This is a modern-English version of The Popol Vuh: The Mythic and Heroic Sagas of the Kichés of Central America, originally written by Spence, Lewis. It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling, and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.

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Newly Designed Front Cover.
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Original Title Page.
The Popol Vuh
The Mythic and Heroic Sagas of the Kichés of Central America
Published by David Nutt, at the Sign of the Phœnix, Long Acre, London
1908

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PREFACE

The “Popol Vuh” is the New World’s richest mythological mine. No translation of it has as yet appeared in English, and no adequate translation in any European language. It has been neglected to a certain extent because of the unthinking strictures passed upon its authenticity. That other manuscripts exist in Guatemala than the one discovered by Ximenes and transcribed by Scherzer and Brasseur de Bourbourg is probable. So thought Brinton, and the present writer shares his belief. And ere it is too late it would be well that these—the only records of the faith of the builders of the mystic ruined and deserted cities of Central America—should be recovered. This is not a matter that should be left to the enterprise of individuals, but one which should engage the consideration of interested governments; for what is myth to-day is often history to-morrow.

The “Popol Vuh” is the richest source of mythology from the New World. No English translation has been published yet, and there isn’t a satisfactory translation in any European language. It has been somewhat overlooked due to unthoughtful criticisms regarding its authenticity. It’s likely that other manuscripts exist in Guatemala besides the one found by Ximenes and transcribed by Scherzer and Brasseur de Bourbourg. Brinton believed this, and I share his view. Before it's too late, it would be beneficial for these—the only records of the beliefs of the builders of the mysterious, ruined, and abandoned cities of Central America— to be recovered. This shouldn’t be left to individual efforts; it should be a priority for interested governments because what is considered myth today can often become history tomorrow.

LEWIS SPENCE.

LEWIS SPENCE.

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THE POPOL VUH

[The numbers in the text refer to notes at the end of the study]

[The numbers in the text refer to notes at the end of the study]

There is no document of greater importance to the study of the pre-Columbian mythology of America than the “Popol Vuh.” It is the chief source of our knowledge of the mythology of the Kiché people of Central America, and it is further of considerable comparative value when studied in conjunction with the mythology of the Nahuatlacâ, or Mexican peoples. This interesting text, the recovery of which forms one of the most romantic episodes in the history of American bibliography, was written by a Christianised native of Guatemala some time in the seventeenth century, and was copied in the Kiché language, in which it was originally written, by a monk of the Order of Predicadores, one Francisco Ximenes, who also added a Spanish translation and scholia.

There’s no document more significant to the study of pre-Columbian mythology in America than the “Popol Vuh.” It’s the main source of our understanding of the mythology of the Kiché people of Central America and also has considerable comparative value when studied alongside the mythology of the Nahuatl, or Mexican peoples. This fascinating text, whose recovery is one of the most romantic stories in the history of American bibliography, was written by a Christianized native of Guatemala sometime in the seventeenth century. It was copied in the Kiché language, in which it was originally written, by a monk from the Order of Preachers, one Francisco Ximenes, who also added a Spanish translation and commentary.

The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, a profound student of American archæology and languages (whose euhemeristic interpretations of the Mexican [6]myths are as worthless as the priceless materials he unearthed are valuable) deplored, in a letter to the Duc de Valmy,1 the supposed loss of the “Popol Vuh,” which he was aware had been made use of early in the nineteenth century by a certain Don Felix Cabrera. Dr. C. Scherzer, an Austrian scholar, thus made aware of its value, paid a visit to the Republic of Guatemala in 1854 or 1855, and was successful in tracing the missing manuscript in the library of the University of San Carlos in the city of Guatemala. It was afterwards ascertained that its scholiast, Ximenes, had deposited it in the library of his convent at Chichicastenango, whence it passed to the San Carlos library in 1830.

The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, a dedicated scholar of American archaeology and languages (whose interpretations of the Mexican myths are as useless as the invaluable artifacts he discovered are priceless), expressed his concern in a letter to the Duc de Valmy about the supposed loss of the “Popol Vuh,” which he knew had been used earlier in the nineteenth century by a certain Don Felix Cabrera. Dr. C. Scherzer, an Austrian scholar, recognizing its significance, visited the Republic of Guatemala in 1854 or 1855 and successfully found the missing manuscript in the library of the University of San Carlos in Guatemala City. It was later confirmed that its scholar, Ximenes, had deposited it in the library of his convent at Chichicastenango, from where it was transferred to the San Carlos library in 1830.

Scherzer at once made a copy of the Spanish translation of the manuscript, which he published at Vienna in 1856 under the title of “Las Historias del origen de los Indios de Guatemala, par el R. P. F. Francisco Ximenes.” The Abbé Brasseur also took a copy of the original, which he published at Paris in 1861, with the title “Vuh Popol: Le Livre Sacré de Quichés, et les Mythes de l’Antiquité Américaine.” In this work the Kiché original and the Abbe’s French translation are set forth side by side. Unfortunately both the Spanish and the French translations leave much to be desired so far as their accuracy is concerned, [7]and they are rendered of little use by reason of the misleading notes which accompany them.

Scherzer made a copy of the Spanish translation of the manuscript, which he published in Vienna in 1856 under the title of “The Stories of the Origin of the Indians of Guatemala, by R. P. F. Francisco Ximenes.” The Abbé Brasseur also took a copy of the original, which he published in Paris in 1861, with the title “Vuh Popol: The Sacred Book of the Quichés and the Myths of Ancient America.” In this work, the Kiché original and the Abbé’s French translation are presented side by side. Unfortunately, both the Spanish and the French translations leave much to be desired in terms of accuracy, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] and they are made less useful by the misleading notes that accompany them.

