings are similar to the petroglyphs found at Partridge[681] Creek in northern Arizona and in Temple Creek Canyon in southeastern Utah, mentioned above, pages 50 and 116, respectively.

Fig. 1093.—Shoshonean petroglyphs. Utah.

Fig. 1093.—Shoshone petroglyphs. Utah.

Mr. I. C. Russell, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has furnished drawings of rude pictographs at Black Rock spring, Utah, represented in Fig. 1093. Some of the other characters not represented in the figure consist of several horizontal lines, placed one above another, above which are a number of spots, the whole appearing like a numerical record having reference to the figure alongside, which resembles, to a slight extent, a melon with tortuous vines and stems. The left-hand upper figure suggests the masks shown in Fig. 713.

Mr. I. C. Russell from the U.S. Geological Survey has provided drawings of basic pictographs at Black Rock Spring, Utah, shown in Fig. 1093. Other characters not shown in the figure include several horizontal lines stacked on top of each other, above which are several spots. The whole thing looks like some sort of numerical record related to the figure next to it, which somewhat resembles a melon with twisted vines and stems. The upper left figure looks like the masks displayed in Fig. 713.

Fig. 1094.—Shoshonean rock-painting. Utah.

Fig. 1094.—Shoshone rock art. Utah.

Mr. Gilbert Thompson, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has discovered pictographs at Fool creek canyon, Utah, shown in Fig. 1094, which strongly resemble those still made by the Moki of Arizona. Several characters are identical with those last mentioned, and represent human figures, one of which is drawn to represent a man, shown by a cross, the upper arm of which is attached to the perinæum. These are all drawn in red color and were executed at three different periods. Other neighboring pictographs are pecked and unpainted, while others are both pecked and painted.

Mr. Gilbert Thompson of the U.S. Geological Survey has discovered pictographs at Fool Creek Canyon, Utah, as shown in Fig. 1094, which closely resemble those still made by the Moki of Arizona. Several characters are identical to those mentioned earlier and depict human figures, one of which represents a man indicated by a cross, with the upper arm connected to the perineum. These are all drawn in red and were created during three different periods. Other nearby pictographs are pecked and unpainted, while some are both pecked and painted.

Both of these pictographs from Utah may be compared with the Moki pictographs from Oakley springs, Arizona, copied in Fig. 1261.

Both of these pictographs from Utah can be compared to the Moki pictographs from Oakley Springs, Arizona, shown in Fig. 1261.

Dr. G. W. Barnes, of San Diego, California, has kindly furnished sketches of pictographs prepared for him by Mrs. F. A. Kimball, of National city, California, which were copied from records 25 miles northeast of the former city. Many of them found upon the faces of large rocks are almost obliterated, though sufficient remains to permit[682] tracing. The only color used appears to be red ocher. Many of the characters, as noticed upon the drawings, closely resemble those in New Mexico, at Ojo de Benado, south of Zuñi, and in the canyon leading from the canyon at Stewart’s ranch, to the Kanab creek canyon, Utah. This is an indication of the habitat of the Shoshonean stock apart from the linguistic evidence with which it agrees.

Dr. G. W. Barnes from San Diego, California, has graciously provided sketches of pictographs created for him by Mrs. F. A. Kimball from National City, California. These were copied from records located 25 miles northeast of San Diego. Many of the pictographs found on large rock faces are nearly worn away, but enough remains to allow for tracing. The only color used seems to be red ocher. Many of the symbols, as observed in the drawings, closely resemble those in New Mexico, specifically at Ojo de Benado, south of Zuñi, and in the canyon that leads from the canyon at Stewart’s ranch to Kanab Creek Canyon in Utah. This suggests the environment of the Shoshonean people, in line with the linguistic evidence that supports this.

From the numerous illustrations furnished of petroglyphs found in Owens valley, California, reference is here made to Pl. II a, Pl. III h, and Pl. VII a as presenting suggestive similarity to the Shoshonean forms above noted, and apparently connecting them with others in New Mexico, Arizona, Sonora, and Central and South America.

From the many illustrations of petroglyphs found in Owens Valley, California, we refer to Pl. II a, Pl. III h, and Pl. VII a as showing a notable similarity to the Shoshonean forms mentioned above, seemingly connecting them with others in New Mexico, Arizona, Sonora, and Central and South America.

Fig. 1095.—Arizona petroglyph.

Fig. 1095.—Arizona rock art.

Mr. F. H. Cushing (a) figured three petroglyphs, now reproduced in Figs. 1095 and 1096, from Arizona, and referred to them in connection with figurines found in the ruined city of Los Muertos, in the Salado valley, as follows:

Mr. F. H. Cushing (a) illustrated three petroglyphs, now shown in Figs. 1095 and 1096, from Arizona, and related them to figurines discovered in the abandoned city of Los Muertos, in the Salado valley, as follows:

Fig. 1096.—Arizona petroglyph.

Fig. 1096.—Arizona rock carving.

Beneath the floor of the first one of these huts which we excavated, near the ranch of Mr. George Kay Miller, were discovered, disposed precisely as would be a modern sacrifice of the kind in Zuñi, the paraphernalia of a Herder’s sacrifice, namely, the paint line, encircled, perforated medicine cup, the Herder’s amulet stone of chalcedony, and a group of at least fifteen remarkable figurines. The figurines alone, of the articles constituting this sacrifice, differed materially from those which would occur in a modern Zuñi “New Year Sacrifice” of the kind designed to propitiate the increase and prosperity of its herds. While in Zuñi these figurines invariably represent sheep (the young of sheep mainly; mostly also females), the figurines in the hut at “Los Guanacos,” as I named the place, represented with rare fidelity * * * some variety, I should suppose, of the auchenia or llama of South America.

Beneath the floor of the first of these huts we dug up near Mr. George Kay Miller's ranch, we found items arranged exactly like a modern Zuñi sacrifice. The items included a paint line, a round, perforated medicine cup, the Herder’s chalcedony amulet stone, and at least fifteen remarkable figurines. The figurines alone, part of this sacrifice, were quite different from those found in a contemporary Zuñi “New Year Sacrifice” meant to ensure the growth and prosperity of their herds. In Zuñi, these figurines typically represent sheep, mainly young females, while the ones in the hut at “Los Guanacos,” as I named it, depicted with rare accuracy some variety of the auchenia or llama of South America.

Summing up the evidence presented by the occurrence of numerous “bola stones” in these huts and within the cities; by the remarkably characteristic forms of these figurines; by the traditional statement of modern Zuñis regarding “small hairy animals” possessed by their ancestors, no less than by the statements of Marcus Nizza, Bernal Diaz, and other Spanish writers to the same effect, and adding to this sum the facts presented in sundry ritualistic pictographs, I concluded, very boldly, * * * that the ancient Pueblos-Shiwians, or Aridians, * * * must have had[683] domesticated a North American variety of the auchenia more nearly resembling, it would seem, the guanaco of South America than the llama.

Summarizing the evidence from the many “bola stones” found in these huts and cities; from the uniquely distinct shapes of these figurines; from the ongoing accounts of modern Zuñis about “small hairy animals” that their ancestors had, along with the claims of Marcus Nizza, Bernal Diaz, and other Spanish writers to the same effect, and adding to this the facts shown in various ritualistic pictographs, I boldly concluded that the ancient Pueblos-Shiwians, or Aridians, must have domesticated a North American type of auchenia that seems to resemble the guanaco of South America more than the llama.

It is ascertained that the petroglyphs copied by Mr. Cushing as above are pecked upon basaltic rock in the northern face of Maricopa mountains, near Telegraph pass, south of Phœnix, Arizona.

It is confirmed that the petroglyphs copied by Mr. Cushing as mentioned above are etched into basalt rock on the north side of the Maricopa Mountains, near Telegraph Pass, south of Phoenix, Arizona.

The following information is obtained from Dr. H. Ten Kate (a):

The following information is sourced from Dr. H. Ten Kate (a):

In several localities in the sierra in the peninsula of California and Sonora are rocks painted red. These paintings are quite rude and are inferior to many of the pictographs of the North American Indians. Figs. 1097 and 1098 were found at Rincon de S. Antonio. The right-hand division of Fig. 1097 is a complete representation, and the figures copied appear on the stone in the order in which they are here given. The left-hand division of the same figure represents only the most distinct objects, selected from among a large number of others, very similar, which cover a block of marble several meters in height. The object in the upper left-hand corner of Fig. 1097 measures 20 to 21 centimeters; the others are represented in proportion.

In several areas in the mountains of the California and Sonora peninsula, there are rocks painted red. These paintings are quite basic and not as impressive as many of the pictographs created by Native Americans. Figures 1097 and 1098 were found at Rincon de S. Antonio. The right side of Figure 1097 shows a complete representation, and the figures depicted appear on the stone in the order they are presented here. The left side of the same figure shows only the most distinct objects, chosen from a larger number of similar ones that cover a marble block several meters tall. The object in the upper left corner of Figure 1097 measures 20 to 21 centimeters; the other figures are shown in proportion.

Fig. 1097.—Petroglyphs, Lower California.

Fig. 1097.—Petroglyphs, Baja California.

Fig. 1098.—Petroglyphs in Lower California.

Fig. 1098.—Petroglyphs in Baja California.

These two figures resemble petroglyphs reported from the Santa Inez range, west of Santa Barbara, Lower California.

These two figures look like rock carvings found in the Santa Inez range, west of Santa Barbara, California.

The same author, op. cit., p. 324, says:

The same author, op. cit., p. 324, says:

Fig. 1098 represents symbols which were the most easily distinguished among the great number of those which cover two immense granite blocks at Boca San Pedro. The rows of dots (or points) which are seen at the left of this figure measure 1.50 meters, the parallel lines traced at the right are about 1 meter.

Fig. 1098 shows symbols that were the easiest to identify among the many that cover two massive granite blocks at Boca San Pedro. The rows of dots (or points) seen on the left of this figure measure 1.50 meters, while the parallel lines drawn on the right are about 1 meter.

This figure is like another found farther east (see Fig. 31) from Azuza canyon, California.

This figure is similar to another one located further east (see Fig. 31) from Azuza Canyon, California.

A number of Haida pictographs are reproduced in other parts of this[685] work. In immediate connection with the present topic Fig. 1099 is presented. It shows the carved columns in front of the chief’s house at Massett, Queen Charlotte island.

A number of Haida pictographs are included in other parts of this[685] work. Related to the current topic, Fig. 1099 is shown. It depicts the carved columns in front of the chief’s house at Massett, Queen Charlotte Island.

Fig. 1099.—Haida Totem Post.

Fig. 1099.—Haida Totem Pole.

The following illustrations from New Zealand are introduced here for comparison.

The following illustrations from New Zealand are presented here for comparison.

Fig. 1100.—New Zealand house posts.

Fig. 1100.—New Zealand home posts.

Dr. F. von Hochstetter (b) writing of New Zealand, says:

Dr. F. von Hochstetter (b) discussing New Zealand, says:

The dwellings of the chiefs at Ohinemutu are surrounded with inclosures of pole fences, and the Whares and Wharepunis, some of them exhibiting very fine specimens of the Maori order of architecture, are ornamented with grotesque wood carvings. Fig. 1100 is an illustration of some of them. The gable figure with the lizard having six feet and two heads is very remarkable. The human figures are not idols, but are intended to represent departed sires of the present generation.

The homes of the chiefs in Ohinemutu are surrounded by enclosures made of pole fences, and the Whares and Wharepunis, some of which showcase impressive examples of Maori architecture, are decorated with unique wood carvings. Fig. 1100 illustrates some of these carvings. The gable figure with the six-legged, two-headed lizard is particularly striking. The human figures aren’t idols; they’re meant to represent the ancestors of the current generation.

Niblack (c) gives a description of the illustration reproduced as Fig. 1101.

Niblack (c) provides a description of the illustration shown as Fig. 1101.

Fig. 1101.—New Zealand tiki.

Fig. 1101.—New Zealand tiki.

Tiki. At Raroera Pah, New Zealand. From Wood’s Natural History, page 180. Of this he says: “This gigantic tiki stands, together with several others, near the tomb of the daughter of Te Whero-Whero, and, like the monument which it seems to guard, is one of the finest examples of native carving to be found in New Zealand. The precise object of the tiki is uncertain, but the protruding tongue of the upper figure seems to show that it is one of the numerous defiant statues which abound in the islands. The natives say that the lower figure represents Maui the Auti who, according to Maori tradition, fished up the islands from the bottom of the sea.”

Tiki. At Raroera Pah, New Zealand. From Wood’s Natural History, page 180. Of this he says: “This massive tiki stands alongside several others near the tomb of Te Whero-Whero’s daughter, and like the monument it protects, it's one of the best examples of native carving found in New Zealand. The exact purpose of the tiki is unclear, but the visible tongue of the upper figure suggests it’s one of the many defiant statues that are common in the islands. The locals say the lower figure represents Maui the Auti, who, according to Maori tradition, fished the islands up from the ocean floor.”

Dr. Bransford (b) gives an illustration, copied here as the left-hand character of Fig. 1102, with the description of the site, viz: “On a hillside[686] on the southern end of the island of Ometepec, Nicaragua, about a mile and a half east of Point San Ramon.” On a rough, irregular stone of basalt, projecting 3 feet above ground, was the following figure on the south side:

Dr. Bransford (b) provides an example, shown here as the left-hand character of Fig. 1102, along with the site description: “On a hillside[686] on the southern end of the island of Ometepec, Nicaragua, about a mile and a half east of Point San Ramon.” On a rough, uneven piece of basalt stone, sticking out 3 feet above the ground, was the following figure on the south side:

Fig. 1102.—Nicaraguan petroglyphs.

Fig. 1102.—Nicaraguan rock carvings.

This suggests comparison with some of the Moki and British Guiana figures.

This suggests a comparison with some of the Moki and British Guiana figures.

The same authority gives on page 66, from the same island and neighborhood, the illustration copied as the right-hand character of the same figure.

The same source provides on page 66, from the same island and area, the illustration that has been copied as the right-hand character of the same figure.

By comparing some of the New Mexican, Zuñi, and Pueblo drawings with the above figure the resemblance is obvious. This is most notable in the outline of the square abdomen and the widespread legs.

By comparing some of the New Mexican, Zuñi, and Pueblo drawings with the figure above, the similarities are clear. This is especially evident in the shape of the square abdomen and the spread legs.

Fig. 1103.—Nicaraguan petroglyphs.

Fig. 1103.—Nicaraguan rock carvings.

Fig. 1103, also mentioned and figured by Dr. Bransford as found with the preceding in Nicaragua, resembles some of the petroglyphs presented in the collection from Owens valley, California.

Fig. 1103, which Dr. Bransford also noted and illustrated as being found alongside the previous one in Nicaragua, looks similar to some of the petroglyphs displayed in the collection from Owens Valley, California.

The carvings in Fig. 1104 are from British Guiana, and are reproduced from im Thurn (i):

The carvings in Fig. 1104 are from British Guiana, and are reproduced from im Thurn (i):

Fig. 1104.—Deep carvings in Guiana.

Fig. 1104.—Deep carvings in Guyana.

Most of these figures so strongly resemble some from New Mexico, and perhaps Arizona, as to appear as if they were made by the same people. This is specially noticeable in the lowermost characters, and more particularly so in the last two, resembling the usual Shoshonean type for toad or frog.

Most of these figures look so much like some from New Mexico, and maybe Arizona, that they seem to have been created by the same people. This is especially evident in the lowest characters, and even more so in the last two, which resemble the typical Shoshonean style for toad or frog.

The petroglyph of Boca del Infierno, a copy of which is furnished by Marcano (f), reproduced as Fig. 1105, is thus described:

The petroglyph of Boca del Infierno, a copy of which is provided by Marcano (f), shown as Fig. 1105, is described as follows:

Fig. 1105.—Venezuelan petroglyphs.

Fig. 1105.—Venezuelan rock carvings.

In the strange combination that surmounts it, a, there are seen at the lower part two figures resembling the eyes of jaguars, but asymmetric. Still the difference is apparent rather than real. These eyes are always formed of three circumferences, the central one being at times replaced by a point, as in the eye at the left; the one at the right shows its three circumferences, but the outermost is continuous with the rest of the drawing. The two eyes are joined together by superposed arches, the smallest of which touches only the left eye, while the larger one, which is not in contact with the left eye, forms the circumference of the right eye. The whole is surrounded by 34 rays, pretty nearly of the same size, except one, which is larger. Is there question of a jaguar’s head seen from in front with its bristling mane, or is it a sunrise? All conjecture is superfluous, and it is useless to search for the interpretation of these figures, whose value, entirely conventional, is known only by those who invented them.

In the strange combination that forms it, a, there are two figures at the bottom that look like jaguar eyes, but they're not symmetrical. The difference is more about appearance than reality. These eyes are always made up of three circles, with the middle one sometimes replaced by a dot, like the eye on the left; the one on the right shows its three circles, but the outermost is continuous with the rest of the design. The two eyes are connected by overlapping arches, the smallest of which touches only the left eye, while the larger one, which doesn't touch the left eye, forms the outline of the right eye. The whole thing is surrounded by 34 rays, almost all the same size, except for one that is larger. Is it a jaguar’s head viewed from the front with its spiky mane, or is it a sunrise? Any speculation is pointless, and trying to interpret these figures is useless since their meaning, which is completely conventional, is known only by those who created them.

[688]

In b of the same pictograph, alongside of a tangle of various figures, always formed of geometric lines, we distinguished, at the left, three points; in the middle a collection of lines representing a fish. Let us note, finally, the dots which, as in the preceding case, run out from certain lines.

In b of the same pictograph, next to a jumble of different figures made up of geometric lines, we noticed, on the left, three dots; in the center, a collection of lines that look like a fish. Lastly, let's point out the dots that, like in the previous case, extend from certain lines.

The design of c, while quite as complex, has quite another arrangement. At the left we see again the figure of the circumferences surrounding a dot, and these are surmounted by a series of triangles; at the bottom there are two little curves terminated by dots. At d two analogous objects are represented; they may be what Humboldt took to be arms or household implements.

The design of c, while just as complex, has a different layout. On the left, we see the figure of circles surrounding a dot, topped by a series of triangles; at the bottom, there are two small curves ending in dots. At d, two similar objects are shown; they might be what Humboldt thought to be tools or household items.

In the above figure, the uppermost character, a, is similar to various representations of the “sky,” as depicted upon the birch-bark midē' records of the Ojibwa. The lower characters are similar to several examples presented under the Shoshonean types, particularly to those in Owens valley, California.

In the figure above, the top character, a, resembles different representations of the “sky,” as shown in the birch-bark midē' records of the Ojibwa. The lower characters are similar to several examples found in the Shoshonean types, especially those from Owens Valley, California.

Dr. A. Ernst in Verhandl. der Berliner, Anthrop. Gesell. (c) gives a description of Fig. 1106, translated and condensed as follows:

Dr. A. Ernst in Proceedings of the Berlin Anthropological Society (c) provides a description of Fig. 1106, translated and summarized as follows:

Fig. 1106.—Venezuelan petroglyphs.

Fig. 1106.—Venezuelan rock carvings.

The rock on which the petroglyph is carved is 41 kilometers WSW. of Caracas, and 27 kilometers almost due north of La Victoria, in the coast mountains of Venezuela. The petroglyph is found on two large stones lying side by side and leaning against other blocks of leptinite, though resembling sandstone. The length of the two stones is 3.5 m., their height 2 m. The stones lie beside the road from the colony of Tovar to La Maya, on the border of a clearing somewhat inclined southward not far from the woods. The surface is turned south. Concerning the meaning of the very fragmentary figures I can not even express a conjecture.

The rock with the petroglyph is 41 kilometers west-southwest of Caracas and 27 kilometers almost directly north of La Victoria, in the coastal mountains of Venezuela. The petroglyph is located on two large stones that are side by side and leaning against other blocks of leptinite, which look like sandstone. The two stones are 3.5 meters long and 2 meters high. They are next to the road from the Tovar colony to La Maya, at the edge of a clearing that slopes a bit to the south, not far from the woods. The surface faces south. I can’t even make a guess about the meaning of the very fragmented figures.

Araripe (c) furnishes the following description of Fig. 1107:

Araripe (c) provides this description of Fig. 1107:

Fig. 1107.—Brazilian petroglyphs.

Fig. 1107.—Brazilian rock carvings.

In the district of Inhamun, on the road from Carrapateira to Cracará, at a distance of half a league, following a footpath which branches off to the left, is a small lake called Arneiros, near which is a heap of round and long stones; on one of the round ones is an inscription, here given in the order in which the figures appear, on the face toward the north, engraved with a pointed instrument, the characters being covered with red paint.

In the Inhamun district, along the road from Carrapateira to Cracará, about half a league away, there's a footpath that branches off to the left leading to a small lake called Arneiros. Close by, there's a pile of round and elongated stones, with an inscription on one of the round stones. This inscription, presented in the order of the figures, is located on the north-facing side and is engraved using a pointed tool, with the characters painted in red.

The same authority, p. 231, gives the following description of the lower group in Fig. 1108. It is called Indian writing in Vorá, in Faxina, province of São Paulo.

The same authority, p. 231, provides this description of the lower group in Fig. 1108. It's referred to as Indian writing in Vorá, located in the Faxina province of São Paulo.

Fig. 1108.—Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs.

Fig. 1108.—Spanish and Brazilian rock carvings.

From a rock which is more than 40 meters in height, a large mass has been detached leaving a greater inclination of 10 meters. This incline, together with the wall formed by the detached portion, constitutes a sheltered place which was used by the Indians as a resting place for their dead.

From a rock over 40 meters high, a large section has broken away, creating a slope of 10 meters. This slope, along with the wall created by the detached part, forms a sheltered area that was used by the Native Americans as a resting place for their dead.

On the walls of this grotto are figures engraved in the stone and painted with “indelible” colors in red and black. It would seem that the Indians had engraved in these figures the history of the tribe. The designs are as follows:

On the walls of this cave are figures carved into the rock and painted with "indelible" colors in red and black. It looks like the Indigenous people have etched the history of their tribe into these figures. The designs are as follows:

A human figure with ornaments of feathers on the head and neck; a palm tree rudely engraved and painted; a number of circular holes, 24 or more or less, in a straight line; a circle with a diameter of 15 inches, having dentated lines on the[690] edge; two concentric circles resembling a clock face, with 60 divisions; immediately following this the figure of an idol, and various marks all painted in a very firm black; a figure of the sun with a +; a T; six more circles; a human hand and foot well carved, etc. In the wall are fragments of bones.

A human figure adorned with feather ornaments on the head and neck; a palm tree crudely carved and painted; around 24 circular holes, more or less, arranged in a straight line; a circle with a diameter of 15 inches, featuring jagged lines on the edge; two concentric circles that look like a clock face, with 60 divisions; right after this, there's the figure of an idol and various marks all painted in a very bold black; a figure of the sun with a +; a T; six more circles; a well-carved human hand and foot, etc. In the wall, there are fragments of bones.

The two upper groups are copies of petroglyphs in Fuencaliente, Andalusia, Spain, which are described in Chap. IV, sec. 3, and are[691] introduced here for convenient comparison with characters in the lower group of this figure, and also with others in Figs. 1097 and 1107.

The two upper groups are replicas of petroglyphs from Fuencaliente, Andalusia, Spain, which are mentioned in Chap. IV, sec. 3, and are[691] included here for easy comparison with the characters in the lower group of this figure, as well as with others in Figs. 1097 and 1107.

Fig. 1109.—Brazilian petroglyphs.

Fig. 1109.—Brazilian rock carvings.

Dr. Ladisláu Netto (c) gives an account of characters copied from the inscriptions of Cachoeira Savarete, in the valley of the Rio Negro, here reproduced as Fig. 1109. They represent men and animals, concentric circles, double spirals, and other figures of indefinite form. The design in the left hand of the middle line evidently represents a group of men gathered and drawn up like soldiers in a platoon.

Dr. Ladisláu Netto (c) describes characters taken from the inscriptions at Cachoeira Savarete, in the Rio Negro valley, which are shown here as Fig. 1109. They depict men and animals, concentric circles, double spirals, and other shapes of unclear form. The design in the left hand of the middle line clearly shows a group of men assembled and arranged like soldiers in a platoon.

The same authority, p. 552, furnishes characters copied from rocks near the villa of Moura in the valley of the Rio Negro, here reproduced as Fig. 1110. They represent a series of figures on which Dr. Netto remarks as follows:

The same source, p. 552, provides characters taken from rocks near the villa of Moura in the valley of the Rio Negro, shown here as Fig. 1110. They depict a series of figures that Dr. Netto comments on as follows:

Fig. 1110.—Brazilian petroglyphs.

Fig. 1110.—Brazilian rock carvings.

It is singular how frequent are these figures of circles two by two, one of which seems to simulate one of the meanders that in a measure represent the form of the Buddhic cross. This character, represented by the double cross, is very common in many American inscriptions. It probably signifies some idea which has nothing to do with that of nandyavarta.

It’s interesting how often we see these pairs of circles, one of which seems to mimic one of the twists that somewhat symbolize the shape of the Buddhic cross. This symbol, shown as a double cross, is quite common in various American inscriptions. It likely represents an idea that is unrelated to that of nandyavarta.

Fig. 1111.—Brazilian petroglyphs.

Fig. 1111.—Brazilian rock carvings.

The same authority, p. 522, gives carvings copied from the rocks of the banks of the Rio Negro, from Moura to the city of Mañaus, some of which are reproduced as Fig. 1111. The group on the left Dr. Netto believes to represent a crowned chief, having by his side a figure which may represent either the sun or the moon in motion, but which, were it carved by civilized men, would suggest nothing more remarkable than a large compass.

The same source, p. 522, shows carvings taken from the rocks along the banks of the Rio Negro, from Moura to the city of Manaus, some of which are shown as Fig. 1111. The group on the left is believed by Dr. Netto to represent a crowned chief, with a figure beside him that may symbolize either the sun or the moon in motion. However, if it had been carved by civilized people, it would suggest nothing more noteworthy than a large compass.

Fig. 1112.—Brazilian pictograph.

Fig. 1112.—Brazilian rock art.

The same authority, p. 553, presents characters copied from stones on the banks of the Rio Negro, Brazil, here reproduced as Fig. 1112.

The same authority, p. 553, shows characters taken from stones along the banks of the Rio Negro, Brazil, presented here as Fig. 1112.

They are rather sketches or vague tracings and attempts at drawing than definite characters. The human heads found in most of the figures observed at this locality resemble the heads carved in the inscriptions of Central America and on the banks of the Colorado river. The left-hand character, which here appears to be simply a rude drawing of a nose and[692] the eyes belonging to a human face, may be compared with the so-called Thunderbird from Washington, contributed by Rev. Dr. Eels (see Fig. 679).

They are more like rough sketches or vague outlines than specific characters. The human heads found in most of the figures seen in this area look similar to the heads carved in the inscriptions of Central America and along the banks of the Colorado River. The character on the left seems to be just a crude drawing of a nose and the eyes of a human face, which can be compared to the so-called Thunderbird from Washington, contributed by Rev. Dr. Eels (see Fig. 679).

Dr. E. R. Heath (b), in his Exploration of the River Beni, introducing Fig. 1113, says:

Dr. E. R. Heath (b), in his Exploration of the River Beni, introducing Fig. 1113, says:

Fig. 1113.—Brazilian petroglyphs.

Fig. 1113.—Brazilian cave carvings.

Periquitos rapids connects so closely with the tail of “Riberáo” that it is difficult to say where one begins and the other ends. Our stop at the Periquitos rapids was short yet productive of a few figures, one rock having apparently a sun and moon on it, the first seen of that character.

Periquitos rapids connects so closely with the tail of “Riberáo” that it's hard to tell where one starts and the other stops. Our stop at the Periquitos rapids was brief, but we managed to get a few figures, including one rock that seemingly has a sun and moon on it—the first of its kind we've seen.

He further says:

He also says:

Fig. 1114.—Brazilian petroglyphs.

Fig. 1114.—Brazilian rock carvings.

On some solid water-worn rocks, at the edge of the fall, are the following figures [Fig. 1114]. There were many fractional parts of figures which we did not consider of sufficient value to copy.

On some solid, water-worn rocks at the edge of the waterfall, there are the following figures [Fig. 1114]. There were many incomplete parts of figures that we didn’t think were worth copying.

SECTION 2.
HOMOMORPHS AND SYMMORPHS.

It has already been mentioned that characters substantially the same, or homomorphs, made by one set of people, have a different signification among others. The class of homomorphs may also embrace the cases common in gesture signs, and in picture writing, similar to the homophones in oral language, where the same sound has several meanings among the same people.

It has already been noted that characters that are essentially the same, or homomorphs, created by one group of people, have a different meaning among others. The category of homomorphs can also include common cases in gesture signs and in pictorial writing, similar to how homophones work in spoken language, where the same sound can have multiple meanings among the same group.

It would be very remarkable if precisely the same character were not used by different or even the same persons or bodies of people with wholly distinct significations. The graphic forms for objects and ideas are much more likely to be coincident than sound is for similar expressions, yet in all oral languages the same precise sound, sometimes but not always distinguished by different literation, is used for utterly diverse meanings. The first conception of different objects could not have been the same. It has been found, indeed, that the homophony of words and the homomorphy of ideographic pictures is noticeable in opposite significations, the conceptions arising from the opposition itself. The same sign and the same sound may be made to convey different ideas by varying the expression, whether facial or vocal, and by the manner accompanying their delivery. Pictographs likewise may be differentiated by modes and mutations of drawing. The differentiation in picturing or in accent is a subsequent and remedial step not taken until after the confusion had been observed and had become inconvenient. Such confusion and contradiction would only be eliminated from pictography if it were far more perfect than is any spoken language.

It would be quite remarkable if the same symbol were not used by different people or even the same groups with entirely different meanings. The visual representations for objects and ideas are much more likely to overlap than sounds for similar expressions. However, in all spoken languages, the same exact sound, sometimes but not always represented differently in writing, is used for completely different meanings. The initial understanding of different objects couldn’t have been the same. In fact, it has been shown that words sounding the same and ideographic pictures that look the same can have opposite meanings, with the differences stemming from that very opposition. The same symbol and the same sound can communicate different ideas by changing the expression, whether through facial or vocal cues, and by how they are delivered. Pictographs can also be altered by different styles and variations in drawing. This differentiation in imagery or accent is a later corrective action taken only after the confusion was noticed and became problematic. Such confusion and contradiction could only be removed from pictography if it were significantly more precise than any spoken language.

This heading, for convenience, though not consistently with its definition, may also include those pictographs which convey different ideas and are really different in form of execution as well as in conception, yet in which the difference in form is so slight as practically to require attention and discrimination. Examples are given below in this section, and others may be taken from the closely related sign-language, one group of which may now be mentioned.

This heading, for convenience, even if it doesn’t completely match its definition, may also include those pictographs that express different ideas and are actually different in both how they’re created and what they represent. However, the differences in their appearance are so minor that they almost call for careful attention and distinction. Examples are provided below in this section, and more can be drawn from the closely related sign language, one group of which can now be mentioned.

Fig. 1115.—Tree.

Fig. 1115.—Tree.

The sign used by the Dakota, Hidatsa, and several other tribes for “tree” is made by holding the right hand before the body, back forward, fingers and thumb separated; then pushing it slightly upward, Fig. 1115; that for “grass” is the same, made near the ground; that for “grow” is made like “grass,” though, instead of holding the back of the hand near the ground, the hand is pushed upward in an interrupted manner, Fig. 1116. For “smoke” the hand (with the back down, fingers pointing upward as in grow) is then thrown upward several times from the same place instead of continuing the whole motion upward. Frequently the fingers are thrown forward from under the thumb with each successive upward motion. For “fire” the hand is employed as in the gesture for smoke, but the motion is frequently more waving, and in other cases made higher from the ground.

The sign used by the Dakota, Hidatsa, and several other tribes for “tree” involves holding the right hand in front of the body, palm facing back, with fingers and thumb spread apart; then moving it slightly upward, Fig. 1115. The sign for “grass” is the same gesture but done closer to the ground. The sign for “grow” is similar to “grass,” but instead of keeping the back of the hand near the ground, you push the hand upward in a staggered manner, Fig. 1116. For “smoke,” the hand (with the palm down and fingers pointing up like in “grow”) is thrown upward several times from the same spot, rather than continuing the upward motion. Often, the fingers point forward from under the thumb with each upward motion. For “fire,” the hand is used as in the gesture for “smoke,” but the movement is usually more waving, and sometimes the hand is held higher off the ground.

Fig. 1116.—Grow.

Fig. 1116.—Grow.

Symmorphs, a term suggested by the familiar “synonym,” are designs not of the same form, but which are used with the same significance or so nearly the same as to have only a slight shade of distinction and which sometimes are practically interchangeable. The comprehensive[694] and metaphorical character of pictographs renders more of them interchangeable than is the case with words; still, like words, some pictographs with essential resemblance of meaning have partial and subordinate differences made by etymology or usage. Doubtless the designs are purposely selected to delineate the most striking outlines of an object or the most characteristic features of an action; but different individuals and likewise different bodies of people would often disagree in the selection of those outlines and features. In an attempt to invent an ideographic, not an iconographic, design for “bird,” any one of a dozen devices might have been agreed upon with equal appropriateness, and, in fact, a number have been so selected by several individuals and tribes, each one, therefore, being a symmorph of the other. Gesture language gives another example in the signs for “deer,” designated by various modes of expressing fleetness, also by his gait when not in rapid motion, by the shape of his horns, by the color of his tail, and sometimes by combinations of those characteristics. Each of these signs and of the pictured characters corresponding with them may be indefinitely abbreviated and therefore create indefinite diversity. Some examples appropriate to this line of comparison are now presented.

Symmorphs, a term inspired by the word “synonym,” refer to designs that may not look the same but convey a similar meaning or are so close that they are nearly interchangeable. The broad and metaphorical nature of pictographs makes many of them interchangeable, more so than words; however, similar to words, some pictographs that closely resemble each other in meaning still have slight and secondary differences shaped by their origin or usage. It's likely that these designs are intentionally chosen to highlight the most prominent features of an object or the most recognizable aspects of an action; but different people and groups might often have differing opinions on which features to highlight. When trying to create an ideographic design for “bird,” any of several different symbols could be chosen just as effectively, and indeed, many have been selected by various individuals and cultures, making each one a symmorph of the others. Gesture language provides another example with the signs for “deer,” which are represented by different ways of showing speed, its walk when not running, the shape of its antlers, the color of its tail, and sometimes they combine these traits. Each of these signs and the pictographs that correspond with them can be shortened in various ways, leading to countless variations. Some examples that fit this comparison are now presented.

SKY.

Fig. 1117.—Sky.

Fig. 1117.—Sky.

The Indian gesture sign for sky, heaven, is generally made by passing the index from east to west across the zenith. This curve is apparent in the Ojibwa pictograph, the left-hand character of Fig. 1117, reported in Schoolcraft (q), and is abbreviated in the Egyptian character with the same meaning, the middle character of the same figure, from Champollion (e). A simpler form of the Ojibwa picture sign for sky is the right-hand character of the same figure, from Copway (h).

The Indian sign for sky or heaven is typically made by moving the index finger from east to west across the highest point in the sky. This curve is seen in the Ojibwa pictograph, which is the left-hand character of Fig. 1117, as noted in Schoolcraft (q), and is simplified in the Egyptian character with the same meaning, which is the middle character of the same figure, from Champollion (e). A simpler version of the Ojibwa sign for sky is the right-hand character of the same figure, from Copway (h).

SUN AND LIGHT.

Fig. 1118.—Sun. Oakley springs.

Fig. 1118.—Sun. Oakley Springs.

Fig. 1118 shows various representations of the sun taken from a petroglyph at Oakley springs.

Fig. 1118 shows different images of the sun taken from a petroglyph at Oakley Springs.

Fig. 1119.—Sun. Gesture sign.

Fig. 1119.—Sun. Gesture sign.

The common Indian gesture sign for sun is: Right hand closed, the index and thumb curved, with tips touching, thus approximating a circle, and held toward the sky, the position of the fingers of the hand forming a circle as is shown in Fig. 1119. Two of the Egyptian characters for sun, the left-hand upper characters of Fig. 1120 are the common conception of the disk. The rays emanating from the whole disk appear in the two adjoining characters on the same figure, taken from the rock etchings of the Moki pueblos in Arizona. From the same locality are the two remaining characters in the same figure, which may be distinguished from several similar etchings for “star,” Fig. 1129, infra, by their showing some indication of a face, the latter being absent in the characters denoting “star.”

The typical Indian gesture for the sun is: Right hand closed, with the index finger and thumb curved so that their tips touch, creating a shape that looks like a circle, and held up toward the sky. The way the fingers are positioned forms a circle, as shown in Fig. 1119. Two of the Egyptian symbols for the sun, located in the upper left part of Fig. 1120, represent the common idea of the disk. The rays coming out from the entire disk appear in the two adjacent symbols in the same figure, which are taken from the rock carvings of the Moki pueblos in Arizona. From the same area, there are also two more symbols in that figure, which can be identified as different from several similar carvings for “star,” Fig. 1129, infra, because they show some indication of a face, which is not present in the symbols that represent “star.”

Fig. 1120.—Devices for sun.

Fig. 1120.—Sun devices.

With the above characters for sun compare the left-hand character of Fig. 1121, found at Cuxco, Peru, and taken from Wiener (h).

With the characters for the sun above, compare the left-hand character of Fig. 1121, found at Cuxco, Peru, and taken from Wiener (h).

Fig. 1121.—Sun and light.

Fig. 1121.—Sunlight.

In the pictorial notation of the Laplanders the sun bears its usual figure of a man’s head, rayed. See drawings in Scheffer’s History of Lapland, London, 1704.

In the visual representation used by the Laplanders, the sun is depicted as the head of a man with rays. Refer to the drawings in Scheffer's History of Lapland, London, 1704.

The Ojibwa pictograph for sun is seen in the second character of Fig. 1121, taken from Schoolcraft (r). The sun’s disk, together with indications of rays, as shown in the third character of the same figure, and in its linear form, the fourth character of that figure, from Champollion, Dict., constitutes the Egyptian character for light.

The Ojibwa pictograph for sun is shown in the second character of Fig. 1121, taken from Schoolcraft (r). The sun’s disk, along with indications of rays, is displayed in the third character of the same figure, and in its linear form, the fourth character of that figure, from Champollion, Dict., makes up the Egyptian character for light.

Fig. 1122.—Light.

Fig. 1122.—Light.

Fig. 1122.—Light. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is to be compared with the rays of the sun as above shown, but still more closely resembles the old Chinese character for light, or more specifically “light above man,” in the left-hand character of Fig. 1123, reported by Dr. Edkins.

Fig. 1122.—Light. Red-Cloud’s Census. This should be compared with the rays of the sun as shown above, but it more closely resembles the old Chinese character for light, or more specifically “light above man,” in the left-hand character of Fig. 1123, reported by Dr. Edkins.

Fig. 1123.—Light and sun.

Fig. 1123.—Light and sunlight.

The other characters of the same figure are given by Schoolcraft (s) as Ojibwa symbols of the sun.

The other characters of the same figure are provided by Schoolcraft (s) as Ojibwa symbols of the sun.

Fig. 1124.—Sun. Kwakiutl.

Fig. 1124.—Sun. Kwakiutl.

The left-hand character of Fig. 1124, from Proc. U. S. Nat. Museum[696] (a), shows the top of an heraldic column of the Sentlae (Sun) gens of the Kwakiutl Indians in Alert bay, British Columbia, which represents the sun surrounded by wooden rays. A simpler form is seen in the right character of the same figure where the face of the sun is also fastened to the top of a pole. The author, Dr. Boas, states that Fig. 1125 is the sun mask used by the same gens in their dance. This presents another mode in which the common symbolic connection of the eagle (the beak of which bird is apparently shown) with the sun is indicated.

The left-hand figure of Fig. 1124, from Proc. U. S. Nat. Museum[696] (a), shows the top of a heraldic column of the Sentlae (Sun) clan of the Kwakiutl Indians in Alert Bay, British Columbia, which represents the sun surrounded by wooden rays. A simpler version can be seen in the right figure of the same illustration, where the face of the sun is also attached to the top of a pole. The author, Dr. Boas, notes that Fig. 1125 is the sun mask used by the same clan during their dance. This illustrates another way the common symbolic connection between the eagle (whose beak is apparently depicted) and the sun is represented.

Fig. 1125.—Sun mask. Kwakiutl.

Fig. 1125.—Sun mask. Kwakiutl.

Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in Aids to the Study of the Manuscript Troano, Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 348, gives the left-hand character in Fig. 1126 as representing the sun.

Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in Aids to the Study of the Manuscript Troano, Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 348, states that the left-hand character in Fig. 1126 represents the sun.

Fig. 1126.—Suns.

Fig. 1126.—Suns.

General Forlong (a) states that the middle device of the same figure represents the sun as Mihr, the fertilizer of the seed.

General Forlong (a) says that the middle device of the same figure shows the sun as Mihr, the nourisher of the seed.

Dr. Edkins (e) gives the right-hand device of the same figure as a picture of the sun. Originally it was a circle with a stroke or dot in the middle.

Dr. Edkins (e) describes the right-hand device from the same figure as a representation of the sun. Initially, it was just a circle with a line or dot in the center.

MOON.

Fig. 1127.—Gesture for moon.

Fig. 1127.—Gesture for moon.

A common Indian gesture sign for moon, month, is the right hand closed, leaving the thumb and index extended, but curved to form a half circle and the hand held toward the sky, in a position which is illustrated in Fig. 1127, to which curve the Moki drawing, the upper left-hand device in Fig. 1128, and the identical form in the ancient Chinese have an obvious resemblance.

A common gesture in India for moon and month is to close the right hand while extending the thumb and index finger, curving them to create a half circle, and holding the hand up towards the sky. This position is shown in Fig. 1127, and there is a clear resemblance to the Moki drawing, the upper left-hand design in Fig. 1128, as well as to a similar form in ancient Chinese culture.

Fig. 1128.—Moon.

Fig. 1128.—Moon.

The crescent, as Europeans and Asiatics commonly figure the satellite, appears also in the Ojibwa pictograph, the lower left-hand character in Fig. 1128, taken from Schoolcraft (t), which is the same, with a slight addition, as the Egyptian figurative character.

The crescent, as it's typically shown by Europeans and Asians, also shows up in the Ojibwa pictograph, as the lower left-hand symbol in Fig. 1128, taken from Schoolcraft (t), which is essentially the same, with a small addition, as the Egyptian symbolic character.

The middle character in Fig. 1128 is the top of an upright post of a house of the moon gens of the Kuakiutl Indians taken from Boas (g). It represents the moon.

The middle character in Fig. 1128 is the top of an upright post of a house belonging to the moon clan of the Kuakiutl Indians, taken from Boas (g). It symbolizes the moon.

Schoolcraft (u) gives the right-hand character of the same figure for the moon, i. e., an obscured sun, as drawn by the Ojibwa.

Schoolcraft (u) provides the right-hand character of the same figure for the moon, meaning an obscured sun, as illustrated by the Ojibwa.

STARS.

Fig. 1129.—Stars.

Fig. 1129.—Stars.

Fig. 1129 shows various forms of stars, taken from a petroglyph at Oakley Springs, Arizona. Most of them show the rays in a manner to suggest the points of stars common in many parts of the world.

Fig. 1129 shows different types of stars, taken from a petroglyph at Oakley Springs, Arizona. Most of them display the rays in a way that suggests the points of stars found in many parts of the world.

DAYTIME AND KIND OF DAY.

Fig. 1130, copied from Copway (h), presents respectively the characters for sunrise, noon, and sunset.

Fig. 1130, copied from Copway (h), shows the symbols for sunrise, noon, and sunset.

Fig. 1130.—Day. Ojibwa.

Fig. 1130.—Day. Ojibwe.

An Indian gesture sign for “sunrise,” “morning,” is: Forefinger of right hand crooked to represent half of the sun’s disk and pointed or extended to the left, slightly elevated. In this connection it may be noted that when the gesture is carefully made in open country the pointing would generally be to the east, and the body turned so that its left would be in that direction. In a room in a city, or under circumstances where the points of the compass are not specially attended to, the left side supposes the east, and the gestures relating to sun, day, etc., are made with such reference. The half only of the disk represented in[698] the above gesture appears in the Moki pueblo drawings for morning and sunrise.

An Indian sign for "sunrise" or "morning" looks like this: the forefinger of the right hand is bent to represent half of the sun’s disk and pointed or extended to the left, slightly raised. It’s worth noting that when this gesture is made carefully in open areas, the pointing usually indicates east, and the body is turned so that the left side faces that direction. In a city room or under conditions where compass directions aren't really considered, the left side is assumed to represent east, and gestures related to the sun, day, etc., are made with that in mind. The half disk shown in[698] the gesture above appears in Moki pueblo drawings for morning and sunrise.

Fig. 1131.—Morning. Arizona.

Fig. 1131.—Morning. Arizona.

Fig. 1131 shows various representations of sunrise from Oakley Springs, Arizona.

Fig. 1131 shows different depictions of sunrise from Oakley Springs, Arizona.

J. B. Dunbar (b), in The Pawnee Indians, says:

J. B. Dunbar (b), in The Pawnee Indians, says:

As an aid to the memory the Pawnees frequently made use of notches cut in a stick or some similar device for the computation of nights (for days were counted by nights), or even of months and years. Pictographically a day or daytime was represented by a six or eight pointed star as a symbol of the sun. A simple cross (a star) was a symbol of a night and a crescent represented a moon or lunar month.

As a way to help them remember things, the Pawnees often used notches carved into a stick or something similar to keep track of nights (since they counted days by nights), as well as months and years. They depicted a day or daytime with a six or eight-pointed star to symbolize the sun. A simple cross (or star) represented night, while a crescent signified a moon or lunar month.

A common Indian gesture for day is when the index and thumb form a circle (remaining fingers closed) and are passed from east to west.

A common Indian gesture during the day is when the index finger and thumb form a circle (with the other fingers closed) and are moved from east to west.

Fig. 1132.—Day.

Fig. 1132.—Daytime.

Fig. 1132 shows a pictograph found in Owens valley, California, a similar one being reported in the Ann. Rep. Geog. Survey West of the 100th Meridian for 1876, Washington, 1876, pl. opp. p. 326, in which the circle may indicate either day or month (both these gestures having the same execution), the course of the sun or moon being represented perhaps in mere contradistinction to the vertical line, or perhaps the latter signifies one.

Fig. 1132 shows a pictograph found in Owens Valley, California. A similar one was reported in the Ann. Rep. Geog. Survey West of the 100th Meridian for 1876, Washington, 1876, pl. opp. p. 326, where the circle may represent either the day or the month (both gestures are executed the same way). The course of the sun or moon may be shown as a contrast to the vertical line, or perhaps the vertical line signifies one of those.

Fig. 1133.—Days. Apache.

Fig. 1133.—Days. Apache.

Fig. 1133 is a pictograph made by the Coyotèro Apaches, found at Camp Apache, in Arizona, reported in the Tenth Ann. Rep. U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey of the Terr., Washington, 1878, Pl. LXXVII. The sun and the ten spots of approximately the same shape represent the days, eleven, which the party passed in traveling through the country. The separating lines are the nights, and may include the conception of covering over and consequent obscurity referred to in connection with the pictographs for night.

Fig. 1133 is a pictograph created by the Coyotèro Apaches, found at Camp Apache in Arizona, reported in the Tenth Annual Report of the U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, Washington, 1878, Pl. LXXVII. The sun and the ten spots of roughly the same shape represent the eleven days the group spent traveling through the area. The separating lines represent the nights and may imply the idea of covering over and the resulting obscurity mentioned in relation to the pictographs for night.

Fig. 1134.—Clear, stormy. Ojibwa.

Fig. 1134.—Clear, stormy. Ojibwa.

The left-hand character in Fig. 1134, copied from Copway (h), represents smooth water or clear day.

The left character in Fig. 1134, taken from Copway (h), indicates smooth water or a clear day.

The right-hand character in the same figure, from the same authority, p. 135, represents storm or a windy day.

The character on the right side of the same figure, from the same source, p. 135, represents a storm or a windy day.

NIGHT.

Fig. 1135.

Fig. 1135.

Fig. 1135.—Kills-the-Enemy-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. Night is indicated by the black circle around the head, suggesting the covering over with darkness, as is shown in the common gesture for night, made by passing both flat hands from their respective sides, inward and downward, before the body. The sign for kill is denoted here by the bow in contact with the head, in accordance with a custom among the Dakota of striking the dead enemy with the bow or coup stick.

Fig. 1135.—Kills-the-Enemy-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. Night is indicated by the black circle around the head, suggesting being covered in darkness, as shown in the common gesture for night, which involves moving both flat hands from the sides inward and downward in front of the body. The sign for kill is represented here by the bow touching the head, following the Dakota custom of striking a fallen enemy with the bow or coup stick.

Fig. 1136.

Fig. 1136.

Fig. 1136.—Kills-Enemy-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. This drawing is similar to the preceding. The differentiation is sufficient to allow of a distinction between the two characters, each representing the same name, though belonging to two different men.

Fig. 1136.—Kills-Enemy-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. This drawing is similar to the previous one. The differences are enough to clearly distinguish between the two characters, each representing the same name but belonging to two different men.

Fig. 1137.

Fig. 1137.

Fig. 1137.—Smokes-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. Again the concept is expressed by the covering over with darkness.

Fig. 1137.—Smokes-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. Once more, the idea is conveyed by being shrouded in darkness.

Fig. 1138.

Fig. 1138.

Fig. 1138.—Kills-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. Night is here shown by the curve for sky and the suspension, beneath it, of a star, or more probably in Dakotan expression, a night sun, i. e., the moon.

Fig. 1138.—Kills-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. Night is represented here by the curve of the sky and the suspension below it of a star, or more likely in Dakotan terms, a night sun, meaning the moon.

Fig. 1139.

Fig. 1139.

Fig. 1139.—A Crow chief, Flat-Head, comes into the tipi of a Dakota chief, where a council was assembled. Flame’s Winter Count, 1852-’53. The night is shown by the black top of the tipi.

Fig. 1139.—A Crow chief, Flat-Head, enters the tipi of a Dakota chief, where a council is gathered. Flame’s Winter Count, 1852-’53. The night is represented by the black top of the tipi.

Fig. 1140.—Ojibwa.

Fig. 1140.—Ojibwe.

Fig. 1140 is taken from Copway (f). It represents “night.”

Fig. 1140 is taken from Copway (f). It shows “night.”

Fig. 1141.—Sign for night.

Fig. 1141.—Night sign.

A typical Indian gesture for night, illustrated by Fig. 1141, is: Place the flat hands horizontally about 2 feet apart, move them quickly in an upward curve toward one another until the right lies across the left. “Darkness covers all.”

A common Indian gesture for night, shown in Fig. 1141, is: Position your flat hands horizontally about 2 feet apart, then move them quickly in an upward arc toward each other until the right hand crosses over the left. “Darkness covers all.”

Fig. 1142.—Night. Egyptian.

Fig. 1142.—Night. Egyptian.

The conception of covering executed by delineating the object covered beneath the middle point of an arch or curve, appears also clearly in the Egyptian characters for night, Fig. 1142, Champollion (f).

The idea of covering by outlining the object beneath the center point of an arch or curve is also clearly shown in the Egyptian symbols for night, Fig. 1142, Champollion (f).

Fig. 1143.—Night. Mexican.

Fig. 1143.—Night. Mexican food.

In Kingsborough (m) is the painting reproduced as Fig. 1143.

In Kingsborough (m), the painting is shown as Fig. 1143.

This painting expresses the multitude of eyes, i. e., stars in the sky, and signifies the night. Eyes in Mexican paintings are painted exactly in this manner.

This painting represents the many eyes, meaning stars in the sky, and symbolizes the night. Eyes in Mexican paintings are depicted exactly like this.

CLOUD.

Fig. 1144.—Cloud shield.

Fig. 1144.—Cloud cover.

Fig. 1144.—Cloud shield. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows in conjunction with the disk, probably a shield but possibly the sun, a dim cloud, and below is a line apparently holding up clouds from which the raindrops have not yet begun to fall. This may be collated with the pictographs for rain and also for snow, as figured below.

Fig. 1144.—Cloud shield. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows, along with the disk, likely a shield but possibly the sun, a faint cloud, and below it is a line that seems to support clouds from which raindrops haven't started to fall yet. This might be compared with the pictographs for rain and also for snow, as illustrated below.

Fig. 1145.—Clouds, Moki.

Fig. 1145.—Clouds, Moki.

A Cheyenne sign for cloud is as follows: (1) Both hands partially closed, palms facing and near each other, brought up to level with or slightly above but in front of the head; (2) suddenly separated sidewise, describing a curve like a scallop; this scallop motion is repeated for “many clouds.” The same conception is in the Moki etchings, the three left-hand characters of Fig. 1145 (Gilbert MS.), and in variants from Oakley Springs, the two right-hand characters of the same figure.

A Cheyenne sign for cloud looks like this: (1) Both hands are partially closed, palms facing each other and close together, raised to just above or level with the front of the head; (2) then they are suddenly separated to the sides, creating a curve like a scallop; this scallop motion is repeated for “many clouds.” The same idea appears in the Moki etchings, in the three left-hand characters of Fig. 1145 (Gilbert MS.), and in variations from Oakley Springs, which show the two right-hand characters of the same figure.

Fig. 1146.—Cloud, Ojibwa.

Fig. 1146.—Cloud, Ojibwe.

The Ojibwa pictograph for cloud, reported in Schoolcraft (n), is more elaborate, Fig. 1146. It is composed of the sign for sky to which that for clouds is added, the latter being reversed, as compared with the Moki etchings, and picturesquely hanging from the sky.

The Ojibwa pictograph for cloud, reported in Schoolcraft (n), is more detailed, Fig. 1146. It includes the sign for sky along with the sign for clouds, which is flipped compared to the Moki etchings, and it appears to be hanging from the sky in a picturesque way.

RAIN.

Fig. 1147.—Rain. Ojibwa.

Fig. 1147.—Rain. Ojibwe.

Fig. 1147.—From Copway, loc. cit., represents rain, cloudy.

Fig. 1147.—From Copway, loc. cit., shows rain and clouds.

Fig. 1148.—Rain. Pueblo.

Fig. 1148.—Rain. Pueblo.

The gesture sign for rain is illustrated in Fig. 1002. The pictograph, Fig. 1148, reported as found in New Mexico, by Lieut. Simpson, in Ex. Doc. No. 64, 31st Congress, 1st session, 1850, p. 9, is said to represent Montezuma’s adjutants sounding a blast to him for rain. The small character inside the curve which represents the sky, corresponds with the gesturing hand, but may be the rain cloud appearing.

The gesture sign for rain is shown in Fig. 1002. The pictograph, Fig. 1148, which was found in New Mexico by Lieut. Simpson, in Ex. Doc. No. 64, 31st Congress, 1st session, 1850, p. 9, is said to represent Montezuma’s aides signaling to him for rain. The small figure inside the curve that represents the sky corresponds with the gesturing hand, but it could also be the rain cloud appearing.

Fig. 1149.—Rain. Moki.

Fig. 1149.—Rain. Moki.

The Moki drawing for rain, i. e., a cloud from which the drops are falling, is given in Fig. 1149, in six variants taken from a petroglyph at Oakley Springs.

The Moki drawing for rain, meaning a cloud from which the drops are falling, is shown in Fig. 1149, in six variations taken from a petroglyph at Oakley Springs.

Fig. 1150.—Rain. Chinese.

Fig. 1150.—Rain. Chinese.

Edkins (f) gives Fig. 1150 as the Chinese character for rain. It is a picture of rain falling from the clouds. He adds, p. 155:

Edkins (f) provides Fig. 1150 as the Chinese character for rain. It depicts rain falling from the clouds. He adds, p. 155:

Rain was anciently without the upper line, and instead of the vertical line in the middle there were four, but all shorter. Above each of them and within the concave was a dot. These four dots were raindrops, the four lines were the direction of their descent, and the concave was the firmament.

Rain was once represented without the top line, and instead of one vertical line in the middle, there were four shorter lines. Above each of these lines and within the curve was a dot. These four dots represented raindrops, the four lines indicated their direction of fall, and the curve was the sky.

LIGHTNING.

Among the northern Indians of North America the concept of lightning is included in that of thunder, and is represented by the thunder bird, see Chap. XIV, sec. 2, supra.

Among the northern Native Americans of North America, the idea of lightning is linked with that of thunder and is symbolized by the thunderbird, see Chap. XIV, sec. 2, supra.

Fig. 1151.—Lightning. Moki.

Fig. 1151.—Lightning. Moki.

Fig. 1151 shows three ways in which lightning is represented by the Moki. They are copied from a petroglyph at Oakley Springs, Arizona. In the middle character the sky is shown, the changing direction of the streak and clouds with rain falling. The part relating specially to the streak is portrayed in an Indian gesture sign[702] as follows: Right hand elevated before and above the head, forefinger pointing upward, brought down with great rapidity with a sinuous, undulating motion, finger still extended diagonally downward toward the right.

Fig. 1151 shows three ways that lightning is depicted by the Moki. They are taken from a petroglyph at Oakley Springs, Arizona. In the middle character, the sky is depicted, with the lightning streaks and clouds, along with rain falling. The element specifically related to the streak is represented in an Indian gesture sign[702] as follows: the right hand is raised in front of and above the head, the forefinger pointing upward, then brought down quickly in a sinuous, undulating motion, with the finger still extended diagonally downward toward the right.

Fig. 1152.—Lightning. Moki.

Fig. 1152.—Lightning. Moki.

Fig. 1152 is a copy from a vase in the collection of relics of the ancient builders of the southwest table lands in the MS. Catalogue of Mr. Thomas V. Keam, and represents the body of the mythic Um-tak-ina, the Thunder. This body is a rain cloud with thunder [lightning] darting through it, and is probably of ancient Moki workmanship.

Fig. 1152 is a replica of a vase from the collection of artifacts belonging to the ancient builders of the southwestern tablelands in the MS. Catalogue of Mr. Thomas V. Keam, and depicts the figure of the mythic Um-tak-ina, the Thunder. This figure is represented as a rain cloud with lightning striking through it, and it's likely made by ancient Moki artisans.

Fig. 1153.—Lightning. Moki.

Fig. 1153.—Lightning. Moki.

Fig. 1153, also from Keam’s MS., gives three other representations of the Moki characters for lightning. The middle one shows the lightning sticks which are worked by the hands of the dancers.

Fig. 1153, also from Keam’s MS., shows three more representations of the Moki characters for lightning. The middle one depicts the lightning sticks that the dancers manipulate with their hands.

Fig. 1154.—Lightning. Pueblo.

Fig. 1154.—Lightning. Pueblo.

Fig. 1154 also represents lightning, taken by Mr. W. H. Jackson, photographer of the late U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey, from the decorated walls of an estufa in the Pueblo de Jemez, New Mexico. The former is blunt, for harmless, and the latter terminates in an arrow or spear point, for destructive or fatal lightning.

Fig. 1154 also shows lightning, captured by Mr. W. H. Jackson, a photographer from the late U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey, from the decorated walls of an estufa in the Pueblo de Jemez, New Mexico. The first one is blunt and harmless, while the second one ends in an arrow or spear point, representing destructive or fatal lightning.

Connected with this topic is the following extract from Virgil’s Æneis, Lib. VIII, 429:

Connected with this topic is the following extract from Virgil’s Æneis, Lib. VIII, 429:

Three twisted rays of rain, three clouds full of water. Additionally, three red fires and another from the south.

The “radii” are the forks or spikes by which lightning is designated, especially on medals. It consisted of twelve wreathed spikes or darts extended like the radii of a circle. The wings denote the lightning’s rapid motion and the spikes or darts its penetrating quality. The four different kinds of spikes refer to the four seasons. The “tres imbristorti radii” or the three spikes of hail, are the winter when hail storms abound. The “tres nubis aquosæ radii,” the three spikes of a watery cloud, denote the spring. The “tres rutili ignis radii,” the three spikes of sparkling fire, are the summer when lightning is frequent and the “tres alitis austri radii,” or the three spikes of winged wind, are for autumn with its many wind storms.

The “radii” are the forks or spikes that represent lightning, especially on medals. It consisted of twelve twisted spikes or darts extending like the rays of a circle. The wings symbolize the lightning's swift movement, while the spikes or darts represent its penetrating power. The four different kinds of spikes correspond to the four seasons. The “tres imbristorti radii” or the three spikes of hail represent winter when hailstorms are common. The “tres nubis aquosæ radii,” the three spikes of a watery cloud, signify spring. The “tres rutili ignis radii,” the three spikes of sparkling fire, represent summer when lightning is frequent, and the “tres alitis austri radii,” or the three spikes of winged wind, are for autumn with its many windstorms.

HUMAN FORM.

Fig. 1155.—Human form.

Fig. 1155.—Human figure.

Fig. 1155.—a among the Arikara signifies men. The characters are used in connection with horseshoes, to denote “mounted men” b. In other pictographs such spots or dots are merely numerical. c is drawn by the Kiatéxamut branch of the Innuits for man. It is an abbreviated form and rare. d, drawn by the Blackfeet, signifies “Man-dead.” This is from a pictograph in Wind River mountains, taken from Jones’s (c) Northwestern Wyoming. e is also a Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for man. This figure is armless; generally represents the person addressed.

Fig. 1155.—a among the Arikara stands for men. The symbols are used with horseshoes to indicate “mounted men” b. In other pictographs, spots or dots are simply numerical. c is created by the Kiatéxamut branch of the Innuits for man. It’s a shortened and uncommon version. d, created by the Blackfeet, means “Man-dead.” This is from a pictograph in the Wind River mountains, taken from Jones’s (c) Northwestern Wyoming. e is also a Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for man. This figure has no arms and usually represents the person being addressed.

Fig. 1156.—Human form.

Fig. 1156.—Human body.

Fig. 1156.—a is also a Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for man. The person makes the gesture for negation. b and c, from a Californian petroglyph, are men also gesturing negation. d, from Schoolcraft (v), is the Ojibwa “symbol” for disabled man.

Fig. 1156.—a is also a Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for man. The person is making a gesture that means no. b and c, from a Californian petroglyph, show men also gesturing no. d, from Schoolcraft (v), represents the Ojibwa “symbol” for a disabled man.

Fig. 1157.—Human form.

Fig. 1157.—Human body.

Fig. 1157.—a is the Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for Shaman. b, used by the same tribe, represents man supplicating. c, reproduced from Schoolcraft (u), is the Ojibwa representative figure or man.

Fig. 1157.—a is the Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for Shaman. b, used by the same tribe, shows a man praying. c, reproduced from Schoolcraft (u), is the Ojibwa figure representing a man.

Fig. 1158.—Human form.

Fig. 1158.—Human body.

Fig. 1158.—a, from Schoolcraft, loc. cit., is an Ojibwa drawing of a headless body. b, from the same, is another Ojibwa figure for a headless body, perhaps female. c, contributed by Mr. Gilbert Thompson, is a drawing for a man, made by the Moki in Arizona. d, reproduced from Schoolcraft (w), is a drawing from the banks of the River Yenesei, Siberia, by Von Strahlenberg (a). e is given by Dr. Edkins, op. cit., p. 4, as the Chinese character for, and originally a picture of, a man.

Fig. 1158.—a, from Schoolcraft, loc. cit., is an Ojibwa drawing of a headless body. b, from the same source, is another Ojibwa figure of a headless body, possibly female. c, contributed by Mr. Gilbert Thompson, is a drawing of a man, created by the Moki in Arizona. d, reproduced from Schoolcraft (w), is a drawing from the banks of the Yenesei River, Siberia, by Von Strahlenberg (a). e is given by Dr. Edkins, op. cit., p. 4, as the Chinese character for, and originally a picture of, a man.

Fig. 1159.—Human form. Alaska.

Fig. 1159.—Human figure. Alaska.

The representation of a headless body does not always denote death. An example is given in Fig. 1159, a, taken from an ivory drill-bow in the collection of the Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco, California. It was made by the Aigaluxamut natives of Alaska. As the explanation gives no suggestion of a fatal casualty, the concept may be that the hunter got lost or “lost his head,” according to the colloquial phrase.

The portrayal of a headless body doesn’t always mean death. An example is shown in Fig. 1159, a, taken from an ivory drill-bow in the collection of the Alaska Commercial Company, based in San Francisco, California. It was created by the Aigaluxamut natives of Alaska. Since the explanation doesn’t imply a fatality, the idea might be that the hunter got lost or “lost his head,” as the saying goes.

The figures of men in a canoe are represented by the Kiatéxamut Innuit of Alaska, as shown in the same figure, b. The right-hand upward stroke represents the bow of the boat, while the two lines below[704] the horizontal stroke denote the paddles used by the men, who are shown as the first and second upward strokes above the canoe; in the same figure, c shows the outline of human figures, copied from a walrus ivory drill-bow (U. S. Nat. Mus., No. 44398) from Cape Nome, Alaska. The second pair closely resemble forms of the thunder-bird as drawn by various Algonquian tribes and as found in petroglyphs upon rocks in the northeastern portion of the United States; in the same figure, d, selected from a group of human forms, is incised upon a walrus ivory drill-bow obtained at Port Clarence, Alaska, by Dr. T. H. Bean, of the National Museum. The specimen is numbered 40054. The fringe-like appendages on the arms may indicate the garment worn by some of the Kenai or other inland Athabascan Indians of Alaska.

The men in a canoe are depicted by the Kiatéxamut Inuit of Alaska, as shown in figure b. The right-hand upward stroke indicates the bow of the canoe, while the two lines below the horizontal stroke represent the paddles used by the men, who are illustrated as the first and second upward strokes above the canoe. In the same figure, c displays the shape of human figures, taken from a walrus ivory drill-bow (U. S. Nat. Mus., No. 44398) from Cape Nome, Alaska. The second pair closely resembles the forms of the thunderbird as drawn by various Algonquian tribes and found in petroglyphs on rocks in the northeastern United States. In figure d, chosen from a collection of human forms, is carved on a walrus ivory drill-bow obtained at Port Clarence, Alaska, by Dr. T. H. Bean from the National Museum. The fringe-like features on the arms might represent the clothing worn by some of the Kenai or other inland Athabascan Indians of Alaska.

Fig. 1160.—Bird-man. Siberia.

Fig. 1160.—Bird-man. Siberia.

Fig. 1160, from Strahlenberg, op. cit., was found in Siberia, and is identical with the character which, according to Schoolcraft, is drawn by the Ojibwa to represent speed and the power of superior knowledge by exaltation to the regions of the air, being, in his opinion, a combination of bird and man.

Fig. 1160, from Strahlenberg, op. cit., was found in Siberia and is the same as the symbol that Schoolcraft says the Ojibwa use to represent speed and the heightened power of knowledge, as it soars to the heights of the sky, which he believes is a mix of bird and human characteristics.

It is to be noticed that some Ojibwa recently examined regard the character merely as a human figure with outstretched arms, and fringes pendent therefrom. It has, also, a strong resemblance to some of the figures in the Lone-Dog Winter Counts (those for 1854-’55 and 1866-’67, pages 283 and 285, respectively), in which there is no attempt understood to signify anything more than a war-dress.

It’s worth noting that some recent Ojibwa assessments view the character simply as a human figure with arms extended and fringes hanging down. It also bears a striking resemblance to some figures in the Lone-Dog Winter Counts (those from 1854-’55 and 1866-’67, pages 283 and 285, respectively), where there’s clearly no intention to represent anything beyond a war outfit.

Fig. 1161.—American. Ojibwa.

Fig. 1161.—American Ojibwa.

Fig. 1161, according to Schoolcraft (t), is the Ojibwa drawing symbolic for an American.

Fig. 1161, according to Schoolcraft (t), is the Ojibwa drawing symbolizing an American.

Fig. 1162.—Man. Yakut.

Fig. 1162.—Man. Yakut.

Bastian (a), in Ethnologisches Bilderbuch, says:

Bastian (a), in Ethnologisches Bilderbuch, states:

Upon a shaman’s drum, from the Yakuts of Siberia, is the figure of a human form greatly resembling some forms of the American types. The appendages beneath the arms, given in Fig. 1162, suggest also some forms of the thunder-bird as drawn by the Ojibwa.

Upon a shaman’s drum from the Yakuts of Siberia is the image of a human figure that closely resembles some types found in America. The extensions beneath the arms, shown in Fig. 1162, also resemble some depictions of the thunderbird as illustrated by the Ojibwa.

Fig. 1163.—Human forms. Moki.

Fig. 1163.—Human figures. Moki.

Fig. 1163 is a copy of human forms found by Mr. Dellenbaugh in[705] petroglyphs in Shinumo canyon, Utah. They probably are of Moki workmanship.

Fig. 1163 shows human figures discovered by Mr. Dellenbaugh in[705] petroglyphs in Shinumo Canyon, Utah. They are likely made by the Moki people.

Fig. 1164.—Human form. Navajo.

Fig. 1164.—Human form. Navajo.

Fig. 1164, from Mr. Stevenson’s paper in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 283, is the form of a man, drawn in the sand in the Hasjelti ceremony of the Navajo.

Fig. 1164, from Mr. Stevenson’s paper in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 283, shows the shape of a man, created in the sand during the Hasjelti ceremony of the Navajo.

Fig. 1165.—Man and woman. Moki.

Fig. 1165.—Man and woman. Moki.

The left-hand character of Fig. 1165 is described in Keam’s MS. as follows:

The left character in Fig. 1165 is described in Keam’s MS. as follows:

This is a conventional design of dragon flies, and is often found among rock etchings throughout the plateau [Arizona]. The dragon flies have always been held in great veneration by the Mokis and their ancestors, as they have been often sent by Oman to reopen springs which Muingwa had destroyed and to confer other benefits upon the people.

This is a traditional design of dragonflies, and it’s often seen in rock etchings across the plateau [Arizona]. Dragonflies have always been greatly respected by the Mokis and their ancestors, as they have frequently been sent by Oman to restore springs that Muingwa had damaged and to provide other benefits to the people.

This form of the figure, with little vertical lines added to the transverse lines, connects the Batolatci with the Ho-bo-bo emblems. The youth who was sacrificed and translated by Ho-bo-bo reappeared a long time afterwards, during a season of great drought, in the form of a gigantic dragon fly, who led the rain clouds over the lands of Ho-pi-tu, bringing plenteous rains.

This version of the figure, with small vertical lines added to the horizontal lines, links the Batolatci with the Ho-bo-bo symbols. The young man who was sacrificed and transformed by Ho-bo-bo came back long after, during a period of severe drought, as a giant dragonfly that guided the rain clouds across the lands of Ho-pi-tu, bringing abundant rains.

Describing the middle character of the figure, he says: “The figure represents a woman. The breath sign is displayed in the interior. The simpler design in the right-hand character consists of two triangles, one upon another, and is called the ‘woman’s head and body.’”

Describing the middle character of the figure, he says: “The figure represents a woman. The breath sign is shown in the interior. The simpler design in the right-hand character is made up of two triangles stacked on top of each other and is referred to as the ‘woman’s head and body.’”

Fig. 1166.—Human form. Colombia.

Fig. 1166.—Human figure. Colombia.

Fig. 1166, reproduced by permission from the Century Magazine for October, 1891, p. 887, is a representation of a golden breastplate found in the United States of Colombia, and now in the Ruiz-Randall collection. The human figure is nearly identical with some of those described and illustrated in the present work as found in other localities.

Fig. 1166, reproduced by permission from the Century Magazine for October, 1891, p. 887, shows a golden breastplate discovered in the United States of Colombia, and it's currently part of the Ruiz-Randall collection. The human figure is almost identical to some of those described and illustrated in this work that were found in other locations.

Crevaux, quoted by Marcano, (g) in speaking of the photographs of French Guyana, makes these useful suggestions:

Crevaux, quoted by Marcano, (g) when discussing the photographs of French Guiana, offers these helpful suggestions:

The drawings of frogs found by Brown on the Esesquibo are nothing else than human figures such as the Galihis, the Roucouyennes, and the Oyampis represent them every day on their pagaras, their pottery, or their skin. We ourselves, on examining these figures with legs and arms spread out, thought that they were meant for frogs, but the Indians told us that that was their manner of representing man.

The drawings of frogs that Brown discovered on the Esesquibo are actually human figures, just like the Galihis, the Roucouyennes, and the Oyampis depict every day on their pagaras, pottery, or skin. When we looked at these figures with their legs and arms spread out, we thought they were meant to represent frogs, but the Indians explained that this was their way of portraying a human.

In Necropolis of Ancon in Peru, by W. Reiss and A. Stubel, (a) are descriptions of figures a to g in Pl. L, all being painted sepulcher tablets one-seventh of the actual size. The descriptions are condensed. The general characteristics of the tablets are that they are in a tabular form, made of reeds, and covered with a white cotton fabric, the edges of[706] which are stitched together behind and attached to a pole, short at top, and projecting to a greater length downwards. On the front is a slightly sketched design in red and black lines, while a winding or undulating border usually runs around the sides. Nearly all the space within this border is occupied by a human figure surrounded by isolated symbols or ornaments. The head and features of the conventionalized figure is out of all proportion to the small body, which is often merely suggested by a few strokes.