The name “Popol Vuh” signifies “Record of the Community,” and its literal translation is “Book of the Mat,” from the Kiché word “pop” or “popol,” a mat or rug of woven rushes or bark on which the entire family sat, and “vuh” or “uuh,” paper or book, from “uoch” to write. The “Popol Vuh” is an example of a world-wide genre—a type of annals of which the first portion is pure mythology, which gradually shades off into pure history, evolving from the hero-myths of saga to the recital of the deeds of authentic personages. It may, in fact, be classed with the Heimskringla of Snorre, the Danish History of Saxo-Grammaticus, the Chinese History in the Five Books, the Japanese “Nihongi,” and, so far as its fourth book is concerned, it somewhat resembles the Pictish Chronicle.

The name “Popol Vuh” means “Record of the Community,” and its literal translation is “Book of the Mat,” derived from the Kiché word “pop” or “popol,” which refers to a mat or rug made of woven rushes or bark where the whole family would sit, and “vuh” or “uuh,” meaning paper or book, from “uoch,” to write. The “Popol Vuh” is an example of a worldwide genre—a type of annals where the first part is pure mythology that gradually transitions into real history, evolving from the hero myths of legends to the accounts of real people’s actions. In fact, it can be categorized alongside the Heimskringla of Snorre, the Danish History of Saxo-Grammaticus, the Chinese History in the Five Books, the Japanese “Nihongi,” and, in terms of its fourth book, it bears some resemblance to the Pictish Chronicle.

The language in which the “Popol Vuh” was written, was, as has been said, the Kiché, a dialect of the great Maya-Kiché tongue spoken at the time of the Conquest from the borders of Mexico on the north to those of the present State of Nicaragua on the south; but whereas the Mayan was spoken in Yucatan proper, and the State of Chiapas, the Kiché was the tongue of the peoples of that part of Central America now occupied by the States of Guatemala, Honduras and San [8]Salvador, where it is still used by the natives. It is totally different to the Nahuatl, the language of the people of Anahuac or Mexico, both as regards its origin and structure, and its affinities with other American tongues are even less distinct than the those between the Slavonic and Teutonic groups. Of this tongue the “Popol Vuh” is practically the only monument; at all events the only work by a native of the district in which it was used. A cognate dialect, the Cakchiquel, produced the “Annals” of that people, otherwise known as “The Book of Chilan Balam,” a work purely of genealogical interest, which may be consulted in the admirable translation of the late Daniel G. Brinton.

The "Popol Vuh" was written in Kiché, a dialect of the larger Maya-Kiché language spoken at the time of the Conquest, stretching from the borders of Mexico in the north to what is now Nicaragua in the south. While Mayan was spoken in Yucatán and Chiapas, Kiché was the language of the people in that part of Central America now known as Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, where it is still used by the locals. It is completely different from Nahuatl, the language of the Anahuac or Mexico, both in its origins and structure, and its connections with other American languages are even less clear than those between the Slavic and Germanic groups. The "Popol Vuh" is essentially the only surviving work in this language, being the only piece authored by someone from that region. A related dialect, Cakchiquel, produced the "Annals" of that people, also known as "The Book of Chilan Balam," which focuses mainly on genealogy and can be found in the excellent translation by the late Daniel G. Brinton.

The Kiché people at the time of their discovery, which was immediately subsequent to the fall of Mexico, had in part lost that culture which was characteristic of the Mayan race, the remnants of which have excited universal wonder in the ruins of the vast desert cities of Central America1. At a period not far distant from the Conquest the once centralised Government of the Mayan peoples had been broken up into petty States and Confederacies, which in their character recall the city-states of mediæval Italy. In all probability the civilisation possessed by these peoples had been brought them by a race from Mexico called the Toltecs2, who taught them the arts of building in stone and [9]writing in hieroglyphics, and who probably influenced their mythology most profoundly. The Toltecs were not, however, in any way cognate with the Mayans, and were in all likelihood rapidly absorbed by them. The Mayans were notably an agricultural people, and it is not impossible that in their country the maize-plant was first cultivated with the object of obtaining a regular cereal supply3.

The Kiché people, at the time they were discovered right after the fall of Mexico, had partly lost the culture that was typical of the Mayan race, remnants of which have amazed everyone in the ruins of the vast desert cities of Central America1. Not long after the Conquest, the once centralized Government of the Mayan people had fractured into small states and confederacies, resembling the city-states of medieval Italy. It's likely that the civilization these people had was brought by a Mexican race known as the Toltecs2, who taught them the skills of building in stone and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]written hieroglyphs, and who probably had a significant impact on their mythology. However, the Toltecs were not related to the Mayans in any way and were likely absorbed by them quickly. The Mayans were primarily an agricultural society, and it’s possible that they were the first to cultivate maize in their region to establish a regular supply of grain3.

Such, then, were the people whose mythology produced the body of tradition and mythi-history known as the “Popol Vuh”; and ere we pass to a consideration of their beliefs, their gods, and their religious affinities, it will be well to summarise the three books of it which treat of these things, as fully as space will permit, using for that purpose both the French translation of Brasseur and the Spanish one of Ximenes.

Such were the people whose mythology created the collection of traditions and myth-history known as the “Popol Vuh.” Before we explore their beliefs, their gods, and their religious connections, it’s a good idea to summarize the three books that discuss these topics as much as space allows, using both the French translation by Brasseur and the Spanish translation by Ximenes.