In the Necropolis of Ancon in Peru, by W. Reiss and A. Stubel, (a) are descriptions of figures a to g in Pl. L, all representing painted sepulcher tablets that are one-seventh of their actual size. The descriptions are brief. The main features of the tablets are that they are in a tabular shape, made of reeds, and covered with a white cotton fabric, whose edges are stitched together at the back and attached to a short pole at the top, extending further downwards. On the front, there’s a lightly sketched design in red and black lines, and a winding or undulating border typically runs around the sides. Almost all the space within this border is filled with a human figure surrounded by distinct symbols or ornaments. The head and features of the stylized figure are disproportionate to the small body, which is often just hinted at by a few strokes.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. L
TABLETS AT ANCON, PERU.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. L
TABLETS AT ANCON, PERU.

a. The features and high headdress of a human figure, represented by concentric black and red lines. To the short arms are attached outstretched three-fingered hands, the right holding some object, while body and legs are arbitrarily indicated. The legs are twice reproduced in black and red lines. The space between the figure and border is occupied by six simple designs, two black and one red on either side.

a. The characteristics and tall headdress of a human figure are shown with concentric black and red lines. Short arms extend outward with three-fingered hands, the right one holding an object, while the body and legs are vaguely outlined. The legs are depicted twice in black and red lines. The area between the figure and the border is filled with six simple designs, with two black and one red on each side.

b. The human figure, comparatively simple and distinct, distinguished by large ear ornaments, with designs similar to those of the preceding figure, but varying in number and disposition.

b. The human figure, relatively simple and clear, is marked by large ear ornaments that feature designs similar to those of the previous figure, but differing in number and arrangement.

c. Highly fantastic figure with diverse ornamentations; the space in the corners cut off by designs, of which the upper two show a bird motive, such as frequently occurs on earthenware and woven fabrics.

c. Highly intricate figure with various decorations; the corners trimmed by designs, with the upper two featuring a bird motif, a common theme seen in pottery and textiles.

d. This is doubtless meant to represent a figure clothed down to the feet.

d. This is clearly intended to depict a figure dressed all the way down to the feet.

e. Here the human figure is formed of black lines, connected at right angles with complementary red lines. A wide top-piece covers the head, which consists of two small rectangles, leaving room only to indicate the eyes, while the mouth, placed rather too low down, is suggested by a red stroke. The arms are bent downwards; hands and feet with triple articulation. Within the red and black frame the figure is encircled by crosses, dots, and a conventional star.

e. Here, the human figure is made up of black lines connected at right angles with complementary red lines. A broad top piece covers the head, which is made of two small rectangles, allowing just enough space to show the eyes, while the mouth, positioned a bit too low, is indicated by a red line. The arms are bent downwards, with hands and feet having three joints. Inside the red and black frame, the figure is surrounded by crosses, dots, and a stylized star.

f. Human figure filling most of the space, which is inclosed only by a narrow edging. Surface painting distinguishes the wide body, which is rounded off below and to which the triangular head is fitted above. Hands with five, feet with three, articulations; crenelled head gear; necklace suggested by dots; the corners of the ground-surface filled in with rectangular sharply-edged ornaments.

f. The human figure takes up most of the space, bordered only by a narrow edge. The surface painting highlights the wide body, which is rounded at the bottom and to which the triangular head is attached at the top. The figure has five fingers on each hand, three toes on each foot, and visible joints; it wears a crenellated headpiece; the necklace is represented by dots; the corners of the ground surface are decorated with sharply-edged rectangular ornaments.

g. Human figure consisting of two disconnected parts; triangular head and body; hands and feet with two articulations; frame of red and black dovetailed teeth.

g. Human figure made up of two separate parts; triangular head and body; hands and feet with two joints; framework of red and black interlocking teeth.

Fig. 1167.—Human form. Peru.

Fig. 1167.—Human figure. Peru.

Wiener (i), describing illustrations reproduced here as Fig. 1167, says:

Wiener (i), describing the illustrations shown here as Fig. 1167, says:

The tissue found at Moché, a, represents a man with flattened head, exaggerated ears, and the thumb of the right hand too much developed. When correlated with that from Ancon, b, with its coarse paintings, it becomes a sort of caligraphy in which all the letters are traced with the greatest care, while b, and also the sepulchral inscription c, found at the same place, become cursive.

The tissue discovered at Moché, a, shows a man with a flattened head, oversized ears, and an overly developed right thumb. When compared to the one from Ancon, b, with its rough paintings, it turns into a type of calligraphy where every letter is carefully crafted, while b, along with the burial inscription c, found at the same location, becomes more of a cursive style.

The design a of this series presents peculiarities found in Zuñi drawings on pottery. The appendages from the side of the head among the[707] latter denote large coils of hair so arranged by tying. Their significance is that the wearer is an unmarried woman. The remaining designs also resemble types of human figures found upon Zuñi and Pueblo pottery, being rather of a decorative character than having special significance.

The design a of this series features unique traits seen in Zuñi pottery drawings. The extensions on the sides of the head indicate large, tied coils of hair. This signifies that the person is an unmarried woman. The other designs are also similar to human figures found on Zuñi and Pueblo pottery, serving more as decoration than carrying any specific meaning.

HUMAN HEAD AND FACE.

A large number of human faces as drawn by members of different tribes and stocks of North American Indians appear in the present paper. Some of them are iconographic and others are highly conventionalized. Other examples from other regions of the world are also presented under various headings.

A lot of human faces drawn by members of different tribes and groups of North American Indians are featured in this paper. Some of these are iconographic, and others are very stylized. Various examples from other parts of the world are also included under different headings.

In the present connection it may be useful to examine a series of drawings from the prehistoric pottery of Brazil in the National Museum[708] at Rio de Janeiro. Although the U. S. National Museum contains many specimens of a similar character, some of which have been copied and published, the Brazilian types show an instructive peculiarity in the reduction of the face to certain main lines and finally to the eyes, so that the latter are placed apart and independent in a symmetric field.

In this context, it might be helpful to look at a series of drawings from the prehistoric pottery of Brazil in the National Museum[708] in Rio de Janeiro. While the U.S. National Museum has many similar specimens, some of which have been reproduced and published, the Brazilian examples have an interesting characteristic: they simplify the face into key lines, ultimately focusing on the eyes, which are positioned separately and independently within a balanced framework.

The following Figs. 1168 to 1174 are reproduced from Dr. Ladisláu Netto (d), all of them being from Brazil and from paintings and carvings on Marajo ware.

The following Figs. 1168 to 1174 are taken from Dr. Ladisláu Netto (d), all of them coming from Brazil and from paintings and carvings on Marajo ware.

Fig. 1168.—Human face. Brazil.

Fig. 1168.—Human face. Brazil.

Fig. 1168 shows broken lines without the aid of curves, but gracefully attached to an instrument, either lance or trident, which present the outline of the contours of a face.

Fig. 1168 shows broken lines without using curves, but elegantly connected to an instrument, either a lance or a trident, which outlines the contours of a face.

Fig. 1169.—Human faces. Brazil.

Fig. 1169.—Human faces. Brazil.

The characters in Fig. 1169 are somewhat more elaborate. The eyes are decorated with lines and the contour of the face is round.

The characters in Fig. 1169 are a bit more detailed. The eyes have decorative lines, and the shape of the face is round.

Fig. 1170.—Human faces. Brazil.

Fig. 1170.—Faces of people. Brazil.

The characters in Fig. 1170 are carved human faces, some of which would not be recognized as such unless shown in the series.

The characters in Fig. 1170 are carved human faces, and some of them wouldn’t be recognized as such unless presented in the series.

Fig. 1171.—Double-faced head. Brazil.

Fig. 1171.—Double-sided head. Brazil.

The face in Fig. 1171 represents the horizontal projection or plan of a double-faced head. The central H represents in this case the top of the head, each of the shafts of the H being neither more nor less than the double arch of the eyebrows, joined to which the representation of the nose in a triangular figure may be recognized. The most noticeable point is that if this surface be applied in imagination to[709] the cranium of the bifrontal head, of which it seems to be the covering or skin, the features of the double-faced heads of the Marajo idols are immediately recognized, including the orifices by which those idols are hung on cords, which orifices are seen in the dividing line of the two faces.

The face in Fig. 1171 shows the horizontal projection or layout of a double-faced head. The central H indicates the top of the head, with each side of the H representing the double arch of the eyebrows. The nose is depicted with a triangular shape. The most striking aspect is that if you mentally apply this surface to[709] the skull of the bifrontal head, it appears to be the covering or skin, revealing the features of the double-faced heads from the Marajo idols. This includes the holes where the idols are hung on cords, which are visible along the dividing line of the two faces.

Fig. 1172.—Funeral urn. Marajo.

Fig. 1172.—Cremation urn. Marajo.

Fig. 1172 presents the general form of decoration found upon vases bearing figures of the face as above mentioned. It is a funeral urn, carved and engraved, from Marajo, reduced to one-fifth.

Fig. 1172 shows the typical decoration found on vases featuring the face figures mentioned above. It's a funeral urn, carved and engraved, from Marajo, scaled down to one-fifth.

Fig. 1173.—Marajo vase.

Fig. 1173.—Marajo vase.

Frequently the face is produced in relief, in which a larger portion of a vessel is taken to produce more lifelike imitation, as in Fig. 1173. It is the neck of an anthropomorphic vase of Marajo ornamented with grooves and lines, red on a white ground, reduced to one-half.

Frequently, the face is created in relief, where a larger part of a vessel is used to create a more lifelike representation, as shown in Fig. 1173. It is the neck of a human-shaped vase from Marajo, decorated with grooves and lines, in red on a white background, scaled down to half its size.

Fig. 1174.—Marajo vases.

Fig. 1174.—Marajo vases.

Fig. 1174 a, real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase, representing a human head. The nose and chin are very prominent, the eyes horizontal and slit in the same direction. This head is remarkable for the relief of the eyebrows which, after reaching the height of the ears, form these organs, describing above a second curve in the inverse direction of the curve of the brow, each brow thus forming an S. There are other heads in which the eyebrows are prolonged to form the relief of the ears at the outer extremity. In these cases the whole relief represents a semicircle more or less irregular, while on the contrary this relief forms the figure S.

Fig. 1174 a, actual size, shows the neck of a Marajo vase, which depicts a human head. The nose and chin are very pronounced, and the eyes are horizontal and slit in the same direction. This head is notable for the raised eyebrows that, after reaching the height of the ears, curve back, creating a second curve opposite to the brow's curve, with each brow forming an S shape. There are other heads where the eyebrows extend to form the outline of the ears at the outer edge. In these cases, the entire shape resembles a more or less irregular semicircle, while in contrast, this shape forms an S.

Same figure, b, real size, is the neck of an ornithomorphic, anthropocephalous vase. It has on the face the classic and conventional T to represent the nose and brows. The eyes are formed by the symbolic figure equally conventional in the ceramics of the mound-builders of Marajo, and the ears differ very little from the characters seen in other figures.

Same figure, b, actual size, is the neck of a bird-shaped vase with a human-like head. The face features the traditional T shape to represent the nose and eyebrows. The eyes are made up of the symbolic figure that is also commonly found in the ceramics of the mound-builders of Marajo, and the ears are quite similar to those seen in other figures.

Same figure, c, four-fifths real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase representing, by engraving and painting, all the conventional characters of the different parts of the human face employed by the mound-builders of Marajo. This vase preserves perfectly the primitive colors, which show vermilion lines on a white ground. A double protuberance from each ear, the design which forms the eyes, and that which surrounds and outlines the mouth, the nose, and the ears, are characteristic traces of the decorative art of the human face which few heads present in such perfection.

Same figure, c, four-fifths real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase showcasing, through engraving and painting, all the typical features of the different parts of the human face used by the mound-builders of Marajo. This vase perfectly maintains the original colors, displaying vermilion lines on a white background. A double bulge from each ear, the design shaping the eyes, and those that surround and define the mouth, nose, and ears, are distinctive marks of the decorative art of the human face that few heads exhibit with such precision.

Same figure, d, four-fifths real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase more simple than the preceding one, but with more regular and distinct features.

Same figure, d, four-fifths of actual size, is the neck of a Marajo vase that is simpler than the previous one but has more regular and distinct features.

The Brazilian system above illustrated, which reduces the face to certain main lines and finally to the eyes, in such manner that the eyes are placed apart and each is put by itself in a symmetric field, has its parallel in North America. This is the practice of the Bella Coola Indians and their neighbors at the present day. They divide the surface, to be ornamented into zones and fields, by means of broad horizontal and vertical lines, each field containing, according to its position, now a complete face, now only an indication of it, the especial indication[711] being made by the eye. The eyes themselves are given different shapes, according to the different animals represented, being now large and round, now oblong and with pointed angles. These peculiarities, which have become conventional, are retained when the eye is represented alone, so that by this method it may still be easy to recognize which animal—for example, a raven or a bear, is intended to be portrayed.

The Brazilian system shown above simplifies the face into main lines, ultimately focusing on the eyes, which are spaced apart and situated in a balanced field. This approach is mirrored in North America. The Bella Coola Indians and their neighbors currently use a similar technique. They break down the surface to be decorated into zones and fields using bold horizontal and vertical lines. Each field features, depending on its position, either a complete face or just a hint of one, with the key detail being the eye. The eyes themselves come in various shapes based on the animals they depict, sometimes large and round, other times elongated with pointed edges. These distinctive features, which have become standard, are also maintained when the eye is depicted alone, making it easy to identify which animal—such as a raven or a bear—is being represented.

The left-hand character in Fig. 1175, from Champollion (g), is the Egyptian character for a human face. The predominance of the ears probably has some special significance.

The left-hand character in Fig. 1175, from Champollion (g), represents the Egyptian symbol for a human face. The prominence of the ears likely has some specific meaning.

Fig. 1175.—Human heads.

Fig. 1175.—Human faces.

Schoolcraft (u) gives the right-hand character of the same figure as a man’s head, with ears open to conviction, as made by the Ojibwa.

Schoolcraft (u) describes the right-hand character of the same figure as a man's head, with ears open to understanding, as created by the Ojibwa.

Both of these may be compared with the exaggerated ears in Fig. 1167.

Both of these can be compared to the exaggerated ears in Fig. 1167.

HAND.

The impression, real or represented, of a human hand is used in several regions in the world with symbolic significance.

The impression, whether real or represented, of a human hand is used in various parts of the world with symbolic meaning.

Among the North American Indians the mark so readily applied is of frequent occurrence, with an ascertained significance, which, however, differs in several tribes.

Among North American Indigenous peoples, the markings they commonly use frequently appear and have recognized meanings, though these meanings vary across different tribes.

Fig. 1176, taken from Copway (b), represents the hand, and also expresses “did so.” This signification of “do,” or action, and hence “power,” is also given to the same character in the Egyptian and Chinese ideograms.

Fig. 1176, taken from Copway (b), shows the hand and also represents “did so.” This meaning of “do,” or action, and thus “power,” is similarly assigned to the same character in the Egyptian and Chinese ideograms.

Fig. 1176.—Hand. Ojibwa.

Fig. 1176.—Hand. Ojibwa.

Among several Indian tribes a black hand on a garment or ornament means “the wearer of this has killed an enemy.” The decoration appears upon Ojibwa bead belts, and the Hidatsa and Arikara state that it is an old custom of showing bravery. The character was noticed at Fort Berthold, and the belt bearing it had been received from Ojibwa Indians of northern Minnesota. The mark of a black hand drawn of natural size or less, and sometimes made by the impress of an actually blackened palm, was also noticed, with the same significance, on articles among the Hidatsa and Arikara in 1881.

Among several Indian tribes, a black hand on a garment or ornament signifies “the wearer has killed an enemy.” This decoration can be found on Ojibwa bead belts, and the Hidatsa and Arikara say it’s an old custom to display bravery. The symbol was observed at Fort Berthold, and the belt featuring it was received from Ojibwa Indians in northern Minnesota. The mark of a black hand, drawn life-size or smaller, and sometimes made by pressing an actually blackened palm, was also seen on items among the Hidatsa and Arikara in 1881.

Schoolcraft (x) says of the Dakota on the St. Peters river that a red hand indicates that the wearer has been wounded by his enemy, and a black hand that he has slain his enemy.

Schoolcraft (x) notes about the Dakota on the St. Peters River that a red hand shows that the wearer has been injured by an enemy, while a black hand signifies that he has killed his enemy.

Irving (b) remarks, in Astoria, of the Arikara warriors: “Some had the stamp of a red hand across their mouths, a sign that they had drunk the life-blood of a foe.”

Irving (b) notes, in Astoria, about the Arikara warriors: “Some had a red hand print over their mouths, a mark that they had consumed the life-blood of an enemy.”

In other parts of the present paper the significance of the mark is mentioned and may be briefly summarized here.

In other sections of this paper, the importance of the mark is addressed and can be briefly summarized here.

Among the Sioux a red hand painted on a warrior’s blanket or robe means that he has been wounded by the enemy, and a black hand that[712] he has been in some way unfortunate. Among the Mandan a yellow hand on the breast signifies that the wearer had captured prisoners.

Among the Sioux, a red hand painted on a warrior’s blanket or robe means that he has been wounded by the enemy, and a black hand that[712] he has been in some way unfortunate. Among the Mandan, a yellow hand on the chest signifies that the wearer has captured prisoners.

Among the Titon Dakota a hand displayed meant that the wearer had engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle with an enemy. The impress of a hand, stained or muddy, upon the body or horse was the Winnebago mark that the wearer had killed a man.

Among the Titon Dakota, a hand display indicated that the wearer had fought hand-to-hand with an enemy. The mark of a hand, either stained or muddy, on the body or horse was the Winnebago sign that the wearer had killed a man.

The drawing of linked fingers or joined hands has been before discussed, p. 643, and in several petroglyphs illustrated in this paper the single hand appears. It is a common device on rocks, and doubtless with varieties of signification, as above mentioned in other forms of pictograph.

The illustration of linked fingers or joined hands has been discussed before, p. 643, and in several petroglyphs shown in this paper, the single hand can be seen. It’s a common motif on rocks, and likely has different meanings, as previously mentioned in other forms of pictographs.

Fig. 1177.—Joined hands. Moki.

Fig. 1177.—Joined hands. Moki.

It will suffice now to add that the figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common in the vicinity of ruins in Arizona as a rock etching, and is also frequently seen daubed on the rocks with colored pigments or white clay. But Mr. Thomas V. Keam explains the Arizona drawings of hands on the authority of the living Moki. In his MS., in describing Fig. 1177, he says:

It’s enough to say that the image of a hand with fingers spread out is very common near ruins in Arizona as a rock engraving, and it's also often painted on the rocks with colored pigments or white clay. However, Mr. Thomas V. Keam explains the Arizona hand drawings based on the insights of the living Moki. In his manuscript, while describing Fig. 1177, he states:

The outline of two outstretched hands joined at the wrists and figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common as a rock etching.

The image of two outstretched hands connected at the wrists and the shape of a hand with fingers extended is a very common rock etching.

These are vestiges of the test formerly practiced among young men who aspired for admission to the fraternity of Salyko. The Salyko is a trinity of two women and a woman from whom the Hopitu obtained the first corn. The first test above referred to was that of putting their hands in the mud and impressing them upon the rock. Only those were chosen as novices the imprints of whose hands had dried on the instant.

These are remnants of the test that was once done by young men seeking to join the Salyko fraternity. The Salyko is made up of two women and one woman from whom the Hopitu got the first corn. The test mentioned earlier involved putting their hands in the mud and pressing them onto the rock. Only those whose handprints dried instantly were selected as novices.

Le Plongeon (a) tells that the tribes of Yucatan have the custom of printing the impress of the human hand, dipped in a red-colored liquid, on the walls of certain sacred edifices.

Le Plongeon (a) states that the tribes of Yucatan have the tradition of applying the print of a human hand, dipped in a red liquid, onto the walls of certain sacred buildings.

A. W. Howitt, in manuscript notes on Australian pictographs, says:

A. W. Howitt, in his handwritten notes on Australian pictographs, states:

In very many places there are representations of a human hand imprinted or delineated upon the rocks or in caverns. In the mountains on the western side of the Darling river, in New South Wales, I have observed such, and the aborigines whom I questioned upon the subject said that these representations were made in sport. This reply would, however, be also given were any white man to find and draw their attention to one of the figures which are made in connection with the initiation ceremonies. The representations of hands are made in two ways. In one the hand is smeared with red ocher and water, and impressed upon the rock surface. In the other the hand, being placed upon the rock, a mouthful of red ocher or pipe-clay and water is squirted over it. The hand being then removed there remains its representation surrounded and marked out by the colored wash.

In many places, you can find images of human hands either imprinted or drawn on rocks or in caves. In the mountains on the western side of the Darling River in New South Wales, I've seen these, and the Aboriginal people I asked about them said they were made for fun. However, they would respond the same way if a white person pointed out one of the figures related to initiation ceremonies. There are two ways to create these hand representations. In one method, the hand is coated with red ocher and water, then pressed onto the rock surface. In the other method, the hand is placed on the rock, and a mouthful of red ocher or pipe-clay mixed with water is sprayed over it. When the hand is removed, what’s left is an outline of the hand surrounded by the colored wash.

Thomas Worsnop (b) says:

Thomas Worsnop (b) says:

Fig. 1178.—Cave painting, Australia.

Fig. 1178.—Cave art, Australia.

Mr. Winnecke, in 1879, saw several drawings on rocks and in caves, [Fig. 1178], and describes them as follows:

Mr. Winnecke, in 1879, saw several drawings on rocks and in caves, [Fig. 1178], and describes them like this:

There are found in several large caves near Mount Skinner and Ledans hill, in latitude 22° 30′ south and longitude 134° 30′ east. The natives appear to have selected the smooth surface of granite rocks inside several large caves, which spots are not subject to the influence of wind or rain. These caves are resorted to by the natives during excessive rainy seasons, as indicated by their camp preparations, and[713] it is beyond doubt that these drawings have been performed during these periods of forced inactivity by some artistically inclined native. Those I am alluding to are somewhat numerous in these particular localities and present a uniform appearance.

There are several large caves located near Mount Skinner and Ledans Hill, at a latitude of 22° 30′ south and a longitude of 134° 30′ east. The locals seem to have chosen the smooth surfaces of granite rocks inside these caves, which are protected from wind and rain. These caves are used by the locals during heavy rainy seasons, as shown by their campsite setups, and[713] it's clear that these drawings were made during times of enforced inactivity by some creatively inclined local. The drawings I'm referring to are quite common in these specific areas and have a consistent look.

a, apparently represents a heart pierced in the center by a spear. The outline of the object representing the heart has been delineated with red ocher, whilst the spear has been drawn with a burnt stick or piece of coal. I have only seen this particular sketch in one instance, where four distinct drawings of the same object exactly below and equidistant from each other have been made in anything but a crude manner, the outline having been carefully and very distinctly traced on the rocks, showing a degree of perfection scarcely to be anticipated from these wild inhabitants. The breadth of the heart is about 5 inches and its length about 6 inches. The length of the spear portion is about 3 feet. [The device reminds of St. Valentine’s day.]

a seems to represent a heart pierced in the center by a spear. The shape of the heart is outlined in red ocher, while the spear is drawn with a burnt stick or coal. I've only seen this specific drawing once, where four distinct images of the same object are arranged exactly below and spaced evenly from each other, done in a surprisingly detailed manner. The outline has been carefully and clearly traced on the rocks, showing a level of skill that’s hard to expect from these wild inhabitants. The heart measures about 5 inches wide and 6 inches long. The spear part is roughly 3 feet long. [The device reminds one of St. Valentine’s Day.]

b, consists of two parallel lines about 6 inches apart, with regular marks between, and probably represents the native’s notion of a creek with emu tracks traversing its bed. This drawing has been made with a coal, and is found depicted on smooth rocks in various localities.

b consists of two parallel lines about 6 inches apart, with regular marks in between, and likely represents the local idea of a creek with emu tracks crossing its bed. This drawing was made with coal and can be seen on smooth rocks in various locations.

c, has been drawn both with coal and red ocher. It is found in many places, and seems to be a favorite drawing of the natives. I have found it depicted in several localities in the interior of Australia. It is generally supposed to represent a hand.

c has been created using both coal and red ocher. It's found in many locations and appears to be a popular drawing among the locals. I've seen it illustrated in various places in the interior of Australia. It's widely believed to represent a hand.

d. This figure is made by the natives in the following manner: Placing their extended hand against a smooth rock, after having previously moistened the same, they fill their mouths with powdered charcoal, which they then blow violently along the[714] outline of their extended hand, thus leaving the portions of rock covered perfectly clean, whilst the space between their fingers and elsewhere around about becomes covered with the black substance. This drawing is not very common. I found several specimens near the Sabdover river. I have, however, been informed that it has been seen in other and distant parts of Australia.

d. The local people create this figure by first wetting a smooth rock and then placing their open hand against it. They fill their mouths with powdered charcoal and blow it forcefully along the outline of their hand, leaving the rock surface clean while coating the spaces between their fingers and the surrounding area with black charcoal. This type of drawing isn’t very common. I found a few examples near the Sabdover River. However, I’ve heard that it has been seen in other, faraway parts of Australia.

Renan (a) says in the chapter on the Nomad Semites:

Renan (a) says in the chapter on the Nomad Semites:

The real monuments of the period were, as in the case with all people who can not write, the stones which they reared, the columns erected in memory of some event, and upon which was often represented a hand, whence the name of iad [finger post].

The real monuments of the time were, like with all people who couldn't write, the stones they set up, the columns built to commemorate some event, often featuring a hand, which is where the name iad [finger post] comes from.

Major Conder (c) writes that in Jerusalem a rough representation of a hand is marked by the native races on the wall of every house while building. Some authorities connect it with the five names of God, and it is generally considered to avert the evil eye. The Moors generally, and especially the Arabs in Kairwan, apply paintings of red hands above the doors and on the columns of their houses as talismans to drive away the envious. Similar hand prints are found in the ruins of El Baird near Petra. Some of the quaint symbolism connected with horns is supposed to originate from such hand marks. The same people make the gesture against the evil eye by extending the five fingers of the left hand.

Major Conder (c) notes that in Jerusalem, a rough depiction of a hand is marked by the local people on the wall of every house during construction. Some experts link it to the five names of God, and it’s widely believed to protect against the evil eye. The Moors, especially the Arabs in Kairwan, often paint red hands above their doors and on the columns of their homes as charms to ward off envy. Similar handprints have been discovered in the ruins of El Baird near Petra. Some of the unique symbolism related to horns is thought to have originated from these hand marks. The same communities make a gesture against the evil eye by extending all five fingers of the left hand.

H. Clay Trumbull (b) gives the following:

H. Clay Trumbull (b) provides the following:

It is a noteworthy fact that among the Jews in Tunis, near the old Phenician settlement of Carthage, the sign of a bleeding hand is still an honored and a sacred symbol as if in recognition of the covenant-bond of their brotherhood and friendship. “What struck me most in all the houses,” says a traveler (Chevalier de Hesse-Wartegg) among these Jews, “was the impression of an open bleeding hand on every wall of each floor. However white the walls, this repulsive (yet suggestive) sign was to be seen everywhere.”

It’s interesting to note that among the Jews in Tunis, close to the ancient Phoenician settlement of Carthage, the symbol of a bleeding hand is still a respected and sacred emblem, as if honoring their bond of brotherhood and friendship. “What impressed me most in all the homes,” says a traveler (Chevalier de Hesse-Wartegg) among these Jews, “was the image of an open bleeding hand on every wall of each floor. No matter how white the walls were, this off-putting yet evocative sign was visible everywhere.”

The following is extracted from Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol. I, No. 1 (October, 1883), p. 2:

The following is extracted from Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol. I, No. 1 (October, 1883), p. 2:

At the Temple of Balasundarí Deví at Tilokpúr, near Náhan, the priests stamp a red hand on the left breast of the coat of a pilgrim who visits the temple for the first time to show that he has, as it were, paid for his footing. If the pilgrim again visits the temple and can show the stamp he pays only 4 annas as his fee to the priests.

At the Temple of Balasundarí Deví in Tilokpúr, near Náhan, the priests put a red handprint on the left side of a first-time visitor's coat to mark that they’ve paid for their entrance. If the visitor comes back to the temple and shows the handprint, they only have to pay 4 annas as a fee to the priests.

Gen. A. Hontum-Schindler, Teheran, Persia, in a letter of December 19, 1888, tells:

Gen. A. Hontum-Schindler, Tehran, Persia, in a letter dated December 19, 1888, says:

All through Persia, principally in villages though, a rough representation of a hand, or generally the imprint of a right hand, in red, may be seen on the wall or over the door of a house whilst in building, or on the wall of a mosque, booth, or other public building. It is probably an ancient custom, although the Persians connect it with Islam, and they say that the hand represents that of Albas, a brother of Husain (a grandson of the prophet Mohammed), who was one of the victims at the massacre of Kerbela in 680, and who had his right hand cut off by el Abrad ibu Shaibân. In India I have noticed similar marks, hands, or simply red streaks.

Throughout Persia, especially in villages, you can see a rough image of a hand, or usually the imprint of a right hand, in red paint on the wall or above the door of a house under construction, or on the wall of a mosque, booth, or other public building. This is likely an ancient tradition, although the Persians associate it with Islam. They say the hand represents that of Albas, a brother of Husain (a grandson of the prophet Mohammed), who was one of the victims in the massacre at Kerbela in 680 and had his right hand cut off by el Abrad ibu Shaibân. In India, I've noticed similar marks, hands, or just red streaks.

In Journal of the Proc. Royal Soc. Antiq., Ireland, I, 3, fifth series, 1890, p. 247, is the following:

In the Journal of the Proc. Royal Soc. Antiq., Ireland, I, 3, fifth series, 1890, p. 247, is the following:

The hand an emblem of good luck in Ireland.—In Maj. Conder’s “Syrian Stone Lore,” published for the Palestine Exploration Committee by Bentley & Son (1886), p. 71, occurs the following passage: “Among other primitive emblems used by the[715] Phenicians is the hand occurring on votive steles at Carthage, sometimes in connection with the sacred fish. This hand is still a charm in Syria, called Kef Miriam, ‘the Virgin Mary’s hand,’ and sovereign against the evil eye. The red hand is painted on walls, and occurs, for instance, in the Hagia Sophia at Constantinople and elsewhere. It is common also in Ireland and in India (Siva’s hand) and on early scepters, always as an emblem of good luck.” What actual foundation is there for the above statement as regards Ireland? About twenty years ago the first Monday in January was known in the south of Ireland as “Handsel Monday,” and looked upon as in some way indicating the prosperity the year succeeding was to bring forth. But whether, as the name would seem to imply, this had any connection with the hand as an emblem of good luck I am unaware.—J. C.

The hand is a symbol of good luck in Ireland. In Major Conder’s “Syrian Stone Lore,” published for the Palestine Exploration Committee by Bentley & Son (1886), p. 71, there is a passage that states: “Among other primitive symbols used by the [715] Phoenicians is the hand seen on votive steles at Carthage, sometimes associated with the sacred fish. This hand is still considered a charm in Syria, called Kef Miriam, ‘the Virgin Mary’s hand,’ and is said to protect against the evil eye. The red hand is painted on walls and can be found, for instance, in the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople and other places. It is also common in Ireland and India (Siva’s hand) and on early scepters, serving always as a symbol of good luck.” What actual basis is there for the above statement regarding Ireland? About twenty years ago, the first Monday in January was recognized in the south of Ireland as “Handsel Monday,” and was seen as a sign of the prosperity that the following year would bring. However, I am not sure if, as the name suggests, this had any connection to the hand as a symbol of good luck. —J. C.

Fig. 1179.—Irish cross.

Fig. 1179.—Irish cross.

Gen. Forlong (b) makes the following remarks:

Gen. Forlong (b) makes the following remarks:

The “red hand of Ireland” is known alike to Turanians, Shemites, and Aryans, and from the Americas to farthest Asia. The hand, being an organ peculiar to man, is in the East a sign of Siva, and seems to have been identified with his emblem even by the Medes. All men have usually worshiped and plighted their troth or sworn by manual signs, so the hand naturally stands as the sign of man himself; but more than this, Easterns attach a significance to it as an organ without which the procreating one is useless. In Germany, says J. Grimm, the hand was Tyr, or the son of Odin, “the one-handed,” for he lost one limb by the biting wintry wolf—that is, he became powerless to produce.... He was then the “golden-handed,” fertilizer, whom ancient Irans denoted by their name Zerdosht, and Irish Kelts placed as a talisman on their Ulster shield.... The Irish solo-phalik idea is seen in the “crosses” of Clon-Mac-Noise and Monasterboise, where, as in Fig. 1179, all the fingers are carefully placed in the center of the circle of fertility. The Vedas constantly speak of Savatar as “the golden-handed sun,” who lost this limb owing to his efforts when at sacrifice, and who remained impotent until the deity restored to him a hand of gold.

The “red hand of Ireland” is recognized by Turanians, Shemites, and Aryans, and from the Americas to the far reaches of Asia. The hand, being a unique organ of humans, symbolizes Siva in the East, and it seems to have been associated with his emblem even by the Medes. Throughout history, people have often worshiped and made promises or oaths using hand gestures, so the hand naturally represents humanity itself. Moreover, in Eastern cultures, it holds deeper significance as an organ without which the act of procreation is ineffective. In Germany, J. Grimm notes that the hand was associated with Tyr, the son of Odin, “the one-handed,” who lost one arm to a biting winter wolf—this symbolizes his inability to create. He became known as the “golden-handed” fertilizing figure, referred to by ancient Iranians as Zerdosht, and Irish Celts placed this symbol on their Ulster shield as a talisman. The Irish solo-phalic concept is evident in the “crosses” of Clon-Mac-Noise and Monasterboise, where, as shown in Fig. 1179, all the fingers are intricately positioned at the center of the circle of fertility. The Vedas frequently mention Savatar as “the golden-handed sun,” who lost this limb during his sacrificial efforts and remained powerless until the deity restored to him a golden hand.

Hindus, like the high Asian tribes and the old Mexicans, usually impress a hand covered with blood or vermilion on the door posts of their temple—that is, on the Delpheus or “door of life;” and the great Islamite, Mahmood, when he captured Constantinople, rode up to the holy feminine shrine of St. Sophia, and reaching up as high as he could, there unwittingly imprinted this bloody sign of Great Siva. We must remember how often the hand appears with other significant objects on the arms of men and nations, and notably so on Roman standards.... Fig. 1180.

Hindus, like the high Asian tribes and the ancient Mexicans, often press a hand covered in blood or red pigment onto the doorposts of their temple—that is, onto the Delpheus or “door of life.” When the great Muslim leader Mahmood captured Constantinople, he rode up to the sacred feminine shrine of St. Sophia and, reaching as high as he could, unintentionally left this bloody mark of Great Siva. We should remember how frequently the hand appears alongside other significant symbols on the banners of men and nations, especially on Roman standards.... Fig. 1180.

In the old shrines of America, Leslie says, the “sacred hand was a favorite subject of art,” and Stevens in his Yucatan says, “The red hand stared us in the face over all the ruined buildings of the country, ... not drawn or printed, but stamped by the living hand, the pressure of the palm upon the stone being quite distinct, the thumb and fingers being extended as we see in the Irish and Hindu hands.”

In the old shrines of America, Leslie mentions that the “sacred hand was a popular theme in art,” and Stevens in his Yucatan notes, “The red hand seemed to watch us from all the crumbling buildings of the country, ... not drawn or printed, but stamped by a real hand, with the impression of the palm on the stone being quite clear, the thumb and fingers spreading out like we see in Irish and Hindu hands.”

Fig. 1180.—Roman standard.

Fig. 1180.—Roman flag.

FEET AND TRACKS.

In the two first illustrations of this group the respective figures of the man and the eagle are in the act of forming tracks on the ground. Such tracks are shown in the next two figures, but without the context[716] might not be recognized as such. The fifth figure is more distinctly ideographic, showing the foot and leg as in the act of making the impress, and the eagle’s feather to indicate the kind of track which would have been made by a running eagle.

In the first two illustrations of this group, the man and the eagle are shown making tracks on the ground. The next two figures display these tracks, but without the context[716], they might not be easily recognized as tracks. The fifth figure is more clearly symbolic, depicting the foot and leg as if they're creating the imprint, along with the eagle’s feather to signify the type of track that would be left by a running eagle.

Fig. 1181.

Fig. 1181.

Fig. 1181.—Goes-Walking. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1181.—Goes-Walking. Red Cloud's Census.

Fig. 1182.

Fig. 1182.

Fig. 1182.—Running-Eagle. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1182.—Running-Eagle. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1183.

Fig. 1183.

Fig. 1183.—Tracks. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1183.—Tracks. Red Cloud's Census.

Fig. 1184.

Fig. 1184.

Fig. 1184.—Walking-Bull-Track. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1184.—Walking Bull Track. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1185.

Fig. 1185.

Fig. 1185.—Eagle-Track. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1185.—Eagle Track. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1186.—Feet.

Fig. 1186.—Feet.

Fig. 1186, copied from Copway (b), gives three characters of which the first represents “ran,” the second “walked” or “passed,” and the third “stand,” characters similar both to the tracks and the feet found on many petroglyphs in North America.

Fig. 1186, copied from Copway (b), shows three characters: the first represents “ran,” the second means “walked” or “passed,” and the third signifies “stand.” These characters are similar to the tracks and feet seen in many petroglyphs across North America.

They are also found in the terraces of temples of Thebes, of Karnak, and especially at Nakhaur in South Bihar.

They can also be found in the terraces of the temples in Thebes, Karnak, and especially at Nakhaur in South Bihar.

P. le Page Renouf (a), in An Elementary Grammar of the Ancient Egyptian Language, gives the right-hand character of the same figure as the generic determinative implying motion.

P. le Page Renouf (a), in An Elementary Grammar of the Ancient Egyptian Language, identifies the right-hand character of the same figure as the generic determinative indicating motion.

BROKEN LEG.

This group gives several modes of expressing, pictorially, broken legs.

This group provides several ways to visually depict broken legs.

Fig. 1187.

Fig. 1187.

Fig. 1187.—Many were thrown from their horses while surrounding buffalo, and some had their legs broken. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1847-’48. The legs are distorted and the line may refer to the slippery ice touched by the toes.

Fig. 1187.—Many were thrown from their horses while surrounding buffalo, and some had their legs broken. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1847-’48. The legs are distorted and the line may refer to the slippery ice touched by the toes.

Fig. 1188.

Fig. 1188.

Fig. 1188.—Lone-Horn’s father broke his leg. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1832-’33. This is a strongly marked representation.

Fig. 1188.—Lone-Horn’s father broke his leg. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1832-’33. This is a striking depiction.

Fig. 1189.

Fig. 1189.

Fig. 1190.

Fig. 1190.

Fig. 1189.—A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Leg died. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1846-’47. The-Flame’s representation is objective, but Battiste Good gives another more ideographic. The arm in his character, given in Fig. 1190, is lengthened so as nearly to touch the broken leg, which is shown distorted, instead of indicating the injury by the mere distortion of the leg itself. The bird over the head, and connected by a line with it, probably represents the teal as a name-totem. Perhaps he was called Broken-Leg after the injury.

Fig. 1189.—A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Leg died. The Flame's Winter Count, 1846-’47. The Flame's representation is straightforward, but Battiste Good provides a more symbolic interpretation. The arm in his depiction, shown in Fig. 1190, is extended to almost touch the broken leg, which is portrayed as distorted, instead of just showing the injury through the leg's distortion itself. The bird above the head, connected by a line, likely represents the teal as a name-totem. He may have been named Broken-Leg after the injury.

Fig. 1191.

Fig. 1191.

Fig. 1191.—There were a great many accidents and some legs were broken, the ground being covered with ice. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1847-’48. Here the fracture is very obvious—too much so to be intended as objective—rather delineating the idea of the breaking and separation of the bone.

Fig. 1191.—There were a lot of accidents and some legs were broken because the ground was covered with ice. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1847-’48. Here the fracture is very clear—so much so that it can't be intended as just a representation—more like illustrating the concept of the bone breaking and separating.

Fig. 1192.

Fig. 1192.

Fig. 1192.—Broken-Leg was killed by the Pawnees. His leg had been broken by a bullet in a previous fight with the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1807-’08. Here the leg is entirely removed from its normal position.

Fig. 1192.—Broken-Leg was killed by the Pawnees. His leg had been shattered by a bullet in an earlier battle with the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1807-’08. Here the leg is completely out of its usual position.

Fig. 1193.—Broken leg. Chinese.

Fig. 1193.—Broken leg. Chinese.

Dr. Edkins (g) gives Fig. 1193, a, as a picture of a bent leg broken, and adds, “The true radical and phonetic for which this stands as representative is rather b, ‘fault,’ ‘move.’”

Dr. Edkins (g) shows Fig. 1193, a, as an image of a broken bent leg, and adds, “The actual root and phonetic that this represents is more like b, ‘fault,’ ‘move.’”

VOICE AND SPEECH.

This group relates to sounds issuing from the mouth, that is, to voice and speech:

This group refers to sounds coming from the mouth, specifically voice and speech:

Fig. 1194.

Fig. 1194.

Fig. 1194.—The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walking. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1860-’61. Interpreter A. Lavary said, in 1867, that The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walking, then chief of the Minneconjous, was then at Spotted-Tail’s camp. His father was Red-Fish. He was the elder brother of Lone-Horn. His name is given as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie, translated The-Elk’s-Voice-Walking, compounded of he-ha-ka, elk, and omani, walk; this according to Lavary’s literation. The correct literation of the Dakota word meaning elk is heqaka; voice, ho; and to walk, walking, mani. Their compound would be heqaka ho mani, the translation being the same as above given.

Fig. 1194.—The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walking. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1860-’61. Interpreter A. Lavary stated in 1867 that The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walking, who was then the chief of the Minneconjous, was at Spotted-Tail’s camp. His father was Red-Fish. He was the elder brother of Lone-Horn. His name is recorded as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie, which translates to The-Elk’s-Voice-Walking, made up of he-ha-ka, meaning elk, and omani, meaning walk; this is according to Lavary’s spelling. The correct spelling of the Dakota word for elk is heqaka; voice is ho; and to walk or walking is mani. Their compound translates to heqaka ho mani, which has the same meaning as previously mentioned.

Fig. 1195.

Fig. 1195.

Fig. 1195.—Elk-walking-with-his-Voice. Red-Cloud’s Census: This is explained by the following figure.

Fig. 1195.—Elk-walking-with-his-Voice. Red-Cloud’s Census: This is explained by the following figure.

Fig. 1196.

Fig. 1196.

Fig. 1196 is taken from the manuscript drawing book of an Indian prisoner at St. Augustine, Florida, now in the Smithsonian Institution,[718] No. 30664. It represents an antelope and the whistling sound produced by the animal on being surprised or alarmed. It also shows the tracks, and supplies the idea of walking not exhibited by the preceding two figures.

Fig. 1196 is from the drawing manuscript of an Indian prisoner in St. Augustine, Florida, currently housed in the Smithsonian Institution,[718] No. 30664. It depicts an antelope and the whistling sound the animal makes when startled or alarmed. It also shows the tracks, adding the concept of walking that the previous two figures did not illustrate.

Fig. 1197.

Fig. 1197.

Fig. 1197.—Dog-with-good-voice. Red-Cloud’s Census. The peculiar angular divisions of the line may indicate the explosive character of a dog’s bark as distinct from a long-drawn howl. Among the many lines indicating voice which appear in the Dakota pictographs none has been found identical with this, and therefore it probably has special significance.

Fig. 1197.—Dog-with-good-voice. Red-Cloud’s Census. The unique angular divisions of the line might show the sharp, explosive nature of a dog's bark compared to a prolonged howl. Among the various lines representing voice found in Dakota pictographs, none has been found to match this one exactly, so it likely holds special meaning.

Fig. 1198.

Fig. 1198.

Fig. 1198.—Bear-that-growls. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure gives a marked differentiation. The sound of growling does not appear to come from the mouth, but from the lower part of the neck or the upper part of the chest, from which the lines here are drawn to emanate. They are also confined by a surrounding line, to suggest the occluded nature of the sound.

Fig. 1198.—Bear-that-growls. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows a clear distinction. The growling sound doesn’t seem to come from the mouth but from the lower neck or the upper chest, where the lines here are drawn to originate. They are also enclosed by a surrounding line to indicate the muffled nature of the sound.

Fig. 1199.—Speech. Ojibwa.

Fig. 1199.—Speaking. Ojibwa.

Fig. 1199, from Copway (b), represents “speak.”

Fig. 1199, from Copway (b), shows “speak.”

Fig. 1200.—Talk. Mexican.

Fig. 1200.—Chat. Mexican.

The Mexican pictograph, Fig. 1200, taken from Kingsborough (n), is illustrative of the sign made by the Arikara and Hidatsa for “tell” and “conversation.” “Tell me” is: Place the flat right hand, palm upward, about 15 inches in front of the right side of the face, fingers pointing to the left and front; then draw the hand inward toward and against the bottom of the chin. For “conversation,” talking between two persons, both hands are held before the breast, pointing forward, palms up, the edges being moved several times toward one another. Perhaps, however, the picture in fact only means the common poetical image of “flying words.”

The Mexican pictograph, Fig. 1200, taken from Kingsborough (n), shows the sign made by the Arikara and Hidatsa for “tell” and “conversation.” “Tell me” is: Place your flat right hand, palm up, about 15 inches in front of the right side of your face, fingers pointing to the left and front; then pull your hand inward toward your chin. For “conversation,” when two people are talking, both hands are held before the chest, pointing forward, palms up, with the edges moved several times toward each other. However, the picture may actually represent the common poetic image of “flying words.”

Fig. 1201.—Talk. Maya.

Fig. 1201.—Chat. Maya.

Fig. 1201 is from Landa (b) and suggests one of the gestures for “talk,” and more especially that for “sing,” in which the extended and separated fingers are passed forward and slightly downward from the mouth—“many voices.” Although late criticisms of the bishop’s work are unfavorable to its authenticity, yet even if it were prepared by a Maya, under his supervision, the latter would probably have given him some genuine native conceptions, and among them gestures would be likely to occur.

Fig. 1201 is from Landa (b) and suggests one of the gestures for "talk," and especially that for "sing," where the extended and separated fingers are moved forward and slightly downward from the mouth—"many voices." Although later criticisms of the bishop’s work question its authenticity, even if it was created by a Maya under his guidance, the Maya would likely have shared some authentic native ideas, including gestures.

Gustav Eisen (a), in describing Fig. 1202, says:

Gustav Eisen (a), describing Fig. 1202, states:

Fig. 1202.—Talk. Guatemala.

Fig. 1202.—Chat. Guatemala.

The original, from near Santa Lucia, Guatemala, represents a sepulchral tablet, on which are seen the portraits of perhaps man and wife, their different headdresses, etc., indicating decidedly their different sexes. From the mouths of the respective portraits extend as usual curved figures with notes or nodes.

The original, from near Santa Lucia, Guatemala, is a burial tablet, featuring the portraits of what might be a husband and wife, with distinct headdresses, clearly showing their different genders. From the mouths of each portrait extend the usual curved figures with notes or nodes.

DWELLINGS.

Irving (c) noticed fifty years ago that each tribe of Indians has a different mode of shaping and arranging lodges, and especially that the[720] Omaha make theirs gay and fanciful with undulating bands of red and yellow or with dressed and painted buffalo skins.

Irving (c) observed fifty years ago that each Native American tribe has a unique way of constructing and arranging their lodges, particularly noting that the [720] Omaha decorate theirs with vibrant and whimsical patterns using flowing bands of red and yellow or with dressed and painted buffalo hides.

The left-hand upper characters of Fig. 1203 represents Dakota lodges as drawn by the Hidatsa. These characters when carelessly or rudely drawn can only be distinguished from personal marks by their position and their relation to other characters.

The upper left characters of Fig. 1203 represent Dakota lodges as illustrated by the Hidatsa. When these characters are drawn carelessly or roughly, they can only be differentiated from personal marks based on their position and their relationship to other characters.

Fig. 1203.—Dwellings.

Fig. 1203.—Housing.

The right-hand upper characters of the same figure signify, among the Hidatsa, earth lodges. The circles represent the ground plan of the lodges, while the central markings are intended to represent the upright poles, which support the roof on the interior. Some of these are similar to the Kadiak drawing for island, Fig. 439.

The upper right characters of the same figure represent, among the Hidatsa, earth lodges. The circles show the layout of the lodges, while the central markings symbolize the vertical poles that hold up the roof inside. Some of these are similar to the Kadiak drawing for island, Fig. 439.

The left-hand lower character of the figure represents buildings erected by civilized men; the character is generally used by the Hidatsa to designate government buildings and traders’ stores.

The left-hand lower character of the figure represents buildings constructed by civilized people; this character is commonly used by the Hidatsa to refer to government buildings and traders' stores.

The remaining character is the Hidatsati, the home of the Hidatsa; an inclosure having earth lodges within it.

The remaining character is the Hidatsati, the home of the Hidatsa; an enclosure containing earth lodges.

Fig. 1204.

Fig. 1204.

Fig. 1204.—Dakotas and Rees meet in camp together and are at peace. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1792-’93. The two styles of dwellings, viz, the tipi of the Dakotas and the earth lodge of the Arikaras, are depicted.

Fig. 1204.—Dakotas and Rees meet in camp together and are at peace. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1792-’93. The two styles of homes, the tipi of the Dakotas and the earth lodge of the Arikaras, are shown.

Fig. 1205.

Fig. 1205.

Fig. 1205.—The Dakotas camped on the Missouri river, near the Gros Ventres, and fought with them a long time. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1792-’93. The Dakota tipi and the Gros Ventre lodge are shown in the figure. The gun shows that war was raging.

Fig. 1205.—The Dakotas camped by the Missouri River, close to the Gros Ventres, and battled with them for a long time. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1792-’93. The Dakota tipi and the Gros Ventre lodge are shown in the figure. The gun indicates that war was ongoing.

Fig. 1206.

Fig. 1206.

Fig. 1206.—The Dakotas camped near the Rees and fought with them. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1795-’96. This figure is a variant of the one foregoing.

Fig. 1206.—The Dakotas set up camp near the Rees and fought against them. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1795-’96. This figure is a variation of the previous one.

Fig. 1207.

Fig. 1207.

Fig. 1207.—Some of the Dakotas built a large house and lived in it during the winter. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1815-’16. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Made-a-house-winter.” It would seem to be a larger dwelling than the ordinary tipi, and that wood entered into its construction. This is made more clear by the figure next following.

Fig. 1207.—Some of the Dakotas built a large house and lived in it during the winter. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1815-’16. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Made-a-house-winter.” It seems to be a bigger dwelling than the usual tipi, and wood was likely used in its construction. This is further illustrated by the figure that follows.

Fig. 1208.

Fig. 1208.

Fig. 1208.—They lived in the same house that they did last winter. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1816-’17.

Fig. 1208.—They lived in the same house as last winter. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1816-’17.

Fig. 1209.

Fig. 1209.

Fig. 1209.—Adobe houses were built by Maj. J. W. Wham, Indian agent (afterwards paymaster, U. S. Army), on the Platte river, about 30 miles below Fort Laramie. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1871-’72. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Major-Wham’s-house-built-on-Platte-river winter.”

Fig. 1209.—Adobe houses were built by Maj. J. W. Wham, an Indian agent (who later became a paymaster for the U.S. Army), on the Platte River, about 30 miles downstream from Fort Laramie. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1871-’72. White-Cow-Killer refers to it as “Major Wham’s house built on the Platte River winter.”

Fig. 1210.

Fig. 1210.

Fig. 1210.—American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1815-’16. The figure is intended to represent a white man’s house. Other forms are shown in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count, Chap. X, sec. 2.

Fig. 1210.—American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1815-’16. The illustration depicts a white man’s house. Other variations are illustrated in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count, Chap. X, sec. 2.

Fig. 1211.—Dwelling. Moki.

Fig. 1211.—House. Moki.

Fig. 1211 shows different representations of Moki houses copied from a petroglyph at Oakley Springs, Arizona.

Fig. 1211 shows various representations of Moki houses based on a petroglyph at Oakley Springs, Arizona.

Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in A Study of the Manuscript Troano, Contrib. N. A. Ethn., Vol. V, p. 128, gives the following description of Fig. 1212:

Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in A Study of the Manuscript Troano, Contrib. N. A. Ethn., Vol. V, p. 128, provides the following description of Fig. 1212:

Fig. 1212.—Dwelling. Maya.

Fig. 1212.—Maya Home.

The side wall in Fig. 1212 appears to be composed of blocks of some kind placed one upon another, probably of stone, each bearing the Muluc character. The character at the top of the wall with a cross in it, somewhat resembling that in the symbol[722] for Ezanab, is very common in these figures. This probably marks the end of the beam which was placed on the wall to support the roof. The curved line running from this to the top portion probably represents the rafter; the slender thread-like lines (yellow in the original) the straw or grass with which the roof was thatched.

The side wall in Fig. 1212 looks like it’s made up of stacked blocks, probably stone, each displaying the Muluc character. The character at the top of the wall, which has a cross and somewhat resembles the one in the symbol[722] for Ezanab, is very commonly found in these figures. This likely indicates the end of the beam that was put on the wall to support the roof. The curved line leading from this to the top part probably represents the rafter, while the thin, thread-like lines (yellow in the original) indicate the straw or grass used to thatch the roof.

The checkered part may represent a matting of reeds or brushwood on which the straw was placed.

The checkered section might symbolize a layer of reeds or brushwood where the straw was laid out.

Fig. 1213.—House. Egyptian.

Fig. 1213.—House. Egyptian.

Champollion (h) gives the Egyptian characters for house, reproduced in Fig. 1213.

Champollion (h) gives the Egyptian characters for "house," shown in Fig. 1213.

ECLIPSE OF THE SUN.

Fig. 1214.—Eclipse of the sun.

Fig. 1214.—Solar eclipse.

Fig. 1214.—Dakotas witnessed eclipse of the sun; they were terribly frightened. The sun is a dark globe and the stars appear. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1869-’70.

Fig. 1214.—The Dakotas saw the solar eclipse; they were extremely scared. The sun became a dark circle and the stars started to show. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1869-’70.

The left-hand design on the lower line of Pl. XLIX is reproduced from Kingsborough. “In this year there was a great eclipse of the sun.”

The left-hand design on the lower line of Pl. XLIX is reproduced from Kingsborough. “This year, there was a major solar eclipse.”

Humboldt infers from this painting that the Mexicans were informed of the real cause of the eclipses; which would not be at all surprising considering the many other curious things with which they were acquainted, the knowledge of which they must have derived from the West. It is proper to observe that on the 127th page of the Vatican MS., where a representation of the same eclipse occurs, the disk of the moon does not appear to be projecting over that of the sun. The Vatican MS. appears to have been copied from a Mexican painting similar to but not the same as that which Pedro de los Rios copied, whose notes and interpretations the Italian interpreter had before his eyes and strictly followed.

Humboldt concludes from this painting that the Mexicans understood the true cause of eclipses, which wouldn’t be surprising given the many other interesting things they were aware of, knowledge they likely gained from the West. It’s worth noting that on the 127th page of the Vatican MS., where there’s a depiction of the same eclipse, the moon's disk doesn’t seem to be covering that of the sun. The Vatican MS. seems to have been copied from a Mexican painting that is similar to, but not the same as, the one that Pedro de los Rios copied, whose notes and interpretations the Italian interpreter had in front of him and closely followed.

METEORS.

This group shows the pictorial representation of meteors by the Dakotas. The translations as well as the devices are suggestive.

This group displays how the Dakotas visually represent meteors. The translations and the symbols are quite meaningful.

Fig. 1215.

Fig. 1215.

Fig. 1215.—A large roaring star fell. It came from the east and shot out sparks of fire along its course. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1821-’22. Its track and the sparks are shown in the figure. White-Cow-Killer says “One-star-made-a-great-noise winter.”

Fig. 1215.—A big roaring star fell. It came from the east and shot out sparks of fire as it traveled. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1821-’22. Its path and the sparks are shown in the figure. White-Cow-Killer says, “One star made a great noise that winter.”

This and the three following figures evidently refer to the fall of a single large meteor in the land of the Dakotas some time in the winter of 1821-’22. The fact can not be verified by scientific records.[723] There were not many correspondents of scientific institutions in the upper Missouri region at the date mentioned.

This and the three figures that follow clearly reference the fall of a large meteor in the Dakotas during the winter of 1821-22. This fact cannot be confirmed by scientific records.[723] There weren't many representatives of scientific institutions in the upper Missouri region at that time.

Fig. 1216.

Fig. 1216.

Fig. 1216.—Large ball of fire with hissing noise (aerolite). The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1821-’22.

Fig. 1216.—Large ball of fire with a hissing sound (aerolite). The Flame’s Winter Count, 1821-’22.

Fig. 1217.

Fig. 1217.

Fig. 1217.—Dakota Indians saw an immense meteor passing from southeast to northwest, which exploded with great noise. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1821-’22.

Fig. 1217.—Dakota Indians saw a huge meteor traveling from the southeast to the northwest, which exploded with a loud noise. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1821-’22.

Fig. 1218.

Fig. 1218.

Battiste Good says for the same phenomenon: “Star-passed-by-with-loud-noise winter.” His device is shown in Fig. 1218, showing the meteor, its pathway, and the clouds from which it came.

Battiste Good describes the same phenomenon: “Star-passed-by-with-loud-noise winter.” His device is illustrated in Fig. 1218, showing the meteor, its trajectory, and the clouds it originated from.

The five winter counts next cited all undoubtedly refer to the magnificent meteoric display of the morning of November 13, 1833, which was witnessed throughout North America and which was correctly assigned to the winter corresponding with that of 1833-’34. All of them represent stars having four points, except The-Swan, who draws a globular object followed by a linear track.

The five winter counts mentioned next clearly refer to the stunning meteor shower on the morning of November 13, 1833, which was seen all across North America and correctly linked to the winter of 1833-’34. All of them depict stars with four points, except The-Swan, who shows a round object followed by a line trail.

Fig. 1219.

Fig. 1219.

Fig. 1219.—It rained stars. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1833-’34. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-stars winter.”

Fig. 1219.—It rained stars. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1833-’34. White-Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-stars winter.”

Fig. 1220.

Fig. 1220.

Fig. 1220.—The stars moved around. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1833-’34. This shows one large four-pointed star as the characterizing object and many small stars, also four-pointed.

Fig. 1220.—The stars shifted position. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1833-’34. This displays one prominent four-pointed star as the main feature, accompanied by many smaller four-pointed stars.

Fig. 1221.

Fig. 1221.

Fig. 1221.—Many stars fell. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1833-’34. The character shows six stars above the concavity of the moon.

Fig. 1221.—Many stars fell. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1833-’34. The character shows six stars above the curve of the moon.

Fig. 1222.

Fig. 1222.

Fig. 1222.—Dakotas witnessed magnificent meteoric showers; much terrified. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1833-’34.

Fig. 1222.—The Dakotas experienced amazing meteor showers; many were quite frightened. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1833-’34.

Fig. 1223.

Fig. 1223.

Battiste Good calls it “Storm-of-stars winter,” and gives as the device a tipi with stars falling around it. This is presented in Fig. 1223. The tipi is colored yellow in the original and so represented in the figure according to the heraldic scheme.

Battiste Good calls it “Storm-of-stars winter,” and uses a tipi with stars falling around it as the device. This is presented in Fig. 1223. The tipi is colored yellow in the original and is shown in the figure according to the heraldic scheme.

Fig. 1224.—Meteors. Mexican.

Fig. 1224.—Meteors. Mexico.

Fig. 1224 is taken from Kingsborough, I, Pls. XXIX and XXX. The description, given in Codex Tell.-Rem., VI, p. 148, et seq., is as follows: Regarding the left-hand[724] device figure, “In the year of Three Rabbits, or in 1534, Don Antonio de Mendoça arrived as Viceroy of New Spain. They say that the star smoked.”

Fig. 1224 is taken from Kingsborough, I, Pls. XXIX and XXX. The description, given in Codex Tell.-Rem., VI, p. 148, et seq., is as follows: Regarding the left-hand[724] device figure, “In the year of Three Rabbits, or in 1534, Don Antonio de Mendoça arrived as Viceroy of New Spain. They say that the star smoked.”

Regarding the lower figure: “In the year of Eleven Houses, or in 1529, Nuño de Guzman set out for Yalisco on his march to subdue that territory; they pretend that a serpent descended from the sky, exclaiming that troubles were preparing for the natives since the Christians were directing their course thither.”

Regarding the lower figure: “In the year of Eleven Houses, or in 1529, Nuño de Guzman set out for Yalisco on his mission to conquer that territory; they claim that a serpent descended from the sky, predicting that troubles were coming for the natives since the Christians were heading in that direction.”

THE CROSS.

Referring to the numerous forms of cross delineated in the work of Mr. W. H. Holmes (d), it is to be noted that most of them are equilateral or the Greek pattern, and that similar ornaments or instruments now used by the Dakotas are always worn so that the cross upon them stands as if resting on one foot only and not on two, as is the mode in which St. Andrew’s cross is drawn.

Referring to the many types of crosses outlined in the work of Mr. W. H. Holmes (d), it's important to note that most are equilateral or follow the Greek pattern. Additionally, similar ornaments or tools currently used by the Dakotas are always worn in a way that makes the cross appear as if it is resting on just one foot instead of two, which is how St. Andrew’s cross is typically depicted.

The “Greek” cross represents to the Dakota the four winds, which issue from the four caverns in which the souls of men existed before their incarnation in the human body. All “medicine-men,” i. e., conjurers and magicians, recollect their previous dreamy life in those places and the instructions then received from the gods, demons, and sages. They recollect and describe their preexistent life, but only dream and speculate as to the future life beyond the grave.

The “Greek” cross symbolizes the four winds for the Dakota, which come from the four caverns where human souls existed before they incarnated in a physical body. All “medicine-men,” or conjurers and magicians, remember their past dreamlike existence in those places and the teachings they received from gods, demons, and wise individuals. They recall and talk about their life before existence, but only dream and speculate about what life will be like after death.

Fig. 1225.—Cross. Dakota.

Fig. 1225.—Cross. Dakota.

The top of the cross is the cold all-conquering giant, the North-wind, most powerful of all. It is worn on the body nearest the head, the seat of intelligence and conquering devices. The left arm covers the heart; it is the East-wind, coming from the seat of life and love. The foot is the melting burning South-wind, indicating, as it is worn, the seat of fiery passion. The right arm is the gentle West-wind, blowing from the spirit land, covering the lungs, from which the breath at last goes[725] out, gently, but into unknown night. The center of the cross is the earth and man, moved by the conflicting influences of the gods and winds. This cross is often illustrated as in Fig. 1225. It is sometimes drawn and depicted in beadwork and also on copper, as in Fig. 1226, extracted from the Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., Pl. LII, Fig. 4, where it appears cut out of a copper plate found in an Ohio mound.

The top of the cross represents the cold, all-powerful giant, the North Wind, the strongest of them all. It’s placed on the body nearest the head, where intelligence and conquering ideas reside. The left arm covers the heart; it represents the East Wind, coming from the source of life and love. The foot symbolizes the melting, burning South Wind, indicating, as it is worn, the origin of fiery passion. The right arm represents the gentle West Wind, blowing from the spiritual realm, covering the lungs, from which the breath finally exits[725] softly, but into the unknown night. The center of the cross symbolizes the earth and humanity, influenced by the conflicting forces of the gods and winds. This cross is often illustrated as shown in Fig. 1225. It can also be represented in beadwork and on copper, as seen in Fig. 1226, taken from the Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., Pl. LII, Fig. 4, where it is displayed cut out of a copper plate found in an Ohio mound.

Fig. 1226.—Cross. Ohio mound.

Fig. 1226.—Cross. Ohio burial mound.

But among some of the Indian tribes the true Latin cross is found, viz, upright with three members of equal length, and the fourth, the foot, much longer. The use of this symbol antedates the discovery of America, and is carried far back in tradition and myth. When a missionary first asked a Dakota the name of this figure, which he drew for him in the sand, wishing to use the information in his translation of Bible and Creed, the Dakota promptly replied Sus-be-ca, and retraced the figure saying “That is a Sus-be-ca.” It was therefore promptly transferred to Scripture and Creed where it still reads “He was nailed to the Susbeca,” etc. “God forbid that I should glory save in the Susbeca of our Lord Jesus Christ.” To the good missionary this was plain and satisfactory; for the Dakota had demonstrated by tracing it in the sand that Susbeca was the name of the figure called in English, “cross.” The foregoing statement is made on the excellent authority of Rev. S. D. Hinman.

But among some of the Indian tribes, the true Latin cross is seen, which is upright with three equal-length arms, and the fourth, the foot, much longer. This symbol predates the discovery of America and has deep roots in tradition and myth. When a missionary first asked a Dakota what this figure was called, which he drew in the sand for him, intending to use the information for his translation of the Bible and Creed, the Dakota quickly replied "Sus-be-ca," and retraced the figure, saying "That is a Sus-be-ca." It was then directly included in Scripture and Creed, where it still states, "He was nailed to the Susbeca," etc. "God forbid that I should glory except in the Susbeca of our Lord Jesus Christ." To the well-meaning missionary, this was clear and satisfactory; the Dakota had shown by tracing it in the sand that Susbeca was the name for what is called "cross" in English. This account is provided on the excellent authority of Rev. S. D. Hinman.

But when the Dakota read his new Bible or Creed, he must have been puzzled or confused to find, “He was nailed to a mosquito-hawk,” or, “God forbid that I should glory save in the mosquito-hawk of our Lord Jesus Christ.”

But when the Dakota read his new Bible or Creed, he must have been puzzled or confused to find, “He was nailed to a mosquito-hawk,” or, “God forbid that I should glory save in the mosquito-hawk of our Lord Jesus Christ.”

Fig. 1227.—Dragon fly.

Fig. 1227.—Dragonfly.

The same disposition of straight lines which is called the Latin cross was and is used by the Dakota to picture or signify both in pictograph and gesture sign, the mosquito-hawk, more generally called dragon fly. The Susbeca or mosquito-hawk is a supernatural being. He is gifted with speech. He warns men of danger. He approaches the ear of the man moving carelessly or unconcernedly through the deep grass of the meadow or marsh—approaches his ear silently and at right angles, as shown in Fig. 1227a, and says to him, now alarmed, “Tci”-“tci”-“tci!”—which is an interjection[726] equivalent to “Look out!” “You are surely going to destruction!” “Look out!” “Tci”-“tci”-“tci!”

The same arrangement of straight lines known as the Latin cross is used by the Dakota to represent, both in pictographs and gestures, the mosquito-hawk, more commonly called the dragonfly. The Susbeca or mosquito-hawk is a supernatural being. He can speak. He warns people of danger. He approaches the ear of a man who is moving carelessly or unconcernedly through the tall grass of the meadow or marsh—he approaches silently and at a right angle, as shown in Fig. 1227a, and says to him, now startled, “Tci”-“tci”-“tci!”—which is an interjection[726] meaning “Watch out!” “You are surely in danger!” “Watch out!” “Tci”-“tci”-“tci!”

Now the mosquito-hawk is easily knocked down and caught and has a temptingly small neck. But woe to the man or woman or child who with the cruelty commonly practiced on all living things by Indians of all ages and states, dares to wring off his head. Whoever shall do this before the winter comes shall be beheaded by the detested Ojibwa. It is true, for long ago a reckless young warrior feeling annoyed or insulted by the infernal “Tci”-“tci”-“tci!” so unceremoniously uttered in explosive breaths near his ear, tried it, and his headless trunk was found ere he escaped from the swamp.

Now the mosquito-hawk is easy to knock down and catch, and it has a tempting small neck. But woe to the man, woman, or child who, with the cruelty often shown to all living things by Native Americans throughout history, dares to twist off its head. Whoever does this before winter arrives will face beheading by the hated Ojibwa. It's true; long ago, a reckless young warrior, feeling annoyed or insulted by the irritating “Tci”-“tci”-“tci!” that was shouted in explosive breaths near his ear, tried it, and his headless body was found before he could escape from the swamp.

The cross has its proper significance in this use not only in representing quite faithfully the shape of the insect but also the angle of his approach. It is variously drawn, but usually as in Fig. 1227, a, or b, and in painting or embroidery, c, and sometimes d.

The cross has its own importance in this context, as it not only accurately represents the shape of the insect but also the angle at which it approaches. It's drawn in different ways, but typically as shown in Fig. 1227, a, or b, and in painting or embroidery, c, and sometimes d.

One reason for the adoption of the dragon fly as a mysterious and supernatural being, is on account of its sudden appearance in large numbers. When in the still of the evening, before the shades of darkness come, there is heard from the meadow a hum as of the sound of crickets or frogs, but indistinct and prolonged; on the morrow the Susbeca will be hovering over it; it is the sound of their coming, but whence no man kens. See also Fig. 1165 and remarks.

One reason people see the dragonfly as a mysterious and supernatural creature is because of its sudden appearance in large numbers. In the quiet of the evening, just before darkness falls, you can hear a low hum from the meadow, similar to the sound of crickets or frogs, but it's unclear and continuous; the next day, the Susbeca will be fluttering above it. That hum signals their arrival, but no one knows where they come from. See also Fig. 1165 and remarks.

Among the Ojibwa of northern Minnesota the cross is one of the sacred symbols of the society of the Midē or shamans, and has special reference to the fourth degree. A neophyte who has been advanced to the third initiation or degree, is instructed in ritualistic chants purporting to relate the struggle between Mi'nabō'zho, the mediator between the Ojibwa and Ki'tshi Ma'nidō, and the malevolent Bear spirit, which contest occurred when Mi'nabō'zho entered the fourth degree structure at the time when the first Indian was inducted therein for initiation.

Among the Ojibwa people in northern Minnesota, the cross is one of the sacred symbols of the Midē society, or shamans, and specifically relates to the fourth degree. A newcomer who has reached the third initiation or degree is taught ritual chants that describe the battle between Mi'nabō'zho, the mediator between the Ojibwa and Ki'tshi Ma'nidō, and the evil Bear spirit. This struggle took place when Mi'nabō'zho entered the fourth degree structure during the first Indian's initiation.

The structure as erected at this day is built in the form of an oblong square having openings or doors at the four cardinal points. At these openings Mi'nabō'zho appeared and shot into the inclosure charmed arrows, to expel the horde of demons occupying the sacred place, and the Bear spirit was the last to yield to his superior powers. The openings being opposite to one another, north and south and east and west, suggested to Mi'nabō'zho the cross, which is now erected whenever a third degree Midē receives this last and highest honor.

The structure that stands today is designed as a rectangular square with doors at all four cardinal points. At these doors, Mi'nabō'zho appeared and shot enchanted arrows into the enclosure to drive out the swarm of demons that had taken over the sacred space, and the Bear spirit was the last to submit to his greater strength. With the openings aligned opposite each other—north and south, east and west—this inspired Mi'nabō'zho to create the cross, which is now placed each time a third degree Midē receives this final and greatest honor.

The cross is made of saplings, the upright pole reaching the height of 4 to 6 feet, the transverse arms being somewhat shorter, each being of the same length as that part of the pole between the arms and the top. The upper parts are painted white, or besmeared with white clay, over which are spread small spots of red, the latter suggesting the sacred shell or mēgis, the symbol of the order. The lower arm or pole is squared, the surface toward the east being painted white, to denote[727] the source of light and warmth. The face on the south is green, denoting the source of the thunder bird who brings the rains and causes the appearance of vegetation; the surface toward the west is covered with vermilion and relates to the land of the setting sun, the abode of the dead. The north is painted black, as that faces the direction from which come affliction, cold, and hunger.

The cross is made from saplings, with the upright pole reaching 4 to 6 feet high, and the cross arms being a bit shorter, each matching the length of the section of the pole between the arms and the top. The upper parts are painted white or covered in white clay, with small spots of red scattered on top, which represent the sacred shell or mēgis, the symbol of the order. The lower arm or pole is square, with the side facing east painted white, symbolizing the source of light and warmth. The south side is green, symbolizing the source of the thunderbird that brings rain and promotes plant growth; the west side is coated in vermilion, relating to the land of the setting sun, the home of the dead. The north side is painted black, facing the direction from which suffering, cold, and hunger come.

Illustrations and additional details on this topic are presented in the paper of Dr. Hoffman (a).

Illustrations and more details on this topic are provided in Dr. Hoffman's paper (a).

In the chart presented in that paper, Pl. B, a midē' structure is also shown, within which are a number of crosses, each of which designates the spirit of a deceased midē priest.

In the chart presented in that paper, Pl. B, a midē' structure is also shown, within which are a number of crosses, each of which designates the spirit of a deceased midē priest.

Upon several birch-bark scrolls received from Ojibwa midē priests are characters resembling rude crosses, which are merely intended to designate wigwams, resembling in this respect similar characters made by Hidatsa to designate Sioux lodges as shown in Fig. 1203.

Upon several birch-bark scrolls received from Ojibwa midē priests are symbols resembling crude crosses, which are just meant to indicate wigwams, similar to the symbols made by Hidatsa to indicate Sioux lodges as shown in Fig. 1203.

Fig. 1228.—Crosses. Eskimo.

Fig. 1228.—Crosses. Inuit.

Groups of small crosses incised upon ivory bow drills and representing flocks of birds, occur on Eskimo specimens, Nos. 45020 and 44211, in the collection of the U. S. National Museum. They are reproduced in Fig. 1228. In Figs. 429 and 1129, representing petroglyphs at Oakley Springs, Arizona, are crosses which are mentioned by Mr. G. K. Gilbert as signifying stars. The simple cross appears to be the simplest type of character to represent stellar forms. See Figs. 1219, 1220, 1221 and 1223.