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The First Book

Over a universe wrapped in the gloom of a dense and primeval night passed the god Hurakan, the mighty wind. He called out “earth,” and the solid land appeared. The chief gods took counsel; they were Hurakan, Gucumatz, the serpent covered with green feathers, and Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, the mother and father gods. As the result of their deliberations animals were created. But as yet [10]man was not. To supply the deficiency the divine beings resolved to create mannikins carved out of wood. But these soon incurred the displeasure of the gods, who, irritated by their lack of reverence, resolved to destroy them. Then by the will of Hurakan, the Heart of Heaven, the waters were swollen, and a great flood came upon the mannikins of wood. They were drowned and a thick resin fell from heaven. The bird Xecotcovach tore out their eyes; the bird Camulatz cut off their heads; the bird Cotzbalam devoured their flesh; the bird Tecumbalam broke their bones and sinews and ground them into powder. Because they had not thought on Hurakan, therefore the face of the earth grew dark, and a pouring rain commenced, raining by day and by night. Then all sorts of beings, great and small, gathered together to abuse the men to their faces. The very household utensils and animals jeered at them, their mill-stones, their plates, their cups, their dogs, their hens. Said the dogs and hens, “Very badly have you treated us, and you have bitten us. Now we bite you in turn.” Said the mill-stones (metates2), “Very much were we tormented by you, and daily, daily, night and day, it was squeak, screech, screech,3 for [11]your sake. Now you shall feel our strength, and we will grind your flesh and make meal of your bodies.” And the dogs upbraided the mannikins because they had not been fed, and tore the unhappy images with their teeth. And the cups and dishes said, “Pain and misery you gave us, smoking our tops and sides, cooking us over the fire, burning and hurting us as if we had no feeling. Now it is your turn, and you shall burn.” Then ran the mannikins hither and thither in despair. They climbed to the roofs of the houses, but the houses crumbled under their feet; they tried to mount to the tops of the trees, but the trees hurled them from them; they sought refuge in the caverns, but the caverns closed before them. Thus was accomplished the ruin of this race, destined to be overthrown. And it is said that their posterity are the little monkeys who live in the woods.

Over a universe shrouded in the darkness of an ancient night, the god Hurakan, the mighty wind, passed through. He called out “earth,” and the solid land appeared. The chief gods gathered to discuss, including Hurakan, Gucumatz, the serpent with green feathers, and Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, the mother and father gods. As a result of their discussions, animals were created. But man had not yet come into being. To address this gap, the divine beings decided to create wooden manikins. However, these soon displeased the gods, who, annoyed by their lack of respect, chose to destroy them. Then, by Hurakan's will, the Heart of Heaven, the waters rose, and a great flood engulfed the wooden manikins. They drowned, and a thick resin fell from the sky. The bird Xecotcovach tore out their eyes; the bird Camulatz cut off their heads; the bird Cotzbalam devoured their flesh; the bird Tecumbalam broke their bones and sinews and ground them into dust. Because they had not considered Hurakan, darkness fell over the earth, and relentless rain began, pouring day and night. Then all kinds of beings, big and small, gathered to mock the men to their faces. Even household items and animals ridiculed them—millstones, plates, cups, dogs, and hens. The dogs and hens said, “You treated us badly and bit us. Now we bite you back.” The millstones (metates2) chimed in, “You tormented us greatly; every day, day and night, it was squeak, screech, screech,3 for you. Now you will feel our power, and we will grind your flesh into meal.” The dogs scolded the manikins for not being fed and bit the unfortunate figures. The cups and dishes complained, “You caused us pain and misery, burning our tops and sides, cooking us over the fire as if we had no feelings. Now it’s your turn to burn.” The manikins ran in despair. They climbed onto the roofs of houses, but the houses crumbled beneath them; they attempted to climb trees, but the trees threw them off; they sought shelter in caves, but the caves closed up before them. Thus, the downfall of this race was fulfilled, destined to be overthrown. It is said that their descendants are the small monkeys that live in the woods.

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The Legend of Vukub-Cakix

After this catastrophe, ere yet the earth was quite recovered from the wrath of the gods, there existed a man “full of pride,” whose name was Vukub-Cakix. The name signifies “Seven-times-the-colour-of-fire,” or “Very brilliant,” and was justified by the fact that its owner’s eyes were of silver, his teeth of emerald, and other parts of his anatomy of precious metals. In his own opinion [12]Vukub-Cakix’s existence rendered unnecessary that of the sun and the moon, and this egoism so disgusted the gods that they resolved upon his overthrow. His two sons, Zipacna and Cabrakan (earth-heaper4 (?) and earthquake), were daily employed, the one in heaping up mountains, and the other in demolishing them, and these also incurred the wrath of the immortals. Shortly after the decision of the deities the twin hero-gods Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque came to earth with the intention of chastising the arrogance of Vukub-Cakix and his progeny.

After this disaster, before the earth had fully recovered from the gods' anger, there was a man who was "full of pride," named Vukub-Cakix. His name means "Seven-times-the-color-of-fire," or "Very brilliant," which was fitting because his eyes were silver, his teeth were emerald, and other parts of his body were made of precious metals. In his own opinion, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] Vukub-Cakix believed that his existence made the sun and the moon unnecessary, and this arrogance disgusted the gods so much that they decided to bring him down. His two sons, Zipacna and Cabrakan (earth-heaper4 (?) and earthquake), were busy every day—one piling up mountains and the other tearing them down—and they also drew the ire of the immortals. Shortly after the gods made this decision, the twin hero-gods Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque came to earth to punish Vukub-Cakix and his offspring for their arrogance.

Now Vukub-Cakix had a great tree of the variety known in Central America as “nanze” or “tapal,” bearing a fruit round, yellow, and aromatic, and upon this fruit he depended for his daily sustenance. One day on going to partake of it for his morning meal he mounted to its summit in order to espy the choicest fruits, when to his great indignation he discovered that Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque had been before him, and had almost denuded the tree of its produce. The hero-gods, who lay concealed within the foliage, now added injury to theft by hurling at Vukub-Cakix a dart from a blow-pipe, which had the effect of precipitating him from the summit of the tree to the [13]earth. He arose in great wrath, bleeding profusely from a severe wound in the jaw. Hun-Ahpu then threw himself upon Vukub-Cakix, who in terrible anger seized the god by the arm and wrenched it from the body. He then proceeded to his dwelling, where he was met and anxiously interrogated by his spouse Chimalmat. Tortured by the pain in his teeth and jaw he, in an excess of spite, hung Hun-Ahpu’s arm over a blazing fire, and then threw himself down to bemoan his injuries, consoling himself, however, with the idea that he had adequately avenged himself upon the interlopers who had dared to disturb his peace.