Groups of small crosses carved into ivory bow drills, representing flocks of birds, can be found on Eskimo specimens, Nos. 45020 and 44211, in the collection of the U.S. National Museum. They are shown in Fig. 1228. In Figs. 429 and 1129, which depict petroglyphs at Oakley Springs, Arizona, are crosses that Mr. G. K. Gilbert notes represent stars. The simple cross seems to be the most basic type of symbol to represent stellar forms. See Figs. 1219, 1220, 1221, and 1223.

Fig. 28, supra, represents a cross copied from the Najowe Valley group of colored pictographs, 40 miles west of Santa Barbara, California. The cross measures 10 inches in length, the interior portion being painted black, while the outside or border is of a dark red tint. This drawing, as well as numerous others in close connection, is painted on the walls of a shallow cave or rock-shelter in the limestone formation.

Fig. 28, above, shows a cross taken from the Najowe Valley group of colorful pictographs, located 40 miles west of Santa Barbara, California. The cross is 10 inches long, with the inner part painted black and the outer border in a dark red color. This drawing, along with many others nearby, is painted on the walls of a shallow cave or rock shelter in the limestone formation.

Fourteen miles west of Santa Barbara, on the summit of the Santa Ynez mountains, are caverns having a large opening, facing the northwest and north, in which crosses occur of the types given in Fig. 33, supra.

Fourteen miles west of Santa Barbara, at the top of the Santa Ynez mountains, are caves with a large opening facing northwest and north, where the crosses shown in Fig. 33, above, occur.

The interior portion of the cross is of a dull, earthy red, while the outside line is of a faded black tint. The cross measures nearly a foot in extent.

The inside part of the cross is a dull, earthy red, while the outer edge is a faded black color. The cross is nearly a foot long.

Fig. 1229.—Cross. Tulare valley, California.

Fig. 1229.—Cross. Tulare Valley, California.

At Tulare Indian agency, Tulare valley, California, is an immense bowlder of granite which has become broken in such a manner that one of the lower quarters has moved away from the larger mass sufficiently to leave a passageway 6 feet wide and nearly 10 feet high. The interior walls are well covered with large,[728] painted figures, while upon the ceiling are numerous forms of animals, birds, and insects. Among this latter group is a white cross measuring about 18 inches in length, Fig. 1229, presenting a unique appearance, for the reason that white coloring matter applied to petroglyphs is, with this single exception, entirely absent in that region.

At the Tulare Indian agency in Tulare Valley, California, there's a massive granite boulder that has cracked in such a way that one of the lower sections has shifted away from the main mass enough to create a passageway that’s 6 feet wide and nearly 10 feet high. The interior walls are decorated with large, [728] painted figures, while the ceiling features various forms of animals, birds, and insects. Among these is a white cross about 18 inches long, Fig. 1229, which stands out because white pigment used on petroglyphs is otherwise completely absent in that area, except for this one case.

One of the most interesting series of rock sculpturings in groups is that in Owens valley, south of Benton, California. Among these various forms of crosses occur, and circles containing crosses of various simple and complex types, as shown in Pls. I to XI and in Mojave desert, California, illustrated in Fig. 19, but the examples of most interest in the present connection are the two shown herewith in Fig. 1230, a and b.

One of the most fascinating series of rock carvings can be found in groups in Owens Valley, south of Benton, California. Among these different shapes, there are crosses and circles that include various simple and complex types of crosses, as illustrated in Pls. I to XI and in the Mojave Desert, California, as shown in Fig. 19. However, the examples that are most relevant to our discussion are the two featured here in Fig. 1230, a and b.

Fig. 1230.—Crosses. Owens valley, California

Fig. 1230.—Crosses. Owens Valley, California

The larger one, a, occurs upon a large bowlder of trachyte, blackened by exposure, located 16 miles south of Benton, at a locality known as the Chalk Grade. The circle is a depression about 1 inch in depth, the cross being in high relief within. Another smaller cross, b, found 3 miles north of the one above-mentioned, is almost identical, each of the arms of the cross, however, extending to the rim of the circle.

The larger one, a, is found on a large boulder of trachyte, darkened from exposure, located 16 miles south of Benton, at a place called the Chalk Grade. The circle is a depression about 1 inch deep, with the cross standing out prominently inside it. Another smaller cross, b, discovered 3 miles north of the first one mentioned, is nearly identical, though each arm of the cross extends to the edge of the circle.

In this locality occurs also the form of the cross c, in the same figure, and some examples having more than two cross arms. Other simple forms clearly represent the human form, but by erosion the arms and body have become partially obliterated so as to lose all trace of resemblance to humanity.

In this area, there is also the shape of the cross c, in the same design, along with some examples that have more than two cross arms. Other simple shapes clearly represent the human figure, but due to erosion, the arms and body have become partially worn away, losing any trace of resemblance to humanity.

In the same figure, d, from a rock in the neighborhood, exhibits the outline of the human form, while in e parts of the extremities have been removed by erosion so that the resemblance is less striking; in f a simple cross occurs, which may also have been intended to represent the same, but through disintegration the extremities have been so greatly changed or erased that their original forms can not be determined.

In the same figure, d, from a nearby rock, shows the shape of a human body, while in e parts of the limbs have been worn away by erosion, making the likeness less noticeable; in f, there is a simple cross that might also have been meant to represent the same form, but due to decay, the limbs have been so altered or erased that their original shapes can't be identified.

Rev. John McLean (a) says: “On the sacred pole of the sun lodge of the Blood Indians two bundles of small brushwood taken from the birch tree were placed in the form of a cross. This was an ancient symbol evidently referring to the four winds.”

Rev. John McLean (a) says: “On the sacred pole of the sun lodge of the Blood Indians, two bundles of small brushwood from the birch tree were arranged in the shape of a cross. This was an ancient symbol clearly representing the four winds.”

Among the Kiatéxamut, an Innuit tribe, a cross placed on the head, as in Fig. 1231, signifies a Shaman’s evil spirit or demon. This is an[729] imaginary being under control of the Shaman to execute the wishes of the latter.

Among the Kiatéxamut, an Inuit tribe, a cross placed on the head, as shown in Fig. 1231, signifies a Shaman’s evil spirit or demon. This is an[729] imaginary being controlled by the Shaman to carry out their wishes.

Fig. 1231.—Cross. Innuit.

Fig. 1231.—Cross. Inuit.

Many of the mescal eaters at the Kaiowa mescal ceremony wear the ordinary Roman Catholic crucifixes, which they adopt as sacred emblems of the rite, the cross representing the cross of scented leaves upon which the consecrated mescal rests during the ceremony, while the human figure is the mescal goddess.

Many of the mescal drinkers at the Kaiowa mescal ceremony wear regular Roman Catholic crucifixes, which they take on as sacred symbols of the ritual. The cross represents the fragrant leaves that the consecrated mescal sits on during the ceremony, while the human figure symbolizes the mescal goddess.

Concerning Fig. 1232, Keam, in his MS., says:

Concerning Fig. 1232, Keam, in his manuscript, says:

Fig. 1232.—Crosses. Moki.

Fig. 1232.—Crosses. Moki.

The Maltese cross is the emblem of a virgin; still so recognized by the Moki. It is a conventional development of a more common emblem of maidenhood, the form in which the maidens wear their hair arranged as a disk of 3 or 4 inches in diameter upon each side of the head. This discoidal arrangement of their hair is typical of the emblem of fructification worn by the virgin in the Muingwa festival, as exhibited in the head-dress illustration a. Sometimes the hair, instead of being worn in the complete discoid form, is dressed from two curving twigs and presents the form of two semicircles upon each side of the head. The partition of these is sometimes horizontal and sometimes vertical. A combination of both of these styles, b, presents the form from which the Maltese cross was conventionalized. The brim decorations are of ornamental locks of hair which a maiden trains to grow upon the sides of the forehead.

The Maltese cross is a symbol of purity, still recognized by the Moki. It evolved from a more common symbol of maidenhood, where young women style their hair in a disk shape of 3 or 4 inches in diameter on each side of their heads. This disk-like hairstyle is typical of the symbol of fertility worn by virgins during the Muingwa festival, shown in the head-dress illustration a. Sometimes the hair is styled from two curved twigs, creating two semicircles on each side of the head instead of a full disk. The separation between these styles can be horizontal or vertical. A mix of both styles, b, forms the basis of the Maltese cross design. The brim decorations consist of ornamental locks of hair that a maiden grows to adorn the sides of her forehead.

The ceremonial employment of the cross by the Pueblo is detailed in Mr. Stevenson’s paper entitled Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand-painting of the Navajo Indians, in the Eighth Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 266, where it denotes the scalp-lock.

The ceremonial use of the cross by the Pueblo is described in Mr. Stevenson’s paper titled "Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand-painting of the Navajo Indians," in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 266, where it represents the scalp-lock.

In the present paper the figure of the cross among the North American Indians is presented under other headings with many differing significations. Among other instances it appears on p. 383 as the tribal sign for Cheyenne; on p. 582 as Dakota lodges; on p. 613 as the character for trade or exchange; on p. 227 as the conventional sign for prisoner; on p. 438 for personal exploits; while elsewhere it is used in simple numeration.

In this paper, the cross symbol among North American Indians is discussed under various headings with many different meanings. For example, it appears on p. 383 as the tribal symbol for the Cheyenne; on p. 582 as Dakota lodges; on p. 613 as a symbol for trade or exchange; on p. 227 as the conventional sign for a prisoner; on p. 438 for personal achievements; and in other places, it is used in basic counting.

But, although this device is used with a great variety of meanings, when it is employed ceremonially or in elaborate pictographs by the Indians both of North and South America, it represents the four winds. The view long ago suggested that such was the significance of the many Mexican crosses, is sustained by Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in his Notes on Maya and Mexican MSS., Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 61, where strong confirmatory evidence is produced by the arms of the crosses having the appearance of conventionalized wings, similar to some representations of the thunder-bird by more northern tribes. Yet the same author, in his paper on the Study of the MS. Troano, Contrib. N. A. Ethn., V, 144, gives Fig. 1233 as the symbol for wood, thus further showing the manifold concepts attached to the general form.

But even though this symbol is used in many different ways, when it's used in ceremonies or in detailed illustrations by the Indigenous peoples of both North and South America, it represents the four winds. The idea that this is the significance of many of the Mexican crosses, suggested long ago, is supported by Prof. Cyrus Thomas in his Notes on Maya and Mexican MSS., Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 61, where he presents strong evidence that the arms of the crosses resemble stylized wings, similar to some depictions of the thunderbird by tribes from the north. However, the same author, in his paper on the Study of the MS. Troano, Contrib. N. A. Ethn., V, 144, gives Fig. 1233 as the symbol for wood, further illustrating the multiple meanings connected to this general shape.

Fig. 1233.—Crosses. Maya.

Fig. 1233.—Crosses. Maya.

Bandelier (a) thinks that the crosses which were frequently used before the conquest by the aborigines of Mexico and Central America were merely ornaments and were not objects of worship, while the so-called crucifixes, like that on the “Palenque tablet,” were only the symbol of the “new fire” or close of a period of fifty-two years. He believes them to be merely representations of “fire-drills,” more or less ornamented.

Bandelier (a) believes that the crosses frequently used by the indigenous people of Mexico and Central America before the conquest were just decorations and not objects of worship. He suggests that the so-called crucifixes, like the one on the “Palenque tablet,” were simply symbols of the “new fire” or the end of a fifty-two-year cycle. He thinks they were just representations of “fire-drills,” more or less decorated.

Mr. W. H. Holmes (e) shows by a series representing steps in the simplification of animal characters that in Chiriqui a symmetrical cross was developed from the design of an alligator.

Mr. W. H. Holmes (e) shows through a series illustrating the steps in simplifying animal features that in Chiriqui, a symmetrical cross was created based on the design of an alligator.

Fig. 1234.—Crosses. Nicaragua.

Fig. 1234.—Crosses. Nicaragua.

Carl Bovallius (a) gives an illustration, copied here as Fig. 1234, of pictographs in the island of Ceiba, Nicaragua.

Carl Bovallius (a) provides an example, shown here as Fig. 1234, of pictographs found on the island of Ceiba, Nicaragua.

Zamacois (a) says that “the cross figured in the religion of various tribes of the peninsula of Yucatan and that it represented the god of rain.”

Zamacois (a) says that "the cross was significant in the beliefs of several tribes in the Yucatan Peninsula and represented the rain god."

Fig. 1235.—Cross. Guatemala.

Fig. 1235.—Cross. Guatemala.

Dr. S. Habel (f), describing Fig. 1235, says:

Dr. S. Habel (f), describing Fig. 1235, says:

On it is a person in a reclining position, with a single band tied around his forehead, forming a knot with two pendent tassels. From his temple rises an ornament resembling the wing of a bird. The emaciated face, as well as the recumbent position of the body, indicates a state of sickness. The hair is interwoven behind with many ribbons forming loops, which are bound together by a clasp, and then spread out in the shape of a fan. The ear is ornamented with a circular disk, to the center of which are attached a plume and a twisted ornament similar to a queue. On the breast is a kind of brooch, which is hollow like a shell, and in which are imbedded seven pearls. Around the waist are three rows of a twisted fabric, which is knotted in front in a bow, the ends descending between the thighs. Another band, of a different texture, stretches out horizontally from the region of the above-mentioned knot. Attached to this girdle is another fabric, of a scaly texture, which surrounds the thighs. The right leg, below the knee, is encircled with a ribbon and a rosette.[731] This would seem to be the undress substitute for the band and pendant. In front of the recumbent person stands the representation of a skeleton, quite well executed. Other points noticeable about this skeleton are the hair on the head and the fact that its hands are fleshy and the fingers and toes have nails. Like all representations by these sculptures, the skeleton is also embellished with ornaments.

On it is a person lying down, with a band around his forehead tied in a knot that has two hanging tassels. From his temple, there’s an ornament that looks like a bird's wing. The thin, emaciated face, along with the reclining position, shows signs of illness. The hair is woven with several ribbons that form loops, held together by a clasp, and spread out like a fan. The ear has a circular disk with a plume and a twisted ornament similar to a queue attached to the center. On the chest is a brooch that’s hollow like a shell, embedded with seven pearls. Around the waist are three rows of twisted fabric, knotted in front as a bow, with the ends hanging down between the thighs. Another band, made of a different material, extends horizontally from the aforementioned knot. Attached to this belt is another fabric with a scaly texture that wraps around the thighs. The right leg, below the knee, is wrapped with a ribbon and a rosette.[731] This appears to be a casual version of the band and pendant. In front of the reclining person is a well-crafted depiction of a skeleton. Notable features of this skeleton include its hair and the fleshy hands, with fingers and toes that have nails. Like all the sculptures, the skeleton is also decorated with ornaments.

From the back of the head emanate two objects similar to horns, which, if they were not differently ribbed, might represent flames. The ear is ornamented with a circular disk, with a pendant from its center. A double-ruffled collar surrounds the neck and a serpent encircles the loins. Both the shoulders and arms are enveloped in flames. From the mouth emanates a bent staff, touching the first of a row of ten circles. Beneath the second and third circles are five bars, three of which are horizontal. The lowest one is the longest, while the two upper ones are shorter and of different lengths. On the uppermost of these bars rest two others, crossing each other obliquely, and touching with their upper ends two of the aforesaid circles. From the last of these circles descend serpentine lines, which touch the ground behind the recumbent person.

From the back of the head extend two objects that look like horns, which, if they weren’t shaped differently, might look like flames. The ear is decorated with a circular disk, featuring a pendant in its center. A double-ruffled collar wraps around the neck, and a serpent loops around the waist. Both the shoulders and arms are engulfed in flames. From the mouth extends a curved staff, reaching the first in a line of ten circles. Under the second and third circles are five bars, three of which are horizontal. The lowest bar is the longest, while the two above it are shorter and differ in size. Resting on the topmost of these bars are two others that cross each other at an angle, touching their upper ends against two of the mentioned circles. From the last circle, serpentine lines flow down, reaching the ground behind the reclining figure.

Gustav Eisen, op. cit., describing Fig. 1236, says:

Gustav Eisen, op. cit., describing Fig. 1236, says:

From near Santa Lucia, Guatemala, is a stone tablet, most likely a sepulchral tablet, having in its center a forced dead head, with outstretched tongue. Above the same are seen two crossed bars, perhaps meant to represent two crossed bones.

From near Santa Lucia, Guatemala, there is a stone tablet, most likely a burial tablet, featuring a forced skull in the center, with its tongue sticking out. Above it are two crossed bars, possibly meant to represent two crossed bones.

Fig. 1236.—Cross. Guatemala.

Fig. 1236.—Cross. Guatemala.

W. F. Wakeman (a) makes the following remarks:

W. F. Wakeman (a) shares these thoughts:

A cross was used by the people of Erin as a symbol of some significance at a period long antecedent to the mission of St. Patrick or the introduction of Christianity to this island. It is found, not unfrequently, amongst the scribings picked or carved upon rock surfaces and associated with a class of archaic designs, to the meaning of which we possess no key. * * * It may be seen on prehistoric monuments in America, on objects of pottery found by Dr. Schliemann at Hissarlik and at Mycenæ, and, in more than one form, on pagan Roman altars still preserved in Germany and[732] Britain. With the Chinese it was for untold ages a symbol of the earth. The Rev. Samuel Beal, B. A., rector of Flastone, North Tyrone, professor of Chinese in University College, London, writes: “Now, the earliest symbol of the earth was a plain cross, denoting the four cardinal points; hence we have the word chaturanta, i. e., the four sides, both in Pâli and Sanscrit, for the earth; and on the Nestorian tablet, found at Siganfu some years ago, the mode of saying “God created the earth” is simply this: “God created the +.””

A cross was used by the people of Ireland as a significant symbol long before St. Patrick's mission or the arrival of Christianity on the island. It's commonly found among inscriptions or carvings on rock surfaces and is linked to a group of ancient designs, the meanings of which remain unknown to us. * * * It can be seen on prehistoric monuments in America, on pottery discovered by Dr. Schliemann at Hissarlik and Mycenae, and in various forms on pagan Roman altars still existing in Germany and Britain. For the Chinese, it has been a symbol of the earth for countless ages. The Rev. Samuel Beal, B.A., rector of Flastone, North Tyrone, and professor of Chinese at University College, London, writes: “Now, the earliest symbol of the earth was a plain cross, representing the four cardinal points; that's why we have the word chaturanta, meaning the four sides, in both Pali and Sanskrit for the earth; and on the Nestorian tablet, found in Siganfu some years ago, the way of saying 'God created the earth' is simply this: 'God created the +'.”

A writer in the Edinburgh Review in an article entitled “The Pre-Christian Cross,” January, 1870, p. 254, remarks: “The Buddhists and Brahmins who together constitute nearly half the population of the world, tell us that the decussated figure of the cross, whether in a simple or complex form, symbolizes the traditional happy abode of their primeval ancestors.”

A writer in the Edinburgh Review in an article titled “The Pre-Christian Cross,” January, 1870, p. 254, states: “The Buddhists and Brahmins, who make up almost half the world's population, tell us that the crossed figure of the cross, whether in a simple or complex form, symbolizes the traditional joyful home of their ancient ancestors.”

Fig. 1237.—Crosses. Sword-maker’s marks.

Fig. 1237.—Crosses. Sword maker's marks.

Rudolf Cronau (c), describing Fig. 1237, says that in the Berlin Zeughause are swords of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, bearing the marks shown in a, b, c, and d, while those having the marks e and f are from swords in the Historical Museum at Dresden.

Rudolf Cronau (c) describes Fig. 1237, saying that in the Berlin Armory there are swords from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, showing the marks shown in a, b, c, and d, while those with marks e and f are from swords in the Historical Museum in Dresden.

The remarkable resemblance of some of these characters to forms on petroglyphs in the three Americas, presented in this paper, will at once be noticed.

The striking similarity of some of these characters to images found in petroglyphs across the three Americas, presented in this paper, will be immediately obvious.

D’Alviella (c), remarks:

D’Alviella (c), notes:

One of the most frequent forms of the cross is called the gamma cross, because its four arms are bent at a right angle so as to form a figure like that of four Greek gammas turned in the same direction and joined at the base. We meet it among all the peoples of the Old World, from Japan to Iceland, and it is found in the two Americas. There is nothing to prevent us from supposing that in the instance it was spontaneously conceived everywhere, like the equilateral crosses, circles, triangles, chevrons, and other geometrical ornaments so frequent in primitive decoration. But we see it, at least among the peoples of the Old Continent, invariably passing for talisman, appearing in the funeral scenes or on the tombstones of Greece, Scandinavia, Numidia, and Thibet, and adorning the breasts of divine personages—of Apollo and Buddha—without forgetting certain representations of the Good Shepherd in the Catacombs.

One of the most common types of crosses is called the gamma cross, because its four arms are bent at right angles, forming a shape similar to four Greek gammas facing the same direction and joined at the bottom. We find it among various cultures in the Old World, from Japan to Iceland, and it also appears in the Americas. There's no reason to assume that it wasn't independently created everywhere, like equilateral crosses, circles, triangles, chevrons, and other geometric designs that are common in early art. However, we see it, at least among the peoples of the Old Continent, consistently regarded as a talisman, appearing in funeral scenes or on tombstones in Greece, Scandinavia, Numidia, and Tibet, and embellishing the chests of divine figures like Apollo and Buddha—along with certain depictions of the Good Shepherd in the Catacombs.

It is, however, impossible within the present limits, to attempt even a summary of the vast amount of literature on this topic. Perhaps one symbolic use of the form which is not commonly known is of sufficient interest to be noted. Travelers say that crosses are exhibited in the curtains of the monasteries of the Thibetan Buddhists, to mean peace and quietness. With the same conception the loopholes of the Japanese forts were in time of peace covered with curtains embroidered with crosses, which when war broke out were removed.

It’s not possible to provide even a brief overview of the extensive literature on this topic within the current limits. However, there’s one symbolic use of the form that isn’t widely known, which is interesting enough to mention. Travelers note that crosses are displayed in the curtains of Tibetan Buddhist monasteries to symbolize peace and tranquility. Likewise, during peacetime, the loopholes of Japanese forts were covered with curtains embroidered with crosses, which were taken down when war began.

It is also impossible to refrain from quoting the following, translated with condensation, from de Mortillet (a). The illustration referred to is reproduced in the present paper by Fig. 1238, the right-hand figure[733] being from the vase, and that on the left the recognized monogram of Christ:

It is also impossible to avoid quoting the following, condensed from de Mortillet (a). The illustration mentioned is included in this paper as Fig. 1238, with the figure on the right from the vase, and the one on the left being the accepted monogram of Christ:

Fig. 1238.—Cross. Golasecca.

Fig. 1238.—Cross. Golasecca.

There can no longer be any doubt as to the use of the cross as a religious symbol long before the advent of Christianity. The worship of the cross, extensive throughout Gaul before the conquest, already existed during the bronze age, more than a thousand years before Christ.

There is no longer any doubt about the use of the cross as a religious symbol long before Christianity came along. The worship of the cross was widespread in Gaul before the conquest and had already been present during the Bronze Age, over a thousand years before Christ.

It is especially in the sepulchres of Golasecca that this worship is revealed in the most complete manner, and there, strange to say, has been found a vessel bearing the ancient monogram of Christ, designed perhaps 1,000 years before the coming of Jesus Christ. Is the isolated presence of this monogram of Christ in the midst of numerous crosses, an entirely accidental coincidence?

It is especially in the tombs of Golasecca that this worship is revealed most completely, and there, strangely enough, a vessel has been found bearing the ancient monogram of Christ, created perhaps 1,000 years before the arrival of Jesus Christ. Is the lone presence of this monogram of Christ among many crosses just a coincidence?

Another curious fact, very interesting to prove, is that this great development of the worship of the cross before the coming of Christ seems to coincide with the absence of idols and indeed of any representation of living objects. Whenever such objects appear, it may be said that the crosses become more rare and finally disappear altogether. The cross has then been, in remote antiquity, long before Christ, the sacred emblem of a religious sect which repudiated idolatry.

Another interesting fact that's worth noting is that the significant rise in the worship of the cross before Christ's arrival seems to go hand in hand with the lack of idols and any representations of living beings. Whenever such representations show up, it's noticeable that crosses become less common and eventually vanish completely. Therefore, in ancient times, long before Christ, the cross was the sacred symbol of a religious group that rejected idolatry.

The author, with considerable naiveté, has evidently determined that the form of the cross was significant of a high state of religious culture, and that its being succeeded by effigies, which he calls idols, showed a lapse into idolatry. The fact is simply that, next after one straight line, the combination of two straight lines forming a cross is the easiest figure to draw, and its use before art could attain to the drawing of animal forms, or their representation in plastic material, is merely an evidence of crudeness or imperfection in designing. It is worthy of remark that Dr. Schliemann, in his “Troja,” page 107, presents as his Fig. 38 a much more distinct cross than that given by M. de Mortillet, with the simple remark that it is “a geometrical ornamentation.”

The author, showing a fair amount of naiveté, seems to believe that the form of the cross represented a high level of religious culture and that its replacement by likenesses, which he refers to as idols, indicated a fall into idolatry. The truth is that, after a single straight line, combining two straight lines to form a cross is the easiest shape to draw, and its use before art had developed the ability to depict animals or create forms in three-dimensional materials simply reflects a lack of skill or perfection in design. It’s worth noting that Dr. Schliemann, in his “Troja,” page 107, presents a much clearer cross as Fig. 38 than what M. de Mortillet provides, simply noting that it is “a geometrical ornamentation.”

Probably no cause has more frequently produced archeologic and ethnologic blunders than the determination of Christian explorers and missionaries to find monograms of Christ in every monument or inscription where the cross figure appears. The early missionaries to America were obliged to explain the presence of this figure there by a miraculous visit of an apostle, St. Thomas being their favorite. Other generations of the same good people were worried in the same manner by the cross pattée or Thor hammer of the Scandinavians, and by the conventionalized clover leaf of the Druids. This figure often has been a symbol and as often an emblem or a mere sign, but it is so common in every variety of application that actual evidence is necessary to show in any special case what is its real significance.

Probably no cause has caused more archaeological and ethnological mistakes than the eagerness of Christian explorers and missionaries to find symbols of Christ in every monument or inscription with a cross. The early missionaries in America had to explain the presence of this figure by claiming it was due to a miraculous visit from an apostle, with St. Thomas being their favorite. Later generations of the same devoted people were similarly troubled by the cross pattée or Thor’s hammer of the Scandinavians, and by the stylized cloverleaf of the Druids. This figure has often served as a symbol, an emblem, or just a simple sign. However, it's so widely used in various contexts that actual evidence is needed to determine its true meaning in any specific case.


Gen. G. P. Thruston (a) gives the following account of Pl. LI, which suggests several points of comparison with figures under other headings in this paper:

Gen. G. P. Thruston (a) provides the following description of Pl. LI, which raises several comparison points with figures in other sections of this document:

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LI
THRUSTON TABLET, TENNESSEE.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LI
THRUSTON TABLET, TENNESSEE.

There has been discovered in Sumner county, Tennessee, near the stone graves and mounds of Castalian springs, a valuable pictograph, the ancient engraved stone which we have taken the liberty to entitle a Group of Tennessee Mound Builders.

There has been found in Sumner County, Tennessee, near the stone graves and mounds of Castalian Springs, a valuable pictograph, the ancient engraved stone which we have taken the liberty to call a Group of Tennessee Mound Builders.

This engraved stone, the property of the Tennessee Historical Society, is a flat, irregular slab of hard limestone, about 19 inches long and 15 inches wide. It bears every evidence of very great age. * * * The stone was found on Rocky creek, in Sumner county, and was presented, with other relics, to the Tennessee Historical Society about twelve years ago. * * *

This engraved stone, owned by the Tennessee Historical Society, is a flat, oddly-shaped slab of hard limestone, approximately 19 inches long and 15 inches wide. It shows clear signs of significant age. * * * The stone was discovered on Rocky Creek in Sumner County and was donated, along with other artifacts, to the Tennessee Historical Society about twelve years ago. * * *

It is evidently an ideograph of significance, graven with a steady and skillful hand, for a specific purpose, and probably records or commemorates some important treaty or public or tribal event. * * * Indian chiefs fully equipped with the insignia of office, are arrayed in fine apparel. Two leading characters are vigorously shaking hands in a confirmatory way. The banner or shield, ornamented with the double serpent emblem and other symbols, is, doubtless, an important feature of the occasion. Among the historic Indians, no treaty was made without the presence or presentation of the belt of wampum. This, the well-dressed female of the group appears to grasp in her hand, perhaps as a pledge of the contract. The dressing of the hair, the remarkable scalloped skirts, the implements used, the waistbands, the wristlets, the garters, the Indian leggings and moccasins, the necklace and breastplates, the two banners, the serpent emblem, the tattoo stripes, the ancient pipe, all invest this pictograph with unusual interest. * * * The double serpent emblem or ornament upon the banner may have been the badge or totem of the tribe, clan, or family that occupied the extensive earthworks at Castalian springs in Sumner county, near where the stone was found. The serpent was a favorite emblem or totem of the Stone Grave race of Tennessee, and is one of the common devices engraved on the shell gorgets taken from the ancient cemeteries. * * * The circles or sun symbol ornaments on the banners and dresses are the figures most frequently graven on the shell gorgets found near Nashville.

It’s clearly an important symbol, carved with a steady and skilled hand, for a specific reason, and likely documents or honors some significant treaty or public or tribal event. * * * Indian chiefs, fully dressed with their official insignia, are wearing fine clothing. Two main figures are shaking hands vigorously in a confirming manner. The banner or shield, decorated with the double serpent emblem and other symbols, is undoubtedly a key part of the event. Among the historic tribes, no treaty was made without the presence of the wampum belt. This well-dressed woman in the group seems to be holding it in her hand, perhaps as a pledge of the agreement. The hairstyles, distinctive scalloped skirts, tools, waistbands, wristbands, garters, leggings, moccasins, necklace, and breastplates, along with the two banners, serpent emblem, tattoo lines, and ancient pipe, all add unique interest to this pictograph. * * * The double serpent emblem or ornament on the banner may have been the badge or totem of the tribe, clan, or family that lived in the large earthworks at Castalian Springs in Sumner County, close to where the stone was discovered. The serpent was a favored emblem or totem of the Stone Grave people of Tennessee and is one of the common designs carved on the shell gorgets found in the ancient cemeteries. * * * The circles or sun symbols on the banners and clothing are the figures most often engraved on the shell gorgets discovered near Nashville.

The following summary of the translation, kindly furnished by Mr. Pom K. Soh of an article, “Pictures of Dokatu or so-called bronze bell,” by Mr. K. Wakabayashi (a), in the Bulletin of the Tōkyō Anthropological Society, refers to Pl. LII. The author saw the bell described at the town of Takoka, Japan, in August, 1891. The “pictures” on it were fourteen in number, cast in the metal of the bell, each one occupying a separate compartment and running around the bell in several bands. The author took rubbings of the pictures, lithographs of which are published as illustrations of his article, and from these the eight pictures now presented in actual size are selected, the remainder being of the same general character, and some of them nearly identical with those selected. The information obtained is that the bell, which is iron and not bronze, was procured before, and perhaps long before, the present century from Jisei, in the village of Sasakura in the state of Yetsin, and had been excavated from a mountain at Samki. Copies of the markings upon it were taken in 1817 to a high authority at Yedo, now Tōkyō. It is believed that the markings illustrate or are related to a national story, “Kanden Ko Hitsu,” written by Ban Kokei. A few similar bells or fragments of them, some being bronze, have been found in various parts of the Japanese empire. One, which is bronze, height about 3½ feet, and diameter somewhat more than 1 foot, was dug up in Hanina in the year A. D. 821.

The following summary of the translation, provided by Mr. Pom K. Soh of an article, “Pictures of Dokatu or the so-called bronze bell,” by Mr. K. Wakabayashi (a), in the Bulletin of the Tōkyō Anthropological Society, refers to Pl. LII. The author saw the bell described in the town of Takoka, Japan, in August 1891. There were fourteen “pictures” on it, cast in the bell's metal, each one occupying a separate section and arranged around the bell in several bands. The author made rubbings of the pictures, with lithographs published as illustrations in his article, and from these, eight pictures are now presented in actual size, while the rest are similar in nature, with some nearly identical to those selected. The information gathered indicates that the bell, which is made of iron and not bronze, was acquired before, and possibly long before, this century from Jisei in the village of Sasakura in Yetsin, and had been excavated from a mountain in Samki. Copies of the markings on it were taken in 1817 to a high authority in Yedo, now Tōkyō. It is believed that the markings depict or relate to a national story, “Kanden Ko Hitsu,” written by Ban Kokei. A few similar bells or fragments, some made of bronze, have been found in various parts of the Japanese empire. One, which is bronze, stands about 3½ feet tall and has a diameter of just over 1 foot, was excavated in Hanina in the year A.D. 821.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LII
PICTURES ON DŌTAKU, JAPAN.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LII
IMAGES ON DŌTAKU, JAPAN.

The interest of the drawings on Pl. LII, in the present connection, consists in their remarkable similarity, both in form and apparent motive, with several of those found in the western continent and figured[735] in the present work. Thus, a is to be compared with characters on Figs. 437 and 1227 and others referring to the human form, the cross, and the dragon-fly; b with Figs. 57, 165 b and 1261 l; the two characters in c, respectively, with Fig. 1262; the mantis, and Fig. 1129, one form of star; d with a common turtle form, as in Fig. 50; e with Fig. 166, an Ojibwa human form, and also exhibiting gesture, and Fig. 113 a Brazilian petroglyph; and f with Fig. 657, a north-eastern Algonquian drawing. The three last-mentioned pictures, e and f and g, exhibit the peculiar internal life organ (often the conventionalized heart), noticed in Figs. 50, 700, and 701, and it is to be remarked that the largest quadruped in g has the life organ connected with the mouth, while the other quadrupeds, and those in h, show no depiction of internal organs. The human figure in g is noticeable for the American form of bow, and the upper character of h is to be compared with Figs. 104 and 148.

The drawings on Pl. LII are significant because they closely resemble, in both shape and intended meaning, various examples found on the western continent, which are shown[735] in this work. So, a should be compared to the designs in Figs. 437 and 1227, along with others depicting the human figure, the cross, and the dragonfly. b corresponds to Figs. 57, 165 b, and 1261 l; the two elements in c relate to Fig. 1262; the mantis connects to Fig. 1129, which shows a type of star; d resembles a typical turtle shape, similar to Fig. 50; e aligns with Fig. 166, representing an Ojibwa human figure and showing a gesture, and Fig. 113 depicts a Brazilian petroglyph; while f corresponds to Fig. 657, which is a drawing from a northeastern Algonquian culture. The last three images mentioned, e, f, and g, reveal the unique internal life organ (often stylized as a heart) seen in Figs. 50, 700, and 701. Notably, the largest quadruped in g has the life organ depicted as connected to the mouth, whereas the other quadrupeds and those in h do not show any internal organs. The human figure in g features a distinctly American style of bow, and the top character in h should be compared with Figs. 104 and 148.

SECTION 3.
Composite structures.

The figures in this group are selected from a larger number in which the union of two animals of different kinds or that of an animal and another object indicates the union of the several qualities or attributes supposed to belong to those animals or objects. The form and use of such composite figures are familiar from the publication of the inscriptions on Egyptian monuments and papyri.

The figures in this group are chosen from a larger set where the combination of two different animals or an animal and another object represents the merging of the various qualities or traits thought to belong to those animals or objects. The shape and function of these composite figures are well-known from the published inscriptions on Egyptian monuments and papyri.

Fig. 1239.

Fig. 1239.

Fig. 1239.—Eagle-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here are the branching antlers of the elk and the tail of the eagle.

Fig. 1239.—Eagle-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here are the branched antlers of the elk and the eagle's tail.

Fig. 1240.

Fig. 1240.

Fig. 1240.—Eagle-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. Eagle feathers replace the horse’s mane.

Fig. 1240.—Eagle-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. Eagle feathers take the place of the horse’s mane.

Fig. 1241.

Fig. 1241.

Fig. 1241.—Eagle-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a variant of the preceding, the change being shown in the tail.

Fig. 1241.—Eagle-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a variation of the previous one, with the difference visible in the tail.

Fig. 1242.

Fig. 1242.

Fig. 1242.—Eagle-Swallow. Red-Cloud’s Census. The characteristics of the two birds are obvious.

Fig. 1242.—Eagle-Swallow. Red-Cloud’s Census. The traits of the two birds are clear.

Fig. 1243.

Fig. 1243.

Fig. 1243.—Eagle-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1243.—Eagle-Bear. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1244.

Fig. 1244.

Fig. 1244.—Weasel-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. With only hasty view the really characteristic form of the weasel might be mistaken for a rudely drawn gun.

Fig. 1244.—Weasel-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. With just a quick glance, the distinctive shape of the weasel could easily be confused for a poorly sketched gun.

Fig. 1245.

Fig. 1245.

Fig. 1245.—Horned-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1245.—Horned Horse. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1246.

Fig. 1246.

Fig. 1246.—Bull-Lance. Red-Cloud’s Census. The object attached to the bull’s muzzle is the common ornamented lance of the Plains tribes.

Fig. 1246.—Bull-Lance. Red-Cloud’s Census. The item attached to the bull's nose is the typical decorated lance of the Plains tribes.

Fig. 1247.

Fig. 1247.

Fig. 1247.—Shield-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The ornamented shield is borne on the bear’s body.

Fig. 1247.—Shield-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The decorated shield is carried on the bear’s body.

Fig. 1248.

Fig. 1248.

Fig. 1248.—Ring-Owl. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1248.—Ring Owl. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1249.

Fig. 1249.

Fig. 1249.—Sunka-wanbli, Dog-Eagle; from the Oglala Roster. The[737] mingling of the attributes of the dog and the eagle with special reference to swiftness may be suggested.

Fig. 1249.—Sunka-wanbli, Dog-Eagle; from the Oglala Roster. The[737] combination of the qualities of the dog and the eagle, particularly in relation to speed, might be implied.

Fig. 1250.

Fig. 1250.

Fig. 1250.—Zintkala-wicasa, Bird-Man; also from the Oglala Roster. An indication of a bird gens is suggested without information, but perhaps it is only a representation of the usual vision required from and therefore obtained by boys before reaching manhood.

Fig. 1250.—Zintkala-wicasa, Bird-Man; also from the Oglala Roster. It's suggested that there's a bird clan here, but there’s no further information. It might just be a depiction of the typical vision that boys are expected to have and therefore achieve before they reach adulthood.

Fig. 1251.

Fig. 1251.

Fig. 1251.—Sunkakan-heton, Horse-with-horns; also from the Oglala Roster. Perhaps this is not intended as a composite animal, but as a horse possessing special and mystic power, as is indicated by the gesture sign for wakan, and, as elsewhere in pictographs, by lines extending from each side of the head. The same sub-chief appears in Red-Cloud’s Census with the name translated into English as Horned-Horse.

Fig. 1251.—Sunkakan-heton, Horse-with-horns; also from the Oglala Roster. This may not be designed as a hybrid creature, but rather as a horse that has special and mystical powers, as shown by the gesture sign for wakan, and, as seen in other pictographs, by lines extending from either side of the head. The same sub-chief is listed in Red-Cloud’s Census under the name translated into English as Horned-Horse.

This union of the human figure with that of other animals is of interest in comparison with the well-known forms of similar character in the art of Egypt and Assyria.

This combination of the human figure with that of other animals is interesting when compared to the familiar forms of a similar nature in the art of Egypt and Assyria.

Fig. 1252.—Wolf-man. Haida.

Fig. 1252.—Wolf-man. Haida.

The feet of the accompanying Fig. 1252, reproduced from Bastian (b) on the Northwest Coast of America, can not be seen, being hidden in the head of the figure beneath. It is squatting, with its hands on its knees, and has a wolf’s head. Arms, legs, mouth, jaws, nostrils, and ear-holes are scarlet; eyebrows, irises, and edges of the ears black.

The feet of the accompanying Fig. 1252, reproduced from Bastian (b) on the Northwest Coast of America, cannot be seen, as they are hidden under the figure's head. It is squatting with its hands on its knees and has a wolf's head. Its arms, legs, mouth, jaws, nostrils, and ear holes are scarlet; the eyebrows, irises, and edges of the ears are black.

Fig. 1253.—Panther-man. Haida.

Fig. 1253.—Panther-man. Haida.

The drawing Fig. 1253 was made by Mr. J. G. Swan while on a visit to the Prince of Wales archipelago, where he found two carved figures with panthers’ heads, and claws upon the fore feet, and human feet attached to the hind legs. These mythical animals were placed upon either side of a corpse which was lying in state, awaiting burial.

The drawing Fig. 1253 was created by Mr. J. G. Swan during his visit to the Prince of Wales archipelago, where he discovered two carved figures with panther heads and claws on their front feet, along with human feet on their back legs. These mythical creatures were positioned on either side of a corpse that was lying in state, waiting for burial.

The Egyptians represented the evil Typhon by the hippopotamus, the most fierce and savage of their animals; the hawk was the symbol for power, and the serpent that for life. Plutarch, in Isis and Osiris, 50, says that in Hermopolis these symbols were united, a hawk fighting with a serpent being placed on the hippopotamus, thus accentuating the idea of the destroyer. The Greeks sometimes substituted the eagle for the hawk, and pictured it killing a hare, the most prolific of quadrupeds, or fighting a serpent, the same attribute of destruction[738] being portrayed. But the eagle when alone meant simply power, as did the hawk in Egypt. The Scandinavians posited the eagle on the head of their god Thor and the bull on his breast to express a similar union of attributes.

The Egyptians depicted the evil Typhon as a hippopotamus, the fiercest and most savage of their animals; the hawk symbolized power, while the serpent stood for life. Plutarch, in Isis and Osiris, 50, notes that in Hermopolis these symbols were combined, with a hawk battling a serpent placed on the hippopotamus, highlighting the concept of destruction. The Greeks sometimes replaced the hawk with an eagle, showing it killing a hare, the most prolific of animals, or fighting a serpent, conveying the same theme of destruction. However, the eagle alone simply represented power, just like the hawk did in Egypt. The Scandinavians positioned the eagle on the head of their god Thor and a bull on his chest to express a similar combination of attributes.

SECTION 4.
Creative Skills and Techniques.

Dr. Andree (d), in Das Zeichnen bei den Naturvölkern, makes the following remarks, translated with condensation:

Dr. Andree (d), in Drawing among indigenous peoples, makes the following remarks, translated with condensation:

The great ability of the Eskimo and their southern neighbors, the natives of northwest America (Koliushes, Thlinkits, etc.), in representative art is well known and needs no further insisting. Among all primitive peoples they have made the greatest advances in the conventionalization of figures, which indicates long practice in painting. The totem figures, carved both in stone and in wood and tattooed on the body, show severe conventionalization and have perfect heraldic value. Ismailof, one of the earliest Russian explorers that came in contact with the Koliushes, relates that European paintings and drawings did not strike them with the least awe. When a chief was shown portraits of the Russian imperial family he manifested no astonishment. That chief was accompanied by his painter, who examined everything very closely, in order to paint it afterward. He was able in particular “to paint all manner of objects on wooden tablets and other material (leather),” using blue iron earth, iron ocher, colored clays, and other mineral colors. Among these peoples, too, painting is employed as a substitute for writing, in order to record memorable things.

The incredible skill of the Eskimos and their southern neighbors, the Native Americans of the Northwest (like the Koliushes and Thlinkits), in visual art is well-known and doesn’t need further emphasis. Among all primitive cultures, they have made the most progress in stylizing figures, which shows they have a lot of experience with painting. The totem figures, carved in both stone and wood and tattooed on the body, are highly stylized and have significant symbolic meaning. Ismailof, one of the first Russian explorers to interact with the Koliushes, noted that European paintings and drawings didn’t impress them at all. When a chief was shown portraits of the Russian imperial family, he showed no surprise. That chief had his painter with him, who closely examined everything so he could paint it later. The painter was particularly skilled at “depicting all kinds of objects on wooden tablets and other materials (like leather),” using blue iron pigment, iron ocher, colored clays, and other mineral-based colors. In these communities, painting is also used as a form of writing to record important events.

Far below the artistic achievements of the Eskimo and of the natives of the American northwest (Haida, Thlinkit, etc.) are those of the redskins east of the Rocky mountains. They are, however, very productive in figure drawing; nay, that art has advanced to a kind of picture writing, which, it is true, is not distinguished by artistic finish. That “fling” which, depending on good observation of nature, appears in the drawings of Australians, Bushmen, etc., and the good characterization of the figures, are lacking among the Indians; and though, as is frequently the case, their animals are better represented than the men, yet they can not compare with the animal figures of the Eskimo or Bushmen. Dr. Capitan, who had drawings made by the Omahas shown in 1883 in the Jardin d’acclimatation of Paris, says concerning them: “It is singular to note that by the side of very rudimentary representations of human figures the pictures of horses are drawn with a certain degree of correctness. If the Indians take pains in anything it is in the painting of their buffalo skins, which are often worn as mantles. On red-brown ground are seen black figures, especially of animals; on others, on white ground, the heroic deeds and life events of distinguished Indians, represented in black or in other colors. You see the wounded enemies, the loss of blood, the killed and the captives, stolen horses, all executed in the peculiar manner of an art of painting still in the stage of infancy, with earth colors black, red, green, and yellow. Almost all the Missouri tribes practice painting on buffalo skins; the most skillful are the Pawnees, Mandans, Minitaris, and Crows. Among the Mandans, Wied met individuals who possessed “a very decided talent” for drawing.”

Far below the artistic achievements of the Inuit and the Indigenous people of the American Northwest (like the Haida and Tlingit) are those of the Native Americans east of the Rocky Mountains. However, they are quite skilled in figure drawing; in fact, this art has evolved into a form of pictorial writing, which, although not marked by artistic refinement, is notable. The flair that comes from keen observation of nature, evident in the artwork of Australians and Bushmen, is missing among the Native Americans; while their depictions of animals often surpass those of humans, they still fall short compared to the animal representations by the Inuit or Bushmen. Dr. Capitan, who showcased drawings by the Omahas in 1883 at the Acclimatization Garden in Paris, remarked: “It’s curious to see that alongside very basic representations of human figures, the images of horses are drawn with a certain level of accuracy. When the Native Americans focus on something, it’s the painting of their buffalo hides, often worn as cloaks. On red-brown backgrounds, you’ll find black figures, mainly of animals; on others, with white backgrounds, heroic deeds and life events of notable Native Americans are depicted in black or other colors. You can see enemies being wounded, blood loss, the dead, and captives, along with stolen horses, all rendered in a primitive painting style using earth colors like black, red, green, and yellow. Almost all the tribes in Missouri engage in painting on buffalo hides, with the most skilled being the Pawnees, Mandans, Minitaris, and Crows. Among the Mandans, Wied encountered individuals who had “a very marked talent” for drawing.”

The same author, in the same connection, reasserts the old statement that there is an established difference in artistic capacity between the so-called mound-builders and the present Indians, so great that it either shows a genetic difference between them or that the Indians had degenerated in that respect. This statement is denied by the Bureau[739] of Ethnology, but the point to be now considered is whether it is true that the historic North American Indians are as low in artistic skill as is alleged.

The same author, in the same context, restates the old claim that there’s a significant difference in artistic ability between the so-called mound-builders and today’s Native Americans, so substantial that it either indicates a genetic difference between them or that the Native Americans have declined in that aspect. The Bureau[739] of Ethnology disputes this claim, but what needs to be addressed now is whether the historical North American Indians are truly as lacking in artistic skill as suggested.

The French traveler Crevaux, as quoted by Marcano (g), says that he had the happy idea of giving pencils to the Indians, in order to see whether they were capable of producing the same drawings. The young Yumi rapidly drew for him sketches of man, dog, tiger; in brief, of all the animals of the country. Another Indian reproduced all sorts of arabesques, which he was wont to paint with genipa. Crevaux saw that these savages, who are accused of being absolutely ignorant of the fine arts, all drew with extraordinary facility.

The French traveler Crevaux, as quoted by Marcano (g), mentioned that he had the clever idea of giving pencils to the Indigenous people to see if they could create the same drawings. The young Yumi quickly sketched pictures of a man, a dog, and a tiger; basically, all the animals from the area. Another Indigenous person created all kinds of decorative patterns, which he usually painted with genipa. Crevaux realized that these people, who are often thought to be completely unaware of the fine arts, all drew with remarkable ease.

The same idea, i. e., of testing the artistic ability of Indians in several tribes, occurred to the present writer and to many other travelers, who generally have been surprised at the skill in free-hand drawing and painting exhibited. It would seem that the Indians had about the same faults and decidedly more talent than the average uninstructed persons of European descent who make similar attempts. An instance of special skill in portrait painting is given by Lossing (a), where a northern tribe in 1812 made a bark picture of Joseph Barron, a fugitive, to obtain his identification by sending copies of it to various tribes. The portrait given as an illustration in the work cited is very distinct and lifelike. This, however, was a special task prompted by foreign influence. While the Indians had no more knowledge of perspective than the Japanese, they were unable or indisposed to attempt the accurate imitation of separate natural objects in which the Japanese excel. Before European instruction or example they probably never produced a true picture. Some illustrations in the present work, which show a continuous series of men, animals, and other objects, are no more pictures than are the consecutive words of a printed sentence, both forms, indeed, being alike in the fact that their significance is expressed by the relation between the separate parts. The illustration which at a first glance seems to be most distinctively picturesque[740] is Fig. 659, but it will be noticed that the personages are repeated, the scene changed, and the time proceeds, so that there is no view of specified objects at any one time and place.

The same idea, that is, testing the artistic ability of Native Americans in various tribes, came to me and many other travelers, who were often surprised by the skill in freehand drawing and painting they displayed. It seems that Native Americans had similar flaws but considerably more talent than the average untrained people of European descent who attempted the same. An example of particular skill in portrait painting is noted by Lossing (a), where a northern tribe in 1812 created a bark portrait of Joseph Barron, a fugitive, to help identify him by sending copies to different tribes. The portrait shown in the cited work is quite clear and lifelike. However, this was a specific task driven by outside influence. While Native Americans had no more understanding of perspective than the Japanese, they were either unable or unwilling to accurately imitate individual natural objects, which is where the Japanese excel. Before European instruction or influence, they probably never created a true picture. Some illustrations in this work, which depict a continuous series of men, animals, and other items, are no more pictures than the consecutive words of a printed sentence, as both forms express their meaning through the relationship between the individual parts. The illustration that at first seems the most distinctively picturesque[740] is Fig. 659, but it will be noticed that the characters are repeated, the scene changes, and time progresses, so there is no view of specific objects at any one time and place.

Fig. 1254.—Moose, Kejimkoojik.

Fig. 1254.—Moose, Kejimkoojik.

Fig. 1254 shows two drawings from Kejimkoojik, N. S., reduced to one-fourth, each supposed to represent a moose, though possibly one of them is a caribou, and the mode of execution vividly suggests some of the examples of prehistoric art found in Europe and familiar by repeatedly published illustrations.

Fig. 1254 shows two drawings from Kejimkoojik, N. S., scaled down to one-fourth, each thought to depict a moose, although it’s possible that one of them is a caribou. The style of execution strongly resembles some examples of prehistoric art found in Europe, which are well-known from various published illustrations.

Fig. 1255.—Hand, Kejimkoojik.

Fig. 1255.—Hand, Kejimkujik.

Fig. 1255 is the etching of a hand from the Kejimkoojik rocks, reduced one-half. Its peculiarity consists in the details by which the lines of the palm and markings on the balls of the thumb and fingers are shown. If this is the real object of the design it shows close observation, though it is not suggested that any connection with the pseudo-science of palmistry is to be inferred.

Fig. 1255 is an etching of a hand from the Kejimkoojik rocks, reduced by half. Its uniqueness lies in the details that depict the lines of the palm and the markings on the pads of the thumb and fingers. If this accurately represents the intended design, it demonstrates careful observation, although there’s no implication that it relates to the pseudo-science of palmistry.

In connection with this drawing the following translated remarks in Verhandl. Berlin. Gesellsch. für Anthrop. (d), may be noted:

In relation to this drawing, the following translated comments in Verhandl. Berlin. Society for Anthropology. (d) can be observed:

The frequency with which partial representations of the eye are met with appeared to me so striking that I requested Mr. Jacobson to ask the Bella Coola Indians whether they had any special idea in employing the eye so frequently. To my great surprise the person addressed pointed to the palmar surface of his finger tips and to the fine lineaments which the skin there presents; in his opinion a rounded or longitudinal field, such as appears between the converging or parallel lines, also means an eye, and the reason of this is that originally each part of the body terminated in an organ of sense, particularly an eye, and was only afterward made to retrovert into such rudimentary conditions.

The frequency of partial representations of the eye struck me so much that I asked Mr. Jacobson to find out from the Bella Coola Indians why they used the eye so often. To my surprise, the person he spoke to pointed to the palms of his fingertips and the fine details of the skin there. He believed that a rounded or elongated shape, like what appears between converging or parallel lines, also represents an eye. He explained that originally, each part of the body ended in a sense organ, especially an eye, and only later did these organs retract into their more basic forms.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIII
GERMAN KNIGHTS AND APACHE WARRIORS.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIII
GERMAN KNIGHTS AND APACHE WARRIORS.

The lower character in Pl. LIII is copied from Rudolph Cronau (c) Geschichte der Solinger Klingenindustrie, where it is presented as an illustration of the knights of the thirteenth century, after a sketch in a MS. of the year 1220, in the library of the University of Leipsig.

The lower character in Pl. LIII is taken from Rudolph Cronau (c) History of the Solingen blade industry, where it shows knights from the thirteenth century, based on a sketch from a manuscript dated 1220, located in the library of the University of Leipzig.

The upper character in the same plate is a copy of a drawing made in 1884 by an Apache Indian at Anadarko, although the insignia of the riders are more like those used by the Cheyenne than those of the Apache. A striking similarity will be noticed in the motive of the two sketches of the mounted warriors and their steeds as well as in their decorations, from which in Europe the devices called heraldic were differentiated. Doubtless still better examples could be obtained to compare the degree of artistic skill attained by the several draftsmen, but these are used as genuine, convenient, and typical. See also the Mexican representation of horses and riders under the heading of meteors, Fig. 1224.

The character at the top of the same plate is a copy of a drawing made in 1884 by an Apache Indian in Anadarko, although the insignia of the riders resemble those used by the Cheyenne more than those of the Apache. A notable similarity can be seen in the theme of the two sketches of the mounted warriors and their horses, as well as in their decorations, which are quite different from the heraldic designs found in Europe. There are certainly better examples to compare the artistic skill of the different artists, but these are used because they are authentic, convenient, and representative. Also, check out the Mexican depiction of horses and riders under the section on meteors, Fig. 1224.

These horses are far less skillfully portrayed than they are by the Plains tribes, which may be explained by the fact that the Mexicans had not yet become familiar with the animal.

These horses are represented less skillfully than they are by the Plains tribes, which might be explained by the fact that the Mexicans had not yet become acquainted with the animal.

A story told by Catlin to the general effect that the Siouan stock of Indians did not understand the drawing of human faces in profile has been repeated in various forms. The last is by Popoff (a):

A story shared by Catlin suggests that the Siouan group of Indians didn’t get the concept of drawing human faces in profile, and this has been mentioned in different ways. The most recent version is by Popoff (a):

When Catlin was drawing the profile of a chief named Matochiga, the Indians around him seemed greatly moved, and asked why he did not draw the other half of the chief’s face. “Matochiga was never ashamed to look a white man square in the face.” Matochiga had not till then seemed offended at the matter, but one of the Indians said to him sportively, “The Yankee knows that you are only half a man, and he has only drawn half of your face because the other half is not worth anything.”

When Catlin was sketching the profile of a chief named Matochiga, the nearby Indians appeared very affected and asked why he wasn't drawing the other half of the chief’s face. “Matochiga was never embarrassed to look a white man straight in the eye.” Until that moment, Matochiga didn't seem upset about it, but one of the Indians jokingly said to him, “The Yankee knows you’re only half a man, and he’s only drawn half of your face because the other half isn’t worth anything.”

Another variant of the story is that Catlin was accused of practicing magic, by which the half of the subject’s head should get into his power, and he was forced to stop his painting and flee for his life. The explorer and painter who tells the story is not considered to be altogether free from exaggeration, and he may have invented the tale to amuse his auditors in his lectures and afterwards his readers, or he may have been the victim of a practical joke by the Indians, who are fond of such banter, and the well-known superstitions about sorcerers gaining possession of anything attached to the person would have rendered their anger plausible. But certain it is that the people referred to, before and after and at the time of the visit of Catlin to them, were in the habit of drawing the human face in profile, and, indeed, much more frequently than the full or front face. This is abundantly proved by many pictures in existence at that time and place which have been seen by this writer, and a considerable number of them are copied in the present work. Thus much for one of the oft-cited fictions on which the allegation of the Indian’s stupidity in drawing has been founded.

Another version of the story is that Catlin was accused of practicing magic, claiming that he could gain control over half of a person's head, which forced him to stop painting and flee for his life. The explorer and painter who tells this story isn't seen as completely reliable, and he might have made up the tale to entertain his audience during his lectures and later his readers. Alternatively, he might have been the target of a practical joke by the Indians, who enjoy such teasing, and the well-known superstitions about sorcerers taking possession of anything connected to a person would have made their anger believable. However, it is clear that the people referred to, before, during, and after Catlin's visit, regularly drew the human face in profile, often much more than in full or front view. This is well-supported by many existing pictures from that time and place that this writer has seen, and a significant number of them are included in this work. This addresses one of the often-mentioned myths that have contributed to the perception of the Indians' supposed inability to draw.

Another false statement is copied over and over again by authors, to the effect that from a similar superstition the Indians are afraid to, and therefore do not, make delineations of the whole human figure. The present work shows their drawing of front, side, and rear views of the whole human figure, presenting as each view may allow, all the limbs and features. This, however, is rare, not from the fear charged, but because the artists directed their attention, not to iconography, but to ideography, seizing some special feature or characteristic for prominence and disregarding or intentionally omitting all that was unnecessary to their purpose.

Another incorrect claim is repeated by authors, suggesting that due to a similar superstition, the Indians are too afraid to create drawings of the entire human figure. This work shows their depictions of the front, side, and back views of the complete human body, featuring all the limbs and details as each angle allows. However, this kind of representation is rare, not because of any fear, but because the artists focused not on creating icons but rather on conveying ideas, highlighting specific traits or characteristics and ignoring or deliberately leaving out everything that wasn’t essential to their goal.

On the other hand the Indians have sometimes been unduly praised for acumen in observation and for skill in their iconography. For instance, in the lectures of Mr. Edward Muybridge, explaining the highly interesting photographs of consecutive movements of animals from which he formulates the novel science of zoöpraxography, the lecturer attributes to the Indians a scientific and artistic method of drawing horses in motion which has excelled in that respect all the most famous[742] painters and sculptors. But Mr. Muybridge bases his statement upon a small number of Indian drawings, apparently seen by him in Europe, the characteristics of which do not appear in the many drawings of horses in the possession of the present writer, a considerable number of which are published in this work. The position of the legs in the drawings praised is doubtless fortuitous. The Indian in his delineation of horses cared little more than to show an animal with the appropriate mane, tail, and hoofs, and the legs were extended without the slightest regard to natural motion. The drawing of the Indians closely resembles the masterly abstractions of the living forms devised by the early heraldic painters which later were corrupted by an attempt to compromise with zoölogy, resulting in a clumsy naturalism if not caricature.

On the other hand, Native Americans have sometimes been given too much credit for their keen observation and skill in iconography. For example, in Mr. Edward Muybridge's lectures, where he discusses the fascinating photographs capturing consecutive movements of animals that led him to create the new field of zoöpraxography, he claims that Native Americans had a scientific and artistic way of drawing horses in motion that surpasses all the most famous painters and sculptors. However, Mr. Muybridge's statement is based on a limited number of Indian drawings, which he seems to have seen in Europe. These drawings don’t share characteristics with the many horse drawings that I currently possess, several of which are published in this work. The positioning of the legs in the praised drawings is likely random. When Native Americans depicted horses, they were mostly concerned with showing an animal with the right mane, tail, and hooves, and they extended the legs without any regard for natural motion. The way they drew horses closely resembles the skilled abstractions of living forms created by early heraldic painters, which later became awkward due to attempts to align with zoology, leading to a clumsy naturalism, if not outright caricature.

A comparison of artistic rather than of pictographic skill may frequently be made, for instance the art of the Haida in carving, which shows remarkable similarity to that in Central and South America, and made public by Habel, op. cit., and H. H. Bancroft (i).

A comparison of artistic skill rather than pictorial skill can often be drawn, such as the Haida's carving art, which bears a striking resemblance to that found in Central and South America, as highlighted by Habel, op. cit., and H. H. Bancroft (i).

The style of drawing is strongly influenced by the material on which it is made. This topic must receive some consideration here, though too extensive for full treatment. The substances on which and the instruments by which pictographs are made in America are discussed in Chaps. VII and VIII of this work, and the remarks and illustrations there presented apply generally to other forms of drawing and painting. Examples of drawing on every kind of material known to the American aborigines appear in this work. Carving, pecking, and scratching of various kinds of rock are illustrated, also paintings on skins and on wood. The Innuit carving on walrus ivory, of which numerous illustrations are furnished, is notable for its minuteness as well as distinctness. The substance was precious, the working surface limited, and the workmanship required time and care. Birch bark, common in the whole of the northern Algonquian region, was an attractive material. It was used much more freely and was worked more easily than walrus ivory, and in two modes, one in which outlines are drawn by any hard-pointed substance on the inner side of the bark when it is soft and which remain permanent when dry, the other made by scraping on the rough outer surface, thus producing a difference in color. Many examples of the first-mentioned method are shown throughout this work, and of the latter in Pl. XVI and Fig. 659. Having before them this large collection of varied illustrations readers can judge for themselves of the effect of the material in determining the style among people who had substantially the same concepts.

The way drawing is done is heavily influenced by the material used. This topic deserves some attention here, although it's too broad for full exploration. The materials and tools used for making pictographs in America are discussed in Chaps. VII and VIII of this work, and the comments and images provided there generally apply to other types of drawing and painting as well. This work includes examples of drawing on all kinds of materials known to Indigenous peoples of America. There's illustration of carving, pecking, and scratching on various types of rock, as well as paintings on hides and wood. The Innuit carvings on walrus ivory, for which many illustrations are provided, are remarkable for their detail as well as clarity. The material was precious, the working surface was small, and the craftsmanship required time and care. Birch bark, commonly found throughout the northern Algonquian region, was a popular material. It was used more freely and worked much more easily than walrus ivory, in two different ways: one involving outlines drawn on the inner side of the soft bark with a hard-pointed tool that remain permanent when dry, and the other by scraping the rough outer surface, creating a contrast in color. Many examples of the first method are shown throughout this work, and the second method is illustrated in Pl. XVI and Fig. 659. With this extensive collection of varied illustrations, readers can evaluate how much the material influences style among people who shared similar concepts.

It is universally admitted that the material used, whether papyrus or parchment, stone or wood, palm leaves or metal, wax or clay, and the appropriate instruments, hammer, knife, graver, brush or pen, decided the special style of incipient artists throughout the world. The Chinese at first worked with knives on bamboo and stone, and even after they had obtained paper, ink, and fine hair pencils, the influence[743] of the old method continued. The cuneiform characters are due to the shape of the wooden style used to impress the figures on unbaked clay. It may generally be remarked that in materials having a decided “grain,” of which bamboo is the most obvious instance, the early stage of art with its rude implements was forced to work in lines running with the grain.

It’s widely accepted that the materials used—whether papyrus, parchment, stone, wood, palm leaves, metal, wax, or clay—and the right tools like hammers, knives, gravers, brushes, or pens shaped the unique styles of early artists around the world. The Chinese initially used knives to work on bamboo and stone, and even after they started using paper, ink, and fine hair pencils, the influence of their old techniques lingered. The cuneiform script originated from the shape of the wooden stylus used to press symbols into unbaked clay. Generally, it can be noted that in materials with a distinct “grain,” like bamboo, the early stages of art with its primitive tools were compelled to create lines that followed the grain.

Fig. 1256.—Engravings on bamboo, New Caledonia.

Fig. 1256.—Bamboo carvings, New Caledonia.

Dr. Andree (e) gives the illustration presented here as Fig. 1256 with these remarks:

Dr. Andree (e) provides the illustration shown here as Fig. 1256 along with these comments:

The advances made by the Kanakas of New Caledonia in drawing are illustrated by the bamboo staves covered with engraved drawings, which they carry about as objects of fashion, somewhat as we do our walking sticks, and a number of which are preserved in the ethnographic museum of Paris (Trocadero). They have been described by E. T. Hamy. In these finely incised drawings ornaments of the simplest kind (straight lines and zigzag models) are combined with figures and tree groups. The artistic execution is a rather primitive one, yet the figures by no means lack character and vividness. There are seen on the bamboo the pointed-roofed huts of the chieftains, turtles, fowl, lizards, and between them scenes from the life of the Kanakas. A man beats his wife, men discharge their bows, others stand idle in rank and file, adorned with the cylindric straw hat described by Cook, which at this day has almost entirely disappeared.

The progress made by the Kanakas of New Caledonia in drawing is shown by the bamboo staves covered with engraved designs that they carry around as fashion items, similar to how we use walking sticks, and several of these are preserved in the ethnographic museum in Paris (Trocadero). They have been described by E. T. Hamy. In these intricately carved designs, simple ornaments (straight lines and zigzag patterns) are combined with figures and groups of trees. The artistic execution is quite primitive, but the figures certainly have character and vibrancy. On the bamboo, you can see the pointed-roof huts of the chieftains, along with turtles, birds, lizards, and scenes from the lives of the Kanakas. A man is beating his wife, men are shooting their bows, and others are standing around idly in formation, wearing the cylindrical straw hat described by Cook, which has nearly vanished today.

The explanation of many peculiar forms of Indian drawing and painting is to be found in the stage of mythologic sophiology reached by the several tribes. For instance, Mr. W. H. Holmes, op. cit., discovered that in Chiriqui all the decorations originated in life forms of animals, none being vegetal and none clearly expressive of the human figure or attempting the portrayal of physiognomy. This peculiarity doubtless arose from the exclusively zoomorphic character of the religion of the people. Other mythologic concepts have given a special trend to the art of other tribes and peoples. This results in conventionalism. The sculptures of Persia chiefly express the power and glory of the God-King, and the Egyptian statues are canonical idealizations of an abstract human being, type of the race. It is to be noticed that Indians also show conservatism and conventionalization in their ordinary pictures. Within what may be called a tribal, or more properly stock, system, every Indian draws in precisely the same manner. The figures of a man, of a horse, and of every other object delineated are made by everyone who attempts to make any such figure, with seeming desire for all the identity of which their mechanical skill is capable, thus[744] showing their conception and motive to be the same. In this respect the drawing of the Indians may be likened to that of boys at a public school, who are always drawing, and drawing the same objects and with constant repetition of the same errors from one school generation to another.

The explanation for many unique styles of Indian drawing and painting lies in the mythological understanding of the different tribes. For example, Mr. W. H. Holmes found that in Chiriqui, all decorations came from animal life forms, with none being plant-based and none clearly representing the human figure or attempting to show facial features. This uniqueness likely came from the strictly zoomorphic nature of the people's religion. Other mythological ideas have influenced the art of different tribes and cultures, leading to a conventional style. Persian sculptures primarily express the power and glory of the God-King, while Egyptian statues are idealized representations of an abstract human type, typical of the race. It's important to note that Indians also display conservatism and standardization in their everyday artwork. Within what can be described as a tribal, or more accurately, stock system, every Indian draws in exactly the same way. The figures of a man, a horse, and every other object are created by anyone attempting them, with a clear desire for uniformity that their skills allow, thus[744] demonstrating that their ideas and motives are the same. In this sense, Indian drawing can be compared to that of boys in a public school, who continually draw the same objects and consistently repeat the same mistakes from one generation to the next.

In discussing artistic skill only in its relation to picture-writing the degree of its excellence is not intrinsically important, though it may be so for comparison and identification. The figures required were the simplest. Among these were vertical and horizontal straight lines and their combinations, circles, squares, triangles, a hand, a foot, an ax or a bow, a boat or a sledge. Both natural and artificial objects were drawn by a few strokes without elaboration. The fewer the marks the more convenient was the pictograph, if it fulfilled its object of being recognized by the reader. The simple fact without esthetic effect was all that the pictographic artists wanted to show, and when an animal was represented it was not by imitation of its whole form, but by emphasis of some characteristic which must be made obvious, even if it distorted the figure or group and violated every principle of art as now developed.

In discussing artistic skill solely in relation to picture-writing, the level of excellence isn’t necessarily important on its own, though it may matter for comparison and identification. The required figures were quite basic. Among these were vertical and horizontal straight lines and their combinations, circles, squares, triangles, a hand, a foot, an ax or a bow, a boat or a sled. Both natural and man-made objects were drawn with just a few strokes, without much detail. The fewer the marks, the more useful the pictograph was, as long as it achieved its purpose of being recognized by the reader. The simple fact without any aesthetic effect was all that the pictographic artists aimed to convey, and when an animal was depicted, it wasn't shown by imitating its entire form but by highlighting some characteristic that had to be obvious, even if it distorted the figure or group and ignored every principle of art as we understand it today.

CHAPTER XXI.
WAYS TO UNDERSTAND.

The power of determining the authorship of pictographs made on materials other than rocks, by means of their general style and type, can be estimated by a comparison of those of the Abnaki, Ojibwa, Dakota, Haida, Innuit, Shoshoni, Moki, etc., presented in various parts of this paper.

The ability to identify who created pictographs on materials other than rocks, based on their overall style and type, can be evaluated by comparing those from the Abnaki, Ojibwa, Dakota, Haida, Inuit, Shoshoni, Moki, and others, as shown in different sections of this paper.

Fig. 1257.—Typical character. Guiana.

Fig. 1257.—Typical character. Guyana.

Everard F. im Thurn (k), in reference to Fig. 1257, remarks:

Everard F. im Thurn (k), referring to Fig. 1257, notes:

Wherever a peculiar, complex, and not very obvious figure occurs in many examples it is legitimate to assume that this had some ulterior object and meaning. Now this figure, occurring in the shallow engravings of Guiana, is of such kind. It is not a figure which an Indian would be likely to invent in an idle moment even once, for such a man very seldom, probably never, except in these particular figures, has been known to draw straight lines. Moreover, even if it were a figure that one Indian might idly invent, it is certainly highly improbable that this would be copied by many other Indians in various places. And, lastly, a figure strikingly like the one in question, if, indeed, it is not identical, occurs in certain Mexican picture writings. For example, in the Mexican MSS. [reproduced in Kingsborough, op. cit., I, from Sir Thomas Bodley’s MSS., pp. 22, 23, and from the Selden MSS., also in the Bodleian, p. 3] several figures occur so like that of the shallow engravings of Guiana that there can be but little doubt of their connection. The recurrence of this peculiar figure in these writings is surely sufficient evidence of the fact that they are not without intention. If it were possible to obtain a clue to the meaning of the Mexican figures it might serve as a key to decipher the hieroglyphic writings of Guiana.

Wherever a strange, complicated, and not very obvious symbol appears frequently in different examples, it's reasonable to assume that it has some deeper purpose and significance. This symbol, found in the shallow engravings of Guiana, is one of those types. It's not something an Indian would likely create on a whim, as such individuals rarely, if ever, draw straight lines, except in these specific designs. Moreover, even if one Indian could come up with such a figure randomly, it's highly unlikely that many other Indians would replicate it in various locations. Finally, a symbol very similar to this one, if not identical, appears in certain Mexican picture writings. For instance, in the Mexican manuscripts [reproduced in Kingsborough, op. cit., I, from Sir Thomas Bodley’s MSS., pp. 22, 23, and from the Selden MSS., also in the Bodleian, p. 3], several figures resemble those shallow engravings from Guiana to the point that their connection is undeniable. The repeated presence of this unusual symbol in these writings surely indicates that there is a specific intention behind them. If we could uncover the meaning of the Mexican figures, it might be the key to understanding the hieroglyphic writings of Guiana.

With regard to the study of the individual characters themselves to identify the delineators of pictographs, the various considerations of fauna, religion, customs, tribal signs, indeed most of the headings of this paper, will be applicable.

With respect to studying the individual characters to identify the features of pictographs, factors like animals, religion, customs, tribal signs, and really most of the topics in this paper will be relevant.

It is convenient to divide this chapter into: 1. Marked characters of known significance. 2. Distinctive costumes, weapons, and ornaments. 3. Ambiguous characters, with ascertained meaning.

It’s helpful to break this chapter down into: 1. Recognizable characters with known significance. 2. Unique costumes, weapons, and accessories. 3. Ambiguous characters with determined meaning.

SECTION 1.
IMPORTANT CHARACTERS OF KNOWN SIGNIFICANCE.

It is obvious that before attempting the interpretation of pictographs concerning which no direct information is to be obtained, there should be a collection, as complete as possible, of known characters, in order that through them the unknown may be learned. When any considerable number of objects in a pictograph are actually known the[746] remainder may be ascertained by the context, the relation, and the position of the several designs, and sometimes by the recognized principles of the art.

It’s clear that before trying to interpret pictographs that we have no direct information about, there should be a comprehensive collection of known characters so we can learn about the unknown ones from them. When we have a significant number of objects in a pictograph that are actually identifiable, the[746] rest can often be figured out by considering the context, the relationships, and the placement of the different designs, and sometimes by using the established principles of the art.