Now Vukub-Cakix had a large tree known in Central America as “nanze” or “tapal,” which produced round, yellow, and fragrant fruit that he relied on for his daily food. One day, when he went to enjoy it for his morning meal, he climbed to the top to look for the best fruits. To his great anger, he found that Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque had already been there and had almost stripped the tree of its fruit. The hero-gods, hidden among the leaves, then added insult to injury by shooting a dart at Vukub-Cakix from a blow-pipe, knocking him down from the top of the tree to the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]ground. He got up in a rage, bleeding heavily from a serious wound to his jaw. Hun-Ahpu then jumped on Vukub-Cakix, who, in a fit of fury, grabbed the god by the arm and yanked it off his body. He then went back to his home, where his wife Chimalmat met him and worriedly asked what happened. In agony from the pain in his teeth and jaw, he, in a fit of spite, hung Hun-Ahpu’s arm over a blazing fire, then threw himself down to lament his injuries, but found some comfort in the thought that he had properly avenged himself on the intruders who had dared to disrupt his peace.

But Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque were in no mind that he should escape so easily, and the recovery of Hun-Ahpu’s arm must be made at all hazards. With this end in view they consulted two venerable beings in whom we readily recognise the father-mother divinities, Xpiyacoc and Xmucane4, disguised for the nonce as sorcerers. These personages accompanied Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque to the abode of Vukub-Cakix, whom they found in a state of intense agony. The ancients persuaded him to be operated upon in order to relieve his sufferings, and for his glittering teeth they substituted grains of maize. Next they removed his eyes of emerald, upon which his death speedily followed, as did that of his wife Chimalmat. Hun-Ahpu’s arm was [14]recovered, re-affixed to his shoulder, and all ended satisfactorily for the hero-gods.

But Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque weren’t willing to let him escape so easily, and they were determined to recover Hun-Ahpu’s arm no matter what. To achieve this, they consulted two ancient beings we easily recognize as the mother-father deities, Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, who were disguised as sorcerers for the moment. These figures accompanied Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque to the home of Vukub-Cakix, who they found in extreme pain. The elders convinced him to undergo a procedure to ease his suffering, swapping his shiny teeth for grains of maize. They then took out his emerald eyes, which led to his quick death, as well as the death of his wife Chimalmat. Hun-Ahpu’s arm was [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]recovered and reattached to his shoulder, and everything turned out well for the hero-gods.

But their mission was not yet complete. The sons of Vukub-Cakix, Zipacna and Cabrakan, remained to be accounted for. Zipacna consented, at the entreaty of four hundred youths, incited by the hero-gods, to assist them in transporting a huge tree which was destined for the roof-tree of a house they were building. Whilst assisting them he was beguiled by them into entering a great ditch which they had dug for the purpose of destroying him, and when once he descended was overwhelmed by tree-trunks by his treacherous acquaintances, who imagined him to be slain. But he took refuge in a side-tunnel of the excavation, cut off his hair and nails for the ants to carry up to his enemies as a sign of his death, waited until the youths had become intoxicated with pulque because of joy at his supposed demise, and then, emerging from the pit, shook the house that the youths had built over his body about their heads, so that all were destroyed in its ruins.

But their mission wasn't finished yet. The sons of Vukub-Cakix, Zipacna and Cabrakan, still needed to be accounted for. Zipacna agreed, at the urging of four hundred young people inspired by the hero-gods, to help them move a massive tree that was meant for the roof of a house they were constructing. While helping them, he was tricked into stepping into a big ditch they had dug to kill him, and once he was down there, his treacherous friends buried him under tree trunks, thinking he was dead. However, he found shelter in a side tunnel of the ditch, cut off his hair and nails for the ants to deliver to his enemies as proof of his death, waited until the young men got drunk on pulque in celebration of what they thought was his demise, and then, emerging from the pit, shook the house that the youths had built over him down on their heads, destroying them all in the wreckage.

But Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque were grieved that the four hundred had perished, and laid a more efficacious trap for Zipacna. The mountain-bearer, carrying the mountains by night, sought his sustenance by day by the shore of the river, where he lived upon fish and crabs. The hero-gods constructed an artificial crab which [15]they placed in a cavern at the bottom of a deep ravine. The hungry titan descended to the cave, which he entered on all-fours. But a neighbouring mountain had been undermined by the divine brothers, and its bulk was cast upon him. Thus at the foot of Mount Meavan perished the proud “Mountain Maker,” whose corpse was turned into stone by the catastrophe.

But Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque were saddened by the loss of the four hundred and set a more effective trap for Zipacna. The mountain-bearer, who carried the mountains at night, sought food during the day by the riverbank, where he lived off fish and crabs. The hero-gods created a fake crab, which [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] they placed in a cave at the bottom of a deep ravine. The hungry titan crawled into the cave. However, a nearby mountain had been undermined by the divine brothers, and its mass collapsed onto him. Thus, at the base of Mount Meavan, the proud “Mountain Maker” met his end, and his body was turned into stone by the disaster.

Of the family of boasters only Cabrakan remained. Discovered by the hero-gods at his favourite pastime of overturning the hills, they enticed him in an easterly direction, challenging him to overthrow a particularly high mountain. On the way they shot a bird with their blow-pipes, and poisoned it with earth. This they gave to Cabrakan to eat. After partaking of the poisoned fare his strength deserted him, and failing to move the mountain he was bound and buried by the victorious hero-gods.

Of all the boastful ones, only Cabrakan was left. Found by the hero-gods while he was enjoying his favorite hobby of flipping hills, they led him eastward, daring him to topple a particularly tall mountain. On the journey, they shot a bird with their blowpipes and poisoned it with dirt. They gave this poisoned meal to Cabrakan. After eating it, he lost his strength, and when he couldn't move the mountain, the victorious hero-gods tied him up and buried him.

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The Second Book

Mystery veils the commencement of the Second Book of the “Popol Vuh.” The theme is the birth and family of Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque, and the scribe intimates that only half is to be told concerning the history of their father. Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, the father and mother deities, had two sons, Hunhun-Ahpu and Vukub-Hunahpu, the [16]first being, so far as can be gathered, a bi-sexual personage. He had by a wife, Xbakiyalo, two sons, Hunbatz and Hunchouen, men full of wisdom and artistic genius. All of them were addicted to the recreation of dicing and playing at ball, and a spectator of their pastimes was Voc, the messenger of Hurakan. Xbakiyalo having died, Hunhun-Ahpu and Vukub-Hunahpu, leaving the former’s sons behind, played a game of ball which in its progress took them into the vicinity of the realm of Xibalba (the underworld). This reached the ears of the monarchs of that place, Hun-Came and Vukub-Came, who, after consulting their counsellors, challenged the strangers to a game of ball, with the object of defeating and disgracing them.

Mystery surrounds the beginning of the Second Book of the “Popol Vuh.” The focus is on the birth and family of Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque, and the writer hints that only part of their father's story will be shared. Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, the father and mother deities, had two sons, Hunhun-Ahpu and Vukub-Hunahpu, with the first likely being bisexual. He had two sons, Hunbatz and Hunchouen, with his wife Xbakiyalo, and those sons were known for their wisdom and artistic talent. All of them enjoyed playing dice and ball games, and watching them was Voc, the messenger of Hurakan. After Xbakiyalo died, Hunhun-Ahpu and Vukub-Hunahpu, leaving the former’s sons behind, played a game of ball that eventually brought them near the realm of Xibalba (the underworld). This caught the attention of the rulers of that realm, Hun-Came and Vukub-Came, who, after consulting their advisors, challenged the newcomers to a ballgame with the aim of defeating and humiliating them.

For this purpose they dispatched four messengers in the shape of owls. The brothers accepted the challenge, after a touching farewell with their mother Xmucane, and their sons and nephews, and followed the feathered heralds down the steep incline to Xibalba from the playground at Ninxor Carchah.5 After an ominous crossing over a river of blood they came to the residence of the kings of Xibalba, where they underwent the mortification of mistaking two wooden figures for the monarchs. Invited to sit on the seat of honour, they discovered it to be a red-hot stone, and the contortions which resulted from their successful trick [17]caused unbounded merriment among the Xibalbans. Then they were thrust into the House of Gloom, where they were sacrificed and buried. The head of Hunhun-Ahpu was, however, suspended from a tree, which speedily became covered with gourds, from which it was almost impossible to distinguish the bloody trophy. All in Xibalba were forbidden the fruit of that tree.

For this purpose, they sent out four messengers in the form of owls. The brothers accepted the challenge after a heartfelt goodbye with their mother Xmucane, along with their sons and nephews, and followed the feathered messengers down the steep hill to Xibalba from the playground at Ninxor Carchah.5 After a foreboding crossing over a river of blood, they arrived at the home of the kings of Xibalba, where they embarrassingly mistook two wooden figures for the rulers. When invited to sit in the seat of honor, they found it to be a red-hot stone, and their reactions from this successful trick [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] caused uncontrollable laughter among the Xibalbans. They were then thrown into the House of Gloom, where they were sacrificed and buried. However, the head of Hunhun-Ahpu was hung from a tree, which quickly became covered with gourds, making it nearly impossible to distinguish the bloody trophy. Everyone in Xibalba was forbidden from eating the fruit of that tree.

But one person in Xibalba had resolved to disobey the mandate. This was the virgin princess Xquiq (Blood), the daughter of Cuchumaquiq, who went unattended to the spot. Standing under the branches gazing at the fruit, the maiden stretched out her hand, and the head of Hunhun-Ahpu spat into the palm. The spittle caused her to conceive, and she returned home, being assured by the head of the hero-god that no harm should result to her. This thing was done by order of Hurakan, the Heart of Heaven. In six months’ time her father became aware of her condition, and despite her protestations the royal messengers of Xibalba, the owls, received orders to kill her and return with her heart in a vase. She, however, escaped by bribing the owls with splendid promises for the future to spare her and substitute for her heart the coagulated sap of the blood-wart.

But one person in Xibalba decided to ignore the rule. This was the virgin princess Xquiq (Blood), the daughter of Cuchumaquiq, who went to the place by herself. Standing under the branches and looking at the fruit, the girl reached out her hand, and the head of Hunhun-Ahpu spat into her palm. The spit made her pregnant, and she went home, reassured by the hero-god's head that she would face no harm. This was done at the command of Hurakan, the Heart of Heaven. Six months later, her father found out about her condition, and despite her protests, the royal messengers of Xibalba, the owls, were ordered to kill her and bring back her heart in a vase. However, she managed to escape by promising the owls amazing things in the future if they spared her and replaced her heart with the coagulated sap of the blood-wart.

In her extremity Xquiq went for protection to the home of Xmucane, who now looked after the young Hunbatz and Hunchouen. Xmucane would [18]not at first believe her tale. But Xquiq appealed to the gods, and performed a miracle by gathering a basket of maize where no maize grew, and thus gained her confidence.

In her distress, Xquiq sought refuge at the home of Xmucane, who was now caring for the young Hunbatz and Hunchouen. At first, Xmucane couldn't believe her story. But Xquiq called upon the gods and performed a miracle by gathering a basket of maize from a place where no maize grew, thus earning her trust.

Shortly afterwards Xquiq became the mother of twin boys, the heroes of the First Book, Hun-Ahpu, and Xbalanque. These did not find favour in the eyes of Xmucane, their grandmother. Their infantile cries aroused the wrath of this venerable person, and she vented it upon them by turning them out of doors. They speedily took to an outdoor life, however, and became mighty hunters, and expert in the use of their blow-pipes, with which they shot birds and other small game. The ill-treatment which they received from Hunbatz and Hunchouen caused them at last to retaliate, and those who had made their lives miserable were punished by being transformed by the divine children into apes. The venerable Xmucane, filled with grief at the metamorphosis and flight of her ill-starred grandsons, who had made her home joyous with their singing and flute-playing, was told that she would be permitted to behold their faces once more if she could do so without losing her gravity, but their antics and grimaces caused her such merriment that on three separate occasions she was unable to restrain her laughter and the men-monkeys appeared no more. Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque now became expert [19]musicians, and one of their favourite airs was that of “Hun-Ahpu qoy,” the “monkey of Hun-Ahpu.”