The present writer has been engaged, therefore, for a considerable time in collating a large number of characters in a card-catalogue arranged primarily by similarity in forms, and in attaching to each character any significance ascertained or suggested. As before explained, the interpretation upon which reliance is mainly based is that which has been made known by direct information from Indians who themselves were actually makers of pictographs at the time of giving the interpretation. Apart from the comparisons obtained by this collation, the only mode of ascertaining the meaning of the characters, in other words, the only key yet discovered, is in the study of the gesture sign included in many of them.

The author has been working for quite some time on organizing a large number of characters into a card catalog primarily sorted by their similar shapes, and adding any meanings that have been determined or suggested to each character. As previously mentioned, the main interpretation we rely on comes from direct information provided by Native Americans who were actually creating pictographs when they shared their insights. Besides the comparisons made through this organization, the only way to understand the meaning of the characters—essentially, the only key discovered so far—is by studying the gestural signs included in many of them.

A spiral line frequently seen in petroglyphs is explained by the Dakota to be a snail shell, and, furthermore, this device is seen in Pl. XX, and fully described in that connection as used in the recording and computation of time.

A spiral line often found in petroglyphs is described by the Dakota as a snail shell. Additionally, this design appears in Pl. XX, where it is thoroughly explained in relation to its use in recording and calculating time.

The limits of this paper do not allow of presenting a complete list of the characters in the pictographs which have become known. But some of the characters in the petroglyphs, Figs. 1258, 1259, and 1260, which are not discussed under various headings, supra, should be explained. The following is a selection of those which were interpreted to Mr. Gilbert.

The limits of this paper do not allow for a complete list of the characters in the pictographs that are known. However, some of the characters in the petroglyphs, Figs. 1258, 1259, and 1260, which are not discussed under various headings above, should be explained. The following is a selection of those that were interpreted to Mr. Gilbert.

Fig. 1258.—Moki devices.

Fig. 1258.—Moki tools.

The left hand device of Fig. 1258 is an inclosure, or pen, in which ceremonial dances are performed. That on the right is a headdress used in ceremonial dances.

The left-hand device in Fig. 1258 is an enclosure or pen where ceremonial dances take place. The one on the right is a headdress used in those dances.

Compare the drawing from Fairy Rocks, N. S., Fig. 549.

Compare the drawing from Fairy Rocks, N. S., Fig. 549.

Fig. 1259.—Frames and arrows. Moki.

Fig. 1259.—Frames and arrows. Moki.

Fig. 1259 gives sketches of the frames or sticks used in carrying wood on the back; also shows different forms of arrows.

Fig. 1259 shows sketches of the frames or poles used for carrying wood on the back; it also displays various shapes of arrows.

Fig. 1260.—Blossoms. Moki.

Fig. 1260.—Flowers. Moki.

Fig. 1260 represents the blossoms of melons, squashes.

Fig. 1260 shows the flowers of melons and squashes.

The appearance of objects showing the influence of European civilization and christianization should always be carefully noted. An[747] instance where an object of that character is found among a multitude of others not liable to such suspicion is in the heart surmounted by a cross, in the upper line of Fig. 437. This suggests missionary teaching and corresponding date.

The look of objects that reflect European culture and the influence of Christianity should always be carefully considered. An[747] example of such an object found among many others that don't raise such doubts is the heart topped with a cross, shown in the upper line of Fig. 437. This indicates missionary teachings and the relevant time period.

Maximilian of Wied (g) says:

Maximilian of Wied says:

Another mode of painting their robes by the Dakotas is to represent the number of valuable presents they have made. By these presents, which are often of great value, they acquire reputation and respect among their countrymen. On such robes we observed long red figures with a black circle at the termination placed close to each other in transverse rows; they represent whips, indicating the number of horses given, because the whip belonging to the horse is always bestowed with the animal. Red or dark-blue transverse figures indicate cloth or blankets given; parallel transverse stripes represent firearms, the outlines of which are pretty correctly drawn.

Another way the Dakotas paint their robes is by showing how many valuable gifts they’ve given. These gifts, which are often of great value, help them earn reputation and respect among their peers. On these robes, we noticed long red shapes with a black circle at the end, placed close together in horizontal rows; they represent whips, indicating the number of horses given, since the whip that belongs to the horse is always given along with the animal. Red or dark-blue horizontal shapes indicate cloth or blankets given; parallel horizontal stripes represent firearms, which are pretty accurately depicted.

It may be desirable also to note, to avoid misconception, that where, throughout this work, mention is made of particulars under the headings of customs, religion, etc., which might be made the subject of graphic illustration in pictographs, and for that reason should be known as preliminary to the attempted interpretation of the latter, the suggestion is not given as a mere hypothesis. Such objective marks and conceptions of the character indicated which can readily be made objective, are in fact frequently found in pictographs and have been understood by means of the preliminary information to which reference is made. When interpretations obtained through this line of study are properly verified, they can take places in the card catalogue little inferior to those of interpretations derived directly from aboriginal pictographers.

It might be helpful to clarify, to prevent any misunderstandings, that when this work discusses specifics under the sections of customs, religion, etc., which could be illustrated through pictographs, these should be seen as a foundation for interpreting the pictographs. This suggestion is not just a theory. Objective signs and ideas that can be clearly represented are often found in pictographs and have been interpreted using the preliminary information mentioned. When interpretations from this approach are properly validated, they can be just as valuable in the card catalogue as those created directly by indigenous pictographers.

The interpretation by means of gesture-signs has already been discussed, Chap. XVIII, Sec. 4.

The interpretation using gesture signs has already been discussed, Chap. 18, Sec. 4.

Capt. Carver (b) describes how an Ojibwa drew the emblem of his own tribe as a deer, a Sioux as a man dressed in skins, an Englishman as a human figure with a hat on his head, and a Frenchman as a man with a handkerchief tied around his head.

Capt. Carver (b) describes how an Ojibwa illustrated his tribe's emblem as a deer, a Sioux portrayed it as a man wearing skins, an Englishman represented it as a human figure with a hat, and a Frenchman depicted it as a man with a handkerchief tied around his head.

In this connection is the quotation from the Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part III, 1851, p. 124, describing a pictograph, as follows: “There were two figures of men without heads, and some entire. The first denoted the dead and the second the prisoners. One of my conductors told me on this occasion that when there are any French among either, they set their arms akimbo, or their hands upon their hips, to distinguish them from the savages, whom they represent with their arms hanging down. This distinction is not purely arbitrary; it proceeds from these people having observed that the French often put themselves in this posture, which is not used among them.”

In this connection is the quotation from the Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part III, 1851, p. 124, describing a pictograph, as follows: “There were two figures of men without heads, and some complete. The first represented the dead and the second the prisoners. One of my guides told me that when there are any French among either group, they position their arms akimbo or their hands on their hips to distinguish them from the natives, who are shown with their arms hanging down. This distinction is not entirely arbitrary; it comes from these people noticing that the French often adopt this posture, which is not common among them.”

It is also said suggestively, by C. H. Read (f) in Jour. of the Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. and I., that in the carvings of the West African negroes, the typical white man is constantly figured with a brandy bottle in one hand and a large glass in the other.

It is also suggested by C. H. Read (f) in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland that in the carvings of West African people, the typical white man is often depicted holding a brandy bottle in one hand and a large glass in the other.

Fig. 1261.—Moki characters. The following is the explanation:

Fig. 1261.—Moki characters. Here’s what it means:

a. A beaver.
b. A bear.
c. A mountain sheep (Ovis montana).
d. Three wolf heads.
e. Three jackass rabbits.
f. Cottontail rabbit.
g. Bear tracks.
h. An eagle.
i. Eagle tails.
j. A turkey tail.
k. Horned toads (Phryosoma sp. ?).
l. Lizards.
m. A butterfly.
n. Snakes.
o. A rattlesnake.
p. Deer track.
q. Three bird tracks.
r. Bitterns (wading birds).

Instructive particulars regarding pictographs may be discovered in the delineation of the fauna in reference to its present or former habitat in the region where the representation of it is found.

Instructive details about pictographs can be found in the depiction of the wildlife in relation to its current or past habitat in the area where the image is located.

As an example of the number and kind of animals pictured as well as of their mode of representation, the foregoing Fig. 1261, comprising many of the Moki inscriptions at Oakley Springs, Arizona, is presented by Mr. G. K. Gilbert. These were selected by him from a large number of etchings for the purpose of obtaining the explanation, and they were explained to him by Tubi, an Oraibi chief living at Oraibi, one of the Moki villages.

As an example of the variety and types of animals depicted, as well as their representation style, the previous Fig. 1261, which includes many of the Moki inscriptions at Oakley Springs, Arizona, is provided by Mr. G. K. Gilbert. He chose these from a large collection of etchings to get an explanation, which was provided by Tubi, a chief from Oraibi, one of the Moki villages.

Fig. 1262.—Mantis. Kejimkoojik.

Fig. 1262.—Mantis. Kejimkujik.

The large object in Fig. 1262, scratched on the Kejimkoojik rocks, Nova Scotia, is probably intended for a mantis or “rear-horse,” but strongly reminds the observer of the monkey forms in the petroglyphs of Central and South America.

The large object in Fig. 1262, scratched on the Kejimkoojik rocks, Nova Scotia, likely represents a mantis or “rear-horse,” but it strongly reminds the viewer of the monkey shapes in the petroglyphs of Central and South America.

Fig. 1263.—Animal forms. Sonora.

Fig. 1263.—Animal shapes. Sonora.

Ten Kate (b) shows in Fig. 1263 those animal forms which were not obliterated from the face of the rock of El-Sauce, Sonora; they were very nearly in the order in which they are represented. The fish at the upper right hand is 20 centimeters long.

Ten Kate (b) shows in Fig. 1263 the animal shapes that remain on the surface of the rock in El-Sauce, Sonora; they are nearly arranged in the same order as depicted. The fish on the upper right is 20 centimeters long.

SECTION 2.
Unique outfits, weapons, and accessories.

On examining the relics of ancient peoples or their modern representatives, the instruments and arms accompanying them and the clothing upon them mark the social status of the individual. In the social life of past generations, and still to-day, certain garments with[750] their adjuncts indicate certain functions. The lawyer, the mechanic, the priest, and the soldier are easily recognizable. These garments do not only give general indications, but minute details, so in looking upon a certain soldier it is known what country he serves, how many men are under his orders, and how many chiefs are above him. It is known if he marches on horseback or afoot, if he handles the rifle or the saber, works the cannon, designs fortifications, or builds bridges. Also, by looking on his decorated breast, it is shown if he has made campaigns and participated in historic battles, and whether or not he has gained distinction. This is told by the color, cut, and ornaments of his clothes and by the weapon he bears. Some details are also furnished by the cut of the hair, and even the style of foot-gear. The above remarks apply to the highest civilization, but all kinds of personal and class designations by means of distinctive costumes, weapons, and adornments were and still are most apparent and important among the less cultured peoples.

When looking at the artifacts of ancient peoples or their modern descendants, the tools and weapons they carry, along with their clothing, reflect the individual's social status. In the social dynamics of past generations, and still today, certain outfits and their accessories signal specific roles. You can easily identify a lawyer, a mechanic, a priest, and a soldier. These outfits provide not only general clues but also detailed insights; for instance, by observing a soldier, you can tell what country he serves, how many troops are under his command, and how many superiors he has. You can find out if he rides a horse or walks, whether he uses a rifle or a saber, operates artillery, designs fortifications, or builds bridges. Additionally, the medals on his uniform reveal his military experience and participation in significant battles, as well as any honors he has earned. This information is conveyed through the color, style, and embellishments of his clothing and the weapon he carries. Even the style of his haircut and footwear offers further clues. While these observations relate to advanced civilizations, the use of unique clothing, weapons, and adornments for personal and class identification has historically been, and continues to be, especially significant among less cultured societies.

The American Indians seldom clothed themselves, except in very cold weather, save for purposes of ornament. They habitually wore no other garment than the breech-cloth, but in their ceremonies and social dances they bedecked themselves with full and elaborate costumes, often regulated with special punctilio for the occasion. The boreal tribes, such as the Alaskan, Athapascan, and Chippewayan, who were obliged to protect themselves for a large part of the year by furs and skins, developed characteristic forms of dress which in pictography take the place occupied by painting and tattooing among tribes where the person was more habitually exposed. Among the southern tribes there was need of protection against the rays of the sun, as in Mexico, where cotton and other fibers were used. In general some of the forms of wearing apparel, if only varieties in the make of moccasins or sandals, designated the tribe of the wearers, and therefore often became adopted as pictorial signs. Ceremonial clothing is often elaborately decorated with beads, porcupine quills, claws and teeth of animals, shells, and feathers. Many of these garments are further ornamented with paintings of a totemic or mythologic character, or bear the insignia of the wearer’s rank and social status. Metal ornaments, such as armlets, bracelets, anklets, earrings and bells, were also worn, the material and quantity being in accordance with the wearer’s ability and pecuniary condition. Upon both social and ceremonial occasions the headgear displayed eagle feathers and the plumes of other species of birds, and tufts of hair dyed in red or other colors. Necklaces were made of claws, shells, deer and antelope hoofs, the teeth of various animals, snake-skins, and even human fingers.

The American Indians rarely wore clothing, except in really cold weather, and mostly for decoration. They typically just wore a breech-cloth, but during ceremonies and social dances, they adorned themselves with full and elaborate costumes that were specifically designed for the occasion. The northern tribes, like the Alaskan, Athapascan, and Chippewayan, had to protect themselves with furs and skins for most of the year, leading to unique styles of dress that replaced the role of painting and tattooing in tribes where people were more often exposed. In the southern tribes, there was a need for protection from the sun, as in Mexico, where they used cotton and other fibers. Generally, different styles of clothing, even variations in moccasins or sandals, indicated the wearer's tribe, and these styles often became symbolic. Ceremonial clothing is frequently elaborately decorated with beads, porcupine quills, animal claws and teeth, shells, and feathers. Many of these garments are further enhanced with paintings that have totemic or mythological significance or display the wearer’s rank and social status. Metal ornaments like armlets, bracelets, anklets, earrings, and bells were also worn, with the amount and material reflecting the wearer’s wealth and status. For both social and ceremonial occasions, headgear showcased eagle feathers, plumes from various birds, and tufts of hair dyed in red or other colors. Necklaces were crafted from claws, shells, deer and antelope hooves, animal teeth, snake skins, and even human fingers.

Immediately following are some of the Dakota designations in the particulars mentioned:

Immediately following are some of the Dakota names in the details mentioned:

Fig. 1264.

Fig. 1264.

Fig. 1264.—Shield. Red Cloud’s Census. The shield here is without device, though frequently one is painted on the war shields. Such painting may be the pictograph of the gens or of the personal designation, or may show the marks of rank.

Fig. 1264.—Shield. Red Cloud’s Census. The shield shown here has no designs, although it's common for war shields to have them. These designs can be a pictograph representing the clan, a personal insignia, or they might indicate ranks.

Fig. 1265.

Fig. 1265.

Fig. 1265.—Wahacanka, Shield. The Oglala Roster. The marks or bearings on the shield probably are personal and similar to those commonly called heraldic, but in this drawing are too minute for accurate blazonry.

Fig. 1265.—Wahacanka, Shield. The Oglala Roster. The markings on the shield are likely personal and resemble what are often referred to as heraldic symbols, but in this drawing, they are too small for precise detailing.

Fig. 1266.

Fig. 1266.

Fig. 1266.—Black-Shield “says his prayers” (in the interpreter’s phrase; that is, he performed the rites elsewhere explained); and takes the war-path to avenge the death of two of his sons who had been killed by the Crows. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1859-’60.

Fig. 1266.—Black-Shield “says his prayers” (using the interpreter’s wording; that is, he carried out the rituals described elsewhere); and sets out on the warpath to avenge the deaths of two of his sons who were killed by the Crows. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1859-’60.

Fig. 1267.

Fig. 1267.

Fig. 1267.—Eagle-Feather. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is probably the same name as translated Lone-Feather in the following figure, in which the feather also comes from an eagle’s tail:

Fig. 1267.—Eagle-Feather. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is likely the same name as translated Lone-Feather in the following figure, where the feather also comes from an eagle’s tail:

Fig. 1268.

Fig. 1268.

Fig. 1268.—Lone-Feather said his prayers and took the warpath to avenge the death of some relatives. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1842-’43.

Fig. 1268.—Lone-Feather said his prayers and set out for battle to avenge the deaths of some relatives. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1842-’43.

Fig. 1269.

Fig. 1269.

Fig. 1269.—Feathers. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure and the next refer to some special ornamentation.

Fig. 1269.—Feathers. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure and the next relate to specific decoration.

Fig. 1270.

Fig. 1270.

Fig. 1270.—Feathers. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1270.—Feathers. Red Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1271.

Fig. 1271.

Fig. 1271.—Bone-Necklace. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure and the three following show special kinds of neck ornaments.

Fig. 1271.—Bone Necklace. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure and the next three show specific types of neck ornaments.

Fig. 1272.

Fig. 1272.

Fig. 1272—Beads. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1272—Beads. Red Cloud's Census.

Fig. 1273.

Fig. 1273.

Fig. 1273.—Stone-Necklace. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1273.—Stone Necklace. Red Cloud's Census.

Fig. 1274.

Fig. 1274.

Fig. 1274.—Feather-Necklace. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1274.—Feather Necklace. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1275.

Fig. 1275.

Fig. 1275.—Wolf-Robe was killed by the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1850-’51.

Fig. 1275.—Wolf-Robe was killed by the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1850-’51.

He is killed and scalped while wearing a robe of wolf-skin.

He is killed and scalped while wearing a wolf-skin robe.

Fig. 1276.

Fig. 1276.

Fig. 1276.—Wears-the-Bonnet. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is the ornamented war bonnet of the Dakotas.

Fig. 1276.—Wears-the-Bonnet. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is the decorated war bonnet of the Dakotas.

Fig. 1277.

Fig. 1277.

Fig. 1277.—Garter. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 1277.—Garter. Red Cloud's Census.

Fig. 1278.

Fig. 1278.

Fig. 1278.—Wicanapsu-owin, Wears-human-fingers as earrings. The Oglala Roster.

Fig. 1278.—Wicanapsu-owin, Wears-human-fingers as earrings. The Oglala Roster.

The place for the fingers to be worn is indicated by the line terminating in a loop.

The spot for the fingers to be worn is shown by the line ending in a loop.

The Indian accumulated no wealth except in things useful during his life. His ornaments were made from shells which in their natural shape are innumerable; from the skins of animals which require only skill to take and dress them; and from stone and copper, demanding only strength to procure and transport them. The value of an Indian ornament is in the skill, care and patience required in making it. Thus the wampum-bead became of intrinsic value, similar in that to gold and silver in civilization; the stone carefully wrought into the fashion of a pipe became the emblem of authority and the instrument of worship; and copper, slowly and toilfully delved and fashioned with the rudest of tools and appliances, became almost a fetich of superstition. So likewise the quill of the porcupine, worked into a design in embroidery with the most exquisite care, was an ornament fit for warriors and chiefs. But on the cradle or basket-nest for the expected or new-born child, upon the gown or woman’s dress of the favorite daughter, and upon the moccasins and trappings for the growing son, hand and head and heart were employed for months and even years.

The Indian didn't accumulate wealth except in things that were useful during his lifetime. His ornaments were made from shells, which come in countless natural shapes; from animal skins, which only needed skill to obtain and prepare; and from stone and copper, which required just strength to gather and move. The value of an Indian ornament lies in the skill, care, and patience that went into making it. For instance, the wampum bead became valuable in itself, similar to how gold and silver are valued in society; a stone carefully shaped into a pipe became a symbol of authority and a tool for worship; and copper, painstakingly mined and crafted using very basic tools, became a kind of superstitious charm. Similarly, the quill of the porcupine, intricately designed in embroidery with incredible care, was an ornament worthy of warriors and chiefs. But for the cradle or basket for a soon-to-arrive or newborn child, for the gown or dress of the cherished daughter, and for the moccasins and gear for the growing son, months and even years of hand, heart, and soul were dedicated to their creation.

The Dakotan bride, swayed by the yearning of expectant maternity, perhaps also by ambition to excel in the sole permitted mode of its display, adorned her lodge with ornamented cradles, each new one becoming in design more beautiful and intricate than the last, until her yearning was answered, when the cradles not needed were exchanged for horses and ornaments, which became the endowment of the new-born child.

The Dakotan bride, influenced by the desire for motherhood, and maybe also by the ambition to stand out in the only way allowed, decorated her lodge with beautifully crafted cradles. Each new cradle was more beautiful and detailed than the previous one, until her longing was fulfilled. Then, the cradles that were no longer needed were swapped for horses and ornaments, which became the gifts for the newborn child.

Some note should be made of the sense of correspondence and contrast of colors which the Dakota, at least, exhibits; the rules which he originates and observes forming that which is called artistic taste. The Indian’s use of colors corresponds more nearly than that of most barbarians with that common in high civilization, except that he perceives so little distinction between blue and green that but one name generally suffices for both colors. It is remarkable that among the wilder and plains tribes of Dakotas dead colors in beads are preferred and arranged with good effect, and that among these, specially, the use of neutral tints is common. Probably both of these results were produced from the old and exclusive employment of clays for pigments—clays of almost all colors and shades being found in the country over which the Dakotas roamed.

Some attention should be given to the way the Dakota, at least, shows a sense of color matching and contrast; the rules they create and follow form what we now call artistic taste. The way Native Americans use colors is more similar to that of higher civilizations than that of most other groups, except that they see very little difference between blue and green, so usually one name works for both colors. It's interesting that among the more primitive and plains tribes of the Dakotas, muted colors in beads are preferred and arranged effectively, and especially among these tribes, the use of neutral tones is common. This is likely due to their historical and exclusive use of clays for pigments—clays in almost every color and shade can be found in the regions the Dakotas traveled.

The peculiarities of dress or undress would seem to have first struck the people of the eastern hemisphere as well adapted to pictorial representation. Singularly enough to modern ideas, the braccæ or trousers were to the Romans the symbol of barbarism, whereas now the absence of the garments, called even “indispensable,” has the same significance. Maj. C. R. Conder (d) gives this good lesson literally “a propos de bottes:”

The unique aspects of clothing or lack of clothing first caught the attention of people in the eastern hemisphere as fitting for visual representation. Interestingly, to modern thoughts, the braccæ or trousers were seen by the Romans as a sign of barbarism, while today, not wearing these garments, which are often deemed “essential,” carries the same meaning. Maj. C. R. Conder (d) offers this insightful note literally “about boots:”

A curious peculiarity of dress also serves to indicate the racial connection. In Cappadocia and in Anatolia the monuments represent figures with a boot or shoe curled up in front. An Assyrian representation of an Armenian merchant shows the same boot. Sir C. Wilson first compared it with the boot now worn by the peasantry of Asia Minor. Perrot compares it with the cavalry boot worn in Syria and with what we call a Turkish slipper. The Etruscans wore a similar shoe called calceus repandus by the Romans. On the monuments at Karnak the Hittites are represented wearing the same shoe, and although it is not of necessity a mark of race, it is still curious that this curly-toed boot was common to the various Turanian peoples of Syria, Asia Minor, Armenia, and Italy.

A unique feature of clothing also indicates racial connections. In Cappadocia and Anatolia, monuments depict figures wearing boots or shoes that curl up at the front. An Assyrian depiction of an Armenian merchant shows the same type of boot. Sir C. Wilson was the first to compare it to the boots worn by peasants in Asia Minor today. Perrot compares it to the cavalry boots worn in Syria and what we know as Turkish slippers. The Etruscans wore a similar shoe called repand shoe by the Romans. The monuments at Karnak show the Hittites wearing the same kind of shoe, and while it doesn't necessarily indicate race, it's interesting that this curly-toed boot was common among the various Turanian peoples in Syria, Asia Minor, Armenia, and Italy.

Fig. 1279. Weapons.

Fig. 1279. Weapons.

Schoolcraft (t) gives the characters on the left hand of Fig. 1279 as two Ojibwa war clubs, and the right-hand character in the same figure is represented in a Wyoming petroglyph as a bow.

Schoolcraft (t) identifies the characters on the left side of Fig. 1279 as two Ojibwa war clubs, and the character on the right side in the same figure is depicted in a Wyoming petroglyph as a bow.

Many other weapons distinctive to their draughtsmen are shown in this paper.

Many other weapons unique to their creators are presented in this document.

Fig. 1280. Australian wommeras and clubs.

Fig. 1280. Australian wommeras and clubs.

It may be well to insert here Fig. 1280, showing the wommeras and clubs of the Australians, taken from Curr (d), not only on account of their forms but of the pictorial designs on some of them, which should be compared with those of the Moki and other Indian tribes.

It might be a good idea to include Fig. 1280 here, displaying the wommeras and clubs of the Australians, sourced from Curr (d), not just for their shapes but also for the artistic designs on some of them, which should be compared to those of the Moki and other Indian tribes.

A large number of pictographic figures distinguishing bodies of Indians by different mode of head dress have already been given. Some additional detail may be added about the Absaroka who have in this regard been imitated by the Hidatsa and Arikara.

A lot of pictographic images identifying different groups of Indians based on their unique headgear have already been presented. Some extra details can be added about the Absaroka, who have influenced the Hidatsa and Arikara in this aspect.

They wear horse hair taken from the tail, attached to the back of their heads and allowed to hang down their backs. It is arranged in eight or ten strands, each about as thick as a finger and laid parallel with[754] spaces between them of the width of a single strand. Pine gum is then mixed with red ocher or vermilion and by means of other hair, or fibers of any kind laid crosswise, the strands are secured and around each intersection of hair a ball of gum is plastered to hold it in place, secured to the real growth of hair on the back of the head. About four inches further down a similar row of gum balls and cross strings is placed, and so on down to the end. The Indians frequently incorporate the false hair with their own so as to lengthen the latter without any marked evidence of the deception. Nevertheless the transverse fastenings with their gum attachments are present. In picture-writing this is shown upon the figure of a man by parallel lines drawn downward from the back of the head, intersected by cross lines, the whole[755] appearing like small squares or a piece of net. See Figs. 484 and 485, supra.

They wear horsehair taken from the tail, attached to the back of their heads and allowed to hang down their backs. It's arranged in eight or ten strands, each about as thick as a finger, laid parallel with[754] spaces in between that are the width of a single strand. Pine gum is mixed with red ocher or vermilion, and using other hair or fibers of any kind laid crosswise, the strands are secured. Around each intersection of hair, a ball of gum is applied to hold it in place, attached to the natural hair on the back of the head. About four inches lower, a similar row of gum balls and cross strings is placed, and so on down to the end. The Indians often blend the false hair with their own to lengthen it without obvious signs of deception. However, the cross fastenings with their gum attachments are noticeable. In picture-writing, this is depicted on a figure of a man by parallel lines drawn down from the back of the head, intersected by cross lines, creating a look that resembles small squares or a piece of net. See Figs. 484 and 485, supra.

A quaint account of social designation by the arrangement of the hair among the Northeastern Algonquins is recorded in the Jesuit Relations of 1639, pp. 44-5:

A charming description of social status based on hairstyle among the Northeastern Algonquins can be found in the Jesuit Relations from 1639, pp. 44-5:

When a girl or woman favors some one who seeks her, she cuts the hair in the fashion adopted by the maidens of France, hanging over the forehead, which is an ugly style as well in this country as in France; St. Paul forbidding women to show their hair. The women here wear their hair in bunches at the back of the head, in the form of a truss, which they decorate with beads when they have them. If, after marrying some one, a woman leaves him without cause, or if, being promised and having accepted some present, she fails to keep her word, the presumptive husband sometimes cuts her hair, which renders her very despicable and prevents her from getting another spouse.

When a girl or woman shows interest in someone pursuing her, she cuts her hair in a style worn by young women in France, hanging down over her forehead, which is considered unattractive both here and in France; St. Paul advises women not to show their hair. The women here style their hair in bunches at the back of their heads, shaped like a bun, which they adorn with beads if they have them. If, after marrying someone, a woman leaves him without reason, or if she accepts a proposal and a gift but then doesn’t follow through, the jilted fiancé sometimes cuts her hair, making her very disrespected and unlikely to find another partner.

There is a differentiation of this usage among the Pueblos generally, who, when accurate and particular in delineation, designate the women of that tribe by a huge coil of hair over either ear. This custom prevails also among the Coyotèro Apaches, the women wearing the hair in a coil to denote a virgin, while the coil is absent in the case of a married woman.

There is a difference in this usage among the Pueblos in general, who, when precise and specific in their descriptions, refer to the women of that tribe by a large coil of hair over either ear. This custom is also found among the Coyotèro Apaches, where women wear their hair in a coil to signify that they are virgins, while a married woman does not have the coil.

Regarding the apparent subject matter of pictographs an obvious distinction may be made between hunting and land scenes such as would be familiar to interior tribes and those showing fishing and aquatic habits common to seaboard and lacustrine peoples. Similar and more perspicuous modes of discrimination are available. The general scope of known history, traditions, and myths may also serve in identification. Known habits and fashions of existing or historically-known tribes have the same application, e. g., the portrayal on a drawing of a human face of labrets or nose rings limits the artist to defined regions, and then other considerations may further specify the work.

Regarding the obvious subject matter of pictographs, a clear distinction can be made between hunting and land scenes that would be familiar to interior tribes and those depicting fishing and aquatic activities common to coastal and lake-dwelling peoples. Similar and clearer methods of differentiation are also available. The general context of known history, traditions, and myths can help in identification. Recognized habits and styles of existing or historically-known tribes apply in the same way; for example, the depiction of a human face with labrets or nose rings restricts the artist to specific regions, and additional factors may further clarify the work.

When the specific pictorial style of distinctive peoples is ascertained its appearance on rocks may give evidence of their habitat and migrations, and on the other hand their authorship of the petroglyphs being received as a working hypothesis, the latter may be confirmed and the characters interpreted through the known practices and habits of the postulated authors.

When the unique visual style of specific groups is identified, its presence on rocks can provide clues about where they lived and how they moved around. Conversely, if we accept that these petroglyphs were created by certain people, we can validate this idea and interpret the symbols based on the known practices and habits of those assumed creators.

SECTION 3.
Vague characters with clear meaning.

Under this heading specimens of the card catalogue before mentioned are presented. The characters would not probably be recognized for the objects they are intended to represent and many of them might be mistaken for attempts to delineate other objects. A much larger number of similar delineations are to be found under other headings in this work, especially in Chap. XIII on Totems, titles, and names.

Under this heading, examples of the card catalog mentioned earlier are shown. The characters probably wouldn't be recognized as the objects they're meant to represent, and many of them might be mistaken for attempts to depict other objects. A lot more similar illustrations can be found under different headings in this work, especially in Chap. XIII on Totems, titles, and names.

Fig. 1281.—Turtle. Maya.

Fig. 1281.—Turtle. Mayan.

Prof. C. Thomas (c) gives a, b, c, and d, in Fig. 1281 as representing the turtle.

Prof. C. Thomas (c) provides a, b, c, and d in Fig. 1281 to represent the turtle.

That they do so is shown by the head of the animal, e, taken from the Cortesian Codex. This is one of the many examples in which the significance of drawings can be ascertained from a series of conventionalized forms. Other instances are given in the present paper, and more in the works of Mr. W. H. Holmes, published in several of the Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology.

That they do this is illustrated by the head of the animal, e, taken from the Cortesian Codex. This is one of the many examples where the meaning of drawings can be understood from a series of conventional forms. Other examples are included in this paper, and more can be found in the works of Mr. W. H. Holmes, published in several of the Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology.

Fig. 1282.—Armadillo. Yucatan.

Fig. 1282.—Armadillo. Yucatán.

Fig. 1282 is given in the last cited volume and page as the symbol of the armadillo of Yucatan.

Fig. 1282 is provided in the last mentioned volume and page as the symbol of the armadillo from Yucatan.

Fig. 1283.—Dakota drawings.

Fig. 1283.—Dakota art.

The drawings of which Fig. 1283 presents copies were made by Dakota tribesmen: a, fox; b, black fox; c, wolf; d, black deer; e, beaver; f, spotted horse; g, porcupine; h, white hawk; i, bald eagle; k, crow; l, swallow; m and n, war bonnet; o, leggins; p, gun; q, pipe.

The drawings shown in Fig. 1283 are copies created by Dakota tribesmen: a, fox; b, black fox; c, wolf; d, black deer; e, beaver; f, spotted horse; g, porcupine; h, white hawk; i, bald eagle; k, crow; l, swallow; m and n, war bonnet; o, leggings; p, gun; q, pipe.

Fig. 1284.—Ojibwa drawings.

Fig. 1284.—Ojibwa artwork.

The characters in Fig. 1284 are Ojibwa drawings. With the exception[757] of the last one they are copies of selected sketches made by Gaga Sindebi at White Earth, Minn., in 1891, as parts of a Midē' song.

The characters in Fig. 1284 are Ojibwa drawings. Except for the last one, they are copies of selected sketches created by Gaga Sindebi at White Earth, Minn., in 1891, as parts of a Midē' song.

a, a wolf. The dark chest markings and the large tail are in imitation of those parts of the timber wolf. The coyote is not now found in the region where the author of the song lives; but is more particularly a prairie animal.

a, a wolf. The dark chest markings and the big tail mimic those features of the timber wolf. The coyote isn’t currently found in the area where the songwriter lives; it’s more commonly a prairie animal.

b, a wolf. The pronounced jaw indicates his carnivorous nature.

b, a wolf. The strong jaw shows that he is a meat-eater.

c, a badger. Although the form resembles that of the bear the difference is shown by the darkened body to imitate the gray fur.

c, a badger. Even though its shape is similar to that of a bear, the difference is evident in the darker body that mimics the gray fur.

d, a bear.

d, a bear.

e, a bear. This style of drawing is not common, it being rather short and stout, while the legs and ears are unusually pronounced.

e, a bear. This style of drawing is not common; it's quite short and thick, and the legs and ears are notably prominent.

f, the figure of a bear manido, to which is attached a feather denoting the mythic character of the animal.

f, the image of a bear spirit, which has a feather attached to represent the mythical nature of the creature.

g, the figure represents a “lean bear,” as is specified by the appearance of the ribs showing his lean condition.

g, the figure shows a "lean bear," as indicated by the visible ribs that reveal its thin condition.

h, a lizard. The ribs are ridges, which are found upon some forms of Siredon, one species of which occurs in the ponds and small lakes of Minnesota.

h, a lizard. The ribs are ridges, which are found on some types of Siredon, one species of which is found in the ponds and small lakes of Minnesota.

i, a toad.

I, a toad.

k, a raccoon. The bands of color are indicated in the drawing.

k, a raccoon. The color bands are shown in the drawing.

l, a porcupine. Resembles some forms of the sacred bear manido as the latter is sometimes drawn.

l, a porcupine. Looks like some versions of the sacred bear spirit, as it is sometimes depicted.

m, the crane. The three round spots over the head represent three songs sung by the midē' to the crane manido.

m, the crane. The three round spots on the head symbolize three songs performed by the midē' to the crane spirit.

n, the thunder-bird or eagle, having four heads. This character appears to be unique, as it has at no time been noticed upon any of the[758] numerous midē' records in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology.

n, the thunderbird or eagle with four heads. This character seems to be one of a kind, as it has never been seen in any of the[758] many midē' records held by the Bureau of Ethnology.

o, the character represents a man using the rattle, as in the ceremony of incantation. The projections above the head denote his superior powers.

o, the character represents a man using the rattle during the incantation ceremony. The projections above his head indicate his superior powers.

p, a midē', holding in his right hand a bear’s paw medicine bag, and in his left hand an arrow. The character resembles similar drawings to denote vessels in which herbs are boiled and from the top of which vapor is issuing.

p, a midē', holding a bear’s paw medicine bag in his right hand and an arrow in his left. The figure looks like other illustrations that show containers where herbs are boiled, with vapor rising from the top.

q, a midē' medicine sack. The character appears like similar drawings of the otter; in the present instance, however, the ornamentation upon the skin shows it to be not a living animal.

q, a midē' medicine pouch. The character resembles similar illustrations of the otter; in this case, though, the decoration on the skin reveals that it is not a real animal.

r, a beaver’s tail, from Schoolcraft (y). Many other illustrations of this general nature are given by Mr. Schoolcraft, nearly all colored according to his fancy.

r, a beaver’s tail, from Schoolcraft (y). Many other illustrations of this type are provided by Mr. Schoolcraft, almost all colored to his preference.

CHAPTER XXII.
DISPUTED ICONS.

No large amount of space need be occupied in the mention of detected pictographic frauds, their present and future importance being small, but much more than is now allowed would be required for the full discussion of controverted cases.

No significant amount of space needs to be taken up discussing identified pictographic frauds, as their current and future relevance is low. However, much more space than is currently allocated would be necessary for a thorough discussion of disputed cases.

There is little inducement, beyond the amusement derived from hoaxing, to commit actual frauds in the fabrication of petroglyphs. It must, however, be remembered that coloration and carving of a deceptive character are sometimes produced by natural causes, e. g., pictured rocks on the island of Monhegan, Maine, figured by Schoolcraft (z), are classed in “Science” VI, No. 132, p. 124, as freaks of surface erosion. Mica plates were found in a mound at Lower Sandusky, Ohio, which, after some attempts at interpretation, proved to belong to the material known as graphic or hieroglyphic mica, the discolorations having been caused by the infiltration of mineral solution between the laminæ.

There’s not much motivation, aside from the fun of tricking people, to actually create fake petroglyphs. However, it’s important to note that color and carvings that appear deceptive can sometimes happen naturally. For example, the painted rocks on Monhegan Island in Maine, noted by Schoolcraft (z), are categorized in “Science” VI, No. 132, p. 124, as unusual formations caused by erosion. Mica plates were discovered in a mound at Lower Sandusky, Ohio, which, after some attempts to interpret them, turned out to be what’s known as graphic or hieroglyphic mica, with the discolorations resulting from mineral solutions seeping between the layers.

The instances where inscribed stones from mounds have been ascertained to be forgeries or fictitious drawings are to be explained as sometimes produced by simple mischief, sometimes by craving for personal notoriety, and in other cases by schemes either to increase the marketable value of land supposed to contain more of the articles or to sell those exhibited.

The cases where inscribed stones from mounds have been confirmed as forgeries or fake drawings can be explained as sometimes resulting from mere mischief, sometimes from a desire for personal fame, and in other situations from plans to either boost the market value of land thought to have more of these items or to sell the ones displayed.

With regard to more familiar and more portable articles, such as engraved pipes, painted robes, and like curios, it is well known that the fancy prices paid for them by amateurs have stimulated their unlimited manufacture by Indians at agencies who make a business of sketching upon ordinary robes or plain pipes the characters in common use by them, without regard to any real event or person, and selling them as significant records. Some enterprising traders have been known to furnish the unstained robes, plain pipes, paints, and other materials for the purpose, and simply pay a skillful Indian for his work, when the fresh antique or imaginary chronicle is delivered.

When it comes to more familiar and portable items, like engraved pipes, painted robes, and other curiosities, it’s well known that the high prices paid by collectors have led to their mass production by Indigenous people at agencies. These artisans sketch common designs onto ordinary robes or plain pipes, regardless of any real events or people, and sell them as meaningful artifacts. Some savvy traders have even supplied the unadorned robes, plain pipes, paints, and other materials needed, then simply pay a skilled Indigenous artist for their work once the new vintage or imaginary story is completed.

As the business of making and selling archæologic frauds has become so extensive in Egypt and Palestine, it can be no matter of surprise that it has been attempted by enterprising people of the United States, about whom the wooden-nutmeg imputation still clings. The Bureau of Ethnology has discovered several centers of the manufacture of antiquities.

As the business of creating and selling archaeological fakes has grown extensively in Egypt and Palestine, it's no surprise that enterprising individuals from the United States have attempted it as well, where the reputation for wooden nutmeg still lingers. The Bureau of Ethnology has found several places where antiquities are manufactured.

It was once proclaimed that six inscribed copper plates had been found in a mound near Kinderhook, Pike county, Illinois, which were[760] reported to bear a close resemblance to Chinese. This resemblance seemed not to be extraordinary when it was ascertained that the plate had been engraved by the village blacksmith, copied from the lid of a Chinese tea-chest.

It was once announced that six engraved copper plates were discovered in a mound near Kinderhook, Pike County, Illinois, which were[760] said to look a lot like Chinese characters. This similarity didn't seem all that surprising when it was found out that the plates were made by the village blacksmith, who had copied them from the lid of a Chinese tea chest.

The following recent notice of a case of alleged fraud is quoted from Science, Vol. III, No. 58, March 14, 1884, page 334:

The following recent notice of a case of alleged fraud is quoted from Science, Vol. III, No. 58, March 14, 1884, page 334:

Dr. N. Roe Bradner exhibited [at the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania] an inscribed stone found inside a skull taken from one of the ancient mounds at Newark, Ohio, in 1865. An exploration of the region had been undertaken, in consequence of the finding of stones bearing markings somewhat resembling Hebrew letters, in the hope of finding other specimens of a like character. The exploration was supposed to have been entirely unproductive of such objects until Dr. Bradner had found the engraved stone, now exhibited, in a skull which had been given to him.

Dr. N. Roe Bradner showcased [at the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania] an inscribed stone that was discovered inside a skull from one of the ancient mounds in Newark, Ohio, in 1865. The area was explored because stones with markings that looked somewhat like Hebrew letters had been found, with the hope of uncovering similar findings. The exploration was believed to have yielded no such items until Dr. Bradner discovered the engraved stone, which is now on display, inside a skull that had been given to him.

This was supplemented by an editorial note in No. 62 of the same publication, page 467, as follows:

This was added to by an editorial note in No. 62 of the same publication, page 467, as follows:

A correspondent from Newark, Ohio, warns us that any inscribed stones said to originate from that locality may be looked upon as spurious. Years ago certain parties in that place made a business of manufacturing and burying inscribed stones and other objects in the autumn, and exhuming them the following spring in the presence of innocent witnesses. Some of the parties to these frauds afterwards confessed to them; and no such objects, except such as were spurious, have ever been known from that region.

A reporter from Newark, Ohio, cautions us that any stones claimed to be from that area should be considered fake. Years ago, some people there made a business out of creating and burying inscribed stones and other items in the fall, then digging them up the next spring in front of unsuspecting witnesses. Some of those involved in these schemes later admitted to the fraud, and no genuine items, apart from the fakes, have ever been found in that region.

The correspondent of Science probably remembered the operations of David Wyrick, of Newark, who, to prove his theory that the Hebrews were the mound-builders, discovered in 1860 a tablet bearing on one side a truculent “likeness” of Moses with his name in Hebrew, and on the other a Hebrew abridgment of the ten commandments. A Hebrew bible afterwards found in Mr. Wyrick’s private room threw some light on the inscribed characters.

The writer for Science likely recalled the work of David Wyrick from Newark, who, to support his theory that the Hebrews were the mound-builders, discovered a tablet in 1860. One side of the tablet had a fierce “likeness” of Moses along with his name in Hebrew, while the other side featured a Hebrew summary of the Ten Commandments. A Hebrew Bible that was later found in Mr. Wyrick's private room provided some insight into the inscribed characters.

A grooved stone ax or maul, first described by the late Dr. John Evans, of Pemberton, New Jersey, was reproduced by Dr. Wilson (a). Several characters are cut in the groove and on the blade. They are neither Runic, Scandinavian, nor Anglo-Saxon. It was found near Pemberton, New Jersey, prior to 1859. Dr. E. H. Davis, who saw the stone, does not regard the inscription as ancient. The characters had been retouched before he saw them.

A grooved stone ax or maul, originally described by the late Dr. John Evans from Pemberton, New Jersey, was recreated by Dr. Wilson (a). Several symbols are carved in the groove and on the blade. They are not Runic, Scandinavian, or Anglo-Saxon. It was discovered near Pemberton, New Jersey, before 1859. Dr. E. H. Davis, who examined the stone, does not consider the inscription to be ancient. The characters had been reshaped before he saw them.

A grooved stone ax or maul, sent to Col. Whittlesey in 1874, from Butler county, Ohio, about the size of the Pemberton ax, was covered with English letters so fresh as to deceive no one versed in antiquities. The purport of this inscription is that in 1689 Capt. H. Argill passed there and secreted two hundred bags of gold near a spring.

A grooved stone axe or maul, sent to Col. Whittlesey in 1874 from Butler County, Ohio, about the size of the Pemberton axe, had English letters on it that were so fresh they couldn't fool anyone knowledgeable about antiques. The inscription says that in 1689, Capt. H. Argill passed through and hid two hundred bags of gold near a spring.

It was claimed that an inscribed stone had been plowed up on the eastern shore of Grand Traverse bay, Michigan, and an imperfect cast of it was among the collections of the state of Michigan at the Centennial Exhibition. The original is or was in the cabinet of the Kent county Institute, Grand Rapids, Michigan. It is imperfectly executed,[761] probably with a knife, and evidently of recent make, in which Greek, Bardic, and fictitious letters are jumbled together without order.

It was reported that an inscribed stone was discovered while plowing on the eastern shore of Grand Traverse Bay, Michigan, and an incomplete cast of it was included in the collections of the state of Michigan at the Centennial Exhibition. The original is or was kept in the cabinet of the Kent County Institute in Grand Rapids, Michigan. It is poorly made,[761] likely using a knife, and seems to be recent work, where Greek, Bardic, and made-up letters are mixed together haphazardly.

In 1875 a stone maul was discovered in an ancient mine pit near Lake Desor, Isle Royal, Lake Superior, on which were cut several lines that were at first regarded as letters.

In 1875, a stone maul was found in an ancient mine pit near Lake Desor, Isle Royale, Lake Superior, which had several lines on it that were initially thought to be letters.

An instructive paper by Mr. Wm. H. Holmes “On Some Spurious Mexican Antiquities and their Relation to Ancient Art,” is published in the Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1886, Pt. 1, pp. 319-334.

An informative paper by Mr. Wm. H. Holmes titled “On Some Spurious Mexican Antiquities and their Relation to Ancient Art” is published in the Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1886, Pt. 1, pp. 319-334.

SECTION 1.
THE GRAVE CREEK STONE.

An inscribed stone found in Grave creek mound, near the Ohio river, in 1838, has been the subject of much linguistic contention among persons who admitted its authenticity. Twenty-four characters on it have been considered by various experts to be alphabetic, and one is a supposed hieroglyphic sign. Mr. Schoolcraft says that twenty-two of the characters are alphabetic, but there has been a difference of opinion with regard to their origin. One scholar finds among them four characters which he claims are ancient Greek; another claims that four are Etruscan; five have been said to be Runic; six, ancient Gaelic; seven, old Erse; ten, Phenician; fourteen, old British; and sixteen, Celtiberic. M. Levy Bing reported at the Congress of Americanists at Nancy, in 1875, that he found in the inscription twenty-three Canaanite letters, and translated it: “What thou sayest, thou dost impose it, thou shinest in thy impetuous clan and rapid chamois.” (!) M. Maurice Schwab in 1857 rendered it: “The Chief of Emigration who reached these places (or this island) has fixed these statutes forever.” M. Oppert, however, gave additional variety by the translation, so that all tastes can be suited: “The grave of one who was assassinated here. May God to avenge him strike his murderer, cutting off the hand of his existence.”

An inscribed stone discovered in Grave Creek Mound, near the Ohio River, in 1838, has sparked a lot of debate among linguists who accept its authenticity. The stone features twenty-four characters that various experts have classified as alphabetic, with one appearing to be a hieroglyph. Mr. Schoolcraft states that twenty-two of the characters are alphabetic, but there has been disagreement regarding their origins. One researcher identifies four characters he believes are ancient Greek; another argues that four are Etruscan; five have been described as Runic; six as ancient Gaelic; seven as old Erse; ten as Phoenician; fourteen as old British; and sixteen as Celtiberic. M. Levy Bing reported at the Congress of Americanists in Nancy in 1875 that he found twenty-three Canaanite letters in the inscription and translated it as: “What you say, you impose it, you shine in your impetuous clan and swift chamois.” (!) M. Maurice Schwab proposed in 1857: “The Chief of Emigration who reached these places (or this island) has established these statutes forever.” M. Oppert, however, provided yet another translation, catering to different preferences: “The grave of one who was murdered here. May God avenge him by striking down his killer, cutting off the hand of his existence.”

Col. Chas. Whittlesey (a) gives six copies of the Grave creek stone, all purporting to be facsimiles, which have been published and used in the elaborate discussions held upon its significance. Of these, three are here reproduced with Col. Whittlesey’s remarks, as follows:

Col. Chas. Whittlesey (a) provides six copies of the Grave Creek stone, all claiming to be facsimiles, which have been published and used in the detailed discussions about its significance. Of these, three are included here along with Col. Whittlesey’s comments, as follows:

Fig. 1285.—Grave creek stone.

Fig. 1285.—Grave Creek stone.

Copy No. 1 is reproduced as Fig. 1285, drawn by Capt. Eastman.

Copy No. 1 is shown as Fig. 1285, created by Capt. Eastman.

Capt. Seth Eastman was a graduate and teacher of drawing at West Point. He was an accomplished draftsman and painter detailed by the War Department to furnish the illustrations for “Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes,” published by the Government. This copy was made in his official capacity, with the stone before him, and therefore takes the first rank as authority. There are between the lines twenty-two characters, but one is repeated three times and another twice leaving only twenty. The figure, if it has any significance, is undoubtedly pictorial.

Capt. Seth Eastman was a graduate and drawing instructor at West Point. He was a skilled draftsman and painter assigned by the War Department to create the illustrations for “Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes,” published by the Government. This version was produced in his official role, with the stone in front of him, making it a top authority. Between the lines, there are twenty-two characters, but one appears three times and another twice, leaving only twenty. If the figure has any significance, it is certainly pictorial.

Fig. 1286.—Grave creek stone.

Fig. 1286.—Grave Creek stone.

Copy No. 3, now Fig. 1286, was used by Monsieur Jomard at Paris, 1843.

Copy No. 3, now Fig. 1286, was used by Mr. Jomard in Paris, 1843.

From this copy M. Jomard considered the letters to be Lybian, a language derived from the Phenician. At the right of the upper line one is omitted and another bears no resemblance to the original. The fifth character of the second line is equally defective and objectionable. The second, fifth, and sixth of the lower line are little better. In the rude profile of a human face beneath an eye has been introduced and the slender cross lines attached to it have assumed the proportions of a dagger or sword. For the linguist or ethnologist this copy is entirely worthless.

From this copy, M. Jomard believed the letters to be Libyan, a language derived from Phoenician. To the right of the top line, one letter is missing, and another doesn't resemble the original at all. The fifth character in the second line is equally flawed and problematic. The second, fifth, and sixth characters in the bottom line are only slightly better. In the rough outline of a human face, below an eye, an additional feature has been added, and the thin cross lines attached to it look like a dagger or sword. For linguists or ethnologists, this copy is completely worthless.

Fig. 1287.—Grave creek stone.

Fig. 1287.—Grave Creek rock.

Copy No. 4, now Fig. 1287, was sent to Prof. Rafn, Copenhagen, 1843.

Copy No. 4, now Fig. 1287, was sent to Professor Rafn, Copenhagen, 1843.

This is so imperfect and has so many additions that it is little better than a burlesque upon the original. No one will be surprised that the learned Danish antiquarian could find in it no resemblance to the Runic, with which he was thoroughly familiar.

This is so flawed and has so many extra bits that it’s barely more than a parody of the original. It’s no shock that the knowledgeable Danish scholar couldn’t find any similarity to the Runic, which he knew very well.

A mere collocation of letters from various alphabets is not an alphabet. Words can not be formed or ideas communicated by that artifice. When a people adopts the alphabetical signs of another it adopts the general style of the characters and more often the characters in detail. Such signs had already an arrangement into syllables and words which had a vocalic validity as well as known significance. A jumble of letters from a variety of alphabets bears internal evidence that the manipulator did not have an intelligent meaning to convey by them, and did not comprehend the languages from which the letters were selected. In the case of the Grave creek inscription the futile attempts to extract a meaning from it on the theory that it belongs to an intelligent alphabetic system show that it holds no such place. If it is genuine it must be treated as pictorial and ideographic, unless, indeed, it is cryptographic, which is not indicated.

A random mix of letters from different alphabets isn’t an actual alphabet. You can’t form words or communicate ideas that way. When a culture adopts the alphabetical signs of another, it usually takes on the overall style of the characters and often the specific details of those characters. These signs already have an arrangement into syllables and words with vocal sounds and known meanings. A chaotic collection of letters from various alphabets reveals that the person using them didn’t have a coherent meaning to express and didn’t understand the languages the letters came from. In the case of the Grave Creek inscription, the unsuccessful efforts to find meaning by assuming it belongs to a valid alphabetic system prove that it doesn’t fit that category. If it’s real, it should be seen as pictorial and ideographic, unless it’s actually cryptographic, which isn’t suggested.

SECTION 2.
Dighton Rock.

In this connection some allusion must be made to the learned discussions upon the Dighton rock before mentioned, p. 86. The originally Algonquian characters were translated by a Scandinavian antiquary as an account of the party of Thorfinn, the Hopeful. A distinguished Orientalist made out clearly the word “melek” (king). Another scholar triumphantly established the characters to be Scythian, and still another identified them as Phenician. But this inscription has been so manipulated that it is difficult now to determine the original details.

In this context, some reference should be made to the scholarly discussions about the Dighton rock mentioned earlier, p. 86. The original Algonquian characters were translated by a Scandinavian antiquarian as a record of Thorfinn, the Hopeful. A notable Orientalist clearly identified the word “melek” (king). Another scholar confidently proved that the characters were Scythian, while yet another identified them as Phoenician. However, this inscription has been altered so much that it's now difficult to ascertain the original details.

An official report made in 1830 by the Rhode Island Historical Society and published by the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries,[763] in “Antiquitates Americanæ,” by C. C. Rafn (e), presents the best account known concerning the Dighton rock and gives copies made from time to time of the inscription, which are here reproduced, Pl. LIV. The text is condensed as follows, but in quoting it the statement that the work was not done by the Indians is without approval.

An official report from 1830 by the Rhode Island Historical Society and published by the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries,[763] in “American Antiquities,” by C. C. Rafn (e), provides the most comprehensive account about Dighton Rock and includes copies of the inscription made over the years, which are reproduced here as Pl. LIV. The text is summarized as follows, but it should be noted that the claim that the work was not created by the Indians is not supported.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIV

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIV

I. Dr. Danforth’s Drawing 1680
II. Dr. Cotton Mather’s 1712
III. Dr. Greenwood’s 1730
IV. Mr. Stephen Sewell’s 1768
V. Mr. James Winthrop’s 1788
VI. Mr. Kendall’s 1807
VII. Mr. Job Gardner’s 1812
VIII. Dr. Baylies and Mr. Goodwin’s 1790
IX. The Rhode Island Historical Society’s 1830

DIGHTON ROCK.

Dighton Rock.

It is situated about 6½ miles south of Taunton, on the east side of Taunton river, a few feet from the shore, and on the west side of Assonet neck, in the town of Berkley, county of Bristol, and commonwealth of Massachusetts; although probably from the fact of being generally visited from the opposite side of the river, which is in Dighton, it has always been known by the name of the Dighton Writing Rock. It faces northwest toward the bed of the river, and is covered by the water 2 or 3 feet at the highest, and is left 10 or 12 feet from it at the lowest tides; it is also completely immersed twice in twenty-four hours. The rock does not occur in situ, but shows indubitable evidence of having occupied the spot where it now rests since the period of that great and extensive disruption which was followed by the transportation of immense bowlders to, and a deposit of them in, places at a vast distance from their original beds. It is a mass of well characterized, fine grained graywacke. Its true color, as exhibited by a fresh fracture, is a bluish gray. There is no rock in the immediate neighborhood that would at all answer as a substitute for the purpose for which the one bearing the inscription was selected, as they are aggregates of the large conglomerate variety. Its face, measured at the base is 11½ feet, and in height it is a little rising 5 feet. The upper surface forms with the horizon an inclined plane of about 60 degrees. The whole of the face is covered to within a few inches of the ground with unknown hieroglyphics. There appears little or no method in the arrangement of them. The lines are from half an inch to an inch in width; and in depth, sometimes one-third of an inch, though generally very superficial. They were, inferring from the rounded elevations and intervening depressions, pecked in upon the rock and not chiseled or smoothly cut out. The marks of human power and manual labor are indelibly stamped upon it. No one who examines attentively the workmanship will believe it to have been done by the Indians. Moreover, it is a well attested fact that nowhere throughout our widespread domain is a single instance of their recording or having recorded their deeds or history on stone.

It’s located about 6½ miles south of Taunton, on the east side of the Taunton River, just a few feet from the shore, and on the west side of Assonet Neck, in the town of Berkley, Bristol County, Massachusetts. Although it’s typically accessed from the opposite side of the river, which is in Dighton, it has always been known as the Dighton Writing Rock. It faces northwest toward the riverbed and is covered by water by 2 to 3 feet at the highest point, and it’s 10 to 12 feet from the water at the lowest tides; it’s also completely submerged twice every 24 hours. The rock doesn’t sit in its original location but clearly shows evidence of having been in its current spot since the time of a major disruption that resulted in the movement of massive boulders to locations far from their original sites. It’s made of well-defined, fine-grained graywacke. Its true color, as seen from a fresh fracture, is bluish gray. There are no rocks nearby that could serve as a substitute for the one with the inscription since they’re all aggregates of large conglomerates. The rock’s face, measured at the base, is 11½ feet wide and a little over 5 feet high. The upper surface forms an incline of about 60 degrees relative to the horizon. The entire face is covered, up to a few inches from the ground, with unknown hieroglyphics. There seems to be little or no order in their arrangement. The lines range from half an inch to an inch in width, and in depth, they’re sometimes one-third of an inch, though generally quite shallow. From the rounded elevations and the dips between them, it looks like they were pecked into the rock, rather than chiseled or smoothly cut out. The marks of human effort and manual labor are clearly visible. Anyone who closely examines the craftsmanship will not believe it was created by the Indians. Additionally, it’s a well-documented fact that there is not a single instance of them recording their deeds or history on stone anywhere in our vast territory.

“The committee also examined the various drawings that have been made of this inscription.

The committee also looked at the different drawings that have been created of this inscription.

“The first was made by Cotton Mather as early as 1712; and may be found in No. 338, vol. 28, of the Philosophical Transactions, pp. 70 and 71; also in vol. 5, Jones’s abridgment, under article fourth.

“The first was made by Cotton Mather as early as 1712; and may be found in No. 338, vol. 28, of the Philosophical Transactions, pp. 70 and 71; also in vol. 5, Jones’s abridgment, under article fourth.

“Another was made by James Winthrop in 1788, a copy of which may be found in the Memoirs of the American Academy, vol. 2, part 2, p. 126.

“Another was made by James Winthrop in 1788, a copy of which may be found in the Memoirs of the American Academy, vol. 2, part 2, p. 126.

“Dr. Baylies and Mr. Goodwin made another drawing in 1790, a copy of which is inclosed.

“Dr. Baylies and Mr. Goodwin created another drawing in 1790, and a copy of it is included.”

“Mr. E. A. Kendall in 1807 took another which may be found in the Memoirs of the American Academy, vol. 3, part 1, p. 165.

“Mr. E. A. Kendall in 1807 took another which may be found in the Memoirs of the American Academy, vol. 3, part 1, p. 165.”

“And one has been more recently [1812] made by Mr. Job Gardner, a lithograph from which is also inclosed.

“And one has been more recently [1812] made by Mr. Job Gardner, a lithograph which is also included.”

“Dr. Isaac Greenwood exhibited a drawing of the inscription before the Society of Antiquarians of London bearing the date of 1730. The drawing by the Historical Society of Rhode Island bears the date of 1830.

“Dr. Isaac Greenwood showed a drawing of the inscription to the Society of Antiquarians of London dated 1730. The drawing from the Historical Society of Rhode Island is dated 1830.”

“We send you a copy of the inscription, as given on said representation of the rock, being what you probably desire; but having made an accurate drawing of the rock itself for your special use, we have not deemed it necessary to forward the one above referred to. We also send a copy of Judge Winthrop’s drawing contained in the same work, and of one taken by Stephen Sewell in 1768.

“We’re sending you a copy of the inscription from the representation of the rock, which you probably want; however, since we’ve made an accurate drawing of the rock itself for your personal use, we didn’t think it was necessary to send the one mentioned above. We’re also including a copy of Judge Winthrop’s drawing from the same work, as well as one made by Stephen Sewell in 1768.”

“You will likewise find among the drawings a copy of what purports to be ‘a faithful and accurate representation of the inscription,’ taken by Dr. Danforth in 1680. This is not sent with any idea that it will prove serviceable in your present inquiry, but simply to show what strange things have been conjured up by travelers and sent to Europe for examination. We are, indeed, at times almost compelled to believe there must have been some other inscription rock seen; and yet from the accompanying accounts it would appear that all refer to the same one; besides, there is a degree of similarity in the complicated triangular figures which appear on all.”

“You will also find among the drawings a copy of what claims to be ‘a faithful and accurate representation of the inscription,’ taken by Dr. Danforth in 1680. This is not sent with the idea that it will be helpful in your current inquiry, but simply to show what strange things have been created by travelers and sent to Europe for examination. We are, at times, almost forced to believe there must have been some other inscription rock seen; and yet from the accompanying accounts, it seems that all refer to the same one; also, there is a degree of similarity in the complicated triangular figures that appear on all.”

See, also, the illustration from Schoolcraft, Fig. 49, supra, with further account. The fact was mentioned on p. 87 that the characters on the Dighton Rock strongly resembled those on the Indian God Rock, Pennsylvania, and some others specified. Lately some observers have noticed the same fact with a different deduction. They presuppose that the Dighton inscription is Runic, and therefore that the one in Pennsylvania was carved by the Norsemen. This logic would bring the Vikings very far inland into West Virginia and Ohio.

See also the illustration from Schoolcraft, Fig. 49, above, along with more details. It was mentioned on p. 87 that the symbols on the Dighton Rock closely resemble those on the Indian God Rock in Pennsylvania, and some others that were noted. Recently, some observers have pointed out the same similarity but come to a different conclusion. They suggest that the Dighton inscription is Runic, implying that the one in Pennsylvania was carved by the Norse. This reasoning would suggest that the Vikings traveled far inland to West Virginia and Ohio.

SECTION 3.
IMITATIONS AND COERCED INTERPRETATIONS.

From considerations mentioned elsewhere, and others that are obvious, any inscriptions purporting to be pre-Columbian, showing apparent use of alphabetic characters, signs of the zodiac, or other evidences of a culture higher than that known among the North American Indians, must be received with caution, but the pictographs may be altogether genuine, and their erroneous interpretation may be the sole ground for discrediting them.

From the discussions noted elsewhere, along with others that are clear, any inscriptions claiming to be pre-Columbian, displaying the use of alphabetic characters, zodiac signs, or other indicators of a culture more advanced than what is recognized among North American Indigenous peoples, should be approached with skepticism. However, the pictographs might be completely authentic, and the incorrect interpretation could be the only reason for dismissing them.

The course above explained, viz, to attempt the interpretation of all unknown American pictographs by the aid of actual pictographers among the living Indians, should be adopted regarding all remarkable “finds.” This course was pursued by Mr. Horatio N. Rust, of Pasadena, California, regarding the much-discussed Davenport Tablets, in the genuineness of which he believes. Mr. Rust exhibited the drawings to Dakotas with the result made public at the Montreal meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and also in a letter, an extract from which is as follows:

The course mentioned above, which is to try to interpret all unknown American pictographs with the help of actual pictographers among living Native Americans, should be applied to all significant “finds.” This approach was taken by Mr. Horatio N. Rust from Pasadena, California, concerning the widely debated Davenport Tablets, which he believes are genuine. Mr. Rust showed the drawings to Dakota people, and the results were made public at the Montreal meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, as well as in a letter, an excerpt of which is as follows:

As I made the acquaintance of several of the older and more intelligent members of the tribe, I took the opportunity to show them the drawings. Explaining that they were pictures copied from stones found in a mound, I asked what they meant. They readily gave me the same interpretation (and in no instance did either interpreter know that another had seen the pictures, so there could be no collusion). In Plate I, of the Davenport Inscribed Tablets [so numbered in the Proceedings of the Davenport Academy, vol. II], the lower central figure represents a dome-shaped lodge, with smoke issuing from the top, behind and to either side of which appears a number of individuals with hands joined, while three persons are depicted as lying upon the ground. Upon the right and left central margins are the sun and moon, the whole surmounted by three arched lines, between each of which, as well as above them, are numerous unintelligible characters. * * * The central figure, which has been supposed by some to represent a funeral pile, was simply the picture of a[765] dirt lodge. The irregular markings apparently upon the side and to the left of the lodge represent a fence made of sticks and brush set in the ground. The same style of fence may be seen now in any Sioux village.

As I got to know some of the older and more knowledgeable members of the tribe, I took the chance to show them the drawings. I explained that they were images copied from stones found in a mound and asked what they meant. They quickly provided the same interpretation (and in every case, neither interpreter knew that the other had seen the pictures, so there was no possibility of collusion). In Plate I of the Davenport Inscribed Tablets [so numbered in the Proceedings of the Davenport Academy, vol. II], the lower central figure shows a dome-shaped lodge with smoke coming out of the top. Behind it and on either side are several individuals with their hands joined, while three people are shown lying on the ground. On the right and left central margins are the sun and moon, and the whole scene is topped with three arched lines, with many unintelligible characters in between and above them. * * * The central figure, which some have thought represents a funeral pyre, was actually just the image of a[765] dirt lodge. The irregular markings that appear on the side and to the left of the lodge represent a fence made of sticks and brush stuck in the ground. You can see the same type of fence in any Sioux village today.

The lines of human figures standing hand-in-hand indicate that a dance was being conducted in the lodge. The three prostrate forms at right and left sides of the lodge represent two men and a woman who, being overcome by the excitement and fatigue of the dance, had been carried out in the air to recover. The difference in the shape of the prostrate forms indicates the different sexes.

The lines of human figures standing hand-in-hand suggest that a dance was happening in the lodge. The three people lying down on the right and left sides of the lodge are two men and a woman who, overwhelmed by the excitement and exhaustion of the dance, were carried outside to recover. The differences in the shapes of the lying figures indicate their different sexes.

The curling figures or rings above the lodge represent smoke, and indicate that the dance was held in winter, when fire was used.

The swirling shapes or circles above the lodge represent smoke and show that the dance took place in winter, when fire was used.

An amusing example of forced interpretation of a genuine petroglyph is given by Lieut. J. W. Gunnison (a), and is presented in the present work in connection with Fig. 81, supra.

An entertaining example of forced interpretation of a real petroglyph is provided by Lieut. J. W. Gunnison (a), and is included in this work in connection with Fig. 81, supra.

Fig. 1288.—Imitated pictograph.

Fig. 1288.—Fake pictograph.

Fig. 1288 is a copy of a drawing taken from an Ojibwa pipestem, obtained by Dr. Hoffman from an officer of the United States Army, who had procured it from an Indian in St. Paul, Minnesota. On more minute examination, it appeared that the pipestem had been purchased at a shop in St. Paul, which had furnished a large number of similar objects—so large as to awaken suspicion that they were in the course of daily manufacture. The figures and characters on the pipestem were drawn in colors. In the present figure, which is without colors, the horizontal lines represent blue and the vertical red, according to the heraldic scheme. The outlines were drawn in a dark neutral tint, in some lines approaching black; the triangular characters, representing lodges, being also in a neutral tint, or an ashen hue, and approaching black in several instances. The explanation of the figures, made before there was any suspicion of their authenticity, is as follows:

Fig. 1288 is a copy of a drawing taken from an Ojibwa pipestem, which Dr. Hoffman got from a U.S. Army officer who had obtained it from an Indian in St. Paul, Minnesota. Upon closer inspection, it turned out that the pipestem had actually been bought at a shop in St. Paul, which sold a significant number of similar items—so many that it raised concerns they were being mass-produced. The figures and designs on the pipestem were originally in color. In the current figure, which is in black and white, the horizontal lines represent blue and the vertical lines represent red, following the heraldic pattern. The outlines were made with a dark neutral color, some lines almost black; the triangular shapes representing lodges were also in a neutral tone, or an ash gray, and were close to black in several cases. The explanation of the figures, provided before any doubts about their authenticity arose, is as follows:

The first figure is that of a bear, representing the person to whom the record pertains. The heart above the line, according to an expression in gesture language, would signify a brave heart, increased numbers indicating much or many, so that the three hearts mean a large brave heart.

The first figure is a bear, representing the person the record is about. The heart above the line, based on a gesture language expression, signifies a brave heart. More hearts indicate a larger quantity, so the three hearts mean a big brave heart.

The second figure, a circle inclosing a triradiate character, refers to the personal totem. The character in the middle somewhat resembles the pictograph sometimes representing stars, though in the latter the lines center upon the disks and not at a common point.

The second figure, a circle enclosing a triradiate shape, refers to the personal totem. The shape in the middle somewhat resembles the pictograph that sometimes represents stars, though in that case, the lines radiate from the disks rather than meeting at a single point.

The seven triangular characters represent the lodges of a village to which the person referred to belongs.

The seven triangular shapes represent the lodges of a village that the person mentioned belongs to.

The serpentine lines immediately below these signify a stream or river, near which the village is situated.

The wavy lines just below this indicate a stream or river, near which the village is located.

The two persons holding guns in their left hands, together with another holding a spear, appear to be the companions of the speaker or recorder, all of whom are members of the turtle gens, as shown by that animal.

The two people holding guns in their left hands, along with another person holding a spear, seem to be the companions of the speaker or recorder, all of whom are members of the turtle clan, as indicated by that animal.

The curve from left to right is a representation of the sky, the sun having appeared upon the left or eastern horizon. The drawing, so far, might represent the morning when a female member of the crane gens, was killed—shown by the headless body of a woman.

The curve from left to right represents the sky, with the sun appearing on the left or eastern horizon. This drawing could depict the morning when a female member of the crane family was killed—evidenced by the headless body of a woman.

The lower figure of a bear is the same apparently as the upper, though turned to the right. The hearts are drawn below the line, i. e., down, to denote sadness, grief, remorse, as it would be expressed in gesture language, and to atone for the misdeed committed the pipe is brought and offering made for peace.

The lower figure of a bear looks the same as the upper one, but it's turned to the right. The hearts are drawn below the line, meaning downward, to show sadness, grief, and remorse, as it would be shown in body language. To make up for the wrongdoing, the pipe is brought in, and an offering is made for peace.

Altogether the act depicted appears to have been accidental, the woman belonging to the same tribe, as can be learned from the gens of which she was a member. The regret or sorrow signified in the bear, next to the last figure, corresponds with that supposition, as such feelings would not be manifested on the death of an enemy.

Altogether, the act shown seems to have been accidental, with the woman being from the same tribe, as indicated by her gens. The regret or sorrow represented in the bear, which is the second to last figure, aligns with that idea, since such emotions wouldn’t be shown for the death of an enemy.

The point of interest in this drawing is, that the figures are very skillfully copied from the numerous characters of the same kind representing Ojibwa pictographs, and given by Schoolcraft. The arrangement of these copied characters is precisely what would be common in the similar work of Indians. In fact, the group constitutes an intelligent pictograph and affords a good illustration of the manner in which one can be made. The fact that it was sold under false representations is its objectionable feature.

The interesting part of this drawing is that the figures are skillfully copied from various Ojibwa pictographs, as provided by Schoolcraft. The way these copied characters are arranged is exactly how you would typically find in similar work by Native Americans. In fact, the group forms a smart pictograph and serves as a good example of how one can be created. The issue is that it was sold with misleading claims, which is its downside.

Another case brought officially to the Bureau of Ethnology shows evidence of a more determined fraud. In 1888 and earlier a so-called “Shawnee doctor” had displayed as a chart in the nature of an aboriginal diploma, a brightly colored picture 36 by 40 inches, a copy of which was sent, to be deciphered, to the Bureau by a gentleman who is not supposed to have been engaged in fraud or hoax. The mystic chart is copied in Fig. 1289. There was little difficulty in its explanation.

Another case officially reported to the Bureau of Ethnology shows signs of a more serious fraud. In 1888 and earlier, a so-called "Shawnee doctor" displayed a colorful chart resembling an indigenous diploma, measuring 36 by 40 inches. A copy of this chart was sent to the Bureau by a gentleman who is not believed to have been involved in any fraud or trickery. The mysterious chart is reproduced in Fig. 1289. It was easy to explain.

Fig. 1289.—Fraudulent pictograph.

Fig. 1289.—Fake pictograph.

The large figures on the border can not be pretended to be of Indian origin. The smaller interior figures constituting the body of the chart are all, with trifling exceptions, exact copies of figures published and fully explained in G. Copway’s “Traditional History, etc., of the Ojibway Nation,” op. cit. Several of the same figures appear above in the present work. The principal exceptions are, first, a modern knife; second, a bird with a decidedly un-Indian human head, and, third, a cross with two horizontal arms of equal length. The figures from Copway are not in the exact order given in his list and it is possible[767] that they may have been placed in their present order to simulate the appearance of some connected narrative or communication, which could readily be done in the same manner as the words of a dictionary could be cut out and pasted in some intelligent sequence.