Shortly after, Xquiq became the mother of twin boys, the heroes of the First Book, Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque. Their grandmother, Xmucane, didn’t see them in a good light. Their constant cries irritated her, and she took it out on them by kicking them out of the house. They quickly adapted to life outside and became skilled hunters, mastering their blowpipes to catch birds and small game. The mistreatment they received from Hunbatz and Hunchouen made them finally retaliate, and those who had tormented them were transformed into apes by the divine children. Xmucane, heartbroken over her unfortunate grandsons who had filled her home with music and joy, was told she could see them again if she could do so without losing her composure. However, their playful antics made her laugh so much that on three occasions she couldn’t hold it in, and the monkey-men vanished. Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque then became skilled [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]musicians, and one of their favorite tunes was “Hun-Ahpu qoy,” the “monkey of Hun-Ahpu.”

The divine twins were now old enough to undertake labour in the field, and their first task was the clearing of a milpa or maize-plantation. They were possessed of magic tools, which had the merit of working themselves in the absence of the young hunters at the chase, and those they found a capital substitute for their own directing presence upon the first day. Returning at night from hunting, they smeared their faces and hands with dirt so that Xmucane might be deceived into imagining that they had been hard at work in the maize-field. But during the night the wild beasts met and replaced all the roots and shrubs which the brothers—or rather their magic tools—had removed. The twins resolved to watch for them on the ensuing night, but despite all their efforts the animals succeeded in making good their escape, save one, the rat, which was caught in a handkerchief. The rabbit and deer lost their tails in getting away. The rat, in gratitude that they had spared its life, told them of the glorious deeds of their great fathers and uncles, their games at ball, and of the existence of a set of implements necessary to play the game which they had left in the house. They discovered these, and went to play in the ball-ground of their fathers.

The divine twins were now old enough to work in the fields, and their first job was clearing a milpa, or maize plantation. They had magical tools that could do the work by themselves while the young hunters were out hunting, and these tools turned out to be a great substitute for their presence on the first day. When they returned at night from the hunt, they smeared dirt on their faces and hands so Xmucane would think they had been working hard in the maize field. But during the night, the wild animals came and replaced all the roots and shrubs that the brothers—or rather, their magical tools—had removed. The twins decided to keep watch for them the next night, but despite their efforts, the animals managed to escape, except for one, the rat, which they caught in a handkerchief. The rabbit and deer lost their tails as they got away. The rat, grateful to be spared, told them about the glorious deeds of their great fathers and uncles, their ball games, and the set of tools needed to play the game that they had left at home. They found these tools and went to play in their fathers' ballground.

It was not long, however, until Hun-Came and [20]Vukub-Came, the princes of Xibalba, heard them at play, and decided to lure them to the Underworld as they had lured their fathers. Messengers were despatched to the house of Xmucane, who, filled with alarm, despatched a louse to carry the message to her grandsons. The louse, wishing to ensure greater speed to reach the brothers, consented to be swallowed by a toad, the toad by a serpent, and the serpent by the great bird Voc. The other animals duly liberated one another; but despite his utmost efforts, the toad could not get rid of the louse, who had played him a trick by lodging in his gums, and had not been swallowed at all. The message, however, was duly delivered, and the players returned home to take leave of their grandmother and mother. Before their departure they each planted a cane in the middle of the house, which was to acquaint those they left behind with their welfare, since it would wither if any fatal circumstance befel them.

It wasn't long before Hun-Came and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Vukub-Came, the princes of Xibalba, heard the boys playing and decided to lure them to the Underworld, just like they had done with their fathers. They sent messengers to Xmucane's house, who, alarmed, sent a louse to deliver the message to her grandsons. The louse, wanting to get there faster, agreed to be swallowed by a toad, the toad by a serpent, and the serpent by the great bird Voc. The other animals managed to free each other, but despite trying his hardest, the toad couldn't get rid of the louse, who had tricked him by hiding in his gums and hadn't been swallowed at all. Nonetheless, the message was successfully delivered, and the boys returned home to say goodbye to their grandmother and mother. Before they left, they each planted a cane in the middle of the house to let those they were leaving know how they were doing, as it would wither if something bad happened to them.

Pursuing the route their fathers had followed, they passed the river of blood and the river Papuhya. But they sent an animal called Xan as avant courier with orders to prick all the Xibalbans with a hair from Hun-Ahpu’s leg, thus discovering those of the dwellers in the Underworld who were made of wood—those whom their fathers had unwittingly bowed to as men—and also learning the names of the others by their inquiries and explanations [21]when pricked. Thus they did not salute the mannikins on their arrival at the Xibalban court, nor did they sit upon the red-hot stone. They even passed scatheless through the first ordeal of the House of Gloom. The Xibalbans were furious, and their wrath was by no means allayed when they found themselves beaten at the game of ball to which they had challenged the brothers. Then Hun-Came and Vukub-Came ordered the twins to bring them four bouquets of flowers, asking the guards of the royal gardens to watch most carefully, and committed Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque to the “House of Lances”—the second ordeal—where the lancers were directed to kill them. The brothers, however, had at their beck and call a swarm of ants, which entered the royal gardens on the first errand, and they succeeded in bribing the lancers. The Xibalbans, white with fury, ordered that the owls, the guardians of the gardens, should have their lips split, and otherwise showed their anger at their third defeat.