The large figures on the border can’t be considered to be of Indian origin. The smaller interior figures that make up the body of the chart are all, with minor exceptions, exact copies of figures published and thoroughly explained in G. Copway’s “Traditional History, etc., of the Ojibway Nation,” mentioned earlier. Several of the same figures appear above in this work. The main exceptions are, first, a modern knife; second, a bird with a clearly non-Indian human head; and, third, a cross with two horizontal arms of equal length. The figures from Copway aren’t in the exact order given in his list, and it’s possible[767] that they were arranged in their current order to create the appearance of a connected narrative or message, similar to how the words of a dictionary could be cut out and rearranged in an intelligent sequence.

Among the curiosities of literature in connection with the interpretation of pictographs may be mentioned La Vèritè sur le Livre des Sauvages, par L’Abbé Em. Domenech, Paris, 1861, and Researches into the Lost Histories of America, by W. S. Blacket, London and Philadelphia, 1884.

Among the interesting aspects of literature related to the interpretation of pictographs are The Truth about the Book of Savages, by Abbé Em. Domenech, Paris, 1861, and Researches into the Lost Histories of America, by W. S. Blacket, London and Philadelphia, 1884.

Fig. 1290.—Chinese characters.

Fig. 1290.—Chinese symbols.

The following remarks of Dr. Edkins (h) are also in point:

The following comments from Dr. Edkins (h) are also relevant:

The early Jesuits were accustomed to interpret Chinese characters on the wildest principles. They detected religious mysteries in the most unexpected situations. Kwei “treacherous,” is written with Kieu “nine,” and above it one of the covering radicals, Fig. 1290a. This, then, was Satan at the head of the nine ranks of angels. The character, same Fig., b, c’hwen “a boat,” was believed to contain an allusion to the deluge. On the left side is the ark and on the right are the signs for eight and for persons. The day for this mode of explaining the Chinese characters has gone by.

The early Jesuits were known for interpreting Chinese characters in the most far-fetched ways. They found religious meanings in the most unexpected places. The character for Kwei “treacherous” is written with Kieu “nine,” along with one of the top radicals, Fig. 1290a. This was seen as Satan leading the nine ranks of angels. The character, same Fig., b, c’hwen “a boat,” was thought to reference the flood. On the left side is the ark, and on the right are the symbols for eight and for people. That way of explaining Chinese characters is behind us now.

CHAPTER XXIII.
FINAL THOUGHTS.

The result of the writer’s studies upon petroglyphs as distinct from other forms of picture writing may now be summarized.

The outcome of the writer’s research on petroglyphs, different from other types of picture writing, can now be summarized.

Perhaps the most important lesson learned from these studies is that no attempt should be made at symbolic interpretation unless the symbolic nature of the particular characters under examination is known, or can be logically inferred from independent facts. To start with a theory, or even a hypothesis, that the rock writings are all symbolic and may be interpreted by the imagination of the observer or by translation either from or into known symbols of similar form found in other regions, were a limitless delusion. Doubtless many of the characters are genuine symbols or emblems, and some have been ascertained through extrinsic information to be such. Sometimes the more modern forms are explained by Indians who have kept up the pictographic practice, and the modern forms occasionally throw light upon the more ancient. But the rock inscriptions do not evince mysticism or esotericism, cryptography, or steganography. With certain exceptions they were intended to be understood by all observers either as rude objective representations or as ideograms, which indeed were often so imperfect as to require elucidation, but not by any hermeneutic key. While they often related to religious ceremonies or myths, such figures were generally drawn in the same spirit with which any interesting matter was portrayed.

Perhaps the most important lesson learned from these studies is that no attempt should be made at symbolic interpretation unless the symbolic nature of the specific characters being examined is known or can be logically inferred from independent facts. To start with a theory, or even a hypothesis, that the rock writings are all symbolic and can be interpreted through the imagination of the observer or by translation from or into known symbols of a similar form found in other regions is a boundless illusion. Undoubtedly, many of the characters are genuine symbols or emblems, and some have been identified through external information as such. Sometimes, more modern forms are explained by Indigenous people who have maintained the pictographic practice, and these modern forms can occasionally shed light on the more ancient ones. However, the rock inscriptions do not show any signs of mysticism or secrecy, cryptography, or hidden writing. With certain exceptions, they were intended to be understood by all observers, either as rough objective representations or as ideograms, which were often so imperfect that they required clarification, but not through any complex interpretive tool. While they often related to religious ceremonies or myths, such figures were typically drawn in the same way any interesting subject was depicted.

While the interpretation of petroglyphs by Indians should be obtained if possible, it must be received with caution. They very seldom know by tradition the meaning of the older forms, and their inferences are often made from local and limited pictographic practices. There is no more conscientious and intelligent Indian authority than Frank La Flêche, an Omaha, and he explains the marks on a rock in Nebraska as associated with the figures of deceased men and exhibiting the object which caused their death, such as an arrow or ax. This may be a local or tribal practice, but it certainly does not apply to similar figures throughout the Algonquian and Iroquoian areas, where, according to the concurrent testimony for more than two centuries, similar figures are either designations of tribes and associations, or in their combinations are records of achievements.

While it's important to consider Indian interpretations of petroglyphs when possible, we should approach them carefully. They rarely understand the meanings of the older forms through tradition, and their conclusions often come from specific local pictographic practices. One of the most knowledgeable and reliable Indian authorities is Frank La Flêche, an Omaha. He describes the marks on a rock in Nebraska as related to the figures of deceased individuals, showing the objects that caused their deaths, like an arrow or an ax. This might be a local or tribal interpretation, but it definitely doesn't apply to similar figures across the Algonquian and Iroquoian regions, where, based on consistent accounts for over two centuries, similar figures either represent tribes and associations or, when combined, serve as records of accomplishments.

Lossing (b) gives the following explanation of markings on a well known rock:

Lossing (b) provides the following explanation of markings on a well-known rock:

Among the brave warriors in the battle [of Maumee] who were the last to flee before Wayne’s legion, was Me-sa-sa, or Turkey-foot, an Ottawa chief, who lived on Blanchards Fork of the AuGlaize River. He was greatly beloved by his people.[769] His courage was conspicuous. When he found the line of dusky warriors giving way at the foot of Presque Isle hill, he leaped upon a small bowlder, and by voice and gesture endeavored to make them stand firm. He almost immediately fell, pierced by a musket ball, and expired by the side of the rock. * * * They carved many rude figures of a turkey’s foot on the stone, as a memorial of the English name of the lamented Me-sa-sa. The stone is still there, by the side of the highway at the foot of Presque Isle hill, within a few rods of the swift-flowing Maumee. Many of the carvings are still quite deep and distinct, while others have been obliterated by the abrasion of the elements.

Among the brave warriors in the battle [of Maumee] who were the last to retreat before Wayne’s legion was Me-sa-sa, or Turkey-foot, an Ottawa chief who lived on Blanchards Fork of the AuGlaize River. He was deeply loved by his people.[769] His bravery stood out. When he saw the line of dark-skinned warriors giving way at the foot of Presque Isle hill, he jumped onto a small boulder and tried to encourage them to hold their ground with his voice and gestures. He soon fell, shot by a musket ball, and died beside the rock. * * * They carved many crude figures of a turkey’s foot on the stone to honor the English name of the dearly missed Me-sa-sa. The stone is still there, next to the highway at the foot of Presque Isle hill, just a short distance from the swift-flowing Maumee. Many of the carvings are still fairly deep and clear, while others have been worn away by the elements.

This tale may be true, but it surely does not account for the turkey-foot marks which are so common in the northeastern Algonquian region, extending from Dighton rock to Ohio, that they form a typical characteristic of its pictographs. They have been considered to be the sign for the bird, the turkey, which was a frequent totem. Lossing’s story is an example of the readiness of an Indian, when in an amiable and communicative mood, to answer queries in a manner which he supposes will be satisfactory to his interviewer. He will then give any desired amount of information on any subject without the slightest restriction by the vulgar bounds of fact. It is dangerous to believe explanations on such subjects as are now under consideration, unless they are made without leading questions by a number of Indian authorities independently.

This story might be true, but it definitely doesn’t explain the turkey-foot marks that are common in the northeastern Algonquian area, stretching from Dighton Rock to Ohio, which are a key feature of its pictographs. These marks are thought to symbolize the turkey, a frequent totem. Lossing’s story illustrates how an Indian, when in a friendly and talkative mood, will respond to questions in a way he thinks will please the interviewer. He’ll share as much information as desired on any topic without any regard for the usual limitations of fact. It’s risky to trust explanations on these topics unless they come from several Indian experts independently and without leading questions.

Specially convenient places for halting and resting on a journey, either by land or water, such as is mentioned supra, on Machias bay, generally exhibit petroglyphs if rocks of the proper character are favorably situated there. The markings may be mere graffiti, the product of leisure hours, or may be of the more serious descriptions mentioned below.

Specially convenient spots for stopping and resting during a journey, whether by land or water, like the ones mentioned earlier on Machias Bay, usually show petroglyphs if there are suitable rocks nearby. The markings could be just graffiti, created during free time, or they might be of the more significant types described below.

Some points are ascertained with regard to the motives of the painters and sculptors on rocks. Some of the characters were mere records of the visits of individuals to important springs or to fords on regularly established trails. In this practice there may have been in the intention of the Indians very much the same spirit which induces the civilized man to record his name or initials upon objects in the neighborhood of places of general resort. But there was real utility in the Indian practice, which more nearly approached to the signature in a visitor’s book at a hotel or public building, both to establish the identity of the traveler and to give the news to friends of his presence and passage. At Oakley springs, Arizona territory, totemic marks have been found, evidently made by the same individual at successive visits, showing that on the number of occasions indicated he had passed by those springs, probably camping there, and the habit of making such record was continued until quite recently by the neighboring Indians. The same repetition of totemic names has been found in great numbers in the pipestone quarries of Minnesota, on the rocks near Odanah, Wisconsin, and also at some old fords in West Virginia. These totemic marks are so designed and executed as to have intrinsic significance and value, wholly different in this respect from[770] names in alphabetic form, which grammatically are proper but practically may be common.

Some points are made about the reasons behind the paintings and carvings on rocks. Some of the symbols were just records of people's visits to important springs or crossings along established trails. This practice may have reflected the same spirit that drives modern people to carve their names or initials on objects in popular spots. However, the Indian practice had real utility, more closely resembling the signature in a visitor’s book at a hotel or public building, serving to identify the traveler and inform friends of their presence and movement. At Oakley Springs, Arizona, totemic marks have been discovered, made by the same person on multiple visits, indicating that they passed by those springs several times, likely camping there, and this habit of recording such visits continued until quite recently among local Indians. The same repeated totemic names have been found in large numbers in the pipestone quarries of Minnesota, on the rocks near Odanah, Wisconsin, and at some old crossings in West Virginia. These totemic marks are designed and crafted in a way that gives them inherent significance and value, which is completely different from[770] names in alphabetic form, which might be proper in grammar but are often common in practice.

Rock carvings are frequently noticed at waterfalls and other points on rivers and on lake shores favorable for fishing, which frequency is accounted for by the periodical resort of Indians to such places. Sometimes they only mark their stay, but occasionally there also appear to be records of conflict with rival or inimical tribes which sought to use the same waters.

Rock carvings are often found at waterfalls and other spots along rivers and lakes where fishing is good. This happens because Indigenous people regularly visit these locations. Sometimes, the carvings simply indicate their presence, but other times, they seem to record conflicts with rival tribes that also wanted to use the same waters.

Evidence is presented in the present work that the characters on rock pictures sometimes were pointers or “sign-posts” to show the direction of springs, the line of established trails, or of paths that would shorten distances in travel. It has been supposed that similar indications were used guiding to burial mounds and other places of peculiar sanctity or interest, but the evidence of this employment is not conclusive. Many inquiries have been made of the Bureau of Ethnology concerning Indian marks supposed to indicate the sites of gold, silver, and copper mines and buried treasure generally, which inquiries were answered only because it was recognized as the duty of an office of the government to respond, so far as possible, to requests for information, however silly, which are made in good faith.

Evidence presented in this work shows that the characters on rock paintings sometimes served as markers or "sign-posts" indicating the direction of springs, established trails, or pathways that would shorten travel distances. It’s been suggested that similar markers were used to guide people to burial mounds and other sites of special significance or interest, but there’s no definitive evidence of this. Many questions have been directed to the Bureau of Ethnology regarding Indian symbols believed to point to gold, silver, and copper mines or buried treasure in general. These inquiries were answered mainly because it’s recognized as the government’s duty to respond, as much as possible, to requests for information, no matter how ridiculous, as long as they are made in good faith.

Petroglyphs are now most frequently found in those parts of the world which are still, or recently have been, inhabited by savage or barbarian tribes. Persons of these tribes when questioned about the authorship of the rock drawings have generally attributed them to supernatural beings. Statements to this effect from many peoples of the three Americas and of other regions, together with the names of rockwriting deities, are abundantly cited in the present work. This is not surprising, nor is it instructive, except as to the mere fact that the drawings are ancient. Man has always attributed to supernatural action whatever he did not understand. Also, it appears that in modern times shamans have encouraged this belief and taken advantage of it to interpret for their own purposes the drawings, some of which have been made by themselves. But notwithstanding these errors and frauds, a large proportion of the petroglyphs in America are legitimately connected with the myths and the religious practices of the authors. The information obtained during late years regarding tribes such as the Zuñi, Moki, Navajo, and Ojibwa, which have kept up on the one hand their old religious practices and on the other that of picture writing, is conclusive on this point. The rites and ceremonies of these tribes are to some extent shown pictorially on the rocks, some of the characters on which have until lately been wholly meaningless, but are now identified as drawings of the paraphernalia used in or as diagrams of the drama of their rituals. Unless those rituals, with the creeds and cosmologies connected with them had been learned, the petroglyphs would never have been interpreted. The fact that they are now understood does not add any new information, except that perhaps in[771] some instances their age may show the antiquity and continuity of the present rites.

Petroglyphs are now most often found in areas of the world that are still, or have recently been, inhabited by primitive or tribal communities. When members of these tribes are asked about who created the rock drawings, they typically attribute them to supernatural beings. Many people from the three Americas and other regions have shared similar ideas, along with names of deities associated with rock writing, which are widely referenced in this work. This isn't surprising and doesn’t teach us much beyond the fact that these drawings are ancient. People have always attributed anything they didn't understand to supernatural forces. Additionally, in modern times, shamans have played into this belief and used it to interpret the drawings for their own purposes, some of which they created themselves. However, despite these misunderstandings and deceptions, a significant number of petroglyphs in America are genuinely connected to the myths and religious practices of their makers. Recent information about tribes like the Zuñi, Moki, Navajo, and Ojibwa, which have maintained both their traditional religious practices and picture writing, supports this claim. The rituals and ceremonies of these tribes are somewhat depicted on the rocks, with some symbols that have recently been identified as representations of the items used in their rituals or as illustrations of their ceremonial dramas. Without knowledge of these rituals, along with their related beliefs and cosmologies, the petroglyphs would never have been understood. The fact that we now comprehend them doesn’t provide new information, except perhaps that in some cases their age may indicate the longstanding nature of present rituals.

A potent reason for caution in making deductions based only on copies of figures published incidentally in works of travel is that it can seldom be ascertained with exactness what is the true depiction of those figures as actually existing or as originally made. The personal equation affects the drawings and paintings intended to be copies from the rock surfaces and also the engravings and other forms of reproductions, and the student must rely upon very uncertain reproductions for most of his material. The more ancient petroglyphs also require the aid of the imagination to supply eroded lines or faded colors. Travelers and explorers are seldom so conscientious as to publish an obscure copy of the obscure original. It is either made to appear distinct or is not furnished at all, and if the author were conscientious the publisher would probably overrule him.

A strong reason to be cautious when drawing conclusions based solely on images that are coincidentally included in travel books is that it’s often impossible to determine exactly what the true representation of those figures is, either as they exist or as they were originally created. Personal biases affect the drawings and paintings meant to replicate the rock surfaces, as well as the engravings and other types of reproductions, which means the student often has to depend on unreliable reproductions for much of their information. Older petroglyphs also need a bit of imagination to fill in eroded lines or faded colors. Travelers and explorers are rarely thorough enough to publish an unclear copy of an unclear original. It usually either looks clear or isn’t shown at all, and if the author were thorough, the publisher would likely override his concerns.

Thorough knowledge of the historic tribes, including their sociology, sophiology, technology, and especially their sign language, will probably result in the interpretation of many more petroglyphs than are now understood, but the converse is not true. The rock characters studied independently will not give much primary information about customs and concepts, though it may and does corroborate what has been obtained by other modes of investigation. A knowledge of Indian customs, costumes, including arrangement of hair, paint, and all tribal designations, and of their histories and traditions, is essential to the understanding of their drawings; for which reason some of those particulars known to have influenced pictography have been set forth in this work and objects have been mentioned which were known to have been portrayed graphically with special intent.

A deep understanding of the historic tribes, including their social structures, philosophies, technology, and especially their sign language, will likely lead to the interpretation of many more petroglyphs than are currently recognized. However, the reverse is not the case. Examining the rock art alone won’t provide much primary information about their customs and beliefs, though it can support findings from other research methods. Knowing about Indian customs, attire—including hairstyles, body paint, and tribal identities—and their histories and traditions is crucial for interpreting their drawings. For this reason, some of the details that are known to have influenced their pictorial art are included in this work, along with specific objects that were intentionally represented graphically.

Other objects are used symbolically or emblematically which, so far as known, have never appeared in any form of pictographs, but might be found in any of them. For instance, Mr. Schoolcraft says of the Dakotas that “some of the chiefs had the skins of skunks tied to their heels to symbolize that they never ran, as that animal is noted for its slow and self-possessed movements.” This is one of the many customs to be remembered in the attempted interpretations of pictographs. The present writer does not know that a skunk skin or a strip of skin which might be supposed to be a skunk skin attached to a human heel has ever been separately used pictorially as the ideogram of courage or steadfastness, but with the knowledge of this objective use of the skins, if they were found so represented pictorially, the interpretation would be suggested without any direct explanation from Indians.

Other objects are used symbolically or as emblems, which, as far as we know, have never appeared in any form of pictographs but could be found in any of them. For example, Mr. Schoolcraft notes that among the Dakotas, “some of the chiefs had the skins of skunks tied to their heels to symbolize that they never ran since that animal is known for its slow and composed movements.” This is one of many customs to keep in mind when trying to interpret pictographs. The current writer is not aware of a skunk skin or a piece of skin that could be assumed to be a skunk skin being used pictorially as an ideogram for courage or steadfastness, but knowing about this practical use of the skins, if they were depicted in that way, the interpretation would be suggested without any direct explanation from the Indians.

A partial view of petroglyphs has excited hope that by their correlation the priscan homes and migrations of peoples may be ascertained. Undoubtedly striking similarities are found in regions far apart from as well as near to each other. A glance at the bas-reliefs of Boro Boudour in Java, now copied and published by the Dutch authorities, at once recalls figures of the lotus and uræus of Egypt, the horns of Assyria, the[772] thunderbolt of Greece, the Buddhist fig tree, and other noted characters common in several parts of the world. If the petroglyphs of America are considered as the texts with which all others may be compared, it is believed that the present work shows illustrations nearly identical with many much-discussed carvings and paintings on the rocks of the eastern hemisphere, those in Siberia being most strongly suggestive of connection. But from the present collection it would seem that the similarity of styles in various regions is more worthy of study than is the mere resemblance or even identity of characters, the significance of which is unknown and may have differed in the intent of the several authors. Indeed it is clear that even in limited areas of North America, diverse significance is attached to the same figure and differing figures are made to express the same concept.

A partial view of petroglyphs has raised hopes that by comparing them, we can determine the ancient homes and migrations of different peoples. Striking similarities can be found in regions that are both far apart and close to each other. For instance, a look at the bas-reliefs of Boro Boudour in Java, which have now been copied and published by Dutch authorities, immediately brings to mind the figures of the lotus and uræus from Egypt, the horns from Assyria, the thunderbolt from Greece, the Buddhist fig tree, and other well-known symbols that appear in various parts of the world. If we consider the petroglyphs of America as the baseline for comparison with all others, it is believed that this work presents illustrations that are nearly identical to many debated carvings and paintings on rocks in the eastern hemisphere, particularly those in Siberia, which indicate a strong connection. However, this collection suggests that the similarity of styles across different regions deserves more attention than simply the resemblance or even identity of symbols, whose meanings are unknown and may have varied in intent among different creators. Indeed, it is evident that even within limited areas of North America, the same figure can hold different meanings, while different figures can express the same concept.

The present work shows a surprising resemblance between the typical forms among the petroglyphs found in Brazil, Venezuela, Peru, Guiana, part of Mexico, and those in the Pacific slope of North America. This similarity includes the forms in Guatemala and Alaska, which, on account of the material used, are of less assured antiquity. Indeed it would be safe to include Japan and New Zealand in this general class. In this connection an important letter from Mr. James G. Swan, respecting the carved wooden images of the Haidas, accentuates the deduction derived only from comparison. Mr. Swan says that he showed to the Indians of various coast tribes the plates of Dr. Habel’s work on sculptures in Guatemala, and that they all recognized several of the pictures which he notes. They also recognized and understood the pictures of the Zuñi ceremonials, masks, and masquerades scenes published by Mr. F. H. Cushing.

The current work highlights a surprising similarity between the typical forms of petroglyphs found in Brazil, Venezuela, Peru, Guiana, parts of Mexico, and those on the Pacific slope of North America. This resemblance extends to the forms in Guatemala and Alaska, which, due to the materials used, are considered to be of less certain age. In fact, it would be reasonable to include Japan and New Zealand in this broad category. In this context, an important letter from Mr. James G. Swan regarding the carved wooden images of the Haidas underscores the conclusions drawn solely from comparison. Mr. Swan mentions that he showed the plates from Dr. Habel’s work on sculptures in Guatemala to various Indian tribes along the coast, and they all recognized several of the images he pointed out. They also recognized and understood the images of the Zuñi ceremonies, masks, and masquerade scenes published by Mr. F. H. Cushing.

Without entering upon the discussion whether America was peopled from east to west, or from either, or from any other part of the earth, it is for the present enough to suggest that the petroglyphs and other pictographs in the three Americas indicate that their pre-Columbian inhabitants had at one time frequent communication with each other, perhaps not then being separated by the present distances of habitat. Styles of drawing and painting could thus readily be diffused, and, indeed, to mention briefly the extralimital influence, if as many Japanese and Chinese vessels were driven upon the west American coast in prehistoric times as are known by historic statistics to have been so driven, the involuntary immigrants skilled in drawing and painting might readily have impressed their styles upon the Americans near their landing place to be thence indefinitely diffused. This hypothesis would not involve migration.

Without debating whether America was settled from east to west, or from any other part of the world, it’s enough for now to suggest that the petroglyphs and other pictographs in the three Americas show that their pre-Columbian inhabitants had frequent communication with each other, perhaps not separated by the current distances. Styles of drawing and painting could easily spread, and to briefly mention the external influence, if as many Japanese and Chinese ships ended up on the west coast of America in prehistoric times as historical data suggests, the involuntary immigrants skilled in drawing and painting might have influenced the local styles at their landing site, leading to further dissemination. This theory would not require migration.

Interest has been felt in petroglyphs, because it has been supposed that if interpreted they would furnish records of vanished peoples or races, and connected with that supposition was one naturally affiliated that the old rock sculptures were made by peoples so far advanced in culture as to use alphabets or at least syllabaries, thus supporting[773] the theory about the mythical mound builders or some other supposititious race. All suggestions of this nature should at once be abandoned. The practice of pictography does not belong to civilization and declines when an alphabet becomes popularly known. Neither is there the slightest evidence that an alphabet or syllabary was ever used in pre-Columbian America by the aborigines, though there is some trace of Runic inscriptions. The fact that the Maya and Aztec peoples were rapidly approaching to such modes of expressing thought, and that the Dakota and Ojibwa had well entered upon that line of evolution, shows that they had proceeded no farther, and it is admitted that they were favorable representatives of the tribes of the continent in this branch of art. The theory mentioned requires the assumption, without a particle of evidence, that the rock sculptures are alphabetic, and therefore were made by a supposititious and extinct race. Topers of the mysterious may delight in such dazing infusions of perverted fancy, but they are repulsive to the sober student.

Interest in petroglyphs has arisen because it's believed that, if interpreted, they could provide records of lost peoples or cultures. Along with that belief is the assumption that these ancient rock carvings were created by societies advanced enough to use alphabets or at least syllabaries, thus supporting the theory about mythical mound builders or some other imagined race. Such ideas should be dismissed immediately. The practice of pictography isn't part of civilization and tends to decline when an alphabet becomes widely known. There is no solid evidence that an alphabet or syllabary was ever used by the indigenous peoples of pre-Columbian America, though there are some signs of Runic inscriptions. The fact that the Maya and Aztec were coming close to such forms of expressing ideas, and that the Dakota and Ojibwa had made significant progress in this area, indicates they had not advanced any further. It is acknowledged that they were among the most capable tribes on the continent in this art form. The theory mentioned requires the unfounded assumption that the rock sculptures are alphabetic and were created by a fictional and extinct race. Those fascinated by the mysterious may find joy in such distorted fantasies, but they are unappealing to serious scholars.

The foregoing remarks apply mainly to rock inscriptions and not to pictographs on other substances, the discussion and illustration of which occupy the greater part of the present work. In that division there is no need of warning against wild theories or uncertain data. The objects are in hand and their current use as well as their significance is understood. Their description and illustration by classes is presented in the above chapters with such detail that further discussion here would be mere repetition.

The comments above mainly relate to rock inscriptions and not to pictographs on other materials, which make up the majority of this work. In that section, there’s no need to caution against far-fetched theories or questionable information. The items are available for study, and their current use and meaning are clear. Their classification and illustration are detailed in the previous chapters, so any further discussion here would just be redundant.

One line of thought, however, is so connected with several of the classifications that it may here be mentioned with the suggestion that the preceding headings, with the illustrations presented under each, may be reviewed in reference to the methodical progress of pictography toward a determined and convenient form of writing. This exhibition of evolution was arrested by foreign invasion before the indirect signs of sound had superseded the direct presentments of sight for communication and record. Traces of it appear throughout the present paper, but are more intelligently noticed on a second examination than in cursory reading. In the Winter Counts of Battiste Good there are many characters where the figure of a human being is connected with an object, which shows his tribal status or the disease of which he died, and the characters representing the tribe or disease are purely determinative.

One line of thought is closely tied to several of the classifications, so it's worth mentioning that the previous headings, along with the examples provided under each one, can be revisited in terms of the systematic development of pictography into a clear and practical form of writing. This progression was interrupted by foreign invasion before the indirect signs of sound could fully replace the direct visual representations used for communication and record-keeping. Evidence of this can be seen throughout this paper, but it’s more effectively understood upon a second look rather than just a quick read. In the Winter Counts of Battiste Good, there are many symbols where a human figure is linked to an object, indicating his tribal status or the illness that caused his death, and the symbols representing the tribe or illness are purely determinative.

The discrimination which is made between animals and objects portrayed simply as such, and as supernatural or mystic, is shown in the many illustrations of Ojibwa and Zuñi devices, in which the heart is connected with a line extending to the mouth, and those of the Ojibwa and the Dakota, where the spirals indicate spirit or wakan. Animals are often portrayed without such lines, in which cases it is understood that they are only the animals in natural condition, but with the designations or determinatives they are intended to be supernatural. Among[774] the Ojibwa animals connected with certain ceremonies are represented as encircled by a belt or baldric, an ornamented baldric of the same character being used by the participants in the ceremonial chant dance; so that the baldric around the animal determines that the figure is that of a supernatural and mystic, not an ordinary, animal. This is an indication of the start from simple pictography towards an alphabet by the use of determinatives as was done by the Chinese.

The distinction made between animals and objects shown simply as such, or as supernatural or mystical, is evident in the various illustrations of Ojibwa and Zuñi designs, where the heart is connected to the mouth by a line, and in those of the Ojibwa and the Dakota, where spirals represent spirit or wakan. Animals are often depicted without these lines, meaning they are understood to be just regular animals in their natural state, but when paired with certain designations or symbols, they signify something supernatural. Among[774] the Ojibwa, animals linked to specific ceremonies are shown encircled by a belt or baldric, and the same type of ornamented baldric is worn by the participants in the ceremonial chant dance; this baldric around the animal indicates that the figure represents a supernatural and mystical being, not an ordinary animal. This reflects the evolution from simple pictography toward an alphabet through the use of determinatives, similar to what the Chinese did.

It is not believed that much information of historical value will be obtained directly from the interpretation of the petroglyphs in America. The greater part of those already known are simply peckings, carvings, or paintings connected with their myths or with their every-day lives. It is, however, probable that others were intended to commemorate events, but the events, which to their authors were of moment, would be of little importance as history, if, as is to be expected, they were selected in the same manner as is done by modern Indian pictographers. They referred generally to some insignificant fight or some season of plenty or of famine, or to other circumstances the interest in which has long ago died away.

It’s not thought that much historically valuable information will come directly from interpreting the petroglyphs in America. Most of the ones we already know about are just peckings, carvings, or paintings related to their myths or everyday lives. However, it’s likely that some were meant to commemorate events. But those events that were significant to their creators would probably not hold much historical importance, especially if they were chosen in the same way modern Indian pictographers select their subjects. They usually referred to some minor battle, a time of abundance or drought, or other situations that have long lost their relevance.

The question may properly be asked, why, with such small prospect of gaining historic information, so much attention has been directed to the collection and study of petroglyphs. A sufficient answer might be submitted, that the fact mentioned could not be made evident until after that collection and study, and that it is of some use to establish the limits of any particular line of investigation, especially one largely discussed with mystical inferences to support false hypotheses. But though the petroglyphs do not and probably never will disclose the kind of information hoped for by some enthusiasts, they surely are valuable as marking the steps in one period of human evolution and in presenting evidence of man’s early practices. Also though the occurrences interesting to their authors and therefore recorded or indicated by them are not important as facts of history, they are proper subjects of examination, simply because in fact they were the chief objects of interest to their authors, and for that reason become of ethnologic import. It is not denied that some of the drawings on rocks were made without special purpose, for mere pastime, but they are of import even as mere graffiti. The character of the drawings and the mode of their execution tell something of their makers. If they do not tell who those authors were, they at least suggest what kind of people they were as regards art, customs, and sometimes religion. But there is a broader mode of estimating the quality of known pictographs. Musicians are eloquent in lauding of the great composers of songs without words. The ideography, which is the prominent feature of picture writing, displays both primordially and practically the higher and purer concept of thoughts without sound.

The question can rightly be asked: why, with such little chance of gaining historical insight, has so much focus been placed on collecting and studying petroglyphs? One answer is that we couldn’t fully understand this until after we collected and studied them. Additionally, it helps to define the boundaries of a specific area of research, especially one that often involves mystical interpretations that support incorrect theories. Although petroglyphs might not reveal the kind of information some enthusiasts hope for, they are undoubtedly valuable as markers of a phase in human evolution and provide evidence of early human practices. Also, while the events that interested their creators and were recorded or indicated by them may not be crucial historical facts, they are worth examining simply because these events were the main interests of their creators, making them important for ethnology. It’s true that some rock drawings were made without a specific goal, just for fun, but even as graffiti, they hold significance. The style of the drawings and how they were made tell us something about their creators. While they may not reveal exactly who those authors were, they do suggest what type of people they were in terms of art, customs, and sometimes religion. However, there’s a broader way to assess the value of known pictographs. Musicians often praise great composers of wordless songs. The ideography, which is a key aspect of picture writing, demonstrates both a primitive and practical expression of higher and purer ideas without sound.

The experience of the present writer induces him to offer the following suggestions for the benefit of travelers and other observers who may meet with petroglyphs which they may desire to copy and describe.

The writer's experience leads him to offer the following suggestions for the benefit of travelers and other observers who may come across petroglyphs that they want to copy and describe.

As a small drawing of large rock inscriptions must leave in doubt the degree of its finish and perhaps the essential objects of its production, it is requisite, in every instance, to affix the scale of the drawing, or to give a principal dimension to serve as a guide. A convenient scale for ordinary petroglyphs is one-sixteenth of actual size. The copy should be with sufficient detail to show the character of the work. It is useful to show the lithologic character of the rock or bowlder used; whether the drawing has been scratched into the face of the rock, or incised more deeply with a sharp implement, and the depth of such incision; whether the design is merely outlined, or the whole body of the figures pecked out, and whether paint has been applied to the pecked surface, or the design executed with paint only. The composition of paint should be ascertained when possible. The amount of weathering or erosion, together with the exposure, or any other feature bearing on the question of antiquity, might prove important. If actual colors are not accessible for representation the ordinary heraldic scheme of colors can be used.

As a small drawing of large rock inscriptions can make it unclear how complete it is and what the main purposes of its creation are, it's important to always include a scale with the drawing or provide a key dimension for reference. A practical scale for regular petroglyphs is one-sixteenth of the actual size. The copy should be detailed enough to showcase the quality of the work. It’s helpful to indicate the type of rock or boulder used, whether the drawing was scratched onto the rock's surface or carved deeply with a sharp tool, and how deep those carvings are; whether the design is just outlined or if the entire figure is pecked out, and if paint has been applied to the pecked area or if the design was made using only paint. The composition of the paint should be identified whenever possible. The degree of weathering or erosion, along with exposure or any other feature related to age, could be significant. If the actual colors aren’t available for representation, the standard heraldic color scheme can be used.

That sketches, even by artists of ability, are not of high value in accuracy, is shown by the discrepant copies of some of the most carefully studied pictographs, which discrepancies sometimes leave in uncertainty the points most needed for interpretation. Sketches, or still better, photographs are desirable to present a connected and general view of the characters and the surface upon which they are found. For accuracy of details “squeezes” should be obtained when practicable.

That sketches, even by skilled artists, aren’t very accurate is evident from the differing copies of some of the most thoroughly studied pictographs, which can sometimes create uncertainty about the key points needed for interpretation. Sketches, or even better, photographs, are helpful for providing a comprehensive view of the characters and the surfaces they are found on. For precise details, “squeezes” should be taken when possible.

A simple method of obtaining squeezes of petroglyphs, when the lines are sufficiently deep to receive an impression, is to take ordinary manilla paper of loose texture, and to spread the sheet, after being thoroughly wetted, over the surface, commencing at the top. The top edge may be temporarily secured by a small streak of starch or flour paste. The paper is then pressed upon the surface of the rock by means of a soft bristle brush, so that its texture is gently forced into every depression. Torn portions of the paper may be supplied by applying small patches of wet paper until every opening is thoroughly covered. A coating of ordinary paste, as above mentioned, is now applied to the entire surface, and a new sheet of paper, similarly softened by water, is laid over this and pressed down with the brush. This process is continued until three or four thicknesses of paper have been used. Upon drying, the entire mold will usually fall off by contraction. The edge at the top, if previously pasted to the rock, should be cut. The entire sheet can then be rolled up, or if inconveniently large can be cut in sections and properly marked for future purposes. This process yields the negative. To obtain the positive the inner coating of the negative may be oiled, and the former process renewed upon the cast.

A straightforward way to get squeezes of petroglyphs, when the lines are deep enough to make an impression, is to take regular manila paper with a loose texture and spread it over the surface after soaking it thoroughly. Start at the top and temporarily secure the top edge with a small amount of starch or flour paste. Press the paper onto the rock's surface using a soft bristle brush, so its texture fills in all the grooves. If the paper tears, you can patch it up with small wet paper pieces until every opening is covered. Next, apply a layer of regular paste to the whole surface, then lay another piece of water-softened paper over it and press down with the brush. Keep doing this until you've used three or four layers of paper. Once dry, the entire mold will typically come off due to contraction. If you pasted the top edge to the rock, cut it. You can then roll up the whole sheet, or if it's too large, cut it into sections and label them for future reference. This method produces the negative. To get the positive, you can oil the inner layer of the negative and repeat the original process on the cast.

The characters when painted with bright tints and upon a light-colored surface, may readily be traced upon tracing linen, such as is employed by topographers. Should the rock be of a dark color, and the characters indistinct, a simple process is to first follow the characters[776] in outline with colored crayons, red chalk, or dry colors mixed with water and applied with a brush, after which a piece of muslin is placed over the surface and pressed so as to receive sufficient coloring matter to indicate general form and relative position. After these impressions are touched up, the true position may be obtained by painting the lines upon the back of the sheet of muslin, or by making a true tracing of the negative.

The characters, when painted in bright colors on a light-colored surface, can easily be traced onto tracing linen, like the kind topographers use. If the rock is dark and the characters are hard to see, a straightforward method is to first outline the characters[776] with colored crayons, red chalk, or dry pigments mixed with water and applied with a brush. Then, a piece of muslin is placed over the surface and pressed to pick up enough color to show the general shape and relative position. After these impressions are refined, the exact position can be achieved by painting the lines on the back of the muslin or by making an accurate tracing of the negative.

An old mode of securing the outline was to clear out the channels of the intaglios, then, after painting them heavily, to press a sheet of muslin into the freshly painted depressions. The obvious objection to this method is the damage to the inscription. Before such treatment, if the only one practicable, all particulars of the work to be covered by paint should be carefully recorded.

An old way to secure the outline was to clean out the channels of the engravings, then, after applying a thick layer of paint, to press a sheet of muslin into the freshly painted grooves. The main issue with this method is the potential damage to the inscription. Before using this technique, which was the only practical option, all details of the work that would be covered in paint should be carefully documented.

The locality should be reported with detail of State (or territory), county, township, and distance and direction from the nearest post-office, railway station, or country road. In addition the name of any contiguous stream, hill, bluff, or other remarkable natural feature should be given. The name of the owner of the land is of temporary value, as it is liable to frequent changes. The site or station should be particularly described with reference to its natural characteristics and geological history. When petroglyphs are in numbers and groups, their relation to each other to the points of the compass or to topographical features, should be noted, if possible, by an accurate survey, otherwise by numeration and sketching.

The location should be reported with details including the state (or territory), county, township, and how far it is and in what direction from the nearest post office, train station, or country road. Additionally, the name of any nearby stream, hill, bluff, or other notable natural features should be included. The name of the landowner is only temporarily useful, as it can change frequently. The site or station should be described in detail, focusing on its natural features and geological history. When there are multiple petroglyphs, their relationship to one another in relation to the cardinal directions or nearby topographical features should be recorded, if possible, with an accurate survey; otherwise, by numbering and sketching.

The following details should be carefully noted: The direction of the face of the rock; the presence of probable trails and gaps which may have been used in shortening distances in travel; localities of mounds and caves, if any, in the vicinity; ancient camping grounds, indicated by fragments of pottery, flint chips or other refuse; existence of aboriginal relics, particularly flints which may have been used in pecking (these may be found at the base of the rocks upon which petroglyphs occur); the presence of small mortar-holes which may have served in the preparation of colors.

The following details should be carefully noted: the direction of the rock face; the potential trails and gaps that might have been used to shorten travel distances; locations of mounds and caves, if there are any nearby; ancient camping sites, indicated by pieces of pottery, flint chips, or other debris; the existence of native artifacts, particularly flints that may have been used for pecking (these can often be found at the base of the rocks with petroglyphs); and the presence of small mortar holes that might have been used to prepare colors.

With reference to pictographs on other objects than rock it is important to report the material upon which they appear and the implements ascertained to be used in their execution examples of which are given in other parts of this work.

With regard to pictographs on materials other than rock, it's important to note the surfaces they appear on and the tools identified as being used to create them, with examples provided in other sections of this work.

With reference to all kinds of pictographs, it should be remembered that mere descriptions without graphic representations are of little value. Probable age and origin and traditions relating to them should be ascertained. Their interpretation by natives of the locality who themselves make pictographs or who belong to people who have lately made pictographs is most valuable, especially in reference to such designs as may be either conventional, religious, or connected with lines of gesture-signs.

When it comes to all types of pictographs, it's important to remember that just describing them without any visuals doesn’t offer much value. We should identify their likely age, origin, and the stories connected to them. The insights from local natives who create pictographs or belong to recent groups that do so are incredibly valuable, especially regarding designs that may be conventional, religious, or related to gesture-signs.

LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED.

The object of this alphabetical list is to permit convenient reference to authorities without either deforming the pages of the present work by footnotes or cumbering the text with more or less abbreviated indications of editions, volumes, and pages, as well as titles and names, which in some cases would have required many repetitions. The list is by no means intended as a bibliography of the subject, nor even as a statement of the printed and MS. works actually studied and consulted by the present writer in the preparation of his copy. The details and niceties of bibliographic description are not attempted, the titles being abbreviated, except in a few instances where they are believed to be of special interest. The purpose is to include only the works which have been actually quoted or cited in the text, and, indeed, not all of those, as it was deemed unnecessary to transfer to the list some well-known works of which there are no confusing numbers of editions. When a publication is cited in the text but once, sufficient reference is sometimes made at the place of citation. When it would seem that the reference should be more particular the work is mentioned in the text, generally by the name of the author, followed by an italic letter of the alphabet in a parenthesis, which letter is repeated in the same form under the author’s name in the alphabetical list followed by mention of the edition from which the citation was taken, the number of the volume when there is more than one volume of that edition, and the page; also a reference, when needed, to the illustration reproduced or described.

The purpose of this alphabetical list is to allow easy reference to sources without cluttering the pages of this work with footnotes or overloading the text with shortened details about editions, volumes, pages, titles, and names, many of which would require several repetitions. This list is not meant to serve as a bibliography of the topic, nor as a complete account of the printed and manuscript works actually studied and consulted by the author while preparing this text. The specifics of bibliographic descriptions aren’t pursued; titles are abbreviated, except in a few cases where they’re considered particularly relevant. The goal is to include only those works that have been directly quoted or cited in the text, and not all of those, since it was thought unnecessary to include well-known works that don’t have confusing editions. When a publication is cited in the text only once, a sufficient reference is sometimes given at that citation point. If a more specific reference seems warranted, the work is mentioned in the text, usually by the author's name, followed by an italic letter in parentheses. This letter is repeated in the alphabetical list next to the author's name, along with details of the edition cited, the volume number if there’s more than one in that edition, and the page number; references to illustrations that are reproduced or described will also be included when necessary.

Example: When the voluminous official publication of Schoolcraft is first quoted on p. 35, the reference is to p. 351 of his first volume, and the name “Schoolcraft” is followed by (a). On turning to that name in the list there appears under it a note of the work and the letter (a) is followed by “I, p. 351.” The references to this author are so many that all the letters of the alphabet are successively employed—indeed, some of them do duty several times, as several references in the text are to the same page or plate. The references to this single author would therefore have required at least thirty footnotes, or corresponding words in the text, instead of thirty italic letters divided between the several places of citation.

Example: When the extensive official publication of Schoolcraft is first mentioned on p. 35, it refers to p. 351 of his first volume, and the name “Schoolcraft” is followed by (a). Looking at that name in the list, there's a note about the work, and the letter (a) is followed by “I, p. 351.” There are so many references to this author that every letter of the alphabet is eventually used—some letters even appear multiple times since several references in the text are to the same page or plate. Because of this, citing this single author would have required at least thirty footnotes, or corresponding words in the text, instead of just thirty italic letters spread throughout the various citations.

The abbreviation and simplicity of the plan is shown where there are many editions of the work cited. One of the most troublesome for reference of all publications is that of the Travels, etc., of Lewis and Clarke. The letter (a) after those names on p. 419, repeated under the same names in the list, refers to p. 66 of the edition specified.

The abbreviation and simplicity of the plan is shown where there are many editions of the work cited. One of the most troublesome for reference of all publications is that of the Travels, etc., of Lewis and Clarke. The letter (a) after those names on p. 419, repeated under the same names in the list, refers to p. 66 of the edition specified.

When the italic letter in parenthesis precedes the title of a work in the list, reference is made to that work as a whole without specific quotation. So also when no such italic letter appears. Occasionally the title and imprint of a magazine or other continuous publication appears in the list without note of volume and page. This occurs where the authority is noted elsewhere, generally more than once, with only curt reference to the serial publication, and is intended to avoid repetition.

When the italic letter in parentheses comes before the title of a work in the list, it refers to that work in its entirety without a specific quote. This is also true when no italic letter is present. Sometimes, the title and publication info of a magazine or other ongoing publication appears in the list without mentioning the volume and page number. This happens when the source is cited elsewhere, usually multiple times, with only a brief reference to the serial publication, to avoid repeating the same information.

The simple scheme is designed, while avoiding bibliographic prolixity, to give practical assistance to the reader in finding the authorities cited, when desired. Scientific pretense has sometimes been sacrificed for simplicity and convenience.

The straightforward plan is set up to help the reader find the cited sources without overwhelming them with too much bibliographic detail. Occasionally, scientific pretentiousness has been traded off for clarity and ease of use.

LIST.

ADAIR (James).

ADAIR (James).

The History of the American Indians; particularly those Nations adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Florida, Georgia, South and North Carolina, and Virginia. * * * By James Adair, Esquire, a Trader with the Indians, and Resident in their Country for Forty Years. London; 1775. 4o.

The History of the American Indians; especially those nations around the Mississippi, East and West Florida, Georgia, South and North Carolina, and Virginia. * * * By James Adair, Esquire, a trader with the Indians, and a resident in their territory for forty years. London; 1775. 4o.

(a) p. 389.

(a) p. 389.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST.

The American Anthropologist, published quarterly under the auspices of the Anthropological Society of Washington. Washington, D. C. Vol. I[-VI]. 8o.

The American Anthropologist, published quarterly by the Anthropological Society of Washington. Washington, D. C. Vol. I[-VI]. 8o.

(a) II, 1889, No. 4, p. 323. (b) ibid., p. 524.

(a) II, 1889, No. 4, p. 323. (b) ibid., p. 524.

AMERICAN NATURALIST.

AMERICAN NATURALIST.

The American Naturalist, a monthly journal devoted to the natural sciences in their widest sense. Philadelphia. Vol. I[-XXVII]. 8o.

The American Naturalist, a monthly magazine focused on the natural sciences in their broadest sense. Philadelphia. Vol. I[-XXVII]. 8o.

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY.

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY.

Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, held at Philadelphia, for promoting useful knowledge. Philadelphia (Penna.). Vol. I[-XXX]. 8o.

Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, held in Philadelphia, for promoting useful knowledge. Philadelphia (Pa.). Vol. I[-XXX]. 8o.

(a) XXIX, p. 216.

(a) 29, p. 216.

ANDREE (Dr. Richard).

ANDREE (Dr. Richard).

Das Zeichnen bei den Naturvölkern. Separatabdruck aus den Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien. Bd. XVII, der neuen Folge Bd. VII. Wien; 1887. 8o.

Drawing among Indigenous Peoples. Separate print from the Communications of the Anthropological Society in Vienna. Vol. XVII, new series Vol. VII. Vienna; 1887. 8o.

(a) p. 6. (b) p. 4. (c) ib. (d) p. 8. (e) p. 5.

(a) p. 6. (b) p. 4. (c) ib. (d) p. 8. (e) p. 5.

Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche, von Richard Andree. Mit 6 Tafeln und 21 Holzschnitten. Stuttgart; 1878. 8o.

Ethnographic parallels and comparisons by Richard Andree. Includes 6 plates and 21 woodcuts. Stuttgart; 1878. 8o.

(a) p. 260. (b) p. 194.

(a) p. 260. (b) p. 194.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. London; 1872[-1892]. 8o.

The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. London; 1872[-1892]. 8o.

(a) XIX, May, 1890, p. 368. (b) XVI, Feb., 1887, p. 309. (c) I, 1872, p. 334. (d) X, Feb., 1880, p. 104. (e) III, Feb., 1873, p. 131. (f) XVII, Nov., 1887, p. 86.

(a) XIX, May, 1890, p. 368. (b) XVI, Feb., 1887, p. 309. (c) I, 1872, p. 334. (d) X, Feb., 1880, p. 104. (e) III, Feb., 1873, p. 131. (f) XVII, Nov., 1887, p. 86.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF TŌKYŌ.

Tokyo Anthropological Society.

See Tōkyō Anthropological Society of.

See Tōkyō Anthropological Society of.

ANTHROPOLOGIE.

Anthropology.

See L’Anthropologie.

See L’Anthropologie.

ANTHROPOLOGISCHE GESELLSCHAFT IN BERLIN.

Anthropological Society in Berlin.

See Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie.

See Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie.

ANTHROPOLOGISCHE GESELLSCHAFT IN WIEN.

Anthropological Society in Vienna.

Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien. In Commission bei Alfred Hölder, k.k. Hof- und Universitäts-Buchhändler. Wien; 4o.

Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien. In Commission bei Alfred Hölder, k.k. Hof- und Universitäts-Buchhändler. Wien; 4o.

(a) XVI, iii. and iv. Heft, 1886, Tafel X.

(a) XVI, iii. and iv. volume, 1886, Plate X.

APPUN (C. F.).

APPUN (C. F.).

Südamerikanischen, mit Sculpturen bedeckten Felsens. In Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Berlin; Mai, 1877.

Sculpture-adorned rock in South America. In Proceedings of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Prehistory. Berlin; May 1877.

(a) pp. 6 and 7, Pl. XVI.

(a) pp. 6 and 7, Pl. XVI.

ARARIPE (Tristão de Alencar).

ARARIPE (Tristão de Alencar).

Cidades Petrificades e Inscripções Lapidares no Brazil. By Tristão de Alencar Araripe. In Revista Trim. do Inst. Hist. e Geog. Brazil, Tome L, 2o folheto. Rio de Janeiro; 1887.

Cidades Petrificadas e Inscrições Lapidares no Brasil. By Tristão de Alencar Araripe. In Revista Trim. do Inst. Hist. e Geog. Brasil, Tome L, 2o folheto. Rio de Janeiro; 1887.

(a) p. 275 et seq. (b) p. 291. (c) p. 277.

(a) p. 275 and following (b) p. 291. (c) p. 277.

ARCHAIC ROCK INSCRIPTIONS.

OLD ROCK INSCRIPTIONS.

Archaic Rock Inscriptions; an Account of the Cup and Ring Markings on the Sculptured Stones of the Old and New Worlds. * * * A Reader, Orange Street, Red Lion Square, London; 1891. Sm. 8o.

Archaic Rock Inscriptions; an Account of the Cup and Ring Markings on the Sculptured Stones of the Old and New Worlds. * * * A Reader, Orange Street, Red Lion Square, London; 1891. Sm. 8o.

AUSLAND, Das

ABROAD, The

Das Ausland. Wochenschrift für Erd- und Völkerkunde. Herausgegeben von Siegmund Günther. Stuttgart. Verlag der J. G. Cotta’schen Buchhandlung, Nachfolger. 4o.

Das Ausland. Weekly Journal for Geography and Ethnology. Edited by Siegmund Günther. Stuttgart. Published by the J. G. Cotta Bookstore, Successor. 4o.

(a) 1884, No. 1, p. 12.

(a) 1884, No. 1, p. 12.

BANCROFT (Hubert Howe).

BANCROFT (Hubert Howe).

The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America. By Hubert Howe Bancroft. San Francisco; 1882. Vol. I[-V]. 8o.

The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America. By Hubert Howe Bancroft. San Francisco; 1882. Vol. I[-V]. 8o.

(a) I, p. 379. (b) I, p. 48. (c) I, p. 332. (d) II, p. 802. (e) I, p. 333. (f) I, p. 387. (g) I, p. 403. (h) II, p. 374. (i) IV, pp. 40-50.

(a) I, p. 379. (b) I, p. 48. (c) I, p. 332. (d) II, p. 802. (e) I, p. 333. (f) I, p. 387. (g) I, p. 403. (h) II, p. 374. (i) IV, pp. 40-50.

BANDELIER (A. F.).

BANDELIER (A. F.).

Report of an Archæological Tour in Mexico in 1881. By A. F. Bandelier. Papers of the Archæological Institute of America. American Series, II. Boston; 1884. 8o.

Report of an Archaeological Tour in Mexico in 1881. By A. F. Bandelier. Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America. American Series, II. Boston; 1884. 8o.

(a) p. 184.

p. 184.

BARTLETT (John Russell).

BARTLETT (John Russell).

Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in Texas, New Mexico, California, Sonora, and Chihuahua, connected with the United States and Mexican Boundary Commission, during the years 1850, ’51, ’52, and ’53. By John Russell Bartlett, United States Commissioner during that period. New York; 1854. 2 vols. 8o.

Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in Texas, New Mexico, California, Sonora, and Chihuahua, linked with the United States and Mexican Boundary Commission, during the years 1850, ’51, ’52, and ’53. By John Russell Bartlett, United States Commissioner during that time. New York; 1854. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) II, pp. 192-206. (b) ibid., pp. 170-173.

(a) II, pp. 192-206. (b) ibid., pp. 170-173.

BASTIAN (A.).

BASTIAN (A.).

(b) Amerika’s Nordwest-Küste. Neueste Ergebnisse ethnologischer Reisen. Aus den Sammlungen der königlichen Museen zu Berlin. Herausgegeben von der Direction der ethnologischen Abtheilung. Berlin; 1884. Folio.

(b) America's Northwest Coast. Recent discoveries from ethnological expeditions. From the collections of the Royal Museums in Berlin. Published by the Directorate of the Ethnological Department. Berlin; 1884. Folio.

Ethnologisches Bilderbuch (mit erklärendem Text), 25 Tafeln. Von Adolf Bastian. Berlin; 1887. Folio.

Ethnological Picture Book (with explanatory text), 25 images. By Adolf Bastian. Berlin; 1887. Folio.

(a) Pl. VI.

(a) Pl. VI.

BELDEN (G. P.).

BELDEN (G. P.).

Belden, the White Chief, or Twelve Years among the Wild Indians of the Plains. From the diaries and manuscripts of George P. Belden. * * * Edited by Gen. James S. Brisbin, U. S. A. Cincinnati and New York; 1870. 8o.

Belden, the White Chief, or Twelve Years among the Wild Indians of the Plains. From the diaries and manuscripts of George P. Belden. * * * Edited by Gen. James S. Brisbin, U.S.A. Cincinnati and New York; 1870. 8o.

(a) p. 277. (b) p. 145. (c) p. 144.

(a) p. 277. (b) p. 145. (c) p. 144.

BERLINER GESELLSCHAFT FÜR ANTHROPOLOGIE.

Berlin Society for Anthropology.

Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Redigirt von Rud. Virchow. Berlin. 8o.

Proceedings of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Prehistory. Edited by Rud. Virchow. Berlin. 8o.

(a) No. 20, March, 1886. (b) Sitzung 16, November, 1889, p. 655. (c) ibid., p. 651. (d) March 20, 1886, p. 208.

(a) No. 20, March, 1886. (b) Meeting 16, November, 1889, p. 655. (c) Same source, p. 651. (d) March 20, 1886, p. 208.

BERTHELOT (S.).

BERTHELOT (S.).

Notice sur les Caractères Hiéroglyphiques Gravés sur les Roches Volcaniques aux îles Canaries. In Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, rédigé avec le Concours de la Section de Publication par les Secrétaires de la Commission Centrale. Sixième Série, Tome Neuvième, année 1875. Paris; 1875.

Notice on the Hieroglyphic Characters Engraved on Volcanic Rocks in the Canary Islands. In Bulletin of the Geographical Society, written with the Assistance of the Publication Section by the Secretaries of the Central Commission. Sixth Series, Volume Nine, year 1875. Paris; 1875.

(a) p. 117 et seq. (b) p. 189.

(a) p. 117 et seq. (b) p. 189.

BERTHOUD (Capt. E. L.).

BERTHOUD (Capt. E. L.).

(a) In Kansas City Review of Science and Industry, VII, 1883, No. 8, pp. 489, 490.

(a) In Kansas City Review of Science and Industry, VII, 1883, No. 8, pp. 489, 490.

BLOXAM (G. W.).

BLOXAM (G. W.).

Aroko, or Symbolic Letters. In Journal Anthrop. Inst. Great Britain and Ireland. 1887.

Aroko, or Symbolic Letters. In Journal Anthrop. Inst. Great Britain and Ireland. 1887.

(a) pp. 291 et seq. (b) p. 295. (c) p. 298.

(a) pp. 291 and following. (b) p. 295. (c) p. 298.

BOAS (Dr. Franz).

BOAS (Dr. Franz).

Report on the Northwestern Tribes of the Dominion of Canada. In Report of the Fifty-ninth Annual Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. London; 1889.

Report on the Northwestern Tribes of the Dominion of Canada. In Report of the Fifty-ninth Annual Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. London; 1889.

(c) p. 12. (e) pp. 852, 853. (f) p. 841.

(c) p. 12. (e) pp. 852, 853. (f) p. 841.

Felsenzeichnung von Vancouver Island. In Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, ausserordentliche Sitzung am 14. Februar 1891.

Rock carving from Vancouver Island. In Proceedings of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, special meeting on February 14, 1891.

(a) p. 160. Fig. p. 161.

(a) p. 160. Fig. p. 161.

The Houses of the Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia. In Proceedings of the U. S. National Museum for 1888. Washington. 8o.

The Homes of the Kwakiutl People, British Columbia. In Proceedings of the U.S. National Museum for 1888. Washington. 8o.

(b) pp. 197 et seq. (d) p. 212, Pl. XL. (g) p. 208.

(b) pp. 197 et seq. (d) p. 212, Pl. XL. (g) p. 208.

BOBAN (Eugène).

BOBAN (Eugène).

Documents pour servir à l’Histoire du Mexique. Catalogue raisonné de la Collection de M. E.-Eugène Goupil (Ancienne coll. J.-M.-A. Aubin). Manuscrits figuratifs et autres sur papier indigène d’agave Mexicana et sur papier européen antérieurs et postérieurs à la Conquête du Mexique. (XVIe siècle). Avec une introduction de M. E.-Eugène Goupil et une lettre-préface de M. Auguste Génin. Paris; 1891. 2 vols. 4o, and atlas folio.

Documents Contributing to the History of Mexico. Catalog of M. E.-Eugène Goupil's Collection (Previously Collection J.-M.-A. Aubin). Illustrated manuscripts and others on indigenous agave Mexicana paper and European paper before and after the Conquest of Mexico. (16th century). With an introduction by M. E.-Eugène Goupil and a letter-preface by M. Auguste Génin. Paris; 1891. 2 vols. 4o, and atlas folio.

(a) II, p. 273. (b) II, pp. 331, 342.

(a) II, p. 273. (b) II, pp. 331, 342.

BOCK (Carl).

BOCK (Carl).

The Head-Hunters of Borneo: A narrative of travel up the Mahakkam and down the Barrito; also journeyings in Sumatra. By Carl Bock. London; 1881. 8o.

The Head-Hunters of Borneo: A travel story along the Mahakkam River and back down the Barrito; plus travels in Sumatra. By Carl Bock. London; 1881. 8o.

(a) p. 67. (b) p. 41.

(a) p. 67. (b) p. 41.

BOLLER (Henry A.).

BOLLER (Henry A.).

Among the Indians. Eight years in the Far West: 1858-1866. Embracing sketches of Montana and Salt Lake. By Henry A. Boller. Philadelphia; 1868. 12o.

Among the Indians. Eight years in the Far West: 1858-1866. Including sketches of Montana and Salt Lake. By Henry A. Boller. Philadelphia; 1868. 12o.

(a) p. 284.

(a) p. 284.

BOSCAWEN (W. St. Chad).

BOSCAWEN (W. St. Chad).

The Prehistoric Civilization of Babylonia. In Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. VIII, No. 1; August, 1878.

The Prehistoric Civilization of Babylonia. In Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. VIII, No. 1; August, 1878.

(a) p. 23.

(a) p. 23.

BOSSU (Capt.).

BOSSU (Captain).

Travels through that part of North America formerly called Louisiana. By Mr. Bossu, captain in the French marines. Translated from the French by John Rheinhold Forster. Illustrated with Notes, relative chiefly to Natural History. London; 1771. 2 vols. 8o.

Travels through that area of North America once known as Louisiana. By Mr. Bossu, captain in the French marines. Translated from the French by John Rheinhold Forster. Illustrated with notes mainly about natural history. London; 1771. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) I, p. 164.

(a) I, p. 164.

BOTURINI (Benaduci).

BOTURINI (Benaduci).

Idea de una Nueva Historia General de la América Septentrional, fundada sobre material copioso de Figuras, Symbolos, Caracteres y Geroglíficos, Cantares y Manuscritos de Antores Indios, ultimamente descubiertos. Dedicada al Rey Ntro Señor en su real y supremo consejo de las Indias el Cavallero Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci, Señor de la Torre, y de Pono. Madrid; 1746. 4o.

Proposal for a New Comprehensive History of North America, informed by the rich resources from Images, Symbols, Characters, Hieroglyphs, Songs, and Writings of Native American Authors, recently uncovered. Dedicated to Our Lord the King in his royal and supreme council of the Indies by Sir Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci, Lord of the Tower, and of Pono. Madrid; 1746. 4o.

(a) pp. 54-56.

(a) pp. 54-56.

BOURKE (Capt. John G.).

BOURKE (Captain John G.).

The Snake-Dance of the Moquis of Arizona; being a Narrative of a Journey from Santa Fé, New Mexico, to the Villages of the Moqui Indians of Arizona, etc. By John G. Bourke, Captain, Third U. S. Cavalry. New York; 1884. 8o.

The Snake-Dance of the Moquis of Arizona; a Story of a Journey from Santa Fe, New Mexico, to the Villages of the Moqui Indians of Arizona, etc. By John G. Bourke, Captain, Third U.S. Cavalry. New York; 1884. 8o.

(f) p. 120.

(f) p. 120.

The Medicine Men of the Apaches. By John G. Bourke, Captain, Third Cavalry, U. S. Army. In the Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

The Medicine Men of the Apaches. By John G. Bourke, Captain, Third Cavalry, U.S. Army. In the Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

(a) p. 550 et seq. (b) p. 562. (c) ib. (d) p. 580. (e) p. 588. (f) ib.

(a) p. 550 et seq. (b) p. 562. (c) ib. (d) p. 580. (e) p. 588. (f) ib.

BOVALLIUS (Carl).

BOVALLIUS (Carl).

Nicaraguan Antiquities. By Carl Bovallius; pub. by Swed. Soc. Anthrop. and Geog. Stockholm; 1886. 8o.

Nicaraguan Antiquities. By Carl Bovallius; published by the Swedish Society of Anthropology and Geography, Stockholm; 1886. 8o.

(a) Pl. 39.

(a) Pl. 39.

BOYLE (David).

BOYLE (David).

4th Ann. Rep. Canadian Institute, 1890.

4th Ann. Rep. Canadian Institute, 1890.

(a) p. 23. (b) ib.

(a) p. 23. (b) same source.

BRANSFORD (Dr. J. F.).

BRANSFORD (Dr. J. F.).

Archæological Researches in Nicaragua. By J. F. Bransford, M. D., Passed Assistant Surgeon, U. S. Navy. [Constitutes No. 383, Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge.] Washington; 1881.

Archäological Researches in Nicaragua. By J. F. Bransford, M.D., Passed Assistant Surgeon, U.S. Navy. [Constitutes No. 383, Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge.] Washington; 1881.

(a) p. 64, fig. 123. (b) p. 65.

(a) p. 64, fig. 123. (b) p. 65.

BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG (Abbé Charles Étienne).

Brasseur de Bourbourg (Abbé Charles Étienne).

See Landa.

See Landa.

BRAZILEIRO, REVISTA TRIMENSAL.

BRAZILEIRO, Quarterly Magazine.

See Revista Trimensal do Instituto Hist. e Geog. Brazileiro.

See Revista Trimensal do Instituto Hist. e Geog. Brazileiro.

BRINTON (Prof. Daniel G.).

BRINTON (Prof. Daniel G.).

On the “Stone of the Giants.” In Report of the Proceedings of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia for the years 1887-1889. Philadelphia; 1891.

On the “Stone of the Giants.” In Report of the Proceedings of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia for the years 1887-1889. Philadelphia; 1891.

(a) p. 78 et seq. (c) ib.

(a) p. 78 et seq. (c) ib.

On the Ikonomatic Method of Phonetic Writing, with special reference to American Archæology. Read before the Am. Philosoph. Soc. Oct. 1, 1886.

On the Ikonomatic Method of Phonetic Writing, with special reference to American Archaeology. Read before the Am. Philosoph. Soc. Oct. 1, 1886.

(b) p. 3.

(b) p. 3.

The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths, Central America. By Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. Separate and in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc. 8o.

The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths, Central America. By Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. Separate and in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc. 8o.

(d) XIX, p. 613.

(d) 19, p. 613.

(e) The Maya Chronicles. Edited by Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. Philadelphia; 1882. 8o. Number 1 of Brinton’s Library of Aboriginal American Literature.

(e) The Maya Chronicles. Edited by Daniel G. Brinton, M.D. Philadelphia; 1882. 8o. Number 1 of Brinton’s Library of Aboriginal American Literature.

(f) The Lenape and their Legends, with the complete text and symbols of the Walam Olum. By Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. Philadelphia; 1885. 8o.

(f) The Lenape and their Legends, with the full text and symbols of the Walam Olum. By Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. Philadelphia; 1885. 8o.

(g) The Myths of the New World. A treatise on the symbolism and mythology of the red race of America. By D. G. Brinton. New York; 1876. 8o.

(g) The Myths of the New World. A study of the symbolism and mythology of the Native American people. By D. G. Brinton. New York; 1876. 8o.

BROWN (Chas. B.).

BROWN (Chas. B.).

The Indian Picture Writing in British Guiana. By Charles B. Brown. In Journal of the Anthropological Inst. of Gt. Britain and Ireland.

The Indian Picture Writing in British Guiana. By Charles B. Brown. In Journal of the Anthropological Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland.

(a) II, 1873, pp. 254-257.

(a) II, 1873, pp. 254-257.

BROWN (Edward).

BROWN (Edward).

The Pictured Cave of La Crosse Valley, near West Salem, Wisconsin. In Report and Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin for the years 1877, 1878, and 1879, Vol. VIII, Madison; 1879.

The Pictured Cave of La Crosse Valley, near West Salem, Wisconsin. In Report and Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin for the years 1877, 1878, and 1879, Vol. VIII, Madison; 1879.

(a) pp. 174-181, Figs. 2, 5, 9, 14.

(a) pp. 174-181, Figs. 2, 5, 9, 14.

BRUXELLES, SOCIÉTÉ D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE.

Brussels, Society of Anthropology.

See Société d’Anthropologie de Bruxelles.

See Société d’Anthropologie de Bruxelles.

BUCKLAND (Miss A. W.).

BUCKLAND (Miss A. W.).

On Tattooing. In Journal Anthrop. Inst. Gt. Britain and Ireland, XVII, No. 4. May, 1888.

On Tattooing. In Journal Anthrop. Inst. Gt. Britain and Ireland, XVII, No. 4. May, 1888.

(a) p. 318 et seq.

(a) p. 318 and following

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

ETHNOLOGY BUREAU.

Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. Washington. Roy. 8o. I[-X].

Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. Washington. Roy. 8o. I[-X].

First Annual Report [for 1879-’80]. 1881. Sign Language among North American Indians compared with that among other peoples and deaf mutes. By Garrick Mallery. pp. 263-552.

First Annual Report [for 1879-’80]. 1881. Sign Language among North American Indians compared with that among other people and deaf-mutes. By Garrick Mallery. pp. 263-552.

(a) p. 498.

(a) p. 498.

Same Report. A Further Contribution to the Study of the Mortuary Customs of the North American Indians. By Dr. H. C. Yarrow, Act. Asst. Surg. U. S.

Same Report. A Further Contribution to the Study of the Mortuary Customs of the North American Indians. By Dr. H. C. Yarrow, Acting Assistant Surgeon, U.S.

A. pp. 87-203.

A. pp. 87-203.

(a) p. 195.

(a) p. 195.

Fourth Annual Report [for 1882-’83]. 1886. Pictographs of North American Indians. A Preliminary Paper. By Garrick Mallery. pp. 3-256.

Fourth Annual Report [for 1882-’83]. 1886. Pictographs of North American Indians. A Preliminary Paper. By Garrick Mallery. pp. 3-256.

References to other authors in this series appear under their respective names.

References to other authors in this series are listed under their respective names.

CADILLAC (Capt. de Lamothe).

CADILLAC (Captain de Lamothe).

(a) Collier qui doit être porté à Montréal. In Margry, Part V, pp. 290-291.

(a) Necklace that needs to be taken to Montreal. In Margry, Part V, pp. 290-291.

(b) In Margry, Part V, p. 90.

(b) In Margry, Part V, p. 90.

CANADA, ROYAL SOCIETY OF.

Royal Society of Canada.

Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada. I[-IX]. Montreal and Toronto. Large 4o.

Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada. I[-IX]. Montreal and Toronto. Large 4o.

CANADA, Report of the Deputy Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs of. Ottawa; 1879. 8o.

CANADA, Report of the Deputy Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs of. Ottawa; 1879. 8o.

(a) p. 113.

(a) p. 113.

CANADIAN INSTITUTE.

Canadian Institute.

Proceedings of the Canadian Institute of Toronto, being a continuation of the Canadian Journal of Science, Literature, and History. 20 vols. in 3 series, commencing 1852. Toronto. First series 4o, last series 8o.

Proceedings of the Canadian Institute of Toronto, continuing the Canadian Journal of Science, Literature, and History. 20 volumes in 3 series, starting in 1852. Toronto. First series 4o, last series 8o.

CARNE (Perrier du).

MEAT (Perrier du).

(a) In L’Anthropologie, II, 1891, No. 2, p. 269.

(a) In Anthropology, II, 1891, No. 2, p. 269.

CARPENTER (Edward).

CARPENTER (Edward).

From Adam’s Peak to Elephanta. Sketches in Ceylon and India. By Edward Carpenter. London; 1892. 8o.

From Adam’s Peak to Elephanta. Sketches in Ceylon and India. By Edward Carpenter. London; 1892. 8o.

(a) p. 129.

(a) p. 129.

CARTAILHAC (Émile).

CARTAILHAC (Émile).

La France préhistorique d’après les sépultures et les monuments. Par Émile Cartailhac. Paris; 1889. 8o.

Prehistoric France Based on Burials and Monuments. By Émile Cartailhac. Paris; 1889. 8o.

(a) p. 234.

(a) p. 234.

CARVER (Capt. Jonathan).

CARVER (Captain Jonathan).

Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, in the years 1766, 1767, and 1768. By J. Carver, esq., captain of a company of Provincial troops during the late war with France. Illustrated with copper plates. London; 1778. 8o.

Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, in the years 1766, 1767, and 1768. By J. Carver, Esq., captain of a company of Provincial troops during the recent war with France. Illustrated with copper plates. London; 1778. 8o.

(a) p. 418. (b) ib. (c) p. 357.

(a) p. 418. (b) ib. (c) p. 357.

CATLIN (George).

CATLIN (George).

Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians. Fourth edition. London; 1844. 2 vols. 8o.

Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians. Fourth edition. London; 1844. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) II, p. 98.

(a) II, p. 98.

CHAMPLAIN (Le Sieur Samuel de).

CHAMPLAIN (Le Sieur Samuel de).

Les voyages de la Novvelle France occidentale, dicte Canada, faits par le Sr de Champlain Xainctongeois, Capitaine pour le Roy en la Marine du Ponant, & toutes les Descouuertes qu’il a faites en ce païs depuis l’an 1603 iusques en l’an 1629. Où se voit comme ce pays a esté premierement descouuert par les François, sous l’authorité de nos Roys tres-Chrestiens, iusques au regne de sa Majesté à present regnante Lovis XIII. Roy de France & de Nauarre. Auec vn traitté des qualitez & conditions requises à vn bon & parfaict Nauigateur pour cognoistre la diuersité des Estimes qui se font en la Nauigation; Les Marques & enseignments que la prouidence de Dieu a mises dans les Mers pour redresser les Mariniers en leur routte, sans lesquelles ils tomberoient en de grands dangers, Et la maniere de bien dresser Cartes marines auec leurs Ports, Rades, Isles, Sondes & autre chose necessaire à la Nauigation. Ensemble vne Carte generalle de la description dudit pays faicte en son Meridien selon la declinaison de la guide Aymant, & vn Catechisme ou Instruction traduicte du François au langage des peuples Sauuages de quelque contree, auec ce qui s’est passé en ladite Nouuelle France en l’année 1631. Paris; 1632. Sm. 4o.

The travels of New France, called Canada, made by Sieur de Champlain, a Captain for the King in the Western Marine, and all the discoveries he made in this land from the year 1603 until the year 1629. It shows how this country was first discovered by the French, under the authority of our most Christian kings, up to the reign of His Majesty currently reigning, Louis XIII, King of France and Navarre. With a discussion on the qualities and conditions required for a good and perfect navigator to understand the variety of estimates made in navigation; the markers and teachings that God's providence has placed in the seas to guide sailors on their route, without which they would fall into great dangers, and the way to properly create nautical maps with their ports, bays, islands, soundings, and other necessary things for navigation. Together with a general map of the description of the said country made in its Meridian according to the declination of the magnetic compass, and a catechism or instruction translated from French into the language of the indigenous peoples of some area, along with what happened in the said New France in the year 1631. Paris; 1632. Sm. 4º.

Œuvres de Champlain publiées sous le patronage de l’Université Laval par l’abbé C. H. Laverdière, M. A., professor d’histoire à la faculté des arts et bibliothécaire de l’université; Seconde édition. Québec; 1870. [6 vols. Sm. 4o (the fifth in two parts), paged consecutively at bottom. 2 p. ll., pp. i-lxxvi, 1-1478, 1 l. The pagination of the original edition appears at the top. Vol. V is a reprint in facsimile as to arrangement, of the 1632 edition of Les Voyages].

Works of Champlain published with the support of Laval University by Abbé C. H. Laverdière, M.A., history professor at the Faculty of Arts and university librarian; Second edition. Quebec; 1870. [6 vols. Sm. 4o (the fifth in two parts), paged consecutively at the bottom. 2 p. ll., pp. i-lxxvi, 1-1478, 1 l. The pagination of the original edition appears at the top. Vol. V is a reprint in facsimile as to arrangement, of the 1632 edition of The Travels].

(a) V, 1st pt., p. 159. (b) ib. 157. (c) III, p. 57. (d) V, 2d pt., p. 40. (e) III, p. 194. (f) II, p. 19.

(a) V, 1st pt., p. 159. (b) ib. 157. (c) III, p. 57. (d) V, 2d pt., p. 40. (e) III, p. 194. (f) II, p. 19.

CHAMPOLLION (Jean Francois, le jeune).

CHAMPOLLION (Jean Francois, the younger).

Grammaire Egyptienne, ou principes généraux de l’écriture sacrée égyptienne appliquées à la représentation de la langue parlée. Publiée sur le manuscrit autographe. Paris; 1836-’41. Sm. folio.

Egyptian Grammar, or the fundamental principles of sacred Egyptian writing applied to the depiction of spoken language. Published from the autographed manuscript. Paris; 1836-’41. Sm. folio.

(a) p. 113. (d) p. 519. (g) p. 91. (h) p. 57.

(a) p. 113. (d) p. 519. (g) p. 91. (h) p. 57.

Dictionnaire Egyptien, en écriture hiéroglyphique; publié d’après les manuscrits autographes, par M. Champollion-Figeac. Paris; 1842-’44. Folio.

Egyptian Dictionary, in hieroglyphic writing; published based on the original manuscripts by Mr. Champollion-Figeac. Paris; 1842-’44. Folio.

(b) p. 429. (c) p. 31. (e) p. 1. (f) p. 3.

(b) p. 429. (c) p. 31. (e) p. 1. (f) p. 3.

CHARENCEY (Count Hyacinthe de).

CHARENCEY (Count Hyacinthe de).

(a) Des Couleurs considérées comme Symboles des points de l’Horizon chez les Peuples. From Actes de la Société Philologique. Tome VI, No. 3, Oct., 1876; Paris; 1877.

(a) Colors Viewed as Symbols of the Points on the Horizon Across Cultures. From Acts of the Philological Society. Volume VI, No. 3, Oct., 1876; Paris; 1877.

Essai sur la symbolique des points de l’horizon dans l’extrême orient. Hyacinthe de Charencey. Caen; 1876. 8o.

Essay on the Symbolism of Horizon Points in the Far East. Hyacinthe de Charencey. Caen; 1876. 8o.

CHARLEVOIX (Père F. X. de).

CHARLEVOIX (Father F. X. de).

History and General Description of New France. By the Rev. Père François Xavier de Charlevoix. Translated with Notes by John Gilmary Shea. New York; 1866-1872. 2 vols. Imperial 8o.

History and General Description of New France. By Rev. Father François Xavier de Charlevoix. Translated with Notes by John Gilmary Shea. New York; 1866-1872. 2 vols. Imperial 8o.

(a) I, p. 266.

(a) I, p. 266.

CHAVERO (Alfredo).

CHAVERO (Alfredo).

La piedra del Sol. Estudio arqueológico por Alfredo Chavero. In Anales del Museo Nacional de México.

The Sun Stone. Archaeological study by Alfredo Chavero. In Annals of the National Museum of Mexico.

(a) III, p. 124.

(a) III, p. 124.

CLEMENT (Clara Erskine).

CLEMENT (Clara Erskine).

A Handbook of Legendary and Mythological Art. By Clara Erskine Clement. Boston; 1883. Small 8o.

A Handbook of Legendary and Mythological Art. By Clara Erskine Clement. Boston; 1883. Small 8o.

(a) p. 7.

(a) p. 7.

COALE (Charles B.).

COALE (Charles B.).

Life and Adventures of William Waters. By Charles B. Coale. Richmond; 1878. 12o.

Life and Adventures of William Waters. By Charles B. Coale. Richmond; 1878. 12o.

(a) p. 136.

(a) p. 136.

COMMISSION SCIENTIFIQUE AU MEXIQUE.

Scientific Commission in Mexico.

See Mexique, Mission Scientifique au.

See Mexique, Mission Scientifique au.

CONDER (Maj. Claude R.)

CONDER (Maj. Claude R.)

Hittite Ethnology. In Journal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, XVII, pt. 2, Nov., 1887.

Hittite Ethnology. In Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, XVII, pt. 2, Nov., 1887.

(d) p. 141.

(d) p. 141.

Palestine Exploration Fund. Quarterly Statement for July, 1881. London; 1881.

Palestine Exploration Fund. Quarterly Statement for July 1881. London; 1881.

(a) pp. 214-218. (c) p. 16.

(a) pp. 214-218. (c) p. 16.

On the Canaanites. In Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute, Vol. XXIV, No. 93. London; 1889, pp. 56-62.

On the Canaanites. In Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute, Vol. XXIV, No. 93. London; 1889, pp. 56-62.

(b) p. 57.

(b) p. 57.

CONGRÈS INTERNATIONAL DES AMÉRICANISTES.

INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF AMERICANISTS.

Compte-rendu de la cinquiéme session, Copenhague, 1883. Copenhague, 1884. 8o.

Report of the fifth session, Copenhagen, 1883. Copenhagen, 1884. 8o.

CONTRIBUTIONS TO NORTH AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY.

Contributions to North American Ethnology.

Vol. I[-VI]. Washington. Government Printing Office; 1877[-1890]. 4o. (Department of the Interior. U. S. Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region. J. W. Powell in charge.)

Vol. I[-VI]. Washington. Government Printing Office; 1877[-1890]. 4o. (Department of the Interior. U.S. Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region. J. W. Powell in charge.)

COOPER (W. R.).

COOPER (W.R.).

The Serpent Myths of Ancient Egypt. By W. R. Cooper, F. R. S. L. London; 1873. 8o.

The Serpent Myths of Ancient Egypt. By W. R. Cooper, F.R.S.L. London; 1873. 8o.

(a) p. 24. (b) p. 43.

(a) p. 24. (b) p. 43.

COPE (Prof. E. D.).

COPE (Prof. E. D.).

Report on the Remains of Population observed in Northwestern New Mexico. By Prof. E. D. Cope. In Report upon United States Geographical Surveys west of the one hundredth meridian, in charge of First Lieut. Geo. M. Wheeler. 7 vols. Washington, 4o.

Report on the Remains of Population observed in Northwestern New Mexico. By Prof. E. D. Cope. In Report upon United States Geographical Surveys west of the one hundredth meridian, in charge of First Lieut. Geo. M. Wheeler. 7 vols. Washington, 4o.

(a) VII, 1879, p. 358.

(a) VII, 1879, p. 358.

COPWAY (G.).

COPWAY (G.).

The Traditional History and characteristic sketches of the Ojibway Nation. By G. Copway, or Kah-gi-ga-gah-bowh, chief of the Ojibway Nation. London; 1850. Sm. 8o.

The History and characteristic descriptions of the Ojibway Nation. By G. Copway, also known as Kah-gi-ga-gah-bowh, chief of the Ojibway Nation. London; 1850. Sm. 8o.

(a) p. 134. (b) p. 136. (c) pp. 135, 136. (d) p. 135. (e) p. 134. (f) p. 135. (g) p. 134. (h) ibid.

(a) p. 134. (b) p. 136. (c) pp. 135, 136. (d) p. 135. (e) p. 134. (f) p. 135. (g) p. 134. (h) ibid.

CRANE (Miss Agnes).

CRANE (Miss Agnes).

Ancient Mexican Heraldry. By Agnes Crane. In Science, Vol. XX, No. 503.

Ancient Mexican Heraldry. By Agnes Crane. In Science, Vol. XX, No. 503.

(a) p. 175.

(a) p. 175.

CRAWFURD (John).

CRAWFURD (John).

History of the Indian Archipelago. By John Crawford * * *. Edinburgh; 1820. 3 vols. 8o.

History of the Indian Archipelago. By John Crawford * * *. Edinburgh; 1820. 3 vols. 8o.

(a) I, p. 290.

(a) I, p. 290.

CRONAU (Rudolf).

CRONAU (Rudolf).

Geschichte der Solinger Klingenindustrie. Von Rudolf Cronau. Stuttgart; 1885. Folio.

History of the Solingen Blade Industry. By Rudolf Cronau. Stuttgart; 1885. Folio.

(b) p. 17. (c) pp. 18, 19.

(b) p. 17. (c) pp. 18, 19.

Im Wilden Westen. Eine Künstlerfahrt durch die Prairien und Felsengebirge der Union. Von Rudolf Cronau. * * * Braunschweig; 1889. 8o.

Im Wilden Westen. Eine Künstlerfahrt durch die Prairien und Felsengebirge der Union. Von Rudolf Cronau. * * * Braunschweig; 1889. 8o.

(a) p. 85.

(a) p. 85.

CUMMING (R. Gordon).

CUMMING (R. Gordon).

Sporting Adventures in South Africa. By Gordon Cumming. London; 1856. 2 vols. 8o.

Sporting Adventures in South Africa. By Gordon Cumming. London; 1856. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) I, p. 207.

(a) I, p. 207.

CURR (Edward M.).

CURR (Edward M.).

The Australian Race. By Edward M. Curr. London; 1886. 3 vols. 8o, and folio atlas.

The Australian Race. By Edward M. Curr. London; 1886. 3 vols. 8o, and folio atlas.

(a) I, p. 149 et seq. (b) ibid., p. 94. (c) III, p. 544. (d) I, plate facing p. 145.

(a) I, p. 149 and following. (b) same source, p. 94. (c) III, p. 544. (d) I, illustration facing p. 145.

CUSHING (Frank Hamilton).

CUSHING (Frank Hamilton).

Preliminary Notes on the origin, working hypothesis and primary researches of the Hemenway Southwestern Archæological Expedition. In Congrès International des Américanistes. Compte-rendu de la septième session. Berlin; 1890.

Preliminary Notes on the origin, working hypothesis, and primary research of the Hemenway Southwestern Archaeological Expedition. In International Congress of Americanists. Report on the seventh session. Berlin; 1890.

(a) p. 151.

(a) p. 151.

D’ALBERTIS (L. M.).

D’ALBERTIS (L. M.).

New Guinea; What I did and what I saw. By L. M. D’Albertis. Boston; 1881. 2 vols. 8o.

New Guinea; What I Did and What I Saw. By L. M. D’Albertis. Boston; 1881. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) II, p. 66. (b) ibid., p. 301. (c) I, pp. 213, 215, 519. (d) I, 262 and 264.

(a) II, p. 66. (b) ibid., p. 301. (c) I, pp. 213, 215, 519. (d) I, 262 and 264.

DALL (William H.).

DALL (William H.).

On Masks, Labrets and certain aboriginal customs, with an inquiry into the bearing of their geographical distribution. In Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1885; pp. 67-202.

On Masks, Labrets and certain Indigenous customs, with an investigation into the significance of their geographical distribution. In Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1885; pp. 67-202.

(d) p. 75. (e) p. 111.

(d) p. 75. (e) p. 111.

Contributions to North American Ethnology, I.

Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. I.

(a) p. 79. (f) p. 86.

(a) p. 79. (f) p. 86.

Alaska and its Resources. London; 1870. 8o.

Alaska and its Resources. London; 1870. 8o.

(a) p. 142. (b) p. 412. (c) p. 95.

(a) p. 142. (b) p. 412. (c) p. 95.

D’ALVIELLA (Count Goblet).

D'ALVIELLA (Count Goblet).

The Migration of symbols. By the Count Goblet D’Alviella. In Popular Science Monthly; 1890. (Sept. and Oct.) (Trans. from Révue des Deux Mondes; Paris; May 1, 1890, p. 121.)

The Migration of Symbols. By Count Goblet D’Alviella. In Popular Science Monthly; 1890. (Sept. and Oct.) (Trans. from Review of Two Worlds; Paris; May 1, 1890, p. 121.)

(a) pp. 674, 779. (b) p. 676. (c) p. 677.

(a) pp. 674, 779. (b) p. 676. (c) p. 677.

DAVIDSON (Alexander) AND STRUVÉ (Bernard).

Davidson (Alexander) and Struvé (Bernard).

History of Illinois from 1673 to 1884, by Alexander Davidson and Bernard Struvé. Springfield, Ill.; 1884. 8o.

History of Illinois from 1673 to 1884, by Alexander Davidson and Bernard Struvé. Springfield, Ill.; 1884. 8o.

(a) p. 62.

(a) p. 62.

DAVIS (W. W. H.).

DAVIS (W.W.H.).

The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico. By W. W. H. Davis. Doylestown, Pa.; 1869. 8o.

The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico. By W. W. H. Davis. Doylestown, PA; 1869. 8o.

(a) p. 405. (b) p. 292.

(a) p. 405. (b) p. 292.

DAWSON (Dr. George M.).

DAWSON (Dr. George M.).

Notes on the Shuswap people of British Columbia. By George M. Dawson, LL. D., F. R. S., Assistant Director Geological Society of Canada. In Transactions of Royal Soc. of Canada, Section II, 1891.

Notes on the Shuswap people of British Columbia. By George M. Dawson, LL. D., F. R. S., Assistant Director Geological Society of Canada. In Transactions of Royal Soc. of Canada, Section II, 1891.

(a) p. 14.

(a) p. 14.

DE CLERCQ (F. S. A.).

DE CLERCQ (F.S.A.).

Ethnographische Beschrijving van de West- en Noordkust van Nederlandsch Nieuw-Guinea door F. S. A. De Clercq, met medewerking van J. D. E. Schmeltz. Leiden; 1893. 4o.

Ethnographic Description of the West and North Coast of Dutch New Guinea by F. S. A. De Clercq, with input from J. D. E. Schmeltz. Leiden; 1893. 4o.

(a) p. 31.

(a) p. 31.

DELLENBAUGH (F. S.).

DELLENBAUGH (F. S.).

The Shinumos. A Prehistoric People of the Rocky Mountain Region. By F. S. Dellenbaugh. In Bull. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sciences; Buffalo, N. Y.; Vol. III, 1875-1877.

The Shinumos. A Prehistoric People of the Rocky Mountain Region. By F. S. Dellenbaugh. In Bull. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sciences; Buffalo, N. Y.; Vol. III, 1875-1877.

(a) p. 172.

(a) p. 172.

DE SMET (Rev. Peter).

DE SMET (Rev. Peter).

See Smet (Père Peter de).

See Smet (Père Peter de).

DE SCHWEINITZ (Bishop Edmund).

DE SCHWEINITZ (Bishop Edmund).

The life and times of David Zeisberger, the western pioneer and apostle of the Indians. By Edmund De Schweinitz. Philadelphia; 1870. 8o.

The life and times of David Zeisberger, the western pioneer and missionary to the Indians. By Edmund De Schweinitz. Philadelphia; 1870. 8o.

(a) p. 160.

(a) p. 160.

DETROIT (Siege of, Diary of the).

DETROIT (Diary of the Siege of).

Diary of the Siege of Detroit in the War with Pontiac. Albany; 1860. 4o.

Diary of the Siege of Detroit during the War with Pontiac. Albany; 1860. 4o.

(a) p. 29.

(a) pg. 29.

DIDRON (M.).

DIDRON (M.).

Iconographie Chrétienne. Histoire de Dieu. Par M. Didron, de la Bibliothèque Royale, Secrétaire du Comité Historique des Arts et Monuments. Paris; 1843. 4o.

Iconography of Christianity. The History of God. By M. Didron, from the Royal Library, Secretary of the Historical Committee of Arts and Monuments. Paris; 1843. 4o.

(a) p. 338. (b) p. 330. (c) p. 343. (d) p. 145.

(a) p. 338. (b) p. 330. (c) p. 343. (d) p. 145.

DODGE (Col. R. I.).

DODGE (Col. R. I.).

Our Wild Indians; Thirty-three years’ personal experience among the Red Men of the Great West. * * * By Colonel Richard Irving Dodge, U. S. Army. Hartford; 1882. 8o.

Our Wild Indians; Thirty-three years of personal experience with the Native Americans of the Great West. * * * By Colonel Richard Irving Dodge, U.S. Army. Hartford; 1882. 8o.

(a) p. 163.

(a) p. 163.

DORMAN (Rushton M.).

DORMAN (Rushton M.).

The Origin of Primitive Superstitions and their development into the worship of spirits and the doctrine of spiritual agency among the aborigines of America. By Rushton M. Dorman. Philadelphia; 1881. 8o.

The Origin of Primitive Superstitions and their development into the worship of spirits and the idea of spiritual agency among the native peoples of America. By Rushton M. Dorman. Philadelphia; 1881. 8o.

DORSEY (Rev. J. Owen).

DORSEY (Rev. J. Owen).

Teton Folk-lore. In American Anthropologist, Vol. II, No. 2. Washington; 1889.

Teton Folklore. In American Anthropologist, Vol. II, No. 2. Washington; 1889.

(a) p. 144. (b) p. 147.

(a) p. 144. (b) p. 147.

DU CHAILLU (Paul B.).

Du Chaillu (Paul B.).

The Viking Age. The early history, manners, and customs of the ancestors of the English-speaking nations. By Paul B. Du Chaillu. * * * New York; 1889. 2 vols. 8o.

The Viking Age. The early history, customs, and traditions of the ancestors of the English-speaking nations. By Paul B. Du Chaillu. * * * New York; 1889. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) II, p. 116 et seq. (b) ibid., p. 133. (c) ibid., p. 10.

(a) II, p. 116 and following. (b) same source, p. 133. (c) same source, p. 10.

DUNBAR (John B.).

DUNBAR (John B.).

The Pawnee Indians. Their History and Ethnology. In Magazine of American History. New York and Chicago; 1881.

The Pawnee Indians: Their History and Ethnology. In Magazine of American History. New York and Chicago; 1881.

(a) IV, No. 4, p. 259. (b) VIII, p. 744.

(a) IV, No. 4, p. 259. (b) VIII, p. 744.

DUPAIX (M.).

DUPAIX (M.).

In Kingsborough’s Mexican Antiquities. See Kingsborough.

In Kingsborough’s Mexican Antiques. See Kingsborough.

(a) V, p. 241. Pl. in IV, Pt. 2, No. 44.

(a) V, p. 241. Pl. in IV, Pt. 2, No. 44.

DURAN (Fr. Diego).

DURAN (Fr. Diego).

Historia de las Indias de Nueva-España y Islas de Tierra Firma. Por El Padre Fray Diego Duran. México; 1867. 4o.

History of the Indies of New Spain and the Islands of the Mainland. By Father Fray Diego Duran. México; 1867. 4o.

EASTMAN (Mary).

EASTMAN (Mary).

Dahcotah; or, Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling. By Mrs. Mary Eastman; with Preface by Mrs. C. M. Kirkland. New York; 1849. 8o.

Dahcotah; or, Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling. By Mrs. Mary Eastman; with Preface by Mrs. C. M. Kirkland. New York; 1849. 8o.

(a) p. 72. (b) p. 207. (c) p. 262. (d) p. xxvi. (e) p. xxviii.

(a) p. 72. (b) p. 207. (c) p. 262. (d) p. xxvi. (e) p. xxviii.

EDKINS (Rev. Dr. J.).

EDKINS (Rev. Dr. J.).

Introduction to the Study of the Chinese Characters. By J. Edkins, D.D. London; 1876. 8o.

Introduction to the Study of Chinese Characters. By J. Edkins, D.D. London; 1876. 8o.

(a) p. 26. (b) p. 42. (c) p. 41. (d) Append. A, p. 3. (e) p. 20. (f) p. 35. (g) p. 14. (h) p. viii.

(a) p. 26. (b) p. 42. (c) p. 41. (d) Append. A, p. 3. (e) p. 20. (f) p. 35. (g) p. 14. (h) p. viii.

EDWARDS (Mrs. A. B.).

EDWARDS (Mrs. A.B.).

A Thousand Miles up the Nile. By Mrs. A. B. Edwards. London; 1889. 8o.

A Thousand Miles up the Nile. By Mrs. A. B. Edwards. London; 1889. 8o.

(a) p. 205.

(a) p. 205.

EELLS (Rev. M.).

EELLS (Rev. M.).

Twana Indians of the Skokomish Reservation in Washington Terr. In Bull. U. S. Geolog. Survey, Vol. III, pp. 57-114. Washington; 1877. 8o.

Twana Indians of the Skokomish Reservation in Washington Territory. In Bulletin U.S. Geological Survey, Vol. III, pp. 57-114. Washington; 1877. 8o.

EISEN (Gustav).

EISEN (Gustav).

Some Ancient Sculptures from the Pacific Slope of Guatemala. In Mem. of the California Academy of Sciences, Vol. II, No. 2. San Francisco; July, 1888.

Some Ancient Sculptures from the Pacific Coast of Guatemala. In Mem. of the California Academy of Sciences, Vol. II, No. 2. San Francisco; July, 1888.

(a) p. 17.

(a) p. 17.

EMORY (Lt. Col. William Helmsley).

MEMORY (Lt. Col. William Helmsley).

Notes of a Military Reconnoissance from Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California, etc. By Lieut. Col. W. H. Emory, made in 1846-’47. [Thirtieth Congress, first session; Ex. Doc. No. 41.] Washington; 1848. 8o.

Notes of a Military Reconnaissance from Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California, etc. By Lieut. Col. W. H. Emory, made in 1846-’47. [Thirtieth Congress, first session; Ex. Doc. No. 41.] Washington; 1848. 8o.

(a) p. 89. (b) p. 63.

(a) p. 89. (b) p. 63.

ETHERIDGE (R., jr.).

ETHERIDGE (R., Jr.).

The Aboriginal Rock-Carvings at the Head of Bantry Bay. In Records of the Geological Survey of New South Wales, Vol. II, Pt. 1; 1890.

The Aboriginal Rock-Carvings at the Head of Bantry Bay. In Records of the Geological Survey of New South Wales, Vol. II, Pt. 1; 1890.

(a) p. 26 et seq.

(a) p. 26 and following

ETHNOLOGY, CONTRIBUTIONS TO NORTH AMERICAN.

ETHNOLOGY, CONTRIBUTIONS TO NORTH AMERICA.

See Contributions to North American Ethnology.

See *Contributions to North American Ethnology*.

ETHNOLOGY (BUREAU OF).

ETHNOLOGY (Bureau of).

See Bureau of Ethnology.

See Bureau of Ethnology.

EWBANK (Thomas).

EWBANK (Thomas).

North American Rock-writing and other aboriginal modes of recording and transmitting thought. By Thomas Ewbank, Vice-President of the Ethnological Society. Morrisania, N. Y.; 1866. Pamph., pp. 49.

North American rock writing and other Indigenous ways of recording and sharing thoughts. By Thomas Ewbank, Vice-President of the Ethnological Society. Morrisania, N.Y.; 1866. Pamph., pp. 49.

EXPLORING EXPEDITION (United States).

EXPLORING EXPEDITION (USA).

See Wilkes (Commodore Charles).

See *Wilkes* (*Commodore* Charles).

FABER (Ernest).

FABER (Ernest).

Prehistoric China. By Ernest Faber. In Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, n. s., XXIV.

Prehistoric China. By Ernest Faber. In Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, n. s., XXIV.

FEWKES (Dr. J. Walter).

FEWKES (Dr. J. Walter).

Journ. of American Folk Lore; Oct.-Dec., 1890.

Journ. of American Folk Lore; Oct.-Dec., 1890.

(a) p. 10.

(a) p. 10.

Am. Anthrop., V, No. 1, 1892.

Am. Anthro., Vol. 5, No. 1, 1892.

(b) p. 9.

(b) p. 9.

Journ. Am. Ethnol. and Archæol., II.

Journ. Am. Ethnol. and Archaeol., II.

(c) p. 159.

(c) p. 159.

FLETCHER (Dr. Robert).

FLETCHER (Dr. Robert).

Tattooing among civilized people. In Transactions of the Anthropological Society of Washington, II, p. 411.

Tattooing among civilized people. In Transactions of the Anthropological Society of Washington, II, p. 411.

FORLONG (Gen. J. G. R.).

FORLONG (Gen. J. G. R.).

River of Life, or Sources and Streams of the Faiths of Man in all Lands. * * * By Maj.-Gen. J. G. R. Forlong. London; 1883. 2 vols. 4o.

River of Life, or Sources and Streams of the Faiths of Humanity Across All Nations. * * * By Maj.-Gen. J. G. R. Forlong. London; 1883. 2 vols. 4o.

(a) I, p. 509. (b) II, p. 434.

(a) I, p. 509. (b) II, p. 434.

FRAZER (Prof. Persifor, jr.).

FRAZER (Prof. Persifor, Jr.).

The Geology of Lancaster County. In Second Geological Survey of Pennsylvania: Report of Progress in 1877. CCC, Harrisburg; 1880.

The Geology of Lancaster County. In Second Geological Survey of Pennsylvania: Report of Progress in 1877. CCC, Harrisburg; 1880.

(a) pp. 92, 94, 95. (b) p. 62.

(a) pp. 92, 94, 95. (b) p. 62.

GATSCHET (Albert S.).

GATSCHET (Albert S.).

A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, with a linguistic, historic, and ethnographic introduction. By Albert S. Gatschet. * * * Philadelphia; 1884. 2 vols. 8o. [Printed in Brinton’s Library of Aboriginal American Literature. No. IV.]

A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, with a linguistic, historic, and ethnographic introduction. By Albert S. Gatschet. * * * Philadelphia; 1884. 2 vols. 8o. [Printed in Brinton’s Library of Aboriginal American Literature. No. IV.]

GIBBS (Dr. George).

GIBBS (Dr. George).

Tribes of Western Washington and Northern Oregon. In Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. I, pp. 159-240. Washington; 1877. 4o.

Tribes of Western Washington and Northern Oregon. In Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. I, pp. 159-240. Washington; 1877. 4o.

(a) p. 222. (b) ib.

(a) p. 222. (b) ibid.

GILDER (William H.).

GILDER (William H.).

Schwatka’s Search. Sledging in the Arctic in quest of the Franklin records. By William H. Gilder. New York; 1881. 8o.

Schwatka’s Search. Sledging in the Arctic in pursuit of the Franklin records. By William H. Gilder. New York; 1881. 8o.

(a) p. 250.

(a) p. 250.

GONGORA Y MARTINEZ (Manuel de).

GONGORA Y MARTINEZ (Manuel de).

Antiguedades Prehistóricas de Andalucía, monumentos, inscripciones, armas, utensilios y otros importantes objetos pertenecientes á los tiempos mas remotos de su poblacion. Por Don Manuel de Gongora y Martinez. * * * Madrid; 1868. 8o.

Prehistoric Antiquities of Andalusia, including monuments, inscriptions, weapons, tools, and other important items from the earliest times of its people, by Don Manuel de Gongora y Martinez. * * * Madrid; 1868. 8o.

(a) p. 64.

(a) p. 64.

GREEN (Henry).

GREEN (Henry).

Shakespeare and the Emblem Writers; an exposition of their similarities of thought and expression. Preceded by a view of emblem-literature down to A. D. 1616. By Henry Green, M. A. London; 1870. 8o.

Shakespeare and the Emblem Writers: a look at their shared ideas and expressions. Followed by an overview of emblem literature up to A.D. 1616. By Henry Green, M.A. London; 1870. 8o.

(a) pp. 4-12. (b) p. 13.

(a) pp. 4-12. (b) p. 13.

GREGG (Josiah).

GREGG (Josiah).

Commerce of the Prairies, or the Journal of a Santa Fé Trader, during eight expeditions across the Great Western Prairies and a residence of nearly nine years in Northern Mexico. By Josiah Gregg. Second ed. New York; 1845. 2 vols. 12o.

Commerce of the Prairies, or the Journal of a Santa Fe Trader, during eight trips across the Great Western Prairies and nearly nine years living in Northern Mexico. By Josiah Gregg. Second edition. New York; 1845. 2 volumes. 12o.

(a) II, p. 286.

(a) II, p. 286.

GUNNISON (Lieut. J. W.).

GUNNISON (Lieutenant J. W.).

The Mormons, or Latter-Day Saints in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake; a History of the Mormons. By Lieut. J. W. Gunnison of the Topographical Engineers. Philadelphia; 1852. 12o.

The Mormons, or Latter-Day Saints in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake; a History of the Mormons. By Lieut. J. W. Gunnison of the Topographical Engineers. Philadelphia; 1852. 12o.

(a) pp. 62-63.

(a) pp. 62-63.

GÜNTHER (C.).

GÜNTHER (C.).

Die anthropologische Untersuchung der Bella-Coola. In Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Sitzung vom 20. März 1886. Berlin; 1886.

The anthropological study of the Bella Coola. In Proceedings of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Prehistory. Meeting on March 20, 1886. Berlin; 1886.

(a) pp. 208, 209.

(a) pp. 208, 209.

HAAST (Dr. Julius von).

HAAST (Dr. Julius von).

Some Ancient Rock Paintings in New Zealand. Journal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Vol. VIII. 1878.

Some Ancient Rock Paintings in New Zealand. Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Vol. VIII. 1878.

(a) p. 50 et seq.

(a) p. 50 and following

HABEL (Dr. S.).

HABEL (Dr. S.).

The Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumal-Whuapa in Guatemala. By S. Habel. Washington; 1879. Constitutes No. 269 of Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, 1878, Vol. XXII.

The Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumal-Whuapa in Guatemala. By S. Habel. Washington; 1879. Constitutes No. 269 of Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, 1878, Vol. XXII.

(a) pp. 64-66. (b) p. 85. (c) p. 66. Sculp. No. 1, Pl. I. (d) Sculp. No. 4. Pl. II, p. 68. (e) pp. 67-68. (f) p. 77.

(a) pp. 64-66. (b) p. 85. (c) p. 66. Sculp. No. 1, Pl. I. (d) Sculp. No. 4. Pl. II, p. 68. (e) pp. 67-68. (f) p. 77.

HABERLANDT (M.).

HABERLANDT (M.).

Ueber Schrifttafeln von der Osterinsel. In Mittheilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien. XVI. Band (der neuen Folge VI. Band), III. und IV. Heft. 1886.

Ueber Schrifttafeln von der Osterinsel. In Mitteilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien. XVI. Band (der neuen Folge VI. Band), III. und IV. Heft. 1886.

HADDON (Alfred C.).

HADDON (Alfred C.).

The Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres Straits. In Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Vol. XIX, No. 3. 1890.

The Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres Straits. In Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Vol. XIX, No. 3. 1890.

(a) p. 366. (b) p. 365. (c) ib.

(a) p. 366. (b) p. 365. (c) ib.

HAKLUYT (Richard).

HAKLUYT (Richard).

Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation. A new edition, with additions. London; 1809[-1812]. 5 vols. and supplement. 4o.

Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation. A new edition, with additions. London; 1809[-1812]. 5 vols. and supplement. 4o.

(a) III, 1810, p. 372. (b) ib., p. 276. (c) ib., p. 415. (d) ib., p. 369. (e) ib., p. 40. (f) ib., p. 508. (g) ib., p. 615.

(a) III, 1810, p. 372. (b) ib., p. 276. (c) ib., p. 415. (d) ib., p. 369. (e) ib., p. 40. (f) ib., p. 508. (g) ib., p. 615.

HARIOT (Thomas).

HARIOT (Thomas).

A brief and true report of the new found land of Virginia, of the commodities and of the nature and manners of the naturall inhabitants. * * * By Thomas Hariot. Frankfurti ad Mœnvm. De Bry, anno 1590. Reprinted in facs. by J. Sabin & Sons. New York; 1872. 4o.

A short and accurate account of the newly discovered land of Virginia, its products, and the characteristics and customs of the native people. * * * By Thomas Hariot. Frankfurt on the Main. De Bry, year 1590. Reprinted in facs. by J. Sabin & Sons. New York; 1872. 4o.

(a) Pl. XXIII.

(a) Pl. XXIII.

HARTMAN (Prof. R.).

HARTMAN (Prof. R.).

(a) p. 6 of the session of May 26, 1877, of the Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie.

(a) p. 6 of the meeting on May 26, 1877, of the Berlin Society of Anthropology.

HAYWOOD (John).

HAYWOOD (John).

The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee up to the first Settlements therein by the White People in the year 1768. By John Haywood. Nashville; 1823. 8o.

The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee up to the first Settlements by White People in the year 1768. By John Haywood. Nashville; 1823. 8o.

(a) p. 113. (b) p. 160. (c) p. 169. (d) pp. 322-323. (e) p. 228.

(a) p. 113. (b) p. 160. (c) p. 169. (d) pp. 322-323. (e) p. 228.

HEATH (Dr. E. R.).

HEATH (Dr. E. R.).

The Exploration of the River Benī. In Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York, Vol. XIV. pp. 157-164. New York; 1882.

The Exploration of the River Benī. In Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York, Vol. XIV. pp. 157-164. New York; 1882.

(a) p. 157. (b) p. 161.

(a) p. 157. (b) p. 161.

HERNDON (Lieut. Wm. Lewis) and Gibbon (Lieut. Lardner).

HERNDON (Lieutenant Wm. Lewis) and Gibbon (Lieutenant Lardner).

Exploration of the Valley of the Amazon, made under direction of the Navy Department. By Wm. Lewis Herndon and Lardner Gibbon, Lieutenants United States Navy. Washington; 1853. 2 vols. 8o. [Ex. Doc. 36, Senate, 32d Cong., 2d Sess.]

Exploration of the Amazon Valley, conducted under the direction of the Navy Department. By Wm. Lewis Herndon and Lardner Gibbon, Lieutenants in the United States Navy. Washington; 1853. 2 vols. 8o. [Ex. Doc. 36, Senate, 32nd Cong., 2nd Sess.]

(a) I, p. 319. (b) ibid., p. 201.

(a) I, p. 319. (b) same source, p. 201.

HERRERA (Antonio de).

HERRERA (Antonio de).

The General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America Commonly call’d the West-Indies, from the First Discovery thereof; with the best Account the People could give of their Antiquities. Collected from the Original Relations sent to the Kings of Spain. By Antonio de Herrera, Historiographer to his Catholic Majesty. Translated into English by Capt. John Stevens. * * * Second edition, London; 1740. 6 vols. 8o.

The General History of the Large Continent and Islands of America Commonly Known as the West Indies, from the First Discovery; with the Best Account the People Could Provide of Their History. Collected from the Original Reports Sent to the Kings of Spain. By Antonio de Herrera, Historian to His Catholic Majesty. Translated into English by Capt. John Stevens. * * * Second edition, London; 1740. 6 vols. 8o.

(a) Decade II, B. 10, Chap. 4.

(a) Decade II, B. 10, Chap. 4.

HIND (Henry Youle).

HIND (Henry Youle).

Explorations in the Interior of the Labrador Peninsula, etc. By Henry Youle Hind. London; 1863; 2 vols. 8o.

Explorations in the Interior of the Labrador Peninsula, etc. By Henry Youle Hind. London; 1863; 2 vols. 8o.

(a) II, p. 105. (b) I, p. 270.

(a) II, p. 105. (b) I, p. 270.

HOCHSTETTER (Dr. Ferdinand von).

HOCHSTETTER (Dr. Ferdinand von).

New Zealand, its physical geography, geology and natural history. By Dr. Ferdinand von Hochstetter, Professor at the Polytechnic Inst. of Vienna, etc. Stuttgart; 1867. 8o.

New Zealand, its physical geography, geology, and natural history. By Dr. Ferdinand von Hochstetter, Professor at the Polytechnic Institute of Vienna, etc. Stuttgart; 1867. 8o.

(a) p. 437. (b) p. 423.

(a) p. 437. (b) p. 423.

HOFFMAN (Dr. W. J.)

HOFFMAN (Dr. W. J.)

(a) The Midewiwin or “Grand Medicine Society” of the Ojibwa. In Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology; Washington; 1891; pp. 143-300.

(a) The Midewiwin or “Grand Medicine Society” of the Ojibwa. In Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology; Washington; 1891; pp. 143-300.

(b) Pictography and Shamanistic Rites of the Ojibwa. In The American Anthropologist; Washington; July, 1888; pp. 209-229.

(b) Pictography and Shamanistic Rites of the Ojibwa. In The American Anthropologist; Washington; July, 1888; pp. 209-229.

HOLM (G.).

HOLM (G.).

Ethnologisk Skizze af Angmagsalikerne (Særtryk af Meddelelser om Grønland. X.) Kjøbenhavn; 1887. 8o.

Ethnological Overview of the Angmagsalik People (Excerpt from Communications about Greenland. X.) Copenhagen; 1887. 8o.

(a) p. 101. (b) p. 108.

(a) p. 101. (b) p. 108.

HOLMES (William Henry).

HOLMES (William Henry).

Report on the Ancient Ruins of Southwestern Colorado, examined during the summers of 1875 and 1876. Washington; 1879. [Extract from 10th Ann. Rep. of U. S. Geological Survey, 1879.]

Report on the Ancient Ruins of Southwestern Colorado, studied during the summers of 1875 and 1876. Washington; 1879. [Extract from 10th Ann. Rep. of U. S. Geological Survey, 1879.]

(a) pp. 401-405, Pls. XLII and XLIII.

(a) pp. 401-405, Pls. XLII and XLIII.

Ancient Art of the Province of Chiriqui, United States of Colombia, by William H. Holmes. Washington; 1888. 8o. In the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

Ancient Art of the Province of Chiriqui, United States of Colombia, by William H. Holmes. Washington; 1888. 8o. In the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

(b) p. 21. (e) p. 181.

(b) p. 21. (e) p. 181.

Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans. In Second Ann. Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans. In Second Ann. Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

(c) p. 253 et seq. (d) Pl. LII.

(c) p. 253 and following (d) Pl. LII.

HOLUB (Dr. Emil).

HOLUB (Dr. Emil).

On the Central South African Tribes from the South Coast to the Zambesi. In Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. X, No. 1. August, 1880.

On the Central South African Tribes from the South Coast to the Zambezi. In Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. X, No. 1. August, 1880.

(a) p. 6. (b) p. 7.

(a) p. 6. (b) p. 7.

HOUZÉ (Dr. E.) AND JACQUES (Dr. Victor).

HOUZÉ (Dr. E.) AND JACQUES (Dr. Victor).

Étude d’anthropologie. Les Australiens du Musée du Nord. By Dr. E. Houzé and Dr. Victor Jacques. Bruxelles; 1885. 8o.

Anthropology study. The Australians of the Northern Museum. By Dr. E. Houzé and Dr. Victor Jacques. Brussels; 1885. 8o.

(a) p. 92.

(a) p. 92.

HOWITT (Alfred W.).

HOWITT (Alfred W.).

On Some Australian Ceremonies of Initiation. By A. W. Howitt, F. G. S. London; 1884. 8o.

On Some Australian Ceremonies of Initiation. By A. W. Howitt, F. G. S. London; 1884. 8o.

(a) p. 17. (d) p. 8. (f) p. 2.

(a) p. 17. (d) p. 8. (f) p. 2.

Notes on Songs and Song Makers of Some Australian Tribes. By A. W. Howitt, F. G. S. London; 1887. 8o.

Notes on Songs and Song Makers of Some Australian Tribes. By A. W. Howitt, F.G.S. London; 1887. 8o.

(b) p. 328.

(b) p. 328.

The Dieri and other kindred Tribes of Central Australia. In Journal of the Anthrop. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XX, No. 1. 1890.

The Dieri and other related tribes of Central Australia. In Journal of the Anthrop. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XX, No. 1. 1890.

(c) p. 71. (e) p. 72. (g) ib. (h) ib.

(c) p. 71. (e) p. 72. (g) ib. (h) ib.

HUMBOLDT (Alexander von).

HUMBOLDT (Alexander von).

Aspects of Nature. By Alexander von Humboldt. London; 1850. 2 vols. 8o.

Aspects of Nature. By Alexander von Humboldt. London; 1850. 2 volumes. 8o.

(a) I, pp. 196-201.

(a) I, pp. 196-201.

IMPERIAL Academy of Sciences.

IMPERIAL Academy of Sciences.

Scientific papers of the Imperial Academy of Sciences, Vol. III, pt. 5. St. Petersburg; 1855.

Scientific papers of the Imperial Academy of Sciences, Vol. III, pt. 5. St. Petersburg; 1855.

IM THURN (Everard F.).

IM THURN (Everard F.).

Among the Indians of Guiana; being Sketches chiefly Anthropologic from the Interior of British Guiana. London; 1883. 8o.

Among the Indigenous people of Guiana; being sketches mainly focused on anthropology from the interior of British Guiana. London; 1883. 8o.

(a) p. 391 et seq. (b) p. 410. (c) p. 316. (d) p. 39. (e) p. 319. (f) p. 195. (g) p. 219. (h) p. 196. (i) pp. 392, 393, Figs. 25 and 26. (k) p. 405.

(a) p. 391 et seq. (b) p. 410. (c) p. 316. (d) p. 39. (e) p. 319. (f) p. 195. (g) p. 219. (h) p. 196. (i) pp. 392, 393, Figs. 25 and 26. (k) p. 405.

INDIAN AFFAIRS.

Indian Affairs.

Canada, Report of the Deputy Superintendent-General of. (See Canada.)

Canada, Report of the Deputy Superintendent-General of. (See Canada.)

IRVING (Washington).

IRVING (Washington).

Astoria; or Anecdotes of an enterprise beyond the Rocky Mountains. By Washington Irving. Philadelphia; 1836. 2 vols. 8o.

Astoria; or Stories from an Adventure Beyond the Rocky Mountains. By Washington Irving. Philadelphia; 1836. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) I, p. 226. (b) ib., p. 227. (c) ib., p. 169.

(a) I, p. 226. (b) ib., p. 227. (c) ib., p. 169.

JACQUES (V.) AND STORMS (É.)

JACQUES (V.) AND STORMS (É.)

Notes sur l’Ethnologie de la Partie Orientale de l’Afrique Équatoriale. By V. Jacques and É. Storms. In. Bull. Soc. d’Anthrop. de Bruxelles. Tome V. Bruxelles; 1887.

Notes on the Ethnology of the Eastern Region of Equatorial Africa. By V. Jacques and É. Storms. In. Bull. Soc. d’Anthrop. de Bruxelles. Volume V. Brussels; 1887.

JAGOR (F.).

JAGOR (F.).

Die Badagas im Nilgiri-Gebirge. In Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, etc. Jahrgang 1876. p. 195.

The Badagas in the Nilgiris. In Proceedings of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, etc. Volume 1876. p. 195.

Über die Hieroglyphen der Osterinsel und über Felseinritzungen in Chile. In Verhandl. der Berliner Gesellsch. für Anthrop., etc. Jahrgang 1876, pp. 16, 17, Figs. 2, 3.

This is about the hieroglyphs of Easter Island and the rock carvings in Chile. In Proceedings of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, etc. Year 1876, pp. 16, 17, Figs. 2, 3.

(a) Verhandl. der Berliner Gesellsch. für Anthrop., etc., Jahrgang 1882, p. 170.

(a) Proceedings of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, etc., Year 1882, p. 170.

JAMES (Dr. Edwin).

JAMES (Dr. Edwin).

See Tanner (John).

See *Tanner* (John).

JAMES’ LONG’S EXPEDITION.

JAMES LONG’S EXPEDITION.

See Long (Major Stephen Harriman).

See Long (Major Stephen Harriman).

JAPAN.

JAPAN.

Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Yokohama. * * * Tōkyō. 8o.

Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Yokohama. * * * Tokyo. 8o.

JEMISON (Mary).

JEMISON (Mary).

See Seaver (James E.).

See *Seaver* (James E.).

JESUIT RELATIONS.

JESUIT REPORTS.

Relations des Jésuites; contenant ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable dans les Missions des pères de la Compagnie de Jésus, dans la Nouvelle France. Québec; 1858; 3 vols. 8o.

Reports from the Jesuits, highlighting the key events in the Missions of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus in New France. Quebec; 1858; 3 vols. 8o.

(a) II, 1646, p. 48.

(a) II, 1646, p. 48.

JOHNSTON (H. H.).

JOHNSTON (H. H.).

The River Congo, from its mouth to Bolobo; with a general description of the natural history and anthropology of its western basin. By H. H. Johnston, F. F. S., F. R. G. S. * * * Second ed. London; 1884. 8o.

The Congo River, from its mouth to Bolobo; featuring a general description of the natural history and anthropology of its western basin. By H. H. Johnston, F. F. S., F. R. G. S. * * * Second ed. London; 1884. 8o.

(a) p. 420.

(a) p. 420.

JONES (A. D.).

JONES (A. D.).

Illinois and the West. By A. D. Jones. Boston; 1838. 8o.

Illinois and the West. By A. D. Jones. Boston; 1838. 8o.

(a) p. 59.

(a) p. 59.

JONES (Charles C., jr.).

JONES (Charles C., Jr.).

Antiquities of the Southern Indians, particularly of the Georgia Tribes. By Charles C. Jones, jr. New York, 1873. 8o.

Antiquities of the Southern Indians, especially of the Georgia Tribes. By Charles C. Jones, Jr. New York, 1873. 8o.

(a) pp. 377-379. (b) ib.

(a) pp. 377-379. (b) ibid.

JONES (Rev. Peter).

JONES (Rev. Peter).

History of the Ojebway Indians. By Rev. Peter Jones. London; 1861. 12o.

History of the Ojebway Indians. By Rev. Peter Jones. London; 1861. 12o.

(a) p. 121. (b) p. 94.

(a) p. 121. (b) p. 94.

JONES (Capt. William A.).

JONES (Captain William A.).

Report upon the Reconnaissance of Northwestern Wyoming. By William A. Jones, U. S. A. Washington; 1875. 8o.

Report on the Exploration of Northwestern Wyoming. By William A. Jones, U.S.A. Washington; 1875. 8o.

(a) p. 268. (b) p. 269. (c) p. 207, fig. 33.

(a) p. 268. (b) p. 269. (c) p. 207, fig. 33.

KANE (Paul).

KANE (Paul).

Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America. * * * London; 1859.

Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America. * * * London; 1859.

(a) p. 393.

(a) p. 393.

KEATING’S LONG’S EXPEDITION.

Keating's Long Expedition.

See Long (Major Stephen Harriman).

See Long (Major Stephen Harriman).

KELLER (Franz).

KELLER (Franz).

The Amazon and Madeira Rivers. Sketches and descriptions from the note-book of an explorer. By Franz Keller, engineer. Philadelphia; 1875. Large 8o.

The Amazon and Madeira Rivers. Sketches and descriptions from the notebook of an explorer. By Franz Keller, engineer. Philadelphia; 1875. Large 8o.

(a) p. 65 et seq. (b) p. 159 et seq.

(a) p. 65 and following (b) p. 159 and following

KENDALL (Edward Augustus).

KENDALL (Edward Augustus).

Travels through the northern parts of the United States, in the years 1807 and 1808. By Edward Augustus Kendall, Esq. New York; 1809. 3 vols. 8o.

Travels through the northern parts of the United States, in the years 1807 and 1808. By Edward Augustus Kendall, Esq. New York; 1809. 3 vols. 8o.

KINGSBOROUGH (Edward King, Lord).

KINGSBOROUGH (Edward King, Lord).

Antiquities of Mexico: Containing fac-similes of Ancient Mexican Paintings and Hieroglyphics * * * together with the Monuments of New Spain, by M. Dupaix. London; 1831-’48. 9 vols. Imp. folio.

Antiquities of Mexico: Featuring replicas of Ancient Mexican Paintings and Hieroglyphics * * * along with the Monuments of New Spain, by M. Dupaix. London; 1831-’48. 9 vols. Large folio.

(a) Vol. VI, Codex Telleriano Remensis, p. 150 (vol. I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 33). (b) VI, Codex T. R., p. 135 (vol. I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 4). (c) VI, Codex T. R., p. 141 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 19). (d) VI, Codex T. R., p. 148 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 29). (e) VI, Codex T. R., p. 150 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 32). (f) VI, Coll. Mendoza, p. 74 (I, Coll. Mendoza, Pl. 67). (g) VI, Codex T. R., p. 136 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 7). (h) VI, Codex T. R., p. 141 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 20). (i) VI, Coll. Mend., p. 86 (I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 71, Fig. 30). (k) VI, Codex Vaticanus, p. 222 (II, Codex Vat., Pl. 75). (l) VI, Codex T. R., p. 136 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 7). (m) VI, Coll. Mend., p. 69 (I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 64, Fig. 5). (n) (II, Codex Vat., Pl. 100.) (o) VI, Codex T. R., p. 142 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 22). (p) VI, Coll. Mend., p. 71 (I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 75).

(a) Vol. VI, Codex Telleriano Remensis, p. 150 (vol. I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 33). (b) VI, Codex T. R., p. 135 (vol. I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 4). (c) VI, Codex T. R., p. 141 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 19). (d) VI, Codex T. R., p. 148 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 29). (e) VI, Codex T. R., p. 150 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 32). (f) VI, Coll. Mendoza, p. 74 (I, Coll. Mendoza, Pl. 67). (g) VI, Codex T. R., p. 136 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 7). (h) VI, Codex T. R., p. 141 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 20). (i) VI, Coll. Mend., p. 86 (I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 71, Fig. 30). (k) VI, Codex Vaticanus, p. 222 (II, Codex Vat., Pl. 75). (l) VI, Codex T. R., p. 136 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 7). (m) VI, Coll. Mend., p. 69 (I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 64, Fig. 5). (n) (II, Codex Vat., Pl. 100.) (o) VI, Codex T. R., p. 142 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 22). (p) VI, Coll. Mend., p. 71 (I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 75).

In the above citations the double references, one in and one not in parentheses, are necessary because the text and the copies of paintings are in different volumes. The above references not in parentheses refer to the text alone. The several parts of the volumes containing the plates are mentioned because the pagination of those volumes is not continuous.

In the above citations, the double references—one in parentheses and one not—are necessary because the text and the copies of paintings are in different volumes. The references above that are not in parentheses refer only to the text. The different sections of the volumes containing the plates are noted because the pagination of those volumes is not continuous.

KOHL (J. G.).

KOHL (J.G.).

Kitchi-Gami. Wanderings round Lake Superior. By J. G. Kohl. London; 1860. 8o.

Kitchi-Gami. Exploring around Lake Superior. By J. G. Kohl. London; 1860. 8o.

(a) p. 18.

(a) p. 18.

LACOUPERIE (Prof. Dr. Terrien de).

LACOUPERIE (Prof. Dr. Terrien de).

Beginnings of Writing in and around Thibet. In Journ. Royal Asiatic Society. New series, Vol. XVII, Pt. III. London; 1885.

Beginnings of Writing in and around Tibet. In Journ. Royal Asiatic Society. New series, Vol. XVII, Pt. III. London; 1885.

(a) p. 442 et seq. (b) ib. (c) p. 443. (d) p. 424. (e) p. 428. (f) p. 459.

(a) p. 442 and following (b) ib. (c) p. 443. (d) p. 424. (e) p. 428. (f) p. 459.

LAFITAU (Père Joseph François).

LAFITAU (Father Joseph François).

Mœurs des Sauvages Amériquaines, Comparées aux Mœurs des Premiers Temps. By le Père Lafitau. Paris; 1724. 2 vols. 4o.

The Customs of American Natives Compared to the Customs of Ancient Times. By Father Lafitau. Paris; 1724. 2 vols. 4o.

(a) II, p. 261. (b) II, p. 43. (c) ib. (d) ib., p. 266.

(a) II, p. 261. (b) II, p. 43. (c) ib. (d) ib., p. 266.

LAHONTAN (Baron).

LAHONTAN (Baron).

New Voyages to North America. Containing an Account of the Several Nations of that vast continent, etc. By the Baron Lahontan, Lord Lieutenant of the French Colony at Placentia in Newfoundland. * * * London; 1703. 2 vols. 8o.

New Voyages to North America. Featuring an Overview of the Various Nations on that enormous continent, etc. By Baron Lahontan, Lord Lieutenant of the French Colony at Placentia in Newfoundland. * * * London; 1703. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) II, p. 82. (b) ib., p. 84. (c) ib., p. 246. (d) ib., p. 225.

(a) II, p. 82. (b) ib., p. 84. (c) ib., p. 246. (d) ib., p. 225.

LAMOTHE. See Cadillac.

LAMOTHE. See Cadillac.

LANDA (Diego de).

LANDA (Diego de).

Relation des Choses de Yucatan de Diego de Landa; Texte Espagnol et Traduction Française en regard, comprenant les Signes du Calendrier et de l’Alphabet Hiéroglyphique de la Langue Maya, accompagné de documents divers historiques et chronologiques, avec une Grammaire et un Vocabulaire Abrégés Français-Maya, précédés d’un essai sur les sources de l’histoire primitive du Mexique et de l’Amérique Centrale, etc., d’après les monuments Égyptiens et de l’Histoire primitive de l’Égypte d’après les monuments Américains. Par l’Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, Ancien Administrateur ecclésiastique des Indians de Rabinal (Guatemala), Membre de la Commission scientifique du Mexique, etc. Paris and Madrid; 1864. 8o.

Account of the Things of Yucatán by Diego de Landa; Spanish Text and French Translation presented side by side, including the Signs of the Calendar and the Hieroglyphic Alphabet of the Maya Language, along with various historical and chronological documents. It features a Concise Grammar and French-Maya Vocabulary, preceded by an essay on the sources of the early history of Mexico and Central America, etc., drawing on Egyptian monuments and the early history of Egypt based on American monuments. By Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, Former Ecclesiastical Administrator of the Indians of Rabinal (Guatemala), Member of the Scientific Commission of Mexico, etc. Paris and Madrid; 1864. 8o.

(a) p. 316. (b) ib.

(a) p. 316. (b) ib.

LANDRIN (Armand).

LANDRIN (Armand).

(a) Écriture figurative et Comptabilité en Bretagne; par Armand Landrin, Conservateur du Musée d’Ethn. In Revue d’Ethnographie. Tome premier, No. 5, Sept.-Oct. Paris; 1882.

(a) Figurative Writing and Accounting in Brittany; by Armand Landrin, Curator of the Ethnographic Museum. In Journal of Ethnography, Vol. 1 No. 5, Sept.-Oct. Paris; 1882.

LANGEN (A.).

LANGEN (A.).

Key-Inseln und die dortigen Geistergrotten. In Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Sitzung vom 17. October 1885. 1885.

Important islands and the ghost caves located there. In Proceedings of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Prehistory. Meeting on October 17, 1885. 1885.

(a) pp. 407-409. Taf. XI.

(a) pp. 407-409. Fig. XI.

L’ANTHROPOLOGIE.

ANTHROPOLOGY.

L’Anthropologie. Paraissant tous les deux mois sous la direction de MM. Cartailhac, Hamy, Topinard. * * * Paris; 1890. 8o. [The present journal is a consolidation of “Matériaux pour l’histoire de l’homme,” “Revue d’Anthropologie,” and “Revue d’Ethnographie.”]

Anthropology. Published every two months under the supervision of Messrs. Cartailhac, Hamy, and Topinard. * * * Paris; 1890. 8o. [This journal is a consolidation of “Materials for Human History,” “Anthropology Review,” and “Ethnography Review.”]

(a) II, No. 6, p. 693. (b) I, No. 5, p. 566. (c) II. No. 2, 1891, p. 150. (d) II, No. 2, Mar.-Avr. 1891, p. 148.

(a) II, No. 6, p. 693. (b) I, No. 5, p. 566. (c) II, No. 2, 1891, p. 150. (d) II, No. 2, Mar.-Apr. 1891, p. 148.

LA PLATA. See Museo de la Plata.

LA PLATA. See Museum of La Plata.

LAUDONNIÈRE (Capt. Réné).

LAUDONNIÈRE (Capt. René).

The Second voyage into Florida made and written by Captain Laudonnière, which fortified and inhabited there two summers and one whole winter. In Hakluyt’s Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English nation, q. v.

The second journey to Florida, created and documented by Captain Laudonnière, who established a fort and settled there for two summers and one entire winter. In Hakluyt’s Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English nation, q. v.

(a) III, pp. 384-419.

(a) III, pp. 384-419.

LAWSON (A. C.).

LAWSON (A.C.).

Ancient Rock Inscriptions on the Lake of the Woods. In The American Naturalist, Vol. XIX, Philadelphia, 1885. pp. 654-657.

Ancient Rock Inscriptions on the Lake of the Woods. In The American Naturalist, Vol. 19, Philadelphia, 1885. pp. 654-657.

(a) Pl. XIX and Fig. 1.

(a) Pl. XIX and Fig. 1.

LAWSON (John).

LAWSON (John).

The History of Carolina, containing the exact Description and Natural History of that country, together with the Present State thereof and a Journal of a Thousand miles traveled through several Nations of Indians. Giving a particular Account of their Customs, Manners, etc. By John Lawson, Gent., Surveyor-General of North Carolina. London; 1714. 12o.

The History of Carolina, providing a detailed description and natural history of the region, along with its current state and a journal of a thousand miles traveled through various Native American nations. It offers a specific account of their customs, traditions, and more. By John Lawson, Gentleman, Surveyor-General of North Carolina. London; 1714. 12o.

(a) p. 190.

(a) p. 190.

LE CLERCQ (Père Chrétien).

LE CLERCQ (Father Christian).

Nouvelle Relation de la Gaspesie, qui contient les Mœurs & la Religion des Sauvages Gaspesiens Porte-Croix, adorateurs du Soleil, & d’autres Peuples de l’Amérique Septentrionale, dite le Canada. Dediée à Madame la Princesse d’Epinoy. Par le Père Chrétien Le Clercq, Missionnaire Recollet de la Province de Saint Antoine de Pade en Artois, & Guardian du Convent de Lens. Paris; 1691. 16o.

New Account of Gaspesie, which covers the Customs and Religion of the Gaspesian Cross-Bearers, Sun Worshippers, and other Peoples of North America, known as Canada. Dedicated to Madame Princess d’Epinoy. By Father Chrétien Le Clercq, Recollect Missionary from the Province of Saint Anthony of Padua in Artois, and Guardian of the Convent of Lens. Paris; 1691. 16o.

(a) p. 139.

(a) p. 139.

LELAND (Charles G.).

LELAND (Charles G.).

The Algonquin Legends of New England. * * * By Charles G. Leland. Boston; 1884. 8o.

The Algonquin Legends of New England. * * * By Charles G. Leland. Boston; 1884. 8o.

(a) p. 40. (b) p. 44.

(a) p. 40. (b) p. 44.

LEMLY (Lieut. H. R.).

LEMLY (Lieutenant H. R.).

Who was El Dorado? By Lieut. H. R. Lemly, U. S. Army. In Century Magazine for October, 1891.

Who was El Dorado? By Lieut. H. R. Lemly, U.S. Army. In Century Magazine for October, 1891.

(a) p. 889.

(a) p. 889.

LE PAGE DU PRATZ.

PRATZ'S PAGE.

Histoire de la Louisiane. Contenant la Découverte de ce vaste Pays. Par M. Le Page du Pratz. Paris; 1758. 3 vols. 12o.

The History of Louisiana: Including the Discovery of This Vast Land by M. Le Page du Pratz. Paris; 1758. 3 vols. 12o.

(a) II, p. 432. (b) III, p. 241.

(a) II, p. 432. (b) III, p. 241.

LE PLONGEON (Dr. Augustus).

The Dive (Dr. Augustus).

Vestiges of the Mayas; or, Facts tending to prove that communications and intimate relations must have existed in very remote times between the inhabitants of Mayab and those of Asia and Africa. By Augustus Le Plongeon, M. D. New York; 1881. 8o.

Vestiges of the Mayas; or, Facts that suggest there must have been communication and close relationships in ancient times between the people of Mayab and those in Asia and Africa. By Augustus Le Plongeon, M.D. New York; 1881. 8o.

(a) p. 29.

(a) p. 29.

LEWIS (Capt. Meriwether) AND CLARKE (Capt.).

LEWIS (Capt. Meriwether) AND CLARKE (Capt.).

Travels to the source of the Missouri River, etc., and across the American Continent to the Pacific Ocean, * * * in the years 1804, 1805, and 1806. By Captains Lewis and Clarke. Published from the Official Report. * * * London; 1814. 8o.

Travels to the source of the Missouri River, etc., and across the American Continent to the Pacific Ocean, * * * in the years 1804, 1805, and 1806. By Captains Lewis and Clarke. Published from the Official Report. * * * London; 1814. 8o.

(a) p. 66. (b) p. 375. (c) p. 379.

(a) p. 66. (b) p. 375. (c) p. 379.

LEWIS (T. H.).

LEWIS (T.H.).

Incised Bowlders in the upper Minnesota Valley. In The American Naturalist for July, 1887.

Incised Boulders in the Upper Minnesota Valley. In The American Naturalist for July 1887.

(a) p. 642. (b) p. 639 et seq. (c) ib.

(a) p. 642. (b) p. 639 and following. (c) ib.

(d) Sculptured Rock at Trempeleau, Wisconsin. By T. H. Lewis. In The American Naturalist for September, 1889, pp. 782, 783.

(d) Sculptured Rock at Trempeleau, Wisconsin. By T. H. Lewis. In The American Naturalist for September, 1889, pp. 782, 783.

LONG (John).

LONG (John).

Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter and Trader, Describing the Manners and Customs of the North American Indians; with an Account of the Posts situated on the river St. Lawrence, Lake Ontario, etc. To which is added, A Vocabulary of the Chippeway Language. * * * By J. Long, London; 1791. 4o.

Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter and Trader, Describing the Manners and Customs of the North American Indians; with an Account of the Posts located on the St. Lawrence River, Lake Ontario, etc. Additionally, it includes a Vocabulary of the Chippeway Language. * * * By J. Long, London; 1791. 4o.

(a) p. 47.

(a) p. 47.

LONG (Maj. Stephen Harriman).

LONG (Maj. Stephen Harriman).

Account of an expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains in 1819 and 1829, under command of Major Stephen H. Long. Compiled by Edwin James. Phila.; 1823. 2 vols. 8o. [Commonly known as James’ Long’s Expedition].

Account of an expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains in 1819 and 1829, led by Major Stephen H. Long. Compiled by Edwin James. Phila.; 1823. 2 vols. 8o. [Commonly known as James’ Long’s Expedition].

(b) I, p. 478. (c) ib., p. 287. (d) ib., p. 207. (f) ib., p. 125. (h) ib., p. 296. (i) ib., p. 208. (k) ib., p. 240.

(b) I, p. 478. (c) ib., p. 287. (d) ib., p. 207. (f) ib., p. 125. (h) ib., p. 296. (i) ib., p. 208. (k) ib., p. 240.

Narrative of an expedition to the source of St. Peter’s River, etc., performed in the year 1823 under the command of Stephen H. Long, Major U. S. T. E. Compiled by William H. Keating. Phila.; 1824. 2 vols. 8o. [Commonly called Keating’s Long’s Expedition.]

Narrative of a journey to the source of St. Peter’s River, etc., taken in the year 1823 under the leadership of Stephen H. Long, Major U. S. T. E. Compiled by William H. Keating. Phila.; 1824. 2 vols. 8o. [Often referred to as Keating’s Long’s Expedition.]

(a) I, p. 217. (e) ib., p. 334. (g) ib., p. 226.

(a) I, p. 217. (e) same source, p. 334. (g) same source, p. 226.

LOSSING (Benson J.).

LOSSING (Benson J.).

The American Revolution and the war of 1812; or, Illustrations by pen and pencil of the History, Biography, Scenery, Relics, and Traditions of our wars with Great Britain. By Benson J. Lossing. New York Book Concern; 1875. 3 vols. Large 8o.

The American Revolution and the War of 1812; or, Illustrations by pen and pencil of the History, Biography, Scenery, Relics, and Traditions of our wars with Great Britain. By Benson J. Lossing. New York Book Concern; 1875. 3 vols. Large 8o.

(b) III, p. 55.

(b) III, p. 55.

The Pictorial Field-Book of the War of 1812. * * * By Benson J. Lossing. New York; 1868.

The Pictorial Field-Book of the War of 1812. * * * By Benson J. Lossing. New York; 1868.

(a) p. 191, footnote.

(a) p. 191, footnote.

LUBBOCK (Sir John).

LUBBOCK (Sir John).

Prehistoric Times as illustrated by ancient remains and the manners and customs of modern savages. By Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M. P., etc. London; 1878. 8o.

Prehistoric Times shown through ancient artifacts and the lifestyles and traditions of present-day indigenous people. By Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M. P., etc. London; 1878. 8o.

(a) p. 11.

(a) p. 11.

LYND (James W.).

LYND (James W.).

The Religion of the Dakotas. In Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society. St. Paul; 1860. 3 vols. 8o.

The Religion of the Dakotas. In Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society. St. Paul; 1860. 3 vols. 8o.

(a) II, pt. 2, pp. 79, 80. (b) ib., pp. 59, 60. (c) ib., p. 68. (d) ib., p. 80.

(a) II, pt. 2, pp. 79, 80. (b) ib., pp. 59, 60. (c) ib., p. 68. (d) ib., p. 80.

MACKENZIE (Sir Alexander).

MACKENZIE (Sir Alexander).

Voyages from Montreal on the River St. Lawrence, through the Continent of North America, to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans; in the years 1789 and 1793. * * * By Sir Alexander Mackenzie. Philadelphia; 1802. 8o.

Voyages from Montreal on the St. Lawrence River, across North America, to the Arctic and Pacific Oceans; in the years 1789 and 1793. * * * By Sir Alexander Mackenzie. Philadelphia; 1802. 8o.

(a) p. 236. (b) p. 33. (c) p. 173.

(a) p. 236. (b) p. 33. (c) p. 173.

MADISON (Rt. Rev. James).

MADISON (Right Reverend James).

On the supposed fortifications of the western country. In Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, VI, pt. 1, 1804.

On the alleged defenses of the western region. In Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, VI, pt. 1, 1804.

(a) pp. 141. 142.

(a) pp. 141-142.

MAGNAT (Casimir).

MAGNAT (Casimir).

Traité du Langage Symbolique, emblématique et religieux des Fleurs. Par Casimir Magnat. Paris; 1855. 8o.

Treatise on the Symbolic, Emblematic, and Religious Language of Flowers. By Casimir Magnat. Paris; 1855. 8o.

MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

MAINE HISTORY SOCIETY.

Collections of the Maine Historical Society. * * * Portland [and Bath;] 1831[-1876]. 7 vols. 8o.

Collections of the Maine Historical Society. * * * Portland [and Bath;] 1831[-1876]. 7 vols. 8o.

(a) VII, p. 393.

(a) VII, p. 393.

MALLERY (Col. Garrick).

MALLERY (Col. Garrick).

See Bureau of Ethnology.

See Ethnological Bureau.

MARCANO (Dr. G.).

MARCANO (Dr. G.).

Ethnographic Précolombienne du Vénézuéla. Région des Raudals de l’Orénoque. In Mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris; 2e Série, Tome Quatrième, Deuxième Fascicule. Paris; 1890. pp. 99-218.

Ethnographic Pre-Columbian Studies of Venezuela. Region of the Raudals of the Orinoco. In Memoirs of the Society of Anthropology of Paris; 2e Series, Volume Four, Second Issue. Paris; 1890. pp. 99-218.

(a) p. 197. (b) p. 203. (c) p. 199. (d) p. 210. Pl. XXX, Fig. 25. (e) p. 200. (f) p. 210.

(a) p. 197. (b) p. 203. (c) p. 199. (d) p. 210. Pl. XXX, Fig. 25. (e) p. 200. (f) p. 210.

MARCOY (Paul).

MARCOY (Paul).

Travels in South America. By Paul Marcoy. New York; 1875. 2 vols. 8o.

Travels in South America. By Paul Marcoy. New York; 1875. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) II, p. 353. (b) ib.

(a) II, p. 353. (b) ibid.

MARGRY (Pierre).

MARGRY (Pierre).

Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l’ouest et dans le sud de l’Amérique septentrionale (1614-1754). Mémoires et documents originaux recuillis et publiés par Pierre Margry. Paris; 1875-1886. 6 vols. 8o.

Discoveries and settlements made by the French in the western and southern parts of North America (1614-1754). Memoirs and original documents gathered and published by Pierre Margry. Paris; 1875-1886. 6 vols. 8o.

(a) VI, p. 518. (b) IV, p. 172. (c) III, p. 363. (d) I, p. 159. (e) II, p. 325. (f) V, p. 454. (g) I, p. 264.

(a) VI, p. 518. (b) IV, p. 172. (c) III, p. 363. (d) I, p. 159. (e) II, p. 325. (f) V, p. 454. (g) I, p. 264.

MARSHALL (Frederic).

MARSHALL (Frederic).

Curiosities of Ceremonies. By Frederic Marshall. London; 1880. 8o.

Curiosities of Ceremonies. By Frederic Marshall. London; 1880. 8o.

(a) p. 190. (b) p. 65.

(a) p. 190. (b) p. 65.

MARSHALL (Lieut.-Col. William E.).

MARSHALL (Lieutenant Colonel William E.).

Travels amongst the Todas, or the Study of a Primitive Tribe in South India. By William E. Marshall, Lieutenant-Colonel of her Majesty’s Bengal Staff Corps. London; 1873. 8o.

Travels among the Todas, or the Study of a Primitive Tribe in South India. By William E. Marshall, Lieutenant-Colonel of Her Majesty’s Bengal Staff Corps. London; 1873. 8o.

(a) p. 109. (b) p. 65.

(a) p. 109. (b) p. 65.

MARTYR (Peter).

MARTYR (Peter).

The History of the West Indies, * * * By Peter Martyr. Benzoni’s trans. Basel; 1582.

The History of the West Indies, * * * By Peter Martyr. Translated by Benzoni. Basel; 1582.

(a) Lib. I, Chap. XXVI. (b) II, p. CCCX.

(a) Lib. I, Chap. 26. (b) II, p. 310.

Histori von der Franzosen Zug in die Landschafft Floridam.

Histories about the French campaign in the land of Florida.

(c) Cap. III, Die Neue Welt, Basel; 1583.

(c) Cap. III, The New World, Basel; 1583.

MASON (Prof. Otis T.).

MASON (Professor Otis T.).

Basket-work of the North American aborigines. In Report of the Smithsonian Institution, for 1884. Washington; 1885. Pt. II, pp. 291-306.

Basket-making by Native Americans. In Report of the Smithsonian Institution, for 1884. Washington; 1885. Pt. II, pp. 291-306.

(a) p. 296.

(a) p. 296.

MATÉRIAUX pour l’Histoire primitive et naturelle de l’Homme. Revue Mensuelle Illustrée dirigée par M. Émile Castailhac. Toulouse et Paris. 8o.

MATERIALS for the Primitive and Natural History of Man. Illustrated Monthly Review directed by Mr. Émile Castailhac. Toulouse and Paris. 8o.

MATTHEWS (Dr. Washington, U. S. A.).

MATTHEWS (Dr. Washington, USA).

The Mountain Chant. A Navajo ceremony. By Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. A. In the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 379-467.

The Mountain Chant. A Navajo ceremony. By Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. A. In the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 379-467.

MAURAULT (Abbé J. A.).

MAURAULT (Abbé J. A.).

Histoire des Abenaquis depuis 1605 jusqu’à nos jours. Par l’Abbé J. A. Maurault. Quebec. Gazette de Sorel; 1866. 8o.

History of the Abenaquis from 1605 to Today. By Abbé J. A. Maurault. Quebec. Gazette de Sorel; 1866. 8o.

(a) p. 138.

(a) p. 138.

MAXIMILIAN (Prince of Wied).

MAXIMILIAN (Prince of Wied).

See Wied-Neuwied (Maximilian, Prince of).

See Wied-Neuwied (Prince Maximilian).

McADAMS (Wm.).

McADAMS (Wm.).

Records of Ancient Races in the Mississippi Valley; being an account of some of the pictographs, sculptured hieroglyphics, symbolic devices, emblems, and traditions of the prehistoric races of America, with some suggestions as to their origin. * * * By Wm. McAdams. St. Louis; 1887. 8o.

Records of Ancient Cultures in the Mississippi Valley; an overview of some of the pictographs, carved symbols, symbolic designs, emblems, and traditions of the prehistoric peoples of America, along with some ideas about their origins. * * * By Wm. McAdams. St. Louis; 1887. 8o.

McGUIRE (Joseph D.).

McGUIRE (Joseph D.).

Materials, Apparatus, and Processes of the Aboriginal Lapidary. By Joseph B. McGuire. In The American Anthropologist, April, 1892, Vol. V, No. 2.

Materials, Tools, and Techniques of the Indigenous Lapidary. By Joseph B. McGuire. In The American Anthropologist, April, 1892, Vol. V, No. 2.

(a) p. 165.

(a) p. 165.

McKENNEY (Thomas L.).

McKENNEY (Thomas L.).

Sketches of a Tour to the Lakes; of the Character and Customs of the Chippeway Indians; and of the Incidents connected with the Treaty of Fond du Lac. By Thomas L. McKenney, of the Indian Department. * * * Baltimore; 1827. 8o.

Sketches of a Trip to the Lakes; of the Traits and Traditions of the Chippewa Indians; and of the Events Related to the Treaty of Fond du Lac. By Thomas L. McKenney, of the Indian Department. * * * Baltimore; 1827. 8o.

(a) p. 293.

(a) p. 293.

McLEAN (Rev. John).

McLEAN (Rev. John).