Following the path their fathers had taken, they crossed the river of blood and the river Papuhya. They sent out an animal called Xan as a scout with orders to prick all the Xibalbans with a hair from Hun-Ahpu’s leg, thereby uncovering those in the Underworld who were made of wood—those whom their fathers had unknowingly mistaken for men—and also finding out the names of the others by their inquiries and reactions [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]when pricked. Because of this, they did not greet the wooden figures when they arrived at the Xibalban court, nor did they sit on the red-hot stone. They even made it through the first challenge of the House of Gloom without any harm. The Xibalbans were furious, and their anger only grew when they realized they had lost the ball game to the brothers. Then Hun-Came and Vukub-Came instructed the twins to gather four bouquets of flowers, telling the guards of the royal gardens to be extra vigilant, and sent Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque to the “House of Lances”—the second challenge—where the lancers were instructed to kill them. However, the brothers had a swarm of ants at their command, which entered the royal gardens to carry out the first task, and they managed to bribe the lancers. The Xibalbans, livid with rage, ordered the owls, the guardians of the gardens, to have their beaks split and displayed their anger at their third defeat.

Then came the third ordeal in the “House of Cold.” Here the heroes escaped death by freezing by being warmed with burning pine-cones. In the fourth and fifth ordeals they were equally lucky, for they passed a night each in the “House of Tigers” and the “House of Fire” without injury. But at the sixth ordeal misfortune overtook them in the “House of Bats.” Hun-Ahpu’s [22]head being cut off by Camazotz, “Ruler of Bats,” who suddenly appeared from above.

Then came the third challenge in the “House of Cold.” In this place, the heroes avoided freezing to death by warming themselves with burning pine cones. In the fourth and fifth challenges, they were just as fortunate, spending a night in the “House of Tigers” and the “House of Fire” without getting hurt. However, during the sixth challenge, disaster struck them in the “House of Bats.” Hun-Ahpu’s [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] head was severed by Camazotz, the “Ruler of Bats,” who suddenly appeared from above.

The beheading of Hun-Ahpu does not, however, appear to have terminated fatally, but owing to the unintelligible nature of the text at this juncture, it is impossible to ascertain in what manner he was cured of such a lethal wound. This episode is followed by an assemblage of all the animals, and another contest at ball-playing, after which the brothers emerged uninjured from all the ordeals of the Xibalbans.

The beheading of Hun-Ahpu doesn’t seem to have been fatal, but because the text is unclear at this point, it’s impossible to determine how he recovered from such a deadly injury. This event is followed by a gathering of all the animals and another ball game, after which the brothers came out unscathed from all the challenges posed by the Xibalbans.

But in order to further astound their “hosts,” Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque confided to two sorcerers named Xulu and Pacaw that the Xibalbans had failed because the animals were not on their side, and directing them what to do with their bones, they stretched themselves upon a funeral pile and died together. Their bones were beaten to powder and thrown into the river, where they sank, and were transformed into young men. On the fifth day they reappeared like men-fishes, and on the sixth in the form of ragged old men, dancing, burning and restoring houses, killing and restoring each other to life, with other wonders. The princes of Xibalba, hearing of their skill, requested them to exhibit their magical powers, which they did by burning the royal palace and restoring it, killing and resuscitating the king’s dog, and cutting a man in pieces, and [23]bringing him to life again. The monarchs of Xibalba, anxious to experience the novel sensation of a temporary death, requested to be slain and resuscitated. They were speedily killed, but the brothers refrained from resuscitating their arch-enemies.

But to further amaze their “hosts,” Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque confided in two sorcerers named Xulu and Pacaw that the Xibalbans had failed because the animals were not on their side. They instructed the sorcerers on what to do with their bones, then laid down on a funeral pyre and died together. Their bones were ground into powder and thrown into the river, where they sank and transformed into young men. On the fifth day, they reappeared like fish-men, and on the sixth in the form of ragged old men, dancing, burning down and restoring houses, killing and bringing each other back to life, along with other wonders. The princes of Xibalba, hearing about their skills, asked them to showcase their magical powers, which they did by burning down the royal palace and restoring it, killing and reviving the king’s dog, and cutting a man into pieces, then bringing him back to life. The rulers of Xibalba, eager to experience the unusual sensation of a temporary death, asked to be killed and revived. They were quickly killed, but the brothers chose not to revive their arch-enemies.

Announcing their real names, the brothers proceeded to punish the princes of Xibalba. The game of ball was forbidden them, they were to perform menial tasks, and only the beasts of the forest were they to hold in vassalage. They appear after this to achieve a species of doubtful distinction as plutonic deities or demons. They are described as warlike, ugly as owls, inspiring evil and discord. Their faces were painted black and white to show their faithless nature.

Announcing their real names, the brothers went on to punish the princes of Xibalba. They were forbidden from playing ball, forced to do menial tasks, and could only serve the beasts of the forest. After this, they seemed to gain a kind of uncertain status as underworld deities or demons. They were described as warlike, hideous like owls, and spreading evil and discord. Their faces were painted black and white to reflect their treacherous nature.

Xmucane, waiting at home for the brothers, was alternately filled with joy and grief as the canes grew green and withered, according to the varying fortunes of her grandsons. These young men were busied at Xibalba with paying fitting funeral honours to their father and uncle, who now mounted to heaven and became the sun and moon, whilst the four hundred youths slain by Zipacna became the stars. Thus concludes the second book.

Xmucane, waiting at home for her sons, felt a mix of joy and sorrow as the sugarcane either thrived or withered, reflecting the changing fortunes of her grandsons. These young men were occupied at Xibalba, giving proper funeral honors to their father and uncle, who had risen to the heavens and became the sun and moon, while the four hundred young men killed by Zipacna turned into the stars. Thus concludes the second book.