(a) The Blackfoot Sun Dance. By Rev. John McLean. Toronto; 1889. 8o.

(a) The Blackfoot Sun Dance. By Rev. John McLean. Toronto; 1889. 8o.

MEMOIRES DE LA SOCIETE D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE PARIS.

MEMOIRS OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTHROPOLOGY OF PARIS.

See Paris (Mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie de).

See Paris (Mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie de).

MEXICO (Anales del Museo Nacional de).

MEXICO (Annals of the National Museum of).

Anales del museo nacional de México. Mexico. Vol. I[-V] 1887 ? 4o.

Anales del museo nacional de México. Mexico. Vol. I[-V] 1887 ? 4o.

MEXICO (Documentos para la Historia de).

MEXICO (Documents for the History of).

Memorias para la Historia Natural de California; escritas por un religioso de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de México. In Documentos para la Hist. de México; Tomo V, p. 220. Mexico; 1857. 8o.

Memories of California's Natural History; written by a member of the Province of the Holy Gospel of Mexico. In Documents for the History of Mexico; Volume V, p. 220. Mexico; 1857. 8o.

(a) p. 254.

(a) p. 254.

MEXIQUE (Mission Scientifique au.)

Mexico (Scientific Mission to.)

Mission Scientifique au Mexique et dans l’Amérique Centrale. Publiée par ordre du Ministre de l’Instruction Publique [France]. Paris and Madrid; 1864. Folio.

Scientific Mission in Mexico and Central America. Published by order of the Minister of Public Instruction [France]. Paris and Madrid; 1864. Folio.

MILNE (Prof. John).

MILNE (Prof. John).

Notes on stone implements from Utaru and Hakodate, with a few general remarks on the prehistoric remains of Japan. In Trans. of the Asiatic Society, Japan; VIII, Pt. I.

Notes on stone tools from Utaru and Hakodate, along with some general comments on the prehistoric artifacts of Japan. In Trans. of the Asiatic Society, Japan; VIII, Pt. I.

(a) p. 64.

(a) p. 64.

MINING AND SCIENTIFIC PRESS. San Francisco, Cal.

MINING AND SCIENTIFIC PRESS. San Francisco, CA.

(a) Nov. 29, 1880. p. 247.

(a) Nov. 29, 1880. p. 247.

MONTAGU (Lady Mary Wortley).

MONTAGU (Lady Mary Wortley).

The Letters and Works of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu; edited by Lord Wharncliffe. London; 1837. 3 vols. 8o.

The Letters and Works of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu; edited by Lord Wharncliffe. London; 1837. 3 vols. 8o.

(a) II, p. 31.

(a) II, p. 31.

MORE (James F.).

MORE (James F.).

The History of Queen’s County, N.S. By James F. More, Esq. Halifax; 1873. 8o.

The History of Queen’s County, N.S. By James F. More, Esq. Halifax; 1873. 8o.

(a) p. 213.

(a) p. 213.

MORENO (F. P.).

MORENO (F. P.).

Esploracion Arqueologica de la Provincia de Catamarca. Estracto del informe anual correspondiente, Museo de la Plata, á 1890-’91. q. v.

Archaeological Exploration of the Province of Catamarca. Excerpt from the annual report, Museum of La Plata, 1890-’91. q. v.

(a) p. 8.

(a) p. 8.

MORSE (Prof. Edward S.).

MORSE (Prof. Edward S.)

Some recent Publications on Japanese Archeology. In the American Naturalist, September, 1880.

Some recent publications on Japanese archaeology. In the American Naturalist, September 1880.

(a) p. 658.

(a) p. 658.

MORTILLET (Gabriel de).

MORTILLET (Gabriel de).

Le Signe de la Croix avant le Christianisme. By Gabriel de Mortillet. Paris; 1866. 8o.

The Sign of the Cross before Christianity. By Gabriel de Mortillet. Paris; 1866. 8o.

(a) p. 173.

(a) p. 173.

MÜLLER (F. Max).

MÜLLER (F. Max).

Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion. London and New York; 1879. 8o. Hibbert Lectures for 1878.

Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion. London and New York; 1879. 8o. Hibbert Lectures for 1878.

MURDOCH (John).

MURDOCH (John).

Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition. In Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition. In the Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

(a) p. 390. (b) p. 138.

(a) p. 390. (b) p. 138.

MUSEO DE LA PLATA.

La Plata Museum.

Revista del Museo de la Plata. Dirijida por Francisco P. Moreno, Fundador y Director del Museo. Tomo I. La Plata. Talleres de publicaciones del Museo. 1890-’91. Large 8o.

Museum of La Plata Journal. Directed by Francisco P. Moreno, Founder and Director of the Museum. Volume I. La Plata. Museum Publication Workshops. 1890-’91. Large 8o.

NATIONAL MUSEUM (Proceedings of).

NATIONAL MUSEUM (Proceedings of).

Proceedings of the United States National Museum. Vols. 1[-13], 1875[-1890]. Washington. 8o.

Proceedings of the United States National Museum. Vols. 1[-13], 1875[-1890]. Washington. 8o.

NATIONAL MUSEUM (Reports of).

NATIONAL MUSEUM (Reports).

Report of the National Museum under the direction of the Smithsonian Institution. With Ann. Reports Smithsonian Institution, 1881, pub. 1883[-1889, pub. 1891]. Washington. 8o.

Report of the National Museum managed by the Smithsonian Institution. With Ann. Reports Smithsonian Institution, 1881, published 1883[-1889, published 1891]. Washington. 8o.

NEBEL (Don Carlos).

NEBEL (Don Carlos).

Viaje Pintoresco y Arqueolojico sobre la parte mas interesante de la República Mejicana, en los años transcurridos desde 1829 hasta 1834. Por el arquitecto Don Carlos Nebel. Paris y Mejico; 1840. Fol.

A Scenic and Archaeological Journey through the most fascinating areas of Mexico from 1829 to 1834. By architect Don Carlos Nebel. Paris and Mexico; 1840. Fol.

NETTO (Dr. Ladisláu).

NETTO (Dr. Ladisláu).

Investigações sobre a Archeologia Brazileira. In Archives do Museu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro; Vol. VI, 1º, 2º, 3º, e 4º Trimestres, Correspondente a 1881, Consagrado a Exposição Anthropologica Brazileira, realisada no Museu Nacional a 29 de Julho de 1882. Rio de Janeiro; 1885. 4o.

Investigations on Brazilian Archaeology. In Archives of the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro; Vol. VI, 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th Quarters, Related to 1881, Dedicated to the Brazilian Anthropological Exhibition, which took place at the Museu Nacional on July 29, 1882. Rio de Janeiro; 1885. 4o.

(a) p. 551. (b) p. 552. Pl. XIII. (c) p. 551. (d) p. 306.

(a) p. 551. (b) p. 552. Pl. XIII. (c) p. 551. (d) p. 306.

NEW YORK (The Documentary History of the State of).

NEW YORK (The Documentary History of the State of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__).

See O’Callahan (E. B.).

See O'Callahan (E. B.).

NEW YORK (Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of).

NEW YORK (Documents on the Colonial History of the State of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__).

Albany; irregularly issued; 1853 to 1883. 14 vols. 8o.

Albany; published irregularly; 1853 to 1883. 14 volumes. 8o.

(a) IX, pp. 46 and 385. (b) XII, p. 49, and XIII, p. 398.

(a) IX, pp. 46 and 385. (b) XII, p. 49, and XIII, p. 398.

NIBLACK (Ensign Albert P., U. S. N.).

NIBLACK (Ensign Albert P., U.S. Navy).

The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British Columbia. By Albert P. Niblack, Ensign, U. S. Navy. In Report of the U. S. Nat. Museum, 1887-’88, pp. 225-386. Washington; 1890. Pll. I-LXX.

The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British Columbia. By Albert P. Niblack, Ensign, U.S. Navy. In Report of the U.S. Nat. Museum, 1887-’88, pp. 225-386. Washington; 1890. Pll. I-LXX.

(a) p. 321. (b) p. 272. (c) p. 278. (d) p. 324. (e) Pl. LV.

(a) p. 321. (b) p. 272. (c) p. 278. (d) p. 324. (e) Pl. LV.

NORDENSKJÖLD (Adolf Erick).

NORDENSKJÖLD (Adolf Erick).

Vega-Expeditionens Vetenskapliga Iakttagelser. By A. E. Nordenskjöld. Stockholm; 1882-87. 5 vols. 8o.

Vega Expedition Scientific Observations. By A. E. Nordenskjöld. Stockholm; 1882-87. 5 vols. 8o.

Contains:

Contains:

Nordqvist (Oscar). Bidrag till Kännedomen om Tschuktscherna.

Nordqvist (Oscar). Contributions to the Understanding of the Chukchi.

NORDQVIST (Oscar).

NORDQVIST (Oscar).

Bidrag till Kännedomen om Tschuktscherna. In Nordenskjöld (Adolf Erick). Vega-Expeditionens Vetenskapliga Iakttagelser.

Contributions to the Understanding of the Chukchi. In Nordenskjöld (Adolf Erick). Scientific Observations from the Vega Expedition.

(a) II, p. 241.

(a) II, p. 241.

NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA (The).

NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA (The).

Being results of recent ethnological researches from the Collections of the Royal Museums at Berlin; published by the Directors of the Ethnological department. Translated from the German. New York; 1884. Fol.

Being results of recent ethnological research from the Collections of the Royal Museums in Berlin; published by the Directors of the Ethnological department. Translated from the German. New York; 1884. Fol.

(a) Pl. 7, Fig. 3.

(a) Pl. 7, Fig. 3.

O’CALLAGHAN (Dr. E. B.).

O’CALLAGHAN (Dr. E. B.).

The Documentary History of the State of New York; arranged under the direction of the Hon. Christopher Morgan, Secretary of State. By E. B. O’Callaghan, M. D. Albany; 1849. 4 vols. 8o.

The Documentary History of the State of New York; organized under the guidance of Hon. Christopher Morgan, Secretary of State. By E. B. O’Callaghan, M. D. Albany; 1849. 4 vols. 8o.

(a) I, 1849, pp. 4, 5. (b) ibid., p. 7. (c) ib., p. 5. (d) ib., p. 78.

(a) I, 1849, pp. 4, 5. (b) same source, p. 7. (c) ibid., p. 5. (d) ibid., p. 78.

OHIO STATE BOARD OF CENTENNIAL MANAGERS.

Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers.

Final Report of the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers to the General Assembly of the State of Ohio. Columbus; 1877. 8o.

Final Report of the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers to the General Assembly of the State of Ohio. Columbus; 1877. 8o.

PACIFIC RAILROAD EXPEDITION.

PACIFIC RAILROAD EXPEDITION.

See Whipple (Lieut. A. W.).

See Whipple (Lt. A. W.).

PARIS (Mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie de).

PARIS (Memoirs of the Society of Anthropology of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__).

Paris; 1873-1892. Publié par la Société d’Anthropologie. 7 vols. in two series. Large 8o.

Paris; 1873-1892. Published by the Anthropology Society. 7 volumes in two series. Large 8o.

Bulletins de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris. Paris. 8o. Publiés par fascicules trimestriels.

Bulletins of the Society of Anthropology of Paris. Paris. 8o. Published in quarterly issues.

PARKMAN (Dr. Francis).

PARKMAN (Dr. Francis).

The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian war after the conquest of Canada. By Francis Parkman. Boston; 1883. 2 vols. 8o.

The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War After the Conquest of Canada. By Francis Parkman. Boston; 1883. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) II, p. 265.

(a) 2, p. 265.

La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West. By Francis Parkman. Twelfth edition. Boston; 1883. 8o.

La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West. By Francis Parkman. Twelfth edition. Boston; 1883. 8o.

(a) p. 59.

(a) p. 59.

PATTIE (James O.).

PATTIE (James O.).

The personal narrative of James O. Pattie, of Kentucky, during an expedition from St. Louis through the vast regions between that place and the Pacific Ocean, and thence back through the City of Mexico to Vera Cruz, during journeyings of six years; in which he and his father, who accompanied him, suffered unheard-of hardships and dangers; had various conflicts with the Indians, and were made captives, in which captivity his father died. * * * Cincinnati; 1833. 12o.

The personal story of James O. Pattie from Kentucky, during an expedition from St. Louis across the huge areas between that location and the Pacific Ocean, and then back through Mexico City to Veracruz, over a six-year journey; during which he and his father, who was with him, faced unimaginable hardships and dangers; had several encounters with the Indians, and were taken captive, in which captivity his father passed away. * * * Cincinnati; 1833. 12o.

(a) pp. 15 and 22.

(a) pp. 15 & 22.

PEET (Rev. S. D.).

PEET (Rev. S. D.).

(a) The Emblematic Mounds of Wisconsin; Animal effigies, their shapes and attitudes. [A paper read before the American Association for the Adv. of Science.] In Am. Antiquarian. Chicago; 1884. 8o.

(a) The Symbolic Mounds of Wisconsin; Animal figures, their shapes and positions. [A paper presented at the American Association for the Advancement of Science.] In American Antiquarian. Chicago; 1884. 8o.

PEIXOTO (Rocha).

PEIXOTO (Rocha).

A tatuagem em Portugal. Por Rocha Peixoto. In Revista de Sciencias Naturales e Sociaes, Vol. II, No. 708. Porto; 1892. 8o.

Tattooing in Portugal. By Rocha Peixoto. In Journal of Natural and Social Sciences, Vol. II, No. 708. Porto; 1892. 8o.

PERROT (Père Nicolas).

PERROT (Father Nicolas).

Mémoire sur les Mœurs, Coutumes et Religion des Sauvages de l’Amérique Septentrionale. Par Nicolas Perrot; publié pour la première fois par le R. P. J. Tailhau de la Compagnie de Jésus. Leipsig and Paris; 1864. [Bibliotheca Americana, Collection d’ouvrages inédits ou rares sur l’Amérique.]

Memoir on the Customs, Traditions, and Religion of the Indigenous People of North America. By Nicolas Perrot; published for the first time by R. P. J. Tailhau of the Society of Jesus. Leipzig and Paris; 1864. [Bibliotheca Americana, Collection of unpublished or rare works on America.]

(a) p. 172.

(a) p. 172.

PESCHEL (Oscar).

PESCHEL (Oscar).

The Races of Man and their Geographical Distribution. Translated from the German of Oscar Peschel. New York; 1876. 8o.

The Races of Man and their Geographical Distribution. Translated from the German of Oscar Peschel. New York; 1876. 8o.

(a) p. 175.

(a) p. 175.

PHILLIPS (Henry, jr.).

PHILLIPS (Henry, Jr.).

(a) History of the Mexicans as told by their Paintings. In Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc., XXI, p. 616.

(a) History of the Mexicans as told by their Paintings. In Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc., XXI, p. 616.

PIKE (Maj. Z. M.).

PIKE (Maj. Z. M.).

An Account of Expeditions to the Sources of the Mississippi and through the Western Parts of Louisiana to the Sources of the Arkansaw, Kans., La Platte and Pierre Jaun Rivers. By Maj. Z. M. Pike. Philadelphia; 1810. 8o.

An Account of Expeditions to the Sources of the Mississippi and through the Western Parts of Louisiana to the Sources of the Arkansas, Kansas, La Platte, and Pierre Jaun Rivers. By Maj. Z. M. Pike. Philadelphia; 1810. 8o.

(a) App. to Pt. I, p. 22.

(a) App. to Pt. I, p. 22.

PINART (Alphonse L.).

PINART (Alphonse L.).

Note sūr les Pétroglyphes et Antiquités des Grandes et Petites Antilles. Par A. L. Pinart. Paris; 1890. Folio. Fac-simile of MS.

Note on the Petroglyphs and Antiquities of the Greater and Lesser Antilles. By A. L. Pinart. Paris; 1890. Folio. Facsimile of manuscript.

(a) p. 3 et seq.

(a) p. 3 and following

Aperçu sur l’Ile d’Aruba, ses Habitants, ses Antiquités, ses Pétroglyphes. Par A. L. Pinart. Paris; 1890. Folio. Fac-simile of MS.

Overview of the Island of Aruba, its People, its Historical Sites, its Petroglyphs. By A. L. Pinart. Paris; 1890. Folio. Fac-simile of MS.

(b) p. 1 et seq.

(b) p. 1 and following.

PIPART (Abbé Jules).

PIPART (Abbé Jules).

Éléments Phonétiques dans les Écritures figuratives des Anciens Mexicains. In Compte Rendu du Cong. Inter. des Américanistes, 2me Session; Paris; 1878. Vol. II.

Phonetic Elements in the Figurative Writings of the Ancient Mexicans. In Report of the 2nd Session of the International Congress of Americanists; Paris; 1878. Vol. II.

(a) p. 551. (b) p. 349. (c) p. 359.

(a) p. 551. (b) p. 349. (c) p. 359.

PLENDERLEATH (Rev. W. C.).

PLENDERLEATH (Rev. W. C.).

The White Horses of the West of England, with notices of some other ancient Turf-monuments. By the Rev. W. C. Plenderleath, M. A., Rector of Cherhill, Wilts. London; (no year). 12o.

The White Horses of the West of England, including details about other ancient turf monuments. By Rev. W. C. Plenderleath, M.A., Rector of Cherhill, Wilts. London; (no year). 12o.

(a) pp. 5-35. (b) pp. 7-17. (c) pp. 33-34. (d) pp. 35-36.

(a) pp. 5-35. (b) pp. 7-17. (c) pp. 33-34. (d) pp. 35-36.

POPOFF (M. Lazar).

POPOFF (M. Lazar).

The origin of painting. In Popular Science Monthly, Vol. XL, No. 1, Nov., 1891. [Translated for the Popular Science Monthly from the Revue Scientifique.]

The origin of painting. In Popular Science Monthly, Vol. XL, No. 1, Nov., 1891. [Translated for the Popular Science Monthly from the Scientific Review.]

(a) p. 103.

(a) p. 103.

POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY.

POPULAR SCIENCE MAGAZINE.

The Popular Science Monthly. Edited by W. J. Youmans, Vols. 1 [XLIII]. New York. 8o.

The Popular Science Monthly. Edited by W. J. Youmans, Vols. 1 [XLIII]. New York. 8o.

PORTER (Edward G.).

PORTER (Edward G.).

The Aborigines of Australia. In Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society. New series, Vol. VI, pt. 3. Worcester; 1890.

The Aborigines of Australia. In Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society. New series, Vol. VI, pt. 3. Worcester; 1890.

(a) p. 320.

(a) p. 320.

POTANIN (G. N.).

POTANIN (G. N.).

Sketches of North Western Mongolia. In Ethnologic Material, No. 4. St. Petersburg; 1883. 8o.

Sketches of North Western Mongolia. In Ethnologic Material, No. 4. St. Petersburg; 1883. 8o.

(a) Pl. I. (b) Pls. IV to XI.

(a) Pl. I. (b) Pls. IV to XI.

POTHERIE (Bacqueville de la).

POTHERIE (Bacqueville de la).

(a) Histoire de l’Amérique Septentrionale Divisée en Quatre Tomes. Tome Premier, contenant le Voyage du Fort de Nelson, dans la Baye d’Hudson, à l’Extrémité de l’Amérique. Par M. de Bacqueville de la Potherie, né à la Guadeloupe, dans l’Amérique Méridionale, Aide Major de la dite Isle. Paris; 1753. 4 vols. 16o.

(a) History of Northern America in Four Volumes. Volume One includes the Journey from Fort Nelson in Hudson Bay to the End of America. By M. de Bacqueville de la Potherie, born in Guadeloupe, South America, Assistant Major of that Island. Paris; 1753. 4 vols. 16o.

(b) III, p. 43. (c) IV, p. 174. (d) I, p. 129. (e) ib., p. 128.

(b) III, p. 43. (c) IV, p. 174. (d) I, p. 129. (e) ib., p. 128.

POWELL (Maj. J. W.).

POWELL (Maj. J. W.).

(a) Outlines of the Philosophy of the North American Indians. By J. W. Powell. N. Y. 1877. 8o.

(a) Outlines of the Philosophy of the North American Indians. By J. W. Powell. N.Y. 1877. 8o.

POWELL (Dr. J. W.).

POWELL (Dr. J. W.).

Report on British Columbia. In Rep. of the Deputy Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs [Canada] for 1879. Ottawa. 8o.

Report on British Columbia. In the Report of the Deputy Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs [Canada] for 1879. Ottawa. 8o.

POWERS (Stephen).

POWERS (Stephen).

Tribes of California. By Stephen Powers. In Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. III. Washington; 1877.

Tribes of California. By Stephen Powers. In Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. III. Washington; 1877.

(a) p. 244. (b) p. 321. (c) p. 20. (d) p. 166.

(a) p. 244. (b) p. 321. (c) p. 20. (d) p. 166.

Northern Californian Indians. In Overland Monthly, San Francisco. Vol. VIII, 1872, and Vol. XII, 1874.

Northern Californian Indians. In Overland Monthly, San Francisco. Vol. VIII, 1872, and Vol. XII, 1874.

PRATZ (Le Page du).

PRATZ (Le Page du).

See Le Page du Pratz.

See *Le Page du Pratz*.

PUTNAM (A. W.).

PUTNAM (A. W.).

History of Middle Tennessee; or Life and Times of Gen. James Robertson. By A. W. Putnam. Nashville; 1859. 8o.

History of Middle Tennessee; or Life and Times of Gen. James Robertson. By A. W. Putnam. Nashville; 1859. 8o.

(a) p. 321.

(a) p. 321.

PUTNAM (Prof. F. W.).

PUTNAM (Prof. F. W.).

The Serpent Mound of Ohio. In The Century Illus. Monthly Magazine, April, 1890. New York. 8o.

The Serpent Mound of Ohio. In The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, April 1890. New York. 8o.

(a) p. 871.

(a) p. 871.

RAFN (Charles Christian).

RAFN (Charles Christian).

Antiquitates Americanæ. Edidit Societas Regia Antiquariorum Septentrionalium. Studio et opera Charles Christian Rafn. Copenhagen; 1845. Folio.

Antiquitates Americanæ. Published by the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries. Compiled and edited by Charles Christian Rafn. Copenhagen; 1845. Folio.

(a) p. 359. (b) p. 360. (c) p. 397. (d) p. 401. (e) p. 357.

(a) p. 359. (b) p. 360. (c) p. 397. (d) p. 401. (e) p. 357.

RAND (Rev. Silas).

RAND (Rev. Silas).

A First Reading Book in the Micmac Language; comprising the Micmac numerals and the names of the different kinds of beasts, birds, fishes, trees, etc., of the maritime Provinces of Canada. Also some of the Indian names of places and many familiar words and phrases, translated literally into English. By Rev. Silas Rand. Halifax; 1875. 12o.

A First Reading Book in the Micmac Language; including the Micmac numbers and the names of various animals, birds, fish, trees, etc., from the maritime provinces of Canada. Also featuring some of the Indigenous names for places and many common words and phrases, translated directly into English. By Rev. Silas Rand. Halifax; 1875. 12o.

(a) p. 91.

(a) p. 91.

RAU (Dr. Charles).

RAU (Dr. Charles).

Observations on Cup-shaped and other Lapidarian Sculptures in the Old World and in America. By Charles Rau. In Contributions to North American Ethnology. Vol. V. Washington; 1882; pp. 1-112. Figs. 1-161. 4o.

Observations on Cup-shaped and other Stone Sculptures in the Old World and in America. By Charles Rau. In Contributions to North American Ethnology. Vol. V. Washington; 1882; pp. 1-112. Figs. 1-161. 4o.

(a) p. 60. (b) p. 65. (c) p. 64. (d) p. 9.

(a) p. 60. (b) p. 65. (c) p. 64. (d) p. 9.

REBER (Dr. Franz von).

REBER (Dr. Franz von).

History of Ancient Art. By Dr. Franz von Reber. Translated and augmented by Joseph Thacher Clarke. New York; 1882. 8o.

History of Ancient Art. By Dr. Franz von Reber. Translated and expanded by Joseph Thacher Clarke. New York; 1882. 8o.

RECLUS (Élisée).

RECLUS (Élisée).

The Earth and its Inhabitants. By Élisée Reclus. Edited by A. H. Keane, B.A. New York; 1890. Large 8o.

The Earth and its Inhabitants. By Élisée Reclus. Edited by A. H. Keane, Bachelor's degree. New York; 1890. Large 8o.

(a) Oceanica, p. 476. (b) ib. p. 134. (c) ib. p. 304.

(a) Oceanica, p. 476. (b) ib. p. 134. (c) ib. p. 304.

REISS (W.) AND STUBEL (A.).

REISS (W.) AND STUBEL (A.).

Necropolis of Ancon in Peru. By W. Reiss and A. Stubel. London and Berlin. 1880-1887. Large folio.

Necropolis of Ancon in Peru. By W. Reiss and A. Stubel. London and Berlin. 1880-1887. Large folio.

(a) Pls. 33 and 33a.

Pls. 33 and 33a.

RENAN (Ernest).

RENAN (Ernest).

History of the People of Israel till the time of King David. By Ernest Renan. Boston; 1889. 8o.

History of the People of Israel up to the time of King David. By Ernest Renan. Boston; 1889. 8o.

(a) p. 19.

(a) p. 19.

RENOUF (P. Le Page).

RENOUF (P. Le Page).

An Elementary Grammar of the Ancient Egyptian Language, in the hieroglyphic type. By P. Le Page Renouf, one of Her Majesty’s Inspectors of Schools. London and Paris; date of dedication, 1875. [No publication date.]

An Elementary Grammar of the Ancient Egyptian Language, in hieroglyphics. By P. Le Page Renouf, one of Her Majesty’s School Inspectors. London and Paris; dedicated in 1875. [No publication date.]

(a) p. 2.

(a) p. 2.

REVISTA TRIMENSAL do Instituto Historico e Geographico Braziliero. Fundado no Rio de Janeiro. Debaixo da immediata protecção de S. M. I. O. Sr. D. Pedro II. Vols. I[-L]. Rio de Janeiro. 8o.

QUARTERLY JOURNAL of the Brazilian Historical and Geographic Institute. Established in Rio de Janeiro. Under the direct patronage of H.M.I. The Lord D. Pedro II. Vols. I[-L]. Rio de Janeiro. 8o.

REVUE D’ETHNOGRAPHIE.

ETHNOGRAPHY REVIEW.

Lately incorporated with two other serials and published under the title of L’Anthropologie, q.v.

Lately combined with two other series and published under the title of Anthropology, see above.

(a) V, No. 2; 1886.

(a) V, No. 2; 1886.

REVUE GÉOGRAPHIQUE INTERNATIONALE.

International Geographic Review.

Journal mensuel illustré des sciences géographiques. Paris; 1884; 9e année. Editorial notice of report made to the Société de Géographie de Tours, by General Colonieu.

Monthly illustrated journal of geographic sciences. Paris; 1884; 9th year. Editorial notice of a report presented to the Tours Geography Society, by General Colonieu.

(a) No. 110, p. 197.

No. 110, p. 197.

RIVERO (Mariano Edward) AND VON TSCHUDI (John James).

RIVERO (Mariano Edward) AND VON TSCHUDI (John James).

Peruvian Antiquities. By Mariano Edward Rivero, * * * and John James von Tschudi. Translated into English, from the original Spanish, by Francis L. Hawkes, D. D. LL. D. New York and Cincinnati; 1855. 8o.

Peruvian Antiquities. By Mariano Edward Rivero, * * * and John James von Tschudi. Translated into English from the original Spanish by Francis L. Hawkes, D.D. LL.D. New York and Cincinnati; 1855. 8o.

(a) pp. 105-109.

(a) pp. 105-109.

RIVETT-CARNAC (J. H.).

RIVETT-CARNAC (J. H.).

Archæological Notes on Ancient Sculpturings on Rocks in Kumaon, India, similar to those found on monoliths and rocks in Europe. By J. H. Rivett-Carnac, Esq., Bengal Civil Service. * * * Reprinted from the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Calcutta; 1883.

Archæological Notes on Ancient Sculptures on Rocks in Kumaon, India, similar to those found on monoliths and rocks in Europe. By J. H. Rivett-Carnac, Esq., Bengal Civil Service. * * * Reprinted from the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Calcutta; 1883.

(a) p. 1. (b) p. 15.

(a) p. 1. (b) p. 15.

ROCK INSCRIPTIONS.

Rock Inscriptions.

See Archaic Rock Inscriptions.

See Ancient Rock Inscriptions.

ROEDIGER (Fritz).

ROEDIGER (Fritz).

Prehistoric Sign Stones, as boundary stones, milestones, finger posts, and maps. In Verhandl. der Berlin. Gesellschaft für Anthrop.; 1890.

Prehistoric Sign Stones served as boundary markers, milestones, direction signs, and maps. In Proceedings of the Berlin Society for Anthropology.; 1890.

(a) p. 526.

(a) p. 526.

ROGERS (Rev. Charles).

ROGERS (Rev. Charles).

Social Life in Scotland from early to recent times. By the Rev. Charles Rogers. Edinburgh; 1884. 3 vols. 8o.

Social Life in Scotland from early to recent times. By Rev. Charles Rogers. Edinburgh; 1884. 3 vols. 8o.

(a) I, p. 35.

I, p. 35.

ROSNY (Léon de).

ROSNY (Léon de).

Archives Paléographiques, * * * Par Léon de Rosny. Paris; 1870. 8o.

Paleographic Archives, * * * by Léon de Rosny. Paris; 1870. 8o.

(a) Tom. I, 2me liv. Avril-juin, p. 93.

Tom. I, 2me liv. Avril-juin, p. 93.

ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY.

Royal Geographical Society.

The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London. Vols. I[-L?] London. 8o.

The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London. Vols. I[-L?] London. 8o.

(a) XXXII, 1862, p. 125.

(a) 32, 1862, p. 125.

RUTHERFORD (David Greig).

RUTHERFORD (David Greig).

(a) Notes on the People of Batanga, West Tropical Africa. In Jour. of Anthrop. Inst. G. B. & I., X, 1881, p. 466.

(a) Notes on the People of Batanga, West Tropical Africa. In Jour. of Anthrop. Inst. G. B. & I., X, 1881, p. 466.

SAGARD (Gabriel).

SAGARD (Gabriel).

Histoire du Canada et Voyages que les frères Mineurs recollet y ont faicts pour conversion des infidèles depuis l’an 1615. Par Gabriel Sagard Theodat, avec un dictionnaire de la langue Huronne. Nouvelle edition publiée par M. Edwin Tross. Paris; 1866. 4 vols. 8o.

History of Canada and the journeys that the Franciscan brothers undertook there to convert non-believers since 1615. By Gabriel Sagard Theodat, along with a Huron language dictionary. New edition published by M. Edwin Tross. Paris; 1866. 4 vols. 8o.

(a) III, p. 724. (b) II, p. 347.

(a) III, p. 724. (b) II, p. 347.

SAYCE (Prof. A. H.).

SAYCE (Prof. A. H.).

Address to the Anthropological Section of the British Association at Manchester. By Prof. A. H. Sayce. In Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.

Address to the Anthropological Section of the British Association at Manchester. By Prof. A. H. Sayce. In Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.

(a) Nov., 1887, p. 169.

(a) Nov. 1887, p. 169.

SCHOOLCRAFT (Henry R.).

SCHOOLCRAFT (Henry R.).

Historical and Statistical Information respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States. Collected and prepared under the direction of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, per act of Congress of March 3d, 1847. By Henry R. Schoolcraft. Illustrated by S. Eastman, Capt. U. S. Army. Published by authority of Congress. Philadelphia; 1851-1857. 6 vols. 4o.

Historical and Statistical Information about the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States. Collected and prepared under the direction of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, according to the act of Congress from March 3, 1847. By Henry R. Schoolcraft. Illustrated by S. Eastman, Captain, U.S. Army. Published by authority of Congress. Philadelphia; 1851-1857. 6 volumes, 4º.

(a) I, p. 351. (b) IV, 119. (c) III, 73 et seq. (d) I, 409, Pl. 58, Fig. 67. (e) IV, 253, Pl. 32. (f) V, 649. (g) III, p. 306. (h) I, 336, Pl. 47, Fig. c. (i) I, Pl. 58, op. p. 408. (k) ib. (l) I, Pl. 59, Figs. 79 and 103, text on pp. 409, 410. (m) I, p. 356. (n) III, p. 306. (o) I, Pl. 54, Fig. 27. (p) III, p. 85. (q) I, Pl. 18, Fig. 21. (r) I, Pl. 56, Fig. 67. (s) I, Pls. 58, 59, Figs. 8, 9, and 98. (t) I, Pl. 58. (u) ib. (v) I, Pl. 59, No. 91. (w) I, Pl. 64. (x) II, p. 58. (y) I, p. 410, Pl. 59, Fig. 102. (z) VI, p. 610.

(a) I, p. 351. (b) IV, 119. (c) III, 73 et seq. (d) I, 409, Pl. 58, Fig. 67. (e) IV, 253, Pl. 32. (f) V, 649. (g) III, p. 306. (h) I, 336, Pl. 47, Fig. c. (i) I, Pl. 58, op. p. 408. (k) ib. (l) I, Pl. 59, Figs. 79 and 103, text on pp. 409, 410. (m) I, p. 356. (n) III, p. 306. (o) I, Pl. 54, Fig. 27. (p) III, p. 85. (q) I, Pl. 18, Fig. 21. (r) I, Pl. 56, Fig. 67. (s) I, Pls. 58, 59, Figs. 8, 9, and 98. (t) I, Pl. 58. (u) ib. (v) I, Pl. 59, No. 91. (w) I, Pl. 64. (x) II, p. 58. (y) I, p. 410, Pl. 59, Fig. 102. (z) VI, p. 610.

SCHWATKA’S SEARCH.

SCHWATKA’S SEARCH.

(See Gilder, Wm. H.)

(See Gilder, Wm. H.)

SCHWEINFURTH (Georg).

SCHWEINFURTH (Georg).

The Heart of Africa. By Georg Schweinfurth. New York; 1874. 2 vols. 8o.

The Heart of Africa. By Georg Schweinfurth. New York; 1874. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) II, p. 23.

(a) 2, p. 23.

SEAVER (James E.).

SEAVER (James E.).

A Narrative of the life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, who was taken by the Indians in the year 1755, when only about twelve years of age, and has continued to reside amongst them to the present time. Carefully taken from her own words. Nov. 29, 1823. By James E. Seaver. London; 1826. 24o.

A Narrative of the Life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, who was captured by Native Americans in 1755 when she was just about twelve years old and has lived with them ever since. This account is based on her own words. Nov. 29, 1823. By James E. Seaver. London; 1826. 24o.

(a) p. 70.

(a) p. 70.

SHEA (Dr. John Gilmary).

SHEA (Dr. John Gilmary).

First establishment of the Faith in New France. Now first translated by John Gilmary Shea. New York; 1881. 2 vols. 8o. (See also Le Clercq (Père Chrétien).

First establishment of the Faith in New France. Now first translated by John Gilmary Shea. New York; 1881. 2 vols. 8o. (See also Le Clercq (Père Chrétien).

(a) I. p. 19.

(a) I. p. 19.

SHRIFNER (Anton).

SHRIFNER (Anton).

Ethnographic Importance of Property Marks. In Scientific Treatises of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. St. Petersburg; 1855. 8o.

Ethnographic Importance of Property Marks. In Scientific Treatises of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. St. Petersburg; 1855. 8o.

(a) p. 601. (b) ib.

(a) p. 601. (b) same source.

SHTUKIN (N. S.).

SHTUKIN (N. S.).

An Explanation of Certain Picture-writings on the Cliffs of the Yenesei River. In No. 4 of Quarterly Isvestia of the Imp. Geogr. Soc., St. Petersburg; 1882.

An Explanation of Certain Picture-writings on the Cliffs of the Yenesei River. In No. 4 of Quarterly Isvestia of the Imperial Geographical Society, St. Petersburg; 1882.

SIMPSON (Lieut. James H.).

SIMPSON (Lieutenant James H.).

Journal of a Military Reconnaissance from Santa Fé, New Mexico, to the Navajo Country in 1849. By Lt. James H. Simpson, U. S. T. Engineers. Phila.; 1852. 8o.

Journal of a Military Reconnaissance from Santa Fe, New Mexico, to the Navajo Country in 1849. By Lt. James H. Simpson, U.S. T. Engineers. Philadelphia; 1852. 8o.

(a) Pl. 72.

(a) Pl. 72.

SIMPSON (Sir James Y.).

SIMPSON (Sir James Y.).

On Ancient Sculpturings of Cups and Concentric Rings, * * * In Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. Appendix to Volume VI. Edinburgh; 1867. pp. 1-147. Pls. I-XXXII.

On Ancient Sculptings of Cups and Concentric Rings, * * * In Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. Appendix to Volume VI. Edinburgh; 1867. pp. 1-147. Pls. I-XXXII.

SIMPSON (Thomas).

SIMPSON (Thomas).

Narrative of the Discoveries of the North Coast of America; effected by the officers of the Hudson’s Bay Company during the years 1836-’39. By Thomas Simpson, Esq. London; 1843. 8o.

Narrative of the Discoveries of the North Coast of America; made by the officers of the Hudson’s Bay Company between 1836 and 1839. By Thomas Simpson, Esq. London; 1843. 8o.

SMET (Père Peter de).

SMET (Father Peter de).

Missions de l’Orégon et Voyages aux Montagnes Rocheuses, aux sources de la Colombie, de l’Athabasco et du Sascatschawin, en 1845-’46. Par le Père P. de Smet de la Société de Jésus. English translation, New York; 1847. 12o.

Missions in Oregon and Travels to the Rocky Mountains, to the sources of the Columbia, Athabasca, and Saskatchewan Rivers, in 1845-’46. By Father P. de Smet of the Society of Jesus. English translation, New York; 1847. 12o.

(a) p. 288. (b) p. 320.

(a) p. 288. (b) p. 320.

SMITH (Capt. John).

SMITH (Captain John).

The True Travels, Adventures and Observations of Captain John Smith, in Europe, Asia, Africke and America; beginning about the yeere 1593 and continued to this present 1629. From the London edition of 1629. Richmond; 1819. 2 vols. 8o.

The True Travels, Adventures and Observations of Captain John Smith, in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America; starting around the year 1593 and continuing to this present 1629. From the London edition of 1629. Richmond; 1819. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) I, p. 230.

(a) I, p. 230.

SMITHSONIAN REPORTS.

SMITHSONIAN REPORTS.

Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution. 1847[-1892]. Washington. 8o.

Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution. 1847[-1892]. Washington. 8o.

SOCIÉTÉ D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE BRUXELLES.

SOCIETY OF ANTHROPOLOGY OF BRUSSELS.

Bulletin de la Société d’Anthropologie de Bruxelles. Bruxelles. 8o.

Bulletin of the Anthropology Society of Brussels. Brussels. 8o.

(a) V, 1886-’87, p. 109. (b) ib., p. 108.

(a) V, 1886-’87, p. 109. (b) ib., p. 108.

SOCIÉTÉ D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE PARIS.

Paris Anthropology Society.

(See Paris.)

(See Paris.)

SOUCHÉ (B.).

SOUCHÉ (B.).

Notes sur quelques découvertes d’archéologie préhistorique aux environs de Pamproux. Niort; 1879. 8o. Partly reported in Matériaux pour l’Histoire Prim., etc.

Notes on some discoveries in prehistoric archaeology near Pamproux. Niort; 1879. 8o. Partly reported in Materials for Primary History., etc.

(a) 2e série, xi. 1880, p. 147.

(a) 2e série, xi. 1880, p. 147.

SOUTH CAROLINA, DOCUMENTS CONNECTED WITH THE HISTORY OF.

SOUTH CAROLINA, DOCUMENTS RELATED TO ITS HISTORY.

Edited by P. C. J. Weston. London; 1856.

Edited by P. C. J. Weston. London; 1856.

(a) p. 220.

(a) p. 220.

SPENCER (Herbert).

SPENCER (Herbert).

The Principles of Sociology. By Herbert Spencer. New York; 1884. 2 vols. 12o.

The Principles of Sociology. By Herbert Spencer. New York; 1884. 2 vols. 12o.

(a) II, p. 72 et seq.

(a) II, p. 72 and following.

SPROAT (Gilbert Malcomb).

SPROAT (Gilbert Malcomb).

Scenes and Studies of Savage Life. By Gilbert Malcomb Sproat. London; 1868. 8o.

Scenes and Studies of Savage Life. By Gilbert Malcomb Sproat. London; 1868. 8o.

(a) p. 269.

(a) p. 269.

STANLEY (Henry M.).

STANLEY (Henry M.).

The Congo and the Founding of its Free State. A story of work and exploration. By Henry M. Stanley. New York; 1885. 2 vols. 8o.

The Congo and the Establishment of its Free State. A tale of labor and adventure. By Henry M. Stanley. New York; 1885. 2 volumes. 8o.

(a) I, p. 373.

(a) I, p. 373.

STARCKE (Dr. C. N.).

STARCKE (Dr. C. N.).

The Primitive Family in its origin and development. By Dr. C. N. Starcke. New York; 1889. 8o. [International Scientific Series.]

The Primitive Family in its origin and development. By Dr. C. N. Starcke. New York; 1889. 8o. [International Scientific Series.]

(a) p. 42.

(a) p. 42.

STARR (Prof. Frederick).

STARR (Prof. Frederick).

Dress and Adornment. In Popular Science Monthly, Vol. XL, Nos. 1 and 2; 1891.

Dress and Adornment. In Popular Science Monthly, Vol. XL, Nos. 1 and 2; 1891.

(a) p. 499.

(a) p. 499.

STEARNS (Prof. Robert E. C.).

STEARNS (Prof. Robert E. C.).

Ethnoconchology; a Study of Primitive Money. In the Report of the U. S. National Museum; 1886-’87.

Ethnoconchology: A Study of Primitive Money. In the Report of the U.S. National Museum; 1886–’87.

(a) p. 304.

(a) p. 304.

STEPHENSON (Dr. M. F.).

STEVE (Dr. M. F.).

Geology and Mineralogy of Georgia. By Dr. M. F. Stephenson. Atlanta; 1871. 16o.

Geology and Mineralogy of Georgia. By Dr. M. F. Stephenson. Atlanta; 1871. 16o.

(a) p. 199.

(a) p. 199.

STEVENSON (James).

STEVENSON (James).

Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the Navajo Indians. By James Stevenson. In the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1886-87, pp. 229-285. Washington; 1891.

Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the Navajo Indians. By James Stevenson. In the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1886-87, pp. 229-285. Washington; 1891.

STRAHLENBERG (Philip John von).

STRAHLENBERG (Philip John von).

(a) An Historico-Geographical Description of the north and eastern parts of Europe and Asia, but more particularly of Russia, Siberia, and Great Tartary. By Philip John von Strahlenberg. London; 1738. 2 vols. 4o.

(a) A Historical and Geographical Overview of the northern and eastern regions of Europe and Asia, especially Russia, Siberia, and Greater Tartary. By Philip John von Strahlenberg. London; 1738. 2 vols. 4o.

SUMMERS (James).

SUMMERS (James).

A Handbook of the Chinese Language. By James Summers. Oxford; 1863. 8o.

A Handbook of the Chinese Language. By James Summers. Oxford; 1863. 8o.

(a) Part I, p. 16.

Part I, p. 16.

TANNER (John).

TANNER (John).

Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner * * * during Thirty Years’ Residence among the Indians in the interior of North America. Prepared for the press by Edwin James, M. D. New York; 1830. 8o.

Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner * * * during Thirty Years’ Residence among the Indians in the interior of North America. Prepared for publication by Edwin James, M.D. New York; 1830. 8o.

(a) pp. 341-344. (b) p. 193. (c) p. 176. (d) p. 174. (e) pp. 176 and 314. (f) p. 367. (g) pp. 174 and 189.

(a) pp. 341-344. (b) p. 193. (c) p. 176. (d) p. 174. (e) pp. 176 and 314. (f) p. 367. (g) pp. 174 and 189.

TAYLOR (Rev. Richard).

TAYLOR (Rev. Richard).

Te Ika a Maui; or New Zealand and its Inhabitants. By Rev. Richard Taylor. M. A., F. G. S. London; 1870. 8o.

Te Ika a Maui; or New Zealand and its Inhabitants. By Rev. Richard Taylor. M.A., F.G.S. London; 1870. 8o.

(a) p. 379. (b) Ib. (c) p. 320. (d) p. 209.

(a) p. 379. (b) Ib. (c) p. 320. (d) p. 209.

TEN KATE (Dr. H. F. C.).

Dr. H. F. C. Ten Kate.

Some Ethnographic Observations in the California Peninsula and in Sonora. In Revue d’Ethnographie, Vol. II, 1888.

Some Ethnographic Observations in the California Peninsula and in Sonora. In Ethnography Journal, Vol. II, 1888.

(a) p. 321. (b) p. 324.

(a) p. 321. (b) p. 324.

THOMAS (Prof. Cyrus).

THOMAS (Professor Cyrus).

Aids to the Study of the Maya Codices. In Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Washington; 1888. pp. 253-371. Figs. 359-388.

Aids to the Study of the Maya Codices. In Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Washington; 1888. pp. 253-371. Figs. 359-388.

(b) p. 371. (c) p. 348.

(b) p. 371. (c) p. 348.

Burial Mounds of the Northern Section of the United States. In Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Washington; 1888. pp. 3-119. Pll. I-VI, Figs. 1-49.

Burial Mounds in the Northern Part of the United States. In the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Washington; 1888. pp. 3-119. Pll. I-VI, Figs. 1-49.

(a) p. 100.

(a) p. 100.

THOMAS (Julian).

THOMAS (Julian).

Cannibals and Convicts in the Western Pacific. By Julian Thomas. London; 1886. 8o.

Cannibals and Convicts in the Western Pacific. By Julian Thomas. London; 1886. 8o.

(a) p. 37.

(a) p. 37.

THOMSON (Paymaster William J., U. S. N.).

THOMSON (Paymaster William J., U.S. Navy).

Te Pito Te Henua; or Easter Island. In Report U. S. National Museum for 1888-’89; Washington; 1891. pp. 447-552. Pls. XII-LX, Figs. 1-20. (a) p. 480. Pl. XXIII.

Te Pito Te Henua, also known as Easter Island. In the Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1888-’89; Washington; 1891. pp. 447-552. Pls. XII-LX, Figs. 1-20. (a) p. 480. Pl. XXIII.

THURN (Everard F. im).

THURN (Everard F. im).

See im Thurn (E. F.).

See im Thurn (E. F.).

THRUSTON (Gates P.).

THRUSTON (Gates P.).

The Antiquities of Tennessee and the adjacent States, and the state of aboriginal society in the scale of civilization represented by them. By Gates P. Thruston. Cincinnati; 1890. 8o.

The Antiquities of Tennessee and the nearby States, and the condition of native society in the context of civilization they represent. By Gates P. Thruston. Cincinnati; 1890. 8o.

(a) pp. 90-96.

(a) pp. 90-96.

TOKYO (Anthropological Society of.)

TOKYO (Anthropological Society)

The Bulletin of the Tōkyō Anthropological Society. Tōkyō Anthrop. Society office, Hongo, Tōkyō. Vols. I-[VII]. 8o.

The Bulletin of the Tokyo Anthropological Society. Tokyo Anthrop. Society office, Hongo, Tokyo. Vols. I-[VII]. 8o.

(a) VII. No. 67. Oct. 1891, p. 30.

(a) VII. No. 67. Oct. 1891, p. 30.

TREICHEL (A.).

TREICHEL (A.).

Die Verbreitung des Schulzenstabes und verwandter Geräthe. In Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschafft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Sitzung vom 20. März 1886. Berlin; 1886. 8o. p. 251.

The distribution of the schoolmaster's staff and other related tools. In Proceedings of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Prehistory. Meeting on March 20, 1886. Berlin; 1886. 8o. p. 251.

TRUMBULL (Henry Clay).

TRUMBULL (Henry Clay).

The Blood Covenant a Primitive Rite and its Bearings on Scripture. By H. Clay Trumbull. New York; 1885. 8o.

The Blood Covenant: A Primitive Rite and Its Relevance to Scripture. By H. Clay Trumbull. New York; 1885. 8o.

(a) pp. 236-7. (b) p. 342.

(a) pp. 236-7. (b) p. 342.

TSCHUDI (Dr. J. J. von).

TSCHUDI (Dr. J. J. von).

Travels in Peru. By Dr. J. J. von Tschudi. New York; 1847. 8o.

Travels in Peru. By Dr. J. J. von Tschudi. New York; 1847. 8o.

(a) Pt. II, pp. 344, 345. (b) p. 284.

(a) Pt. II, pp. 344, 345. (b) p. 284.

See also Rivero (Mariano Edward) and von Tschudi (Dr. J. J.).

See also Rivero (Mariano Edward) and von Tschudi (Dr. J. J.).

TURNER (George).

TURNER (George).

Samoa a hundred years ago and long before. By George Turner. London; 1884. 8o.

Samoa a hundred years ago and long before. By George Turner. London; 1884. 8o.

(a) p. 302. (b) p. 88. (c) p. 185.

(a) p. 302. (b) p. 88. (c) p. 185.

TYLOR (Prof. Edward Burnett).

TYLOR (Prof. Edward Burnett).

Researches into the Early History of Mankind. By Edward Burnett Tylor. New York; 1878. 8o.

Research into the Early History of Mankind. By Edward Burnett Tylor. New York; 1878. 8o.

(b) p. 103.

(b) p. 103.

(a) Notes on Powhatan’s Mantle. In Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, I, 1888, p. 215.

(a) Notes on Powhatan’s Mantle. In International Archive of Ethnography, I, 1888, p. 215.

TYOUT ET DE MOGHAR (Les Dessins des Roches de).

TYOUT ET DE MOGHAR (Les Dessins des Roches de).

In Revue Géographique Internationale, 9e année, Paris; décembre 1884. No. 110, p. 197. Editorial.

In International Geographic Review, 9th year, Paris; December 1884. No. 110, p. 197. Editorial.

UNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM.

U.S. National Museum.

See National Museum.

See National Museum.

VETROMILE (Rev. Eugene).

VETROMILE (Rev. Eugene).

A Dictionary of the Abnaki Language. English-Abnaki and Abnaki-English. By the Rev. Eugene Vetromile. MS. in the Library of the Bureau of Ethnology. 3 vols. Folio.

A Dictionary of the Abnaki Language: English-Abnaki and Abnaki-English. By the Rev. Eugene Vetromile. Manuscript in the Library of the Bureau of Ethnology. 3 volumes. Folio.

VICTORIA INSTITUTE.

Victoria Institute.

Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute, or Philosophical Society of Great Britain. London; published by the Institute. Vols. I[-XXVI ?]. 8o.

Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute, or Philosophical Society of Great Britain. London; published by the Institute. Vols. I[-XXVI ?]. 8o.

VINING (Edward P.).

VINING (Edward P.).

An Inglorious Columbus, or Evidence that Hwui Shan and a Party of Buddhist Monks from Afghanistan discovered America in the Fifth Century A. D. By Edward P. Vining. New York; 1885. 8o.

An Inglorious Columbus, or Evidence that Hwui Shan and a Group of Buddhist Monks from Afghanistan Discovered America in the Fifth Century A.D. By Edward P. Vining. New York; 1885. 8o.

WAKABAYASHIA (K.).

WAKABAYASHIA (K.).

(a) Pictures on Dotaku or so-called Bronze Bell. By Mr. K. Wakabayashia. In Bulletin of the Tōkyō Anthropological Society, Vol. VII, No. 67, Oct., 1891, with illustrations continued in No. 69. Tōkyō. 8o.

(a) Images on Dotaku, or the Bronze Bell. By Mr. K. Wakabayashi. In Bulletin of the Tokyo Anthropological Society, Vol. VII, No. 67, Oct. 1891, with illustrations continued in No. 69. Tokyo. 8o.

WAKEFIELD (Edward Jerningham).

WAKEFIELD (Edward Jerningham).

Adventures in New Zealand from 1839 to 1844. By Edward Jerningham Wakefield. London; 1845. 2 vols. 8o.

Adventures in New Zealand from 1839 to 1844. By Edward Jerningham Wakefield. London; 1845. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) I, p. 64.

(a) I, p. 64.

WAKEMAN (W. F.).

Wakeman (W. F.).

On the Earlier Forms of Inscribed Christian Crosses found in Ireland. In Journal of the Proceedings of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. Vol. I, 5th ser. 1st quar. 1891. 8o.

On the Earlier Forms of Inscribed Christian Crosses found in Ireland. In Journal of the Proceedings of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. Vol. I, 5th ser. 1st quar. 1891. 8o.

(a) p. 350.

(a) p. 350.

WALLACE (Prof. Alfred R.).

WALLACE (Professor Alfred R.).

A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro. * * * By Alfred R. Wallace. London; 1853. 8o.

A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro. * * * By Alfred R. Wallace. London; 1853. 8o.

WARREN (Wm. F.).

WARREN (William F.).

Paradise Found; the Cradle of the Human Race at the North Pole; a Study of the Prehistoric World. By Wm. F. Warren. Boston; 1885. 8o.

Paradise Found; the Cradle of the Human Race at the North Pole; a Study of the Prehistoric World. By Wm. F. Warren. Boston; 1885. 8o.

WARREN (W. W.).

WARREN (W. W.).

Memoir of W. W. Warren; a History of the Ojibwa. In Coll. of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. V, St. Paul; 1885. 8o.

Memoir of W. W. Warren; a History of the Ojibwa. In Collection of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. V, St. Paul; 1885. 8o.

(a) pp. 89-90.

(a) pp. 89-90.

WESTON (P. C. J.). See South Carolina.

WESTON (P. C. J.). See South Carolina.

WEITZECKER (Giacomo).

WEITZECKER (Giacomo).

Bushman Pictograph. In Bollet. della Società, Geografica Ital. Ser. II, Vol. XII. Fasc. Apr., 1887. Roma; 1887.

Bushman Pictograph. In Bulletin of the Italian Geographic Society. Ser. II, Vol. XII. Fasc. Apr., 1887. Rome; 1887.

(a) pp. 297-301.

(a) pp. 297-301.

WHIPPLE (Lieut. A. W.).

WHIPPLE (Lieutenant A. W.).

Report upon the Indian Tribes. By Lieut. A. W. Whipple, Thomas Ewbank, Esq., and Prof. Wm. W. Turner. Washington; 1855. Forms Pt. III of Reports of Explorations and Surveys to ascertain the most practicable and economical route for a railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean. Washington; 1856. Senate Ex. Doc. No. 78. 33d Cong. 2d session.

Report on the Indian Tribes. By Lieutenant A. W. Whipple, Thomas Ewbank, Esq., and Professor Wm. W. Turner. Washington; 1855. Forms Part III of Reports of Explorations and Surveys to determine the most practical and cost-effective route for a railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean. Washington; 1856. Senate Ex. Doc. No. 78. 33rd Congress, 2nd session.

(a) p. 42. (b) ib., pl. 36. (c) pp. 36-37, pls. 28, 29, 30. (d) p. 39, pl. 32. (e) pp. 9, 10. (f) p. 33.

(a) p. 42. (b) ib., pl. 36. (c) pp. 36-37, pls. 28, 29, 30. (d) p. 39, pl. 32. (e) pp. 9, 10. (f) p. 33.

WHITFIELD (J.).

WHITFIELD (J.).

In Journ. of Anthrop. Inst. of Gt. Br. and I.

In Journ. of Anthrop. Inst. of Gt. Br. and I.

(a) III, 1874, p. 114.

(a) III, 1874, p. 114.

WHITTLESEY (Col. Charles).

Whittlesey (Col. Charles).

Antiquities of Ohio. Report of the Committee of the State Archæological Society. In Final Report of the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers to the General Assembly of the State of Ohio. Columbus; 1877. 8o.

Antiquities of Ohio. Report of the Committee of the State Archaeological Society. In the Final Report of the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers to the General Assembly of the State of Ohio. Columbus; 1877. 8o.

Archæological Frauds. Western Reserve and Northern Ohio Historical Society, Cleveland, Ohio. Tracts 1 to 36, 1870-1877. Cleveland; 1877, 8o.

Archival Frauds. Western Reserve and Northern Ohio Historical Society, Cleveland, Ohio. Tracts 1 to 36, 1870-1877. Cleveland; 1877, 8o.

(a) No. 33, Nov., 1876, pp. 1-7; Ills. 1, 3, and 4.

(a) No. 33, Nov., 1876, pp. 1-7; Ills. 1, 3, and 4.

WHYMPER (Frederick).

WHYMPR (Frederick).

Travels and Adventures in the Territory of Alaska, formerly Russian American—now ceded to the United States—and in various other parts of the North Pacific. New York; 1869. 8o.

Travels and Adventures in the Territory of Alaska, which was once known as Russian America but is now part of the United States, as well as in different areas of the North Pacific. New York; 1869. 8o.

(a) p. 101.

(a) p. 101.

WIED-NEUWIED (Maximilian Alexander Phillip, Prinz von).

WIED-NEUWIED (Maximilian Alexander Phillip, Prince of).

Travels in the Interior of North America. By Maximilian, Prince of Wied. London; 1843. Imp. folio.

Travels in the Interior of North America. By Maximilian, Prince of Wied. London; 1843. Large format.

(a) p. 387. (b) p. 149, et seq. (c) pp. 339, 386. (d) p. 153. (e) p. 255. (f) p. 340. (g) p. 341. (h) p. 352.

(a) p. 387. (b) p. 149, et seq. (c) pp. 339, 386. (d) p. 153. (e) p. 255. (f) p. 340. (g) p. 341. (h) p. 352.

WIENER (Charles).

WIENER (Charles).

Pérou et Bolivie, récit de voyage, suivi d’études archéologiques et ethnographiques et de notes sur l’écriture et les langues des populations indiennes. Par Charles Wiener. Paris; 1880. 8o.

Peru and Bolivia: A travel narrative, along with archaeological and ethnographic studies and notes on the writing and languages of Native populations. By Charles Wiener. Paris; 1880. 8o.

(a) p. 759. (b) p. 763. (c) p. 167. (d) p. 705. (e) p. 770. (f) p. 763. (g) p. 77. (h) p. 706. (i) p. 669. Ill. on pp. 772 and 773.

(a) p. 759. (b) p. 763. (c) p. 167. (d) p. 705. (e) p. 770. (f) p. 763. (g) p. 77. (h) p. 706. (i) p. 669. Ill. on pp. 772 and 773.

WILKES (Commodore Charles, U. S. N.).

WILKES (Commodore Charles, U.S. Navy).

Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition during the years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842. By Charles Wilkes, U. S. N. Philadelphia; 1850. 5 vols. 4o.

Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition from 1838 to 1842. By Charles Wilkes, U.S. Navy. Philadelphia; 1850. 5 volumes. 4o.

(a) V, p. 128. (b) ib., p. 185.

(a) V, p. 128. (b) ib., p. 185.

WILKINSON (Sir J. Gardner).

WILKINSON (Sir J. Gardner).

The Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. By Sir Gardner Wilkinson, D. C. L., F. R. S., F. R. G. S. A new edition, revised and corrected by Samuel Birch, LL. D., D. C. L. Boston; 1883. 3 vols. 8o.

The Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. By Sir Gardner Wilkinson, D. C. L., F. R. S., F. R. G. S. A new edition, revised and corrected by Samuel Birch, LL.D., D.C.L. Boston; 1883. 3 vols. 8o.

(a) II, Ch. X.

(a) II, Ch. X.

WILLIAMS (Dr. S. Wells).

WILLIAMS (Dr. S. Wells).

The Middle Kingdom. A Survey of the Geography, Government, Literature, Social Life, Arts and History of the Chinese Empire and its Inhabitants. By S. Wells Williams, LL. D. New York; 1883. 2 vols. 8o.

The Middle Kingdom. A Survey of the Geography, Government, Literature, Social Life, Arts, and History of the Chinese Empire and its Inhabitants. By S. Wells Williams, LL.D. New York; 1883. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) II, p. 248.

(a) II, p. 248.

WILSON (Sir Daniel).

WILSON (Sir Daniel).

Prehistoric Man. Researches into the Origin of Civilization in the Old and the New World. By Daniel Wilson, LL. D. Cambridge and London; 1862. 2 vols. 8o.

Prehistoric Man. Studies on the Origin of Civilization in the Old and the New World. By Daniel Wilson, LL.D. Cambridge and London; 1862. 2 vols. 8o.

(a) II, p. 185.

(a) II, p. 185.

The Huron-Iroquois of Canada; a Typical Race of American Aborigines. In Proceedings of the Royal Society of Canada.

The Huron-Iroquois of Canada; a Typical Race of American Aborigines. In Proceedings of the Royal Society of Canada.

(a) II., 1884, p. 82.

(a) II., 1884, p. 82.

WINCHELL (Prof. N. H.).

WINCHELL (Prof. N. H.).

The Geology of Minnesota. Vol. I of the final report. By N. H. Winchell. Minneapolis, Minn.; 1884. Imp. 8o.

The Geology of Minnesota. Vol. I of the final report. By N. H. Winchell. Minneapolis, Minn.; 1884. Imp. 8o.

(a) pp. 555-561, Pls. I, J, K, and L.

(a) pp. 555-561, Pls. I, J, K, and L.

WISCONSIN (Annual Reports and Collections of the State Historical Society of).

WISCONSIN (Annual Reports and Collections of the State Historical Society of).

Madison, Wis. Vols. I, 1854 [-XI]. 12o.

Madison, Wis. Vols. I, 1854 [-XI]. 12o.

WORSNOP (Thomas).

WORSNOP (Thomas).

The Pre-Historic Arts of the Aborigines of Australia. By Thos. Worsnop. Adelaide; 1887.

The Pre-Historic Arts of the Aborigines of Australia. By Thos. Worsnop. Adelaide; 1887.

(a) pp. 7-9. (b) p. 22.

(a) pp. 7-9. (b) p. 22.

YARROW (Dr. H. C.).

YARROW (Dr. H. C.).

See Bureau of Ethnology.

See Bureau of Ethnology.

ZAMACOIS (D. Niceto de).

ZAMACOIS (D. Niceto de).

Historia de México. Barcelona and Mexico; 1877-’80. 11 vols. 8o.

Historia de México. Barcelona and Mexico; 1877-’80. 11 vols. 8o.

(a) I, p. 238.

ZEITSCHRIFT FÜR ETHNOLOGIE.

Journal of Ethnology.

Organ der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Unter Mitwirkung des Vertreters desselben R. Virchow herausgegeben von A. Bastian und R. Hartmann. Berlin. I[-XXV]. 1869-92.

Organ of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Prehistory. Published with the involvement of its representative R. Virchow by A. Bastian and R. Hartmann. Berlin. I[-XXV]. 1869-92.

(a) VIII, 1876, p. 195.

(a) VIII, 1876, p. 195.

INDEX.

[The names of authors and works which appear in the List of Works and Authors cited (pp. 777-808) are not included in this index.]

[The names of authors and works listed in the List of Works and Authors cited (pp. 777-808) are not included in this index.]

  • A.
  • Abacus, a mnemonic device of Chinese and Greeks, 226
  • Abiqui, New Mexico, petroglyphs near, 97
  • Abnaki Indians, study of pictographs of, XII
  • petroglyphs of, 32
  • gods of, presiding over petroglyphs, 32
  • birch-bark pictographs of, 201, 213-214, 468-469
  • wikhegan, or birch-bark letter of, 330-331
  • notices of direction and time used by, 334
  • notice of condition used by, 347
  • masks worn as insignia of authority by women of, 425
  • designation of Queen Victoria by, 443
  • Absaroka or Crow Indians, tribal designations of, 380
  • sign for medicine man of, 466
  • war color of, 631
  • headdress of, 753-755
  • Abstract ideas expressed pictorially, 584-607
  • After, 585;
  • age, 585-586;
  • bad, 586;
  • before, 586;
  • big, 586-587;
  • center, 587;
  • deaf, 587;
  • direction, 588;
  • disease, 588-590;
  • fast, 590;
  • fear, 590-591;
  • freshet, 591-592;
  • good, 592;
  • high, 592-593;
  • lean, 593-594;
  • little, 594-595;
  • lone, 595-596;
  • many, much, 596;
  • obscure, 597;
  • opposition, 597-598;
  • possession, 598;
  • prisoner, 598-600;
  • short, 600;
  • sight, 600-601;
  • slow, 601;
  • tall, 601-602;
  • trade, 602;
  • union, 602-603;
  • whirlwind, 603-604;
  • winter, cold, snow, 603-606.
  • Accounting, pictographic methods of, 259-264
  • Africa, petroglyphs in, 178-185
  • message of peace used in, 361
  • aroko or symbolic letters used in, 371-374
  • cowries of, 374-375
  • message of complaint for debt used in, 374-375
  • tattooing in, 415-416
  • scarification in, 417
  • property marks in, 442
  • mourning ceremony in, 630
  • war colors in, 633
  • After, pictographs for, 585
  • Age, pictographs for, 585-586
  • Ahuitzotzin, Mexican emperor, pictograph for, 134-135
  • Ainos, tattooing among, 412-413
  • inscriptions probably made by, 185-186
  • Alaskan Indians, petroglyphs of, 47
  • notices of hunt by, 332-333
  • notices of direction by, 333-334
  • notices of condition by, 350-353
  • tattoo of, 402-405
  • mythic drawings on ivory by, 476-477
  • shamanism of, 497-500
  • shaman’s lodge of, 507-508
  • votive offering to the dead by, 519
  • grave-posts of, 520-521
  • pictographic records of customs of, 541-542
  • biographic records of, 581-582
  • signal of discovery by, 645
  • Alfara, Anastasio, gold ornaments from Costa Rica donated by, XXII
  • Algeria, petroglyphs in, at Tyout and Moghar, 178-179
  • Algonquian bibliography, work on, XX-XXI
  • Algonquian Indians, petroglyphs by, 106, 109-110, 111, 112
  • wampum belts of, 228-229
  • military drill of, 258
  • insignia of military rank of, 258
  • pictographic notice of departure and return by, 330
  • declaration of war by, 358
  • invitation sticks of, 364-365
  • emblems of, 377
  • tribal designation of, 378-379
  • grave-posts of, 517-518
  • record of battle by, 554-555
  • record of victory by, 557-558
  • mourning color of, 629
  • colors of war and peace of, 631
  • petroglyphs of, 676-680
  • hair dressing of, 755
  • Alton, Illinois, petroglyphs near, 80
  • Amalecite Indians, birch-bark notice of trip by, 334-336
  • tribal emblem of, 379
  • Amazon, decorative body painting by Indians on the, 620
  • America, North, petroglyphs in, 37-140[810]
  • American horse, winter count of, 269
  • Andaman islanders, head decoration of, 222
  • tattoo of, 418
  • decoration of head by, 621
  • Annamite tradition concerning tattoo, 413
  • Anthropological Institute of New York, pictographs published by, 106
  • Apache Indians, izze-cloth or medicine cord of, 225
  • time records of, 258-259
  • charms and amulets of, 502-503
  • hair dressing of women of, 755
  • drawings of, compared with German sketches, 740
  • Appointment, records of, 257-258
  • Appun, C. F., sculptured rock described by, 147-148
  • Arabs, tattooing among, 414
  • Arapaho Indians, tribal designation of, 381
  • gesture signs of, 643
  • Arch Spring, near Zuñi, New Mexico, petroglyphs at, 96
  • Arequipa, Peru, petroglyphs near, 157-159
  • Argentine republic, petroglyphs in, 157
  • Arikara or Ree Indians, pictographs on wood by, 214
  • decorating and coloring of skins by, 220
  • tribal designations of, 381-385
  • sign of achievement by, 436
  • property marks of, 441
  • hunting and other pictographs of, 537, 538
  • conventional device of, for dead man, 660
  • Arison, William, pictographs copied by, 111
  • Arizona, work in, XVII
  • petroglyphs in, 48-51, 476, 512, 682-683
  • Armenia, inscriptions on tombstones in, 524
  • colors used for mourning in, 630
  • Aroko, or symbolic letters of West Africa, 371-374
  • Artificial objects, pictographs on, 215-217
  • Aruba island, West Indies, petroglyphs in, 139-140
  • Asheville, North Carolina, petroglyphs near, 99
  • Asia, petroglyphs in, 185-188
  • Assiniboin, Montana, rock pictures in, 33
  • Assiniboin tribal designation, 381
  • Athapascan dialects of Oregon, linguistic study of, XIX
  • Athapascan Indians, chart-making by, 341
  • practice of tattoo by, 395
  • emblem of, 612
  • Atosis, Abnaki myth of, 471
  • Australia, petroglyphs in, 161-165
  • Australian natives, decoration of body with feathers by, 207
  • pictographs on skins by, 219
  • songs and song writers of, 250
  • messengers and mode of invitation of, 368, 369
  • message sticks of, 369-371
  • scarification of, 416-417
  • messengers of vengeance (pinya) of, 433
  • mythic personages of, 489-490
  • charm of fetich of, 504
  • Australian natives, magic and initiation ceremonies of, 513-514
  • messenger of death of, 525
  • ceremonial use of color by, 628
  • mourning ceremony of, 630
  • war colors of, 633
  • conventional representations by, 652-653
  • wommeras and clubs of, 753
  • Authors and works cited, list of, 777-808
  • Ava, Illinois, petroglyphs near, 77
  • Aztec inscription, Mexico, 133-134
  • Azuza Canyon, California, rock paintings in, 69, 354-356
  • B.
  • Babylonians, significance of color among, 622
  • Bad, pictographs for, 586
  • Bahama islands, petroglyphs in, 137-139
  • Bailey, Vernon, petroglyphs reported by, 117
  • Bald Friar rock, Maryland, petroglyphs on, 83-86
  • Bandelier, A., petroglyphs reported and sketched by, 98, 131
  • Bantry bay, Australia, petroglyphs at, 164-165
  • Bark, pictographs on, 213
  • Barnes, Mr., petroglyphs reported by, 64
  • Barnesville Track rock, Ohio, 102-104
  • Barre, Wisconsin, petroglyphs at, 126
  • Barrés Indians of Brazil, dyes used by, 222
  • Barton, W. E., petroglyphs described by, 81
  • Battiste Good, Winter Count of, 268-269, 287-328
  • revelation of, 289-290
  • Baskets, pictographs on, 217
  • Basutoland, South Africa, petroglyphs in, 182-183
  • Battle records, 554-566
  • Iroquois and Algonkin, 554-555, 556
  • Ojibwa, 556-557
  • Algonkin, 557-558
  • French, from Indian account, 558
  • from Winter Counts, 561-563
  • of Little Bighorn, 563-566
  • Before, pictographs for, 589
  • Bella Coola Indians, ceremonial dress of, 431
  • Bendire, Capt. Charles, petroglyphs reported by, 122
  • Bengal, account sticks or strings used by natives of, 264
  • Benton, Owens Valley, Cal., petroglyphs near, 58
  • Big, pictographs for, 586-587
  • Big Indian Rock, Pennsylvania, 106-107
  • Big Road, Oglala chief, 420
  • Bilqula Indians, tattoo of, 407
  • Biography, pictographic forms of, 571-582
  • classification of, 571
  • continuous record, 571-575
  • particular events, 575-582
  • Birchbark pictographs, Abnaki, 201, 213-214, 468-469
  • Amalecite, 334-336
  • Blackfeet Indians, figures sketched by, 130
  • Black Rock spring, near Milford, Utah, petroglyphs at, 117[811]
  • Blake, Lady Edith, petroglyphs described and sketched by, 137-139
  • Boas, Franz, work of, XXIII
  • Bone, pictographs on, 206
  • Book cliff canyon, Utah, petroglyphs in, 117
  • Borneo, mourning color used in, 630
  • Borrinqueños, ancient inhabitants of Puerto Rico, 137
  • Brazil, petroglyphs in, 150-157, 689, 691, 692
  • cup sculptures in, 195-196
  • tattoo in, 407
  • Brazilian petroglyphs, compared with Spanish petroglyphs, 690
  • British Columbia, petroglyphs in, 44-48
  • British Guiana, dyes used by Indians of, 222
  • petroglyphs in, 686-687
  • British islands, cup sculptures in, 189
  • Brittany, France, petroglyphs in, 176-177
  • methods of account-keeping in, 264
  • Broken leg, pictographic representation of, 716-717
  • Brown, C. Barrington, rock paintings mentioned by, 144
  • Brown, L. W., petroglyphs reported by, 111, 112
  • Brown, Mrs. Wallace myths related by, 468
  • Browns cave, La Crosse valley, Wisconsin, petroglyphs in, 126
  • Browns valley, Minnesota, petroglyphs in, 90
  • Browns valley, South Dakota, petroglyphs near, 114
  • Brulé Dakota, tribal designation of, 382
  • origin of, as pictographically recorded, 567
  • Burmah, tattooing in, 413
  • Bushmen, inscriptions by, 180-183
  • C.
  • Cachoeira do Riberão, Brazil, petroglyphs on, 150-151
  • Caïcara, Venezuela, sculptured rock near, 148
  • California, linguistic work in, XIV-XV, XVI-XVII
  • petroglyphs in, 52-72
  • gesture signs in petroglyphs of, 637-639
  • California Indians, pictographs by, on feather blankets, 207
  • coloring matter used by, 221
  • method of keeping accounts of, 262-263
  • mode of challenge of, 362
  • mode of collecting debts by, 374
  • tattoo of, 406
  • face painting by, 619
  • emblems of royalty, of 633
  • Canada, linguistic work in, XVII
  • petroglyphs in, 37-45
  • Canadian Indians, quill pictographs of, 207
  • Canary islands, pictographs of, compared with California petroglyphs, 58, 59
  • petroglyphs in, 183-185
  • Canyon de Chelly, New Mexico, petroglyphs in, 96
  • Canyon Segy, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 50
  • Cara Pintada, Mexico, 131
  • Cardinal points, colors attributed to, 623-626
  • Carisa plain, California, petroglyphs in, 68
  • Carson river, petroglyphs on, 92
  • Catlin, George, cited, 741
  • Cayuga Indians, tree-carvings by, 213
  • Cayuga lake, pictographs on, 213
  • Cayuse vocabulary obtained, XIV
  • Ceará, Brazil, petroglyphs in, 155-157
  • Center, pictographs for, 587
  • Central America, petroglyphs in, 141-142
  • Chaleur Bay, face decoration of Indian women of, 220
  • Challenge, pictographic form of, 362
  • Chalk grade, Owens valley, California, petroglyphs at, 58, 59
  • Chandeswar, India, cup sculptures at, 196
  • Charencey, Count de, cited on Mexican symbolic colors, 625
  • Charms and amulets, 501-505
  • Chasm island, Australia, petroglyphs at, 161
  • Chelan lake, Washington, petroglyphs at 33, 122-123
  • Cherokee Indians, linguistic work among, XV-XVI
  • work on language of, XIX
  • battle of, with Shawnees, 122
  • map made by, 341
  • symbolic use of colors by, 624-634
  • war color of, 631
  • alphabet of, 665
  • Cheyenne Indians, letter-writing by, 363-364
  • tribal designations of, 382-383
  • Chibcha Indians, symbols used by, 615-616
  • Chicagua rapids, Venezuela, petroglyphs at, 148-150
  • Chihuahua, Mexico, petroglyphs in, 131
  • Chikasa Indians, tattoo of, 394
  • Child, gesture signs for, 643-644
  • Chile, petroglyphs in, 159-160
  • Chilkat Indians, pictographs by, 217
  • cedar bark blankets made by, 217
  • ceremonial garments of, 429-430
  • China, petroglyphs in, 185
  • Chinese, mnemonic devices of 226, 227
  • topographic representations by, 344
  • ideographs by, for sickness, 590
  • ideographs for prisoners by, 600
  • symbolic writing of, 618
  • conventional characters of, 649-650
  • mourning colors of, 631
  • ideographs and gesture signs of, 637, 642, 643, 644, 645
  • Chinook Indians, medicine bag of, 504
  • burial vaults of, 523-524
  • Chippewa Indians, practice of tattoo by, 406-407
  • mourning color of, 630
  • Chiriqui, cup sculptures in, 193-194
  • Chiulee creek, Arizona, petroglyphs on, 51
  • Choctaw Indians, ancient notices of, 347
  • mode of divination of, 494-495
  • Christian art, significance of color in, 622-623
  • Chronology, pictographic, 265-328
  • Chukchis of Siberia, tattooing of, 414
  • Chumanas Indians of Brazil, dyes used by, 222
  • Ciguaner Indians, war colors of, 632-633[812]
  • Claim or demand, mode of presenting, 374-375
  • Clarke, W. M., petroglyphs reported by, 115
  • Clarksville, Tennessee, petroglyphs near, 114
  • Clouds, signs and symbols for, 700-701
  • Cloud-Shield, Winter Count of, 269-523
  • Cold, pictographs for, 605-606
  • Color, significance of, 618-637
  • decorative use of, 619-622
  • ideocrasy of, 622-623
  • ceremonial use of, 623-629
  • relative to death and mourning, 629-631
  • for war and peace, 631-633
  • designating social status, 633-635
  • symbolic use of, in general, 635-636
  • Coloring matter and its application in pictography, 219-222
  • Colorado, petroglyphs in, 72-75
  • Colorado river, Utah, petroglyphs on, 118, 119, 120
  • Columbia River, Washington, petroglyphs on, 123
  • Comanche Indians, drawings on bone by, 206
  • gesture signs of, 645
  • Connecticut, petroglyphs in, 75-76
  • Controverted pictographs, 759-767
  • Conventional pictographic devices, 650-664
  • Peace, 650-651;
  • war, 651-652;
  • chief, 652-653;
  • council, 653-654;
  • plenty of food, 654-655;
  • famine, 655-656;
  • starvation, 656
  • Conventionalizing in pictography, 649-675
  • development of, 649-650
  • Copper, pictographs on, 212-213
  • Corados, pictured notices by, 357
  • Corbusier, William, petroglyphs reported by, 129-130
  • account of Dakota customs by, 265
  • religious ceremonies described by, 505-507
  • Coronel, A. F., ethnologic collection of, 71
  • cited, 72
  • Costa Rica, Anastasia Alfaro donates gold ornaments from, XXII
  • Costumes, weapons, and ornaments (distinctive), pictographs of, 749-756
  • Cree Indians, exploit marks of, 440
  • notice of death given by, 518
  • Criley, John, petroglyphs reported by, 77
  • Cross, pictographs, symbols, and significations of the, 724-735
  • Crow Indians, tribal designation of, 380
  • Cueva Pintada, petroglyph at, 98
  • Cult societies, pictographic devices of, 528-530
  • Cunningham, Charles W., petroglyphs reported by, 356-357
  • Cunninghams island, Lake Erie, petroglyphs on, 678
  • Cup sculptures, 189-200
  • classification of, 189-192
  • Curtin, Jeremiah, work of, XVI-XVII, XIX
  • Cushing, Frank Hamilton, Zuñi sand painting described by, 210-211
  • Customs, illustrated in pictographs, 528-550
  • D.
  • Dakota or Sioux Indians, gods of, 32-33
  • dye stuffs used by, 220
  • Dakota or Sioux Indians, notched sticks used by, for recording time, 227
  • system of chronology of, 265
  • Ojibwa name for, 272
  • tribal names of, 272
  • mythic records of, 290-293
  • Battiste Good’s record of, 293-328
  • topographic representation by, 344-345
  • tribal designations of, 383
  • gentile designations of, 389-390
  • superstition of, regarding tattoo, 395
  • devices of, for personal names, 442-443, 459-460
  • god Haokah of, 479-480
  • thunder birds of, 483-485
  • pictographs of, connected with thunder-bird myth, 486
  • shamanism or medicine-making of, 493-495
  • fetiches of, 501, 503
  • ceremonial colors of, 512
  • burial scaffolds of, 518-519
  • commemoration of dead by, 523
  • pictographs of, relating to customs, hunting, war, etc., 534-537, 539-540
  • games of, 547
  • records of expeditions by, 552-554
  • records of notable events by, 567-570
  • records in general by, 576, 578-581
  • ideographic records by, 585-605
  • mourning ceremony of, 629
  • war color of, 631
  • significant use of color by various tribes of, 633-634
  • pictographs for gesture signs of, 639-641
  • conventional devices of, for peace, war, chief, counsel, plenty of food, famine, starvation, horses, horse-stealing, kill and death, shot, 650-661
  • composite forms in pictographs of, 735-736
  • painted robes of, 747
  • distinctive dress, ornaments, and weapons of, 751-753
  • drawings of, 756
  • Dakota language, translation made from Teton dialect of, XIX
  • work on, XIX
  • Davenport tablets, the, 764-765
  • Davidson, William C., vases donated by, XXI
  • Dayaks, tattooing among, 413
  • Dead mountain, Nevada, petroglyphs at, 95
  • Deaf, pictographs for, 587
  • Death valley, California, petroglyphs in, 60-61
  • Declaration of war pictographically represented, 358-359
  • Denison, James S., communication from, 105
  • Dellenbaugh, F. S., drawings by, 51
  • Departure and return, Algonquian pictographic notice of, 330
  • Depuch island, Australia, petroglyphs on, 162-163
  • Desgodins, Pere, Mo-so manuscript copied by, 673-674
  • Dighton rock, Massachusetts, descriptions of, 86-87, 762-764
  • Direction, pictographic notices of, 334[813]
  • Direction indicated by drawing topographic features, 341-347
  • Director, report of, III-XXX
  • Disease, pictographic representation of, 588-590
  • Dorsey, J. Owen, work of, XVIII-XIX
  • cited concerning Omaha names, 92
  • report by, on use of colors by Osage Indians, 221
  • explanation of Osage records by, 251
  • notes on Indian personal names by, 446
  • Douglas, Prof., remarks by, on cup sculptures, 198
  • Downing, Alfred, petroglyphs described by, 123
  • Drawing, instruments for, 219
  • Drums, magic, 514-517
  • Duck river, Tennessee, petroglyphs on, 114
  • Dutch, of Brazil, petroglyphs attributed to, 150
  • Dwellings, pictographs of, 719-722
  • E.
  • Eakins, D. W., customs of Muskoki Indians described by, 258
  • Earth, pictographs on, 210-212
  • Easter island, Oceanica, petroglyphs in, 169-171
  • Eclipse of the sun, pictographs of, 722
  • Effigy mounds, 212
  • Egypt, petroglyphs in, 179-180
  • Egyptians (ancient), symbols of deities of, 466
  • mourning ceremonies of, 631
  • symbolic color of, 634
  • symbolic characters of, 642, 643, 645
  • El Paso county, Texas, Indian map on rock in, 344
  • El Paso del Norte, Texas, petroglyphs near, 115
  • Emblems, use of, in early and modern times, 376-373
  • signification of, 610-611
  • Emmert, John W., work of, XI, XII
  • Enchanted mountain, Georgia, petroglyphs in, 76
  • England, turf monuments in, 172-173
  • Épone, France, petroglyphs in, 175-176
  • Escamela, Mexico, stone of the giants at, 133
  • Escondido, California, petroglyphs near, 62-63
  • Esopus, New York, petroglyphs at, 98
  • Espanola, New Mexico, petroglyphs near, 97
  • Esquimau tattooing, 392-396
  • Esselen vocabulary obtained, XV
  • Europe, petroglyphs in, 171-178
  • Expenditures during the year, XXX
  • Extra-limital petroglyphs, 161-188
  • F.
  • Face decoration by Indian women of Bay of Chaleur, 220
  • Fairy rocks, Kejimkoojik lake, Nova Scotia, inscriptions on, 38-42
  • Fancher, G. L., pottery donated by, XXI-XXII
  • Fast, pictograph for, 590
  • Fayette county, Pennsylvania, glyphs from Indian grave in, 112
  • Fear, pictograph for, 590-591
  • Feathers and quills, pictographs on, 207-208
  • Featherstonhaugh, Thomas, Indian relics donated by, XXII
  • Feet and tracks, human and animal, pictographs of, 715-716
  • Fictile fabrics, pictographs on, 215
  • Field work, X-XVII
  • Financial statement, XXX
  • Finke river, Australia, petroglyphs on, 162
  • Florida chief, Satouriona, tattoo of, 393
  • Florida Indians, declaration of war by, 359
  • decorative painting by, 619
  • Flower messages of Turks and Persians, 368
  • Fauna, delineation of, 749
  • Fool creek canyon, Utah, pictographs at, 117
  • Forsyth county, Georgia, petroglyphs in, 76
  • Fort Washakie, Wyoming, petroglyphs near, 129-130
  • Fort Wrangell, Alaska, petroglyphs near, 47
  • Fowke, Gerard, work of, XI
  • France, petroglyphs in, 175-177
  • emblems on tombstones in, 524
  • gambling pebbles from, 549-550
  • Fremont, Samuel, aid by, XVIII-XIX
  • French Acadians, story of, told by Louis Labrador, 42
  • defeat of, at Port Royal, 42
  • Freshet, pictograph for, 591-592
  • Frost, L. L., pictographs reported by, 69
  • Fulton, R. L., petroglyphs described by, 92-95
  • G.
  • Galibis, natives of South America, appointment notices of, 257
  • Games pictured, 547-550
  • Garden rock, Asheville, North Carolina, 99
  • Gaston, Oregon, petroglyphs, near, 105
  • Gatschet, Albert S., work of, XVII, XIX
  • petroglyphs reported by, 105
  • report by, on coloring matter used by Klamath Indians, 221
  • on use of colors by Pueblos, 624
  • Geneva Picture rock, Pennsylvania, 111
  • Gentile and clan designations, 388-391
  • Georgia, petroglyphs in, 76
  • German swordmaker’s marks, 446
  • German sketches (mediaeval) compared with Apache drawings, 740
  • Gesture and posture signs depicted, 637-642
  • Giant bird Kaloo, myth of, 472-473
  • Giant petroglyph, England, 173
  • Gibbs, George, petroglyphs described by, 123
  • Gila river, Arizona, pictographs on, 49
  • Gila river valley, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 51
  • Gilbert, G. K., communication by, 48
  • petroglyphs described by, 50
  • drawings by, 77
  • inscriptions copied and described by, 116, 117
  • petroglyphs described by, 329
  • Gill, De Lancey W., aid by, XXI
  • acknowledgment to, 30[814]
  • Glooscap, hero-god of Abnaki, 469-470, 473
  • Gods of Abnaki presiding over petroglyphs, 32
  • Good, pictograph for, 592
  • Gourds, pictographs on, 208-209
  • Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa investigated, XIII
  • Grave Creek stone, the, 761-762
  • Grave posts, Algonquian, 517-518
  • Great Britain and Ireland, petroglyphs in, 171-173
  • Greek mnemonic device, 226
  • Greenland Innuit tattoo, 392
  • Greenland native map, 346
  • Guadeloupe, petroglyphs in, 139
  • Guatemala, petroglyphs in, 142
  • Guatemalan Indians, symbols used by, 614-615
  • mourning color of, 630
  • colors for social distinction of, 633
  • priest of, 431
  • gesture signs of, 647-648
  • Guiana, petroglyphs in, 144-147
  • Guiana Indians, superstition of, 146
  • appointment notices of, 257-258
  • name-system of, 444-445
  • painting of body by, 620
  • Gypsy notice of direction, 340
  • H.
  • Haida Indians, demon of, 47
  • basket work of, 217
  • pictographs by, 217
  • tattoo of, 396-405
  • myths of, 477-478, 479
  • thunder-birds of, 485
  • gambling sticks of, 547-548
  • totem post of, 684-685
  • composite forms in pictographs, 737
  • Haiti, religious and ceremonial use of color in, 628
  • Hamats, custom of biting among, 407
  • Handkerchief rock, Tazewell county, Virginia, 122
  • Hallock, Charles, cited, 33
  • pictographs reported by, 90
  • pictographs described by, 42, 43
  • petroglyphs reported by, 116
  • Harpeth river, Tennessee, petroglyphs on, 114, 115
  • Hawaii, account books used by natives of, 226-227
  • Healdsburg, California, petroglyphs near, 69
  • Henshaw, H. W., work of, XIV-XV, XVIII, XXI
  • Hewitt, J. N. B., work of, XVII, XX
  • on etymology of Iroquoian word for war mattress, 555
  • Hidatsa Indians, instruments for pictography used by, 218, 219
  • paintings by, on robes or skins, 219
  • use of notched sticks by, for recording time, 227
  • tribal designation of, 384
  • pictographic notices by, 336-337
  • map made by, 342
  • individual designations of, 424
  • Hidatsa Indians, exploit marks of, 437-440
  • pictographs of hunting and fruit-gathering by, 533-534
  • record of chief of, 581
  • High, pictograph for, 592-593
  • Hill, Edwin A., petroglyphs reported by, 97
  • Hillers, J. K., work of, XXIII
  • pictograph copied by, 353
  • Hindoo and Egyptian symbol, lotus flower, 618
  • Hindu women, superstition of, 196
  • Hindu pictographs in rice flour, 211
  • Hindustan, cup sculptures in, 196
  • Hinman, S. D., classification of pictography by, 204
  • pictorial roster obtained by, 420
  • History, pictographic methods of recording, 551-570
  • Hittite emblems of sound, 662-664
  • Hoddentin used by Zuñi Indians, 221
  • Hoffman, W. J., work of, XIII, XIV, XVIII
  • acknowledgments to, 30
  • rock paintings reported and described by, 52-53, 56, 60, 64, 71-72, 99-100
  • petroglyphs described and copied by, 106, 109, 121, 127
  • report by, on Hualpai Indians, 221
  • report by, on Indian mnemonic devices, 223
  • information furnished by, 358
  • report by, on Ojibwa Grand Medicine Society, 626-627
  • Hog island, Maine, petroglyphs on, 83
  • Holman, Paul, report by, concerning pictographs, 49
  • Holmes, William H., work of, X, XXI
  • petroglyphs copied and described by, 88-89
  • paper by, mentioned, 209, 211
  • rock sculptures described by, 475
  • Holston river, Tennessee, petroglyphs on, 115
  • Hopi Indians, game of, 548-549
  • Howitt, A. W., pictographs described by, 219
  • Hualpai Indians, decoration of body by, 226
  • Huaytara, Peru, petroglyphs in, 156
  • Hubbell collection of ancient Indian pottery examined and photographed, XVII
  • Hudson Bay Indians, significant use of color by, 634
  • Human body, pictographs on, 205
  • Human form, pictographs of, 703-716
  • Head and face, 707-711;
  • hand, 711-715;
  • feet, 715, 716.
  • Humboldt county, Nevada, petroglyphs in, 95
  • Huron Indians, wampum messages of, 229
  • method of recording used by, 257
  • declaration of war by, 358
  • tattooing of, 393-394
  • conventional war tokens of, 652
  • I.
  • Idaho, petroglyphs in, 77, 680
  • Ideography, 583-648
  • preliminary remarks on, 583-584
  • progressive stages of, 584
  • Illinois, petroglyphs in, 77-80[815]
  • Illinois river, petroglyphs on, 79-80
  • Imitations and forced interpretations of pictographs, 764-767
  • Independence stone, Ohio, 102
  • India, petroglyphs in, 186
  • cup sculptures in, 196-198
  • declaration of war by natives of, 361
  • tattooing in, 413
  • Indian god rock, Pennsylvania, 109-110
  • Indian personal names, work on, XIX
  • Indian physiognomy, work on, XXIII
  • Individual designation, 419-460
  • Individual achievements, signs of, 433-441
  • Innuit Indians, instruments used by, for carving on bone, 218
  • method of keeping accounts of, 264
  • pictograph of whale hunting by, 531
  • Inscription rock, El Moro, New Mexico, 96
  • Insignia or tokens of authority, 419-433
  • Interpretation, means of, 745-758
  • Invitation sticks, 364-366
  • Iowa, petroglyphs in, 80
  • Iroquoian bibliography, work on, XX
  • Iroquois Indians, war post of, 227
  • use of wampum beads by, 228-230
  • tribal designations of, 377-378
  • tattoo designs of, 394
  • insignia of chiefs of, 419
  • record of battles by, 554-555
  • military terms of, 555
  • record of events by, 575-576
  • illustration of prisoner by, 600
  • conventional devices of, for dead men and death, 660-661
  • Instruments by which pictographs are made, 218-222
  • Ireland, petroglyphs in, 171
  • cup sculptures in, 194
  • Italy, petroglyphs in, 178
  • Itamaraca, rock of, Brazil, 151-152
  • J.
  • Japan, petroglyphs in, 185-186
  • Japanese, mnemonic devices of, 226
  • letter-writing of, 368
  • mourning colors of, 631
  • Java, symbolic colors of the cardinal points in, 625
  • Jebu messages of complaint, 374-375
  • Jĕssakkī'd curing disease, 254
  • Johnson, G. K., pottery donated by, XXI
  • Johnson, Willard D., pictographs reported by, 77
  • Jones, C. C., vessels donated by, XXI
  • K.
  • Kaibab (Arizona) Indians, personal names of, 444
  • Kaiowa Indians, tribal designations of, 384
  • gourd pictograph by, 208-209
  • emblem of, 613
  • Kalosh (Alaska) Indians, graves of, 524
  • Kanawha, West Virginia, petroglyphs at, 34
  • Kanawha river, West Virginia, petroglyphs on, 125
  • Kansas, petroglyphs in, 80-81
  • Karánkawa vocabulary obtained, XVII
  • Kauder, Christian, works of, in Micmac language, 667-670
  • Keam, Thomas V., rock drawings reported by, 50
  • on ceremonial use of colors by Moki Indians, 623
  • Keam’s Canyon, Arizona, rock drawings in, 50
  • ideographic petroglyphs in, 604, 605
  • Kei (or Arue) islands, Oceanica, petroglyphs in, 167-168
  • Kekeewin and kekeenowin, definition of, 35
  • Kentucky, petroglyphs in, 81
  • Kejimkoojik lake, Nova Scotia, work on pictographs at, XII
  • inscribed rocks at, 38-42
  • mythic petroglyphs at, 468-487
  • drawings at, 740-749
  • Kickapoo Indians, mnemonic songs of, 250
  • Kickapoo (Shawnee) prophet, 508-509
  • Kinahan, G. H., cup sculptures described by, 194
  • Kítshi Man'idō, Ojibwa mythic personage, 255
  • Kiwach, myth of, 473
  • Klamath language, work on, XIX
  • Klamath Indians, coloring matter used by, 221
  • tattoo of, 406
  • Knotted cords and objects tied, 223-227
  • Ktá-i Tupákshi (Standing Rock), Oregon, 106
  • Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia, totemic carvings of, 391
  • tattoo of, 407
  • myth of, 479
  • L.
  • Labrador, ethnologic work in, XXIV
  • La Crosse, Wisconsin, copies made of pictographs near, XIV
  • La Flesche, Francis, petroglyphs described by, 91-92
  • Lake of the Woods, Manitoba, petroglyphs on, 43
  • Lake Superior, Wisconsin, petroglyphs on, 126
  • painting of body by Indians on, 620
  • Lake Tyrrell, Australia, pictograph on bark from, 222
  • Las Flechas, Mexico, petroglyph at, 181
  • Layton, Pennsylvania, petroglyphs at, 111
  • Lean, pictograph for, 593-594
  • Lean Wolf, a Hidatsa chief, drawings by, 342, 424
  • Leland, Charles G., communication from, 346
  • Lightning, gesture signs and symbols for, 701-702
  • Lisières, France, petroglyph in, 177
  • Little, pictograph for, 594-595
  • Little Bighorn, battle of, 563-566
  • Little Coal river, West Virginia, petroglyphs on, 125
  • Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania, 106, 107
  • Little Standing Buffalo, aid by, XIX
  • Lolos of China, written characters of, 674[816]
  • Lone, pictograph for, 595-596
  • Lone Dog, Winter Count of, 266, 273-287
  • Lone Butte, Nevada, petroglyphs on, 92
  • Los Angeles, California, mnemonic devices of Indians of, 223
  • Los Letreros, Canary islands, petroglyphs of, 183-185
  • Lower California, rock paintings in, 131
  • petroglyphs in, 683
  • M.
  • MacDonnell, Australia, petroglyphs in, 161
  • Machias bay, Maine, rock inscriptions at, 34
  • Machiasport, Maine, petroglyphs in, 81-83
  • Madeira and Mamoré rivers, Brazil, petroglyphs on, 152-155
  • Magiguadavic river, Maine, rock carvings on, 32
  • Mahadeo, Hindu god, worship of, 196-198
  • Maine, work on pictographs in, XII
  • petroglyphs in, 81-83
  • Malay natives, tattooing of, 412
  • Malecite Indians, birch-bark pictographs of, XII-XIII
  • Mallery, Garrick, work of, XII-XIII, XVIII
  • notice and summary of paper on picture writing by, XXVI-XXX
  • paper on picture writing of the American Indians by, 1-807
  • Mandan Indians, oracle stone of, 32
  • tribal designations of, 385
  • signs of exploit worn by warriors of, 436
  • decorative painting of body by, 619-620
  • Mangaia, tattooing in, 413
  • Manitoba, petroglyphs in, 43-44
  • Manti, Utah, petroglyphs at, 117-118
  • Maori Indians, genealogical board of, 228
  • Maryland, petroglyphs in, 83-86
  • Maco manuscript, 673-674
  • Many, pictograph for, 596
  • Mason, Charles S., drawings furnished by, 77
  • Massachusetts, petroglyphs in, 86-87
  • Materials by which pictographs are made, 218-222
  • Mato-Sapa (Black Bear), chart made by, 268
  • Matthews, Washington, cited, 210
  • on ceremonial use of colors by Navajo, 623
  • Maya Indians, gesture signs of, 645-647
  • symbolic characters of, 645
  • written characters of, 756
  • McCall’s Ferry, Pennsylvania, petroglyphs at, 108
  • McChesney, Charles E., account of battle of Little Bighorn by, 563
  • McWhorter, L. V., petroglyphs reported by, 126
  • Meath county, Ireland, cairn in, 171-172
  • Medicine-arrow, pictographs of, 503
  • Medicine-man, pictographs of, 463, 464, 466
  • Megaque’s last battle, 560-561
  • Menomoni Indians, myth of, 481
  • grave posts of, 521-522
  • Merriam, C. Hart, petroglyph photographed by, 61
  • Merriam, Col. Henry C., petroglyphs described by, 122-123
  • Message sticks, 369-371
  • Meteors, pictographs of, 722-724
  • Mexican Emperor Ahuitzotzin, pictograph for, 134-135
  • Mexican Indians, method of preparing accounts by, 264
  • military insignia of, 431-432
  • personal names of, 460
  • mythic figure of (Ahuitzotl), 488
  • superstition of, 500
  • customs of, pictographically illustrated, 542-547
  • hieroglyphic record of, 567
  • ideographic illustration of small-pox by, 589
  • ideographic illustration of snow by, 606
  • symbols of, 613-614, 644
  • symbolic colors for cardinal points, 625
  • color in the codices of, 636
  • conventional pictograph of, 656
  • Mexican and Central American pictorial writing, 665
  • Mexico, petroglyphs in, 131-136
  • Aztec inscription from, 133-134
  • Micmac Indians, work on pictographs of, XII
  • birch-bark pictographs by, 201
  • rock scratchings of, imitated, 218
  • notice of direction by, 341
  • pictographs of fishing by, 530-531
  • tribal emblems of, 379
  • insignia dress and masks of, 424-429
  • medicine lodges of, 509-511
  • mourning colors of, 629
  • hieroglyphics of, 666-671
  • catechism of, 667-668
  • Lord’s prayer, as written by, 669
  • various printed words of, 670
  • Middleton, James D., work of, XI
  • petroglyphs reported by, 80, 81
  • Midé lodges, ceremonies of, 508
  • Mide rites, birch-bark roll of, 202-203
  • Midē'wiwin, or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa, investigated, XIII
  • ceremonial chant of, 232-246
  • migration record of, 566, 567
  • Millsboro, Pennsylvania, petroglyphs at, 110
  • Minabozho, tradition of, 252
  • Mindeleff, Cosmos, work of, XXII-XXIII
  • Mindeleff, Victor, work of, XVII, XXI, XXII
  • description of Pueblo prayer ceremonies by, 511
  • on ceremonial use of colors by Pueblo Indians, 622
  • Minitari, Gros Ventre, or Hidatsa tribal designations, 384
  • Minneconjou myth, 482
  • Minnesota, petroglyphs in, 87-90
  • Minnesota valley, traditions concerning rock inscriptions in, 34
  • Mississippi river, signals of peace by Indians on, 361
  • Mnemonic picture writing, 223-264
  • Moghar, Algeria, petroglyphs at, 178-180
  • Modoc women, tattoo of, 406[817]
  • Modoc war color, 631
  • Mojave desert, California, petroglyph in, 61
  • Mohave Indians, inscriptions by, 95
  • pigments used by, 221
  • tattoo of women of, 406
  • painting of body by, 620
  • Moki Indians, notices on rocks by, 329-330
  • mythic drawings by, 488, 506
  • ceremonial by priests of, 512
  • ceremonial use of colors by, 623-624, 628
  • conventional device of, for rain and symbol of Aloseka, 662
  • gesture signs of, 643
  • devices of, 746 748
  • Mongols, magic drums of, 514-517
  • Montana, pictured rocks in, 90
  • Mooney, James, work of, XV-XVI, XIX, XXI
  • petroglyphs reported by, 99
  • pictograph described by, 208
  • on use of colors by Cherokees, 624, 634
  • Morgantown, West Virginia, petroglyphs near, 124-125
  • Mormons, petroglyph near Manti, Utah, as interpreted by, 118
  • Mortuary practices, 517-527
  • Mosher, Lieut., petroglyphs reported by, 51
  • Mosman, Mrs. A. T., clay articles loaned by, XXII
  • Mound canyon, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 51
  • Mound explorations, work in, X-XI, XXII
  • Much, pictograph for, 596
  • Muskhogean bibliography, work on, XX
  • Muskoki Indians, numeration marks of, 258
  • Myths and mythic animals pictured, 468-490
  • N.
  • Naqómqilis (Wakashan) Indians, pictographs by, 213
  • Najowe valley, California, petroglyphs in, 65-68
  • Nambé, New Mexico, petroglyph at, 98
  • Names, Indian personal, work on, XIX
  • Nasquapees of Labrador, notices of direction, etc. by, 340
  • birch bark, letter by, 341
  • Natchez Indians, method of recording appointment by, 257
  • declaration of war by, 358
  • ceremonial use of color by, 628
  • Navajo Indians, work among, XVIII
  • sand paintings of, 210-211
  • ceremonial use of colors by, 623-624
  • Nebraska, petroglyphs in, 90-92
  • Negation, gesture sign for, 644
  • Nelson, E. W., petroglyphs described by, 60-61
  • Nevada, petroglyphs in, 92-96
  • Newark, Ohio, fraudulent inscribed stones from, 760
  • Newark Track rock, Ohio, 101-102
  • New Brunswick, work in, XII-XIII
  • New Caledonia, drawings from, 743
  • Newcombe, Cyrus F., petroglyphs reported by, 72
  • New Guinea, tattooing of Papuans in, 411-412
  • scarification in, 417
  • mourning colors used in, 630
  • New Hebrides, tattooing in, 418
  • New Mexico, petroglyphs in, 96-98, 353, 682
  • New York, petroglyphs in, 98-99
  • New Zealand, petroglyphs in, 165-167
  • tattooing in, 409-410
  • grave effigies in, 525-526
  • religious and ceremonial use of color in, 627-628
  • wood carvings in, 685-686
  • Nez Percé vocabulary obtained, XIV
  • Nicaragua, petroglyphs in, 141, 686
  • Nicobarese mortuary tablet, 527
  • Night, signs and symbols for, 699-700
  • Nikari-Karu Indians of Guiana, mnemonic device of, 226
  • Nipigon bay, Ontario, pictograph on, 42-43
  • Nootka or Aht Indians, at Vancouver island, British Columbia, 44
  • legend of, 44
  • tattoo of, 407
  • Normocs, tattoo of, 407
  • Norris, P. W., petroglyphs reported by, 87, 125
  • pictographs obtained by, 459
  • North America, petroglyphs in, 37-140
  • tattoo in, 392-407
  • North Carolina, linguistic work in, XV-XVI
  • petroglyphs in, 99-101
  • war color of Indians in, 632
  • Notched or marked sticks, 227-228
  • Notices, pictographic forms of, 329-357
  • Nova Scotia, work on pictographs in, XII
  • petroglyphs in, 37-42
  • Numeration, 258-259
  • Nye county, Nevada, inscribed rock in, 94
  • O.
  • Oakley spring, Arizona, petroglyphs at, 329-330
  • Obscure, pictograph for, 597
  • Oceanica, petroglyphs in, 165-171
  • Odanah, Ojibwa village, Wisconsin, 126
  • Oglala, Dakota, individual designation of, 424
  • Oglala roster, 420-424
  • description and history of, 420-421
  • pictographs from, 641, 642, 652
  • Ohio, petroglyphs in, 101-104
  • Ojibwa Indians, work among, XIII
  • concentric circles used as symbols by, 199-200
  • hieroglyphic writing of, 202
  • pictographs on copper by, 212-213
  • birch-bark pictographs of, 213
  • instruments for birch-bark pictographs used by, 218
  • instruments for drawing on wood used by, 219
  • wampum belt of, 230
  • ceremonial songs of, 232-250
  • songs of Midēwiwin, 232-246
  • song for Metai or medicine hunting, 246-250
  • musical notation of, 250
  • Midē records of, 252-255
  • tradition of, concerning origin of Indians, 255-256
  • birch-bark record of treaty by, 256-257
  • notice of direction used by, 337-338[818]
  • illustration of battlefield by, 342
  • topographic signs employed by, 345
  • notice of condition by, 347
  • notice of warning by, 353
  • declaration of peace by, 360
  • letter-writing by, 362-363
  • invitation sticks of, and ceremony of invitation and acceptance, 365-366
  • summons to Midē ceremony of, 367
  • tribal designation of, 385
  • tattooing of women of, 395
  • shamanism of, 466-467, 474, 475, 495-496
  • manidos, or spirits, illustrated by, 480
  • mythic wild cats illustrated by, 481-482
  • thunder-birds represented by, 487
  • hunting records of, 532, 538
  • records of battle by, 556-557, 559-660
  • record of migration of, 566-567
  • biographical record of, 577-578
  • ideographic illustrations by, 586-605
  • Bad, 586;
  • sickness, 590;
  • fear, 591;
  • great, 596;
  • see, 601;
  • cold, snow, 605.
  • ceremonial use of colors by, 626-627
  • conventional devices of, 653
  • devices of, for life and death, 660
  • tribal and national emblems of, 747
  • weapons of, 753
  • drawings of, 757-758
  • Ojo de Benado, New Mexico, petroglyphs at, 97-98
  • Ojo Pescado, New Mexico, petroglyphs near, 97
  • Oliver, Alice M., aid by, XVII
  • Omaha Indians, personal names of, list obtained, XIX
  • tribal designations of, 385
  • tattoo designs of, 395
  • insignia worn by police of, 420
  • record of war expeditions by, 552
  • ceremonial colors used by, 625, 628
  • Onas, Mohawk name for William Penn, 443
  • Oneida, Idaho, petroglyphs in, 77
  • Onontio, Iroquois name for governor of Canada, 443
  • Ontario, petroglyphs in, 42-43
  • Opposition, pictograph for, 597-598
  • Oregon, petroglyphs in, 104-106
  • Origin of Indians, tradition of, 255-256
  • Orongo Indians of Easter island, houses of, 169
  • Osage Indians, coloring matter used by, 221
  • mythic tradition and chart of, 251-252
  • practice of tattoo by, 394
  • mourning custom of, 519
  • war color of, 632
  • colors used by, for social or military distinction, 633
  • Ottawa Indians, instruments used by, for birch-bark pictographs, 218
  • pictograph by, 529-530
  • Ottawa and Pottawatomie Indians, pictographic notices by, 350
  • Owens valley, California, petroglyphs in, 56-60
  • P.
  • Pacific coast, tattoo on, 396-407
  • Passamaquoddy Indians, pictographs of, examined, XII
  • shop accounts of, 259-262
  • pictographic notice of direction by, 339-340
  • pictographic notice of condition, or wikhegan by, 347-350
  • wikhegan, or message to the President from, 367
  • tribal emblem of, 378-379
  • birch-bark drawing by, 474
  • record of battle by, 560-561
  • conventional device of, 652
  • Painted caves, Crocket county, Texas, 116
  • Painted rock, Indian personal name, 35
  • Painting upon robes or skins, 219
  • Painting on the human body, 618-619
  • Paint rock, North Carolina, petroglyphs on, 99-101
  • Pai Ute Indians, in Owens valley, California, 60
  • topographic illustration by, 342, 343
  • Palestine, cup sculptures in, 198
  • Papuans, notice of warning by, 357
  • mourning colors of, 630
  • Parsons, F. H., aid by, XXI
  • Partridge creek, Arizona, petroglyphs on, 50
  • Passés Indians of Brazil, dyes used by, 222
  • Pawnee Indians, pictographs on wood by, 214
  • tribal designations of, 386
  • medicine arrow of, pictographically represented, 503
  • Pawnee Loup Indians, notice of war party by, 336
  • Peach Springs, Arizona, petroglyphs near, 50
  • Pedra Lavrada, Brazil, 157
  • Peace and friendship, profession of, pictographically represented, 359-362
  • Peale, A. C., aid by, XXI
  • Penn wampum belt, history of, 231
  • Pennsylvania, petroglyphs in, 106-113, 678
  • Penobscot Indians, pictographs by, examined, XII
  • vocabulary of, obtained, XVII
  • notice of direction by, 338-339
  • tribal emblem of, 379
  • Piasa rock, near Alton, Illinois, description of, 77-79
  • definition of name, 78
  • Pictorial tribal designations, 377-388
  • Pictographs of Abnaki and Micmac Indians examined, XII, XIII
  • Pictographs on stone, imitated, 218
  • Pictographs in alphabets, 674-675
  • Pictured cave near La Crosse, Wisconsin, copies made of pictographs at, XIV
  • Picture writing of the American Indians, notice and summary of paper on, XXVI-XXX
  • paper by Garrick Mallery on, 1-807[819]
  • Piedra Pintada (Painted rock) creek canyon, Colorado, petroglyphs in, 72
  • Piegan Indians, notice by, 356
  • Pilling, James C., work of, X, XX
  • Pinart, Alphonse, pictographs reported by, 62
  • Pipestone, Minnesota, petroglyphs copied at, XIII, 87-88
  • Piute Creek, California, pictographs at, 62
  • Piute map of Colorado river, 342
  • Plains tribes, notices by, 340
  • Plancarte, F., Indian relics donated by, XXII
  • Playsanos Indians of California, gravestones of, 519
  • Pokinsquss, myth of, 469-470
  • Polynesia, tattooing in, 408
  • Ponka Indians, personal names of, XIX
  • tribal designations of, 386-387
  • Pontiac, wampum belt of, 230
  • Pope, George, petroglyphs described by, 117
  • Portsmouth, Rhode Island, petroglyphs at, 113
  • Possession, pictographic signs for, 598
  • Potomac river valley, work on pottery of, XXI
  • Pottawatomie Indians, mnemonic songs of, 250
  • Pottery of the Potomac valley, work on, XXI
  • Powell, J. W., work of, XVIII
  • cited, concerning Indian personal names, 444
  • Powhatan tribes of Virginia, work on, XX
  • Powhatan, deerskin mantle of, 209
  • Prairie du Rocher, Illinois, petroglyphs near, 80
  • Prayer sticks, 508-509
  • Praying beads of Buddhists, 226
  • Prisoners, Indian treatment of, 552
  • ideographically represented, 598-600
  • Provo river, Utah, petroglyphs on, 117
  • Profession of peace and friendship, 359-362
  • Property, division of, among North American Indians, 441
  • Property marks, 441-442
  • Proudfit, S. V., pottery from the Potomac valley loaned by, XXII
  • Publications issued and distributed during the year, X
  • Pueblo architecture, work on, XXII
  • models of, prepared, XXII-XXIII
  • Pueblo Indians of New Mexico map made by, 341
  • cosmology of, 467-468
  • prayer ceremonies of, 511
  • ceremonial use of colors by, 624
  • colors for war and peace used by, 631
  • Pueblo pottery, coloring of, 220
  • Puerto Cabello, Venezuela, sculptured rock near, 147-148
  • Puerto Rico, petroglyphs in, 136-137
  • Puget Sound, Washington, pictographs found on, 214
  • Pyramid lake, Nevada, petroglyphs at, 92
  • Q.
  • Quick, J. H., petroglyphs described by, 90-91
  • Quipu, a mnemonic device of Indians of Peru and Guiana, 224-226
  • R.
  • Rain, gesture signs and symbols for, 701
  • Rattlesnake rock, Mojave desert, California, 61
  • Record of expedition, battle, migration, and other notable events, 552-570
  • Red Cloud’s census, description and history of, 445-447
  • pictographs from, 390-391, 421-423, 463-465, 486, 494, 534-535, 585-598, 639-641, 652, 653, 657
  • Red Horse petroglyph, England, 173
  • Red lake, Minnesota, birch-bark record obtained at, XIII, 252
  • Religion, pictographs concerning, 461-527
  • general discussion and classification, 461-527
  • Religious ceremonies, 505-517
  • Reno, Nevada, petroglyphs in, 95
  • Reveillé, Nye county, Nevada, inscribed rocks in, 94
  • Reynolds, Henry L., work of, XI, XXII
  • pottery from Potomac valley, loaned by, XXII
  • Rhode Island, petroglyphs in, 113
  • Riggs, S. R., editorial work on manuscript left by, XIX
  • Rio Mancos, Colorado, petroglyphs on, 73-74
  • Rio Negro, Brazil, petroglyphs on, 152
  • Roche Percé, Souris river, Manitoba, 43
  • Rock creek, Colorado, petroglyphs on, 72
  • Rock-paintings, Indian superstition concerning, 466-467
  • Rockhill, W. W., notice of Paul Vial’s work by, 674
  • Rocky Dell creek, New Mexico, rock paintings at, 96
  • Rock hill, California, petroglyphs on, 52
  • Rogers, Charles, remarks by, on cup sculptures, 200
  • Romans, custom of tattooing among, 408
  • emblems of, 525, 618
  • ceremonial use of color by, 628-629
  • Rowe canyon, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 356-357
  • Running Antelope, Dakota chief, biography by, 571-575
  • Russell, I. C., pictographs sketched by, 117
  • S.
  • Sac Indians, mourning ceremonies of, 518-629
  • conventional devices of, 658
  • Sacred rock paintings, 466-467
  • Salish Indians, work on language of, XXIII
  • tattoo among, 407
  • funeral customs of, 524
  • mourning colors of, 630
  • Samoa, tattooing in, 410-411
  • Samoyed message of demand, 375
  • Sand, pictographs on, 210-212
  • San Antonio springs, New Mexico, petroglyphs at, 97
  • San Bernardino, California, pictographs reported near, 62
  • San Diego county, California, petroglyphs in, 63[820]
  • San Francisco mountain, Arizona, petroglyphs near, 48-49
  • San Marcos pass, California, petroglyphs near, 64
  • San Juan river, Colorado, petroglyphs near, 73
  • petroglyphs on, 74-75
  • Santa Barbara, California, coloring matter of pictographs in, 221
  • Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa, Guatemala, sculptures of, 226
  • Sapiel Selmo, Passamaquoddy chief, 338
  • Satsika (Blackfeet) Indians, insignia of Tail Bearer of, 429
  • societies of, 528-529
  • Sawyer, Wells M., acknowledgments to, 30
  • Scandinavian colors for war and peace, 635
  • Scarification, 416-418
  • Schoolcraft, Henry R., exaggerated accounts of Ojibwa pictographs by, 202
  • Scotland, cup sculptures in, 193
  • Scythian declaration of war, 362
  • Seeman, Berthold, remarks by, on cup sculptures, 193-194
  • Serpent, pictographs of, 476-477
  • emblematic use of, 617
  • Serrano Indians of California, property marks of, 441
  • face mark of, 621
  • Shafer, P. W., pictographs published by, 106-10
  • Shaman, definition of term, 490-499
  • Shamanism, 490-500
  • Shastika Indian women, face decoration of, 220
  • Shawnees, battle of, with Cherokees, 122
  • Shells, pictographs on, 209-210
  • Shinumo canyon, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 51-121
  • Short, pictographs for, 600
  • Shoshoni Indians, petroglyphs interpreted by, 128, 129
  • use of notched sticks by, for recording time, 227
  • pictographic notice of hunt by, 331
  • pictographic notice of guidance by, 353-354
  • tribal designations of, 387-388
  • biographical record of, 578
  • gesture signs of, for cold, 606
  • petroglyphs by, 680-682
  • Shuswap Indians of British Columbia, notices by, 340
  • Siberia, use of knotted cords for mnemenic purposes in, 226
  • petroglyphs in, 186-188
  • tattooing in, 414
  • Siberian and Tartar inscriptions, 188
  • Sicasica, Peru, writings found at, 672
  • Sierra Leone, scarification in, 417
  • Sight, pictographs for, 600-601
  • Signs, symbols, and emblems, 607-618
  • classification of, 607-609
  • Simons, A. B., clay articles loaned by, XXII
  • Siouan dialects, work in, XIX
  • Siouan family, divisions of, 272
  • Sioux or Dakota Indians, paper prepared on camping circles of, XIX
  • tribal designations of, 379-388
  • origin of name of, 272
  • message of, to Ojibwa, 360
  • exploit marks of, 433-435
  • sign of mourning of, 519
  • cult societies of, 528
  • record of battle by, 563-566
  • mourning color, 629-630
  • colors for victory used by, 632
  • Six Nations, deed from, to King of Great Britain, 378
  • Skins, pictographs on, 206-207
  • Slow, pictographs for, 601
  • Snanaimuq Indians, war paint of, 632
  • Snow, pictographs for, 605-606
  • Social and religious missives, 362-374
  • Songs, order of, 231-250
  • explanation of, 231-232
  • Sonora, Mexico, petroglyphs in, 131, 749
  • South Africa, petroglyphs in, 180-183
  • South America petroglyphs in, 142-160
  • tattoo in, 407
  • South Carolina, war color of Indians in, 632
  • South Dakota, petroglyphs in, 114
  • South Sea Islanders, mnemonic devices of, 224
  • Spain, petroglyphs in, 177-178
  • Spaniards, ceremonial use of color by, 629
  • Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs, 690
  • Special comparisons, 676-744
  • Stephen. A. M., work of, XVII-XVIII
  • Stevenson, James notice of death and biographic sketch of, XXIV-XXV
  • on ceremonial use of colors by Zuñi, 623
  • paper by, mentioned, 210
  • Stone of the Giants, Mexico, 138
  • Stone, pictographs on, 205-206
  • Strings used for mnemonic purposes, 223
  • Substances on which pictographs are made, 205-217
  • Supernatural, symbols of the, 462-468
  • Susanville, California, pictographs near, 69
  • Swan, James G., contribution by, on tattoo, 402
  • Sweden, petroglyphs in, 173-175
  • Symbolism, development of, 609-610
  • Symbols of the supernatural, 462-468
  • Syllabaries and alphabets, 664-675
  • development of, 664-665
  • Syrian symbols, 616-618
  • T.
  • Taboo, 504-505
  • Tall, pictograph for, 601-602
  • Tallies or notched sticks, in Great Britain, 228
  • Tamanaques Indians, legend of, 33
  • Tartars, use of notched sticks as records by, 228
  • notice of warning by, 357
  • magic drums of, 514-517
  • Tassin, A. G., drawing and explanation of petroglyphs by, 95[821]
  • Tattoo, significance of, 391-419
  • use of, by ancient monarchs, 407-408
  • in ancient Rome, 408
  • among Arabs, 414
  • summary of studies on, 418-419
  • Taylor, H. R., sketch furnished and information communicated by, 82-83
  • Tazewell County Virginia, petroglyphs in, 121-122
  • Temple Creek canyon Utah, petroglyphs in, 116-117
  • Tennessee, petroglyphs in, 114-115
  • Tepumereme, Venezuela, sculptured rock of, 148
  • Teocuauhxicalli, Mexican sculptured stone, 135-136
  • Teton Dakota, translations made from dialect of, XIX
  • insignia of police of, 419-420
  • shield device of, 436
  • Texas, petroglyphs in, 215-217
  • Textile fabrics, pictographs on, 215-217
  • The-Flame, winter count of, 268
  • The-Swan, winter count of, 268
  • Thlinkit (Tlinkit) Indians, shamanistic emblem of, 612-613
  • war colors of, 632
  • Thomas, Cyrus work of, X, XXI, XXII
  • cited, 209
  • on Mexican and Maya symbolic colors, 625
  • Thompson, Gilbert, petroglyphs reported by, 92
  • Thunder bird, pictographs of, 58, 479, 483-487
  • Ojibwa, 58, 487;
  • Kwakiutl, 479;
  • Dakota, 483-485;
  • Haida 485;
  • Twana, 485;
  • Micmac, 487;
  • Venezuelan, 487;
  • Haida, 399.
  • Tibeto-China, mode of declaring war in, 359
  • Time records of Apache Indians, 258-259
  • Tiverton, Rhode Island, petroglyphs in, 113
  • Tlalmanalco, Mexico, inscribed rock near, 132-133
  • Topography represented in pictographs, 341-347
  • Torres straits islanders, scarification of, 417
  • Totemic system, explanation of, 388-389
  • Totems, titles and names, 376-391
  • Trade, pictographs for, 602
  • Treaties, mnemonically recorded, 256-257
  • Trees, pictographs on, 213
  • Trempealeau, Wisconsin, petroglyphs at, 127, 128
  • Truckee river, Nevada, petroglyphs on, 93
  • Tsimshian Indians, pictograph by, 217
  • tattoo of, 407
  • secret societies and ceremonies of, 512
  • Tuálati Indians, tradition of, 105
  • Tule River agency, California, petroglyphs at, 52-56
  • Turf monuments in England, 172-173, 212
  • Turkish love letter, 368
  • Turner, Lucien M., work of, XXIV
  • Turner, H. W., petroglyphs described by, 52
  • Tusayan pueblos, work among, XVII-XVIII
  • Tuscarora Indians, legends obtained, XVII
  • linguistic work among, XX
  • Twana Indians, thunder bird of, 485
  • war paint of, 632
  • Tyout, Algeria, petroglyphs at, 178, 179
  • U.
  • Umatilla vocabulary obtained, XIV
  • Unalaska, relics of art found in, 220
  • Uncpapa Dakota, personal name, 445
  • Union, pictographic signs for, 602, 603
  • Utah, petroglyphs in, 116-121, 681
  • Ute Indians, declaration of peace by, 360
  • United States, petroglyphs in, 45-130
  • United States of Colombia, petroglyphs in, 143, 144
  • V.
  • Vancouver island, British Columbia, petroglyphs on, 44-45
  • Venezuela, petroglyphs in, 147-150
  • cup-sculptures in, 195
  • mythic pictographs in, 487
  • color stamps used by Piaroas of, 621
  • petroglyphs in, compared with Ojibwa and Shoshonean types, 688
  • Voice and speech, pictographically illustrated, 717-719
  • Victory, pictographic record of, 557-558
  • Virginia, petroglyphs in, 121-122
  • tattooed figures on Indians of, 393
  • W.
  • Wakashan Indians, pictographs by, 215
  • Walker Lake, Nevada, petroglyphs near, 93
  • Wall, J. Sutton pictographs described by, 110, 111
  • pictographs copied by, 111
  • Wampum used in treaty, 231
  • forms and uses of, 228-231
  • significance of colors in, 229, 230
  • War, pictographic form of declaration of, 358, 359
  • Warning and guidance, pictographic notices of, 353-357
  • Washington, petroglyphs in, 122, 123
  • Washington, Pennsylvania, petroglyph near, 109
  • Washoe Indians in Nevada, 93
  • Water, gesture signs for, 642-643
  • Watterson’s ranch, Owens valley, Cal., petroglyphs at, 59
  • Weasel girls, myth of, 471-472
  • Webster, North Carolina, petroglyphs at, 99
  • Wellsville, Ohio, petroglyphs near, 104
  • West Indies, petroglyphs in, 136-140
  • West Virginia, petroglyphs in, 124-126, 475, 676-678
  • Whipple, Lieut., pictographs reported by, 61-62
  • Whirlwind, pictographs for, 603-604
  • White Earth reservation, Minnesota, work at, XIII
  • Ojibwa Midē' ceremony at, 254
  • White Horse petroglyphs, England, 172
  • Whitney, Willard J., petroglyphs reported by, 62
  • Wichita Indians, practice of tattoo by, 375[822]
  • Wikhegan, definition of, 35, 330
  • Wilkesboro, North Carolina, petroglyphs at, 99
  • Wind River valley, Wyoming, petroglyphs in, 128-129
  • Winnebago personal names, list obtained, XIX
  • Winnebago Indians, coloring matter used by, 221
  • pictographic notice by, 334
  • signs of exploit by, 440
  • mythic animal of, 482
  • record of battle by, 558-559
  • mourning color of, 630
  • Winslow, E., relation by, concerning Indian records, 250
  • Winter, pictographs for, 605-606
  • Winter counts of the Dakota Indians, 266-328
  • history and explanation of, 266-273
  • comparison of, 270
  • pictographs from, 273-328, 380-387, 447-465, 494-495, 503, 523, 535-538, 540, 547, 553-554, 561-562, 567-570, 578-581, 585-598, 600-605, 634-642, 650-661, 716-717, 721, 751
  • Wisconsin, petroglyphs in, 126-128
  • Wood, pictographs on, 213-214
  • Woodthorpe, Lieut.-Col., account of tribes in India by, 361
  • Wright, Charles D., petroglyphs described by, 72-73
  • Writing and drawing, original identity of, 664-665
  • Wyoming, petroglyphs in, 128-130, 678-680
  • Y.
  • Yampais spring, Arizona, petroglyphs at, 50
  • Yenesei river, Siberia, petroglyphs on, 186
  • Yokut Indians, pictographs on baskets by, 217
  • Young, William, cited, 378
  • Yuma Indians, map of Colorado river by, 342
  • religious ceremonies of, 505-507
  • Yuris Indians of Brazil, dyes used by, 222
  • Z.
  • Zulu tattoo marks, 415-416
  • Zuñi Indians, study of architecture of, XVII
  • tally sticks of, 259
  • sand paintings of, 210-211
  • coloring materials used by, 221
  • symbols used by, 612
  • ceremonial use of color by, 623-624

Transcriber’s note

Plate headings have been standardised in the format: "BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. X"

Plate headings are now standardized in this format: "BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. X"

  • on p. 171, "∩" represents an inverted U symbol printed in the text;
  • on p. 172, the capital S in "S-shaped curve" was rotated 90 degrees;
  • on p. 185, the text beginning "“The inscriptions are cut" was printed on a new line, but not indented;
  • on p. 252, the letter s in "Waↄiñʞa-ↄüʇse" and "uta¢anʇsi" was inverted;
  • on p. 417, "Λ" represents an inverted V symbol printed in the text;
  • on p. 708, the capital H in "The central H" was rotated 90 degrees.

"e.g." has been regularised to "e. g."

"e.g." has been standardized to "e. g."

The following printing errors have been corrected:

The following printing errors have been fixed:

  • p. xviii "corret spondence" changed to "correspondence"
  • p. xxi "earthern" changed to "earthen"
  • p. xxiv "Congress of the United State." changed to "Congress of the United States"
  • p. 6 "Petroglypps in Australia" changed to "Petroglyphs in Australia"
  • p. 11 "West Virgina" changed to "West Virginia"
  • p. 11 "dancers, bearing" changed to "dancers bearing"
  • p. 12 "San Marcos pass, California 62-67" changed to "San Marcos pass, California 62"
  • p. 12 "Washington, Pednsylvania" changed to "Washington, Pennsylvania"
  • p. 18 "Ah-ton-we-tuck" changed to "Ah-tón-we-tuck"
  • p. 18 "On-saw-kie" changed to "On-sáw-kie"
  • p. 18 "753. Scalped h ead. D akota" changed to "753. Scalped head. Dakota"
  • p. 21 "1071. Life and death. Obijwa" changed to "1071. Life and death. Ojibwa"
  • p. 27 "anthroplologic" changed to "anthropologic"
  • p. 39 "sharpely" changed to "sharply"
  • p. 42 "Mr Charles Hallock" changed to "Mr. Charles Hallock"
  • p. 55 "Fig. 14," changed to "Fig. 14."
  • p. 59 "Pls. VIII to IX" changed to "Pls. VIII to XI"
  • Plate VII "OWENS VALLEY CALIFORNIA." changed to "OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA."
  • pp. 69-70 "sand stone" changed to "sandstone"
  • p. 86 "inscriptian" changed to "inscription"
  • p. 90 "t e shape" changed to "the shape"
  • p. 95 "in the library of the of the" changed to "in the library of the"
  • p. 98 "Nambe" changed to "Nambé"
  • p. 101 "Fig 63 is" changed to "Fig. 63 is"
  • p. 101 "Fig. 63.—Newark" changed to "Fig. 63.—Newark"
  • p. 107 "excellant" changed to "excellent"
  • p. 111 "as Fig. 75" changed to "as Fig. 75."
  • p. 118 "Colorado river, only only" changed to "Colorado river, only"
  • p. 122 "stangely painted" changed to "strangely painted"
  • p. 123 "history of a a" changed to "history of a"
  • p. 123 "more less distinctly" changed to "more or less distinctly"
  • p. 139 "numbers in Oruba" changed to "numbers in Aruba"
  • p. 142 "that the beginning" changed to "than the beginning"
  • p. 143 "Mr A. L Pinart" changed to "Mr. A. L. Pinart"
  • p. 145 "Fig 1104" changed to "Fig. 1104"
  • p. 147 "religous" changed to "religious"
  • p. 147 (Illustration) "Fig. 107.—Sculptured" changed to "Fig. 107.—Sculptured"
  • p. 148 "insignificent" changed to "insignificant"
  • p. 156 "Cracara" changed to "Cracará"
  • p. 157 (Illustration) "Fig. 123.—Petroglyphs" changed to "Fig. 123.—Petroglyphs"
  • p. 159 (Illustration) "Fig. 126.—Petroglyphs" changed to "Fig. 126.—Petroglyphs"
  • p. 165 "peculiarty" changed to "peculiarity"
  • p. 166 "Fig 133." changed to "Fig. 133."
  • p. 168 (Illustration) "Fig. 124.—Petroglyphs" changed to "Fig. 124.—Petroglyphs"
  • p. 168 (Illustration) "Fig. 125.—Inscribed" changed to "Fig. 125.—Inscribed"
  • p. 172 "to cairn" changed to "to a cairn"
  • p. 176 "crypt of the of the" changed to "crypt of the"
  • p. 186 "the Yenisei river" changed to "the Yenesei river"
  • p. 187 "Chandeshwar, India" changed to "Chandeshwar, India."
  • p. 188 "733" changed to "723"
  • p. 195 "serves at its pendant" changed to "serves as its pendant"
  • p. 208 "Fig. 683" changed to "Fig. 685"
  • p. 209 "Ashmoleon" changed to "Ashmolean"
  • p. 219 "suppleness," changed to "suppleness."
  • p. 220 "corsair aspect”" changed to "corsair aspect.”"
  • p. 235 "Midē friends" changed to "Midē friends"
  • p. 236 "When he went" changed to "when he went"
  • p. 236 "Still represented" changed to "still represented"
  • p. 237 "Manidō, the Thunderer" changed to "Manidō, the Thunderer"
  • p. 241 "symbol of the Mīdē" changed to "symbol of the Midē"
  • p. 247 (Illustration) "Fig. 165—Song" changed to "Fig. 165.—Song"
  • p. 254 (Illustration) "Fig. 170—Minabozho." changed to "Fig. 170.—Minabozho."
  • p. 256 "Fig. 174 is copy" changed to "Fig. 174 is copy"
  • p. 257 "the drum used used" changed to "the drum used"
  • p. 257 "Chap. x, Sec. 2." changed to "Chap. x, Sec. 2)."
  • p. 260 "X cr 10" changed to "X or 10"
  • p. 262 (Illustration) "Fig. 180.—Bookaccount." changed to "Fig. 180.—Book account."
  • p. 265 "life time. one old man." changed to "life time, one old man."
  • p. 271 "1811-’02." changed to "1801-’02."
  • p. 274 "distingushed" changed to "distinguished"
  • p. 276 "Crow Feather was their" changed to "Crow-Feather was their"
  • p. 276 "bird portruding" changed to "bird protruding"
  • p. 281 "Th Sans Arcs" changed to "The Sans Arcs"
  • p. 283 "1851-52." changed to "1851-’52."
  • Plate XXI "A 901-930" changed to "A 901-930."
  • p. 290 "shall live." changed to "shall live.”"
  • p. 295 "Fig. 267,1710-’11." changed to "Fig. 267, 1710-’11."
  • p. 296 "who-was eagle-hunting" changed to "who-was-eagle-hunting"
  • p. 299 "each others movements." changed to "each other’s movements."
  • p. 301 "lodge and said." changed to "lodge and said,"
  • p. 302 "Omaha-horses winter." changed to "Omaha-horses winter.”"
  • p. 302 "Ventre winter." changed to "Ventre winter.”"
  • p. 302 "reverance" changed to "reverence"
  • p. 302 "Killed-two-Assiniboines" changed to "Killed-two-Assiniboins"
  • p. 304 "Assiniboins-came" changed to "“Assiniboins-came"
  • p. 305 "beef winter." changed to "beef winter.”"
  • p. 309 "Fig.339" changed to "Fig. 339"
  • p. 309 "Fig.340" changed to "Fig. 340"
  • p. 309 (Illustration) "Fig. 342" changed to "Fig. 342."
  • p. 310 (Illustration) "Fig. 343" changed to "Fig. 343."
  • p. 313 "name Don’t Eat-Buffalo-Heart" changed to "name Don’t-Eat-Buffalo-Heart"
  • p. 317 "again-winter.”" changed to "again winter.”"
  • p. 317 "rotton-wood" changed to "rotten-wood"
  • p. 324 "the Blue-creek" changed to "the-Blue-creek"
  • p. 336 "topograpyh" changed to "topography"
  • p. 341 "winter quarters It" changed to "winter quarters. It"
  • p. 344 "topograpic features" changed to "topographic features"
  • p. 357 "Parauapanama" changed to "Paranapanama"
  • p. 359 "were supended" changed to "were suspended"
  • p. 359 "delare war" changed to "declare war"
  • p. 374 "Egyptain" changed to "Egyptian"
  • p. 374 "decribes" changed to "describes"
  • p. 377 "Ottowa" changed to "Ottawa"
  • p. 379 "familarly" changed to "familiarly"
  • p. 400 (Illustration) "Haida tattoo, dogfish" changed to "Haida tattoo, dogfish."
  • p. 404 "kahatta" changed to "kahátta"
  • p. 412 (Illustration) "Tattooed Paupan" changed to "Tattooed Papuan"
  • p. 418 "14 to inspire" changed to "14, to inspire"
  • p. 420 "Big Road and his" changed to "Big-Road and his"
  • p. 425 "549.—Micmac" changed to "Fig. 549.—Micmac"
  • p. 427 two lines "The designs show some marks suggesting the artistic devices used in / the Roman Catholic Church, though the figuration of the cross is by no" were printed in reverse order.
  • p. 433 "know-ng" changed to "knowing"
  • p. 435 "considered as Objibwas" changed to "considered as Ojibwas"
  • p. 442 (Illustration) "Fig. 579.—African" changed to "Fig. 579.—African"
  • p. 467 "misshappen" changed to "misshapen"
  • p. 476 "it seems, probable" changed to "it seems probable"
  • p. 478 "missionary." changed to "missionary.”"
  • p. 496 "medicines are used" changed to "medicines are used."
  • p. 496 "Sometimes the muzzin ne-neence" changed to "Sometimes the muzzin-ne-neence"
  • p. 502 "bags whieh are considered" changed to "bags which are considered"
  • p. 513 "Caramūlŭn is said" changed to "Daramūlŭn is said"
  • p. 513 "(1) A piece" changed to "(1) A piece"
  • p. 515 "and a seive" changed to "and a sieve"
  • p. 519 "chaplet." changed to "chaplet.”"
  • p. 535 "the pole. American-Horses’" changed to "the pole. American-Horse’s"
  • p. 551 "Eugéne" changed to "Eugène"
  • p. 554 "and a a ditch" changed to "and a ditch"
  • p. 555 "an individul was distinguished" changed to "an individual was distinguished"
  • Illustration: "Plate XLV" changed to "Plate XLV."
  • p. 578 "Blackfeet Dakota indian" changed to "Blackfeet Dakota Indian"
  • p. 579 "the heroic indian" changed to "the heroic Indian"
  • Illustration: "PL. XLVII" changed to "PL. XLVII."
  • p. 582 "Kiatexamut" changed to "Kiatéxamut"
  • p. 588 "third figure show" changed to "third figure shows"
  • p. 590 "Objiwa." changed to "Ojibwa."
  • p. 592 "from the the mouth" changed to "from the mouth"
  • p. 592 (Illustration) "Fig. 892" changed to "Fig. 892."
  • p. 593 "The first,which" changed to "The first, which"
  • p. 593 "Fig.896" changed to "Fig. 896"
  • p. 593 "unaplatable" changed to "unpalatable"
  • p. 595 (Illustration) "Little-Moon," changed to "Little-Moon."
  • p. 596 (Illustration) "Fig. 918" changed to "Fig. 918."
  • p. 600 (Illustration) "Fig. 940" changed to "Fig. 940."
  • p. 601 (Illustration) "Fig. 946" changed to "Fig. 946."
  • p. 604 "Cloud Shield’s Winter Count" changed to "Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count"
  • p. 604 "given in Red Cloud’s" changed to "given in Red-Cloud’s"
  • pp. 604-5 "the Ho-be-bo" changed to "the Ho-bo-bo"
  • p. 614 "12 feet long" changed to "12 feet long."
  • Illustration: "Tenth Annual Report. Plate XLIX" changed to "Tenth Annual Report Plate XLIX."
  • p. 628 "chief annointed" changed to "chief anointed"
  • p. 640 "Fig. 988. The first" changed to "Fig. 988.—The first"
  • p. 640 "by the Minneonjou" changed to "by the Minneconjou"
  • p. 647 "sculpture in Guamatela" changed to "sculpture in Guatemala"
  • p. 647 "Apparrently" changed to "Apparently"
  • p. 647 "eplacing our letters" changed to "replacing our letters"
  • p. 652 "This isexplained" changed to "This is explained"
  • p. 652 "the human figureis" changed to "the human figure is"
  • p. 653 "this symbols" changed to "this symbol"
  • p. 665 "A.D. 1820" changed to "A. D. 1820"
  • p. 678 "Figs. 106" changed to "Figs. 70"
  • p. 681 "F. A Kimball" changed to "F. A. Kimball"
  • p. 682 "forms of thsee" changed to "forms of these"
  • p. 685 "grostesque wood" changed to "grotesque wood"
  • p. 687 "which is larger" changed to "which is larger."
  • p. 689 "indellible" changed to "indelible"
  • p. 698 "Coyotero" changed to "Coyotèro"
  • p. 704 "Bildebuch" changed to "Bilderbuch"
  • p. 708 "at Rio Janeiro" changed to "at Rio de Janeiro"
  • p. 712 "longtitude" changed to "longitude"
  • p. 715 "Hindu hands." changed to "Hindu hands.”"
  • p. 722 "Pedro de las Rios" changed to "Pedro de los Rios"
  • p. 729 "Fig. 1233. Crosses." changed to "Fig. 1233.—Crosses."
  • p. 723 "presented in Fig. 1223" changed to "presented in Fig. 1223."
  • p. 732 "the +.”" changed to "the +.””"
  • p. 738 "for drawing." changed to "for drawing.”"
  • p. 740 "psuedo-science" changed to "pseudo-science"
  • p. 742 "thenorthern Algonquian" changed to "the northern Algonquian"
  • p. 747 "purely arbirary" changed to "purely arbitrary"
  • p. 755 "marying some one" changed to "marrying some one"
  • p. 757 "carniverous" changed to "carnivorous"
  • p. 766 "Ojibway Nation." changed to "Ojibway Nation,"
  • p. 772 "among the petroglpyhs" changed to "among the petroglyphs"
  • p. 773 "by the aborignes" changed to "by the aborigines"
  • p. 779 "AUSLAND, Das" changed to "AUSLAND, Das."
  • p. 781 "and in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc. 8o" changed to "and in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc. 8o."
  • p. 785 "(Sept. and Oct)" changed to "(Sept. and Oct.)"
  • p. 787 "(Commodore Charles." changed to "(Commodore Charles)."
  • p. 791 "Emil" changed to "Emil"
  • p. 792 "(I Coll. Mend., Pl. 75)" changed to "(I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 75)"
  • p. 795 "591-306" changed to "291-306"
  • p. 795 "Toulouse et Paris. 8o" changed to "Toulouse et Paris. 8o."
  • p. 796 the entry beginning "McGUIRE (Joseph D.)" was printed as one paragraph; the format has been regularised.
  • p. 796 "1857.80" changed to "1857. 8o"
  • p. 799 "Kans, La Platte" changed to "Kans., La Platte"
  • p. 801 "Pedro II. Vols. 1" changed to "Pedro II. Vols. I"
  • p. 802 "59, Figs," changed to "59, Figs."
  • p. 809 "Abacu" changed to "Abacus"
  • p. 810 "near Zuni" changed to "near Zuñi"
  • p. 810 "color among" changed to "color among, 622"
  • p. 810 "213-214 468-469" changed to "213-214, 468-469"
  • p. 811 "Caicara" changed to "Caïcara"
  • p. 811 "Ceara" changed to "Ceará"
  • p. 811 "643, 644, 645." changed to "643, 644, 645"
  • p. 812 "118 119, 120" changed to "118, 119, 120"
  • p. 812 "starvation, 656." changed to "starvation, 656"
  • p. 812 the entries for "Corbusier" and "Corados" were printed out of order.
  • p. 812 "etc 534-537" changed to "etc., 534-537"
  • p. 813 "Easterisland" changed to "Easter island"
  • p. 813 "mediaevel" changed to "mediaeval"
  • p. 813 "Oregon, petrogyphs" changed to "Oregon, petroglyphs"
  • p. 814 "on Hualpa Indians" changed to "on Hualpai Indians"
  • p. 815 "Karankawa" changed to "Karánkawa"
  • p. 815 "Iroquois Indians." changed to "Iroquois Indians,"
  • p. 815 "Jessakkid" changed to "Jĕssakkīd"
  • p. 815 "Kitshi Manido" changed to "Kítshi Manidō"
  • p. 815 "Kta-i Tupakshi" changed to "Ktá-i Tupákshi"
  • p. 815 "Lisieres" changed to "Lisières"
  • p. 815 "707-702" changed to "701-702"
  • p. 816 "Mamore" changed to "Mamoré"
  • p. 816 "Mide" changed to "Midé"
  • p. 816 "Midewiwin" changed to "Midēwiwin"
  • p. 816 The sub-entry for "Migration record of" was printed as a separate entry.
  • p. 816 "178-176" changed to "178-180"
  • p. 817 "Naqomqilis" changed to "Naqómqilis"
  • p. 817 "New Mexico, petroplyphs" changed to "New Mexico, petroglyphs"
  • p. 818 "351-252" changed to "251-252"
  • p. 820 "colors by Zuni" changed to "colors by Zuñi"
  • p. 821 "work among, XVII-XVII" changed to "work among, XVII-XVIII"
  • p. 821 "Mide cermony" changed to "Midē ceremony"
  • p. 821 "Tualati" changed to "Tuálati"

The letters identifying the elements in Fig. 653, Fig. 719 and Fig. 936 were not clearly printed.

The letters identifying the elements in Fig. 653, Fig. 719, and Fig. 936 were not printed clearly.

The following are used inconsistently in the text:

The following are used inconsistently in the text:

  • Ânishinabēg and Ânishinabég
  • archæologist and archeologists (and related words)
  • Arikara and Arickara
  • armpit and arm-pit
  • At-o-sis and Atosis
  • Baholikonga, Baho-li-kong-ya and Baho li-kong-ya
  • birchbark and birch-bark
  • boulder and bowlder
  • breechcloth and breech-cloth
  • Clément and Clement
  • crosspiece and cross-piece
  • débris and debris
  • demigods and demi-gods
  • dogfish and dog-fish
  • Easter island and Easter Island
  • extralimital and extra-limital
  • facsimile and fac-simile
  • folklore and folk-lore
  • footpath and foot-path
  • Góngora and Gongora
  • Good-Weasel and Good weasel
  • headdress and head-dress
  • Hindoo and Hindu
  • Hoofprints and Hoof-prints
  • Hopitu and Ho-pi-tu
  • horsetracks and horse-tracks
  • inclosures and enclosures
  • Lenâpé and Lenape
  • Makwa Manidō and Makwá Manidō
  • Mañaus and Manaus
  • Midē' and Midē
  • northeastern and north-eastern
  • Oglalas and Oglálas
  • Ojibway and Ojibwa
  • pipeclay and pipe-clay
  • pipestem and pipe-stem
  • Révue and Revue
  • right hand and right-hand
  • rockwriting and rock-writing
  • smallpox and small-pox
  • snowshoe and snow-shoe
  • SOCIÉTÉ and SOCIETE
  • subclan and sub-clan
  • subchief and sub-chief
  • Susbeca and Sus-be-ca
  • synecdoche and synechdoche
  • tatoo, tatto and tattoo (and derived forms)
  • thunder bird, thunder-bird and thunderbird
  • today and to-day
  • Wakan-Tanka and Wakan Tanka
  • warpath and war-path
  • wildcats and wild-cats

On p. 127 the text refers to two characters k; only one is shown in the illustration.

On p. 127, the text mentions two characters k; only one is depicted in the illustration.

The following possible errors have not been changed:

The following possible errors have not been changed:

  • On p. 206, several of the figures listed as "Alaskan and Eskimo carvings" appear unrelated.
  • p. 271 "having been selected"
  • p. 496 "figures of a man or women"
  • p. 558 "City of Monreal"
  • p. 727 incorrectly refers to Fig. 429 as representing petroglyphs at Oakley Springs, Arizona.

Inconsistent use of small capitals for volume numbers in the List of Works and Authors Cited has not been regularised.

The inconsistent use of small capitals for volume numbers in the List of Works and Authors Cited has not been standardized.

The following were hyphenated at the end of lines:

The following were hyphenated at the end of lines:

  • p. 381 magpi-yato
  • p. 388 Kong-rat
  • p. 484 U-mi-ne
  • p. 567 Neta-wa-ya-sink
  • p. 567 Wikup'bin-mins
  • p. 567 Shage'skike'-dawan'ga
  • p. 567 Ta'pakwe'-ĭkak

Download ePUB

If you like this ebook, consider a donation!