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The Third Book

The beginning of the third book finds the gods once more in council. In the darkness they [24]commune concerning the creation of man. The Creator and Former made four perfect men. These beings were wholly created from yellow and white maize. Their names were Balam-Quitzé (Tiger with the Sweet Smile), Balam-Agab (Tiger of the Night), Mahucutah (The Distinguished Name), and Iqi-Balam (Tiger of the Moon). They had neither father nor mother, neither were they made by the ordinary agents in the work of creation. Their creation was a miracle of the Former.6

The start of the third book finds the gods gathered in council once again. In the darkness, they [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] discuss the creation of humanity. The Creator and Former made four perfect men. These beings were entirely made from yellow and white corn. Their names were Balam-Quitzé (Tiger with the Sweet Smile), Balam-Agab (Tiger of the Night), Mahucutah (The Distinguished Name), and Iqi-Balam (Tiger of the Moon). They had no father or mother, and they weren't created by the usual means of creation. Their existence was a miracle of the Former.6

But Hurakan was not altogether satisfied with his handiwork. These men were too perfect. They knew overmuch. Therefore the gods took counsel as to how to proceed with man. They must not become as gods (note here the Christian influence). Let us now contract their sight so that they may only be able to see a portion of the earth and be content, said the gods. Then Hurakan breathed a cloud over their eyes, which became partially veiled. Then the four men slept, and four women were made, Caha-Paluma (Falling Water), Choimha (Beautiful Water), Tzununiha (House of the Water), and Cakixa (Water of Aras or Parrots), who became the wives of the men in their respective order as mentioned above.

But Hurakan wasn't completely happy with his creation. These men were too perfect. They knew too much. So, the gods decided to figure out how to move forward with humanity. They must not become like gods (note the Christian influence here). Let's limit their vision so they can only see a part of the earth and be satisfied, said the gods. Then Hurakan breathed a cloud over their eyes, which became partially obscured. Then the four men fell asleep, and four women were created: Caha-Paluma (Falling Water), Choimha (Beautiful Water), Tzununiha (House of the Water), and Cakixa (Water of Aras or Parrots), who became the wives of the men in the order mentioned above.

These were the ancestors of the Kichés only. Then were created the ancestors of other peoples. They were ignorant of the methods of worship, [25]and lifting their eyes to heaven prayed to the Creator, the Former, for peaceable lives and the return of the sun. But no sun came, and they grew uneasy. So they set out for Tulan-Zuiva, or the Seven Caves, and there gods were given unto them, each man, as head of a group of the race, a god. Balam-Quitzé received the god Tohil. Balam-Agab received the god Avilix, and Mahucutah the god Hacavitz. Iqi-Balam received a god, but as he had no family his god is not taken into account in the native mythology.

These were just the ancestors of the Kichés. Then the ancestors of other peoples were created. They had no knowledge of how to worship, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] and they looked up to the sky, praying to the Creator, the Former, for peaceful lives and the sun's return. But the sun didn't come, and they became anxious. So they journeyed to Tulan-Zuiva, or the Seven Caves, where gods were given to them, one for each leader of their groups. Balam-Quitzé received the god Tohil. Balam-Agab received the god Avilix, and Mahucutah received the god Hacavitz. Iqi-Balam received a god too, but since he had no family, his god isn't considered in the native mythology.

The Kichés now began to feel the want of fire, and the god Tohil, the creator of fire, supplied them with this element. But soon afterwards a mighty rain extinguished all the fires in the land. Tohil, however, always renewed the supply. And fire in those days was the chief necessity, for as yet there was no sun.

The Kichés started to feel the need for fire, and the god Tohil, the creator of fire, provided them with it. But soon after, a heavy rain put out all the fires in the land. Tohil, however, continuously replenished the supply. At that time, fire was the most essential need, as there was still no sun.

Tulan was a place of misfortune to man, for not only did he suffer from cold and famine, but here his speech was so confounded that the first four men were no longer able to comprehend each other. They determined to leave Tulan, and under the leadership of the god Tohil set out to search for a new abode. On they wandered through innumerable hardships. Many mountains had they to climb, and a long passage to make through the sea which was miraculously divided for their journey from shore to shore. At length they came to a mountain [26]which they called Hacavitz, after one of their gods, and here they rested, for here they had been instructed that they should see the sun. And the sun appeared. Animals and men were transported with delight. All the celestial bodies were now established. But the sun was not as it is to-day. He was not strong, but as reflected in a mirror.

Tulan was an unlucky place for people because not only did they suffer from cold and hunger, but here their language became so mixed up that the first four men could no longer understand each other. They decided to leave Tulan, and under the guidance of the god Tohil, they set out to find a new home. They faced countless hardships on their journey. They had to climb many mountains and make a long passage through the sea, which miraculously split to allow them to cross from shore to shore. Eventually, they arrived at a mountain [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]that they named Hacavitz, after one of their gods, and here they rested, as they had been told they would see the sun. And the sun appeared. Animals and people were filled with joy. All the celestial bodies were now in place. But the sun was not the same as it is today. It was weak, like a reflection in a mirror.

As he arose the three tribal gods were turned into stone, as were the gods—probably totems—connected with the wild animals. Then arose the first Kiché city.

As he stood up, the three tribal gods turned to stone, along with the gods—likely totems—associated with the wild animals. Then the first Kiché city emerged.

As time progressed the first men grew old, and, impelled by visions, they began to offer human sacrifices. For this purpose they raided the villages of the neighbouring peoples, who retaliated. But by the miraculous aid of a horde of wasps and hornets the Kichés utterly routed their enemies. And the aliens became tributory to them.

As time went on, the first people grew older, and driven by visions, they started to make human sacrifices. To do this, they attacked the villages of neighboring tribes, who fought back. But with the miraculous help of a swarm of wasps and hornets, the Kichés completely defeated their enemies. The outsiders then became their subjects.

Now it came nigh the death-time of the first men, and they called their descendants together to hearken unto their last counsels. In the anguish of their hearts they sang the Kamucu, the song “We see,” that they had sung when it first became light. Then they took leave of their wives and sons, one by one. And suddenly they were not. But in their place was a huge bundle, which was never unfolded. And it was called the “Majesty Enveloped.” And so died the first men of the Kichés. [27]

Now it was almost time for the first men to die, and they gathered their descendants to listen to their final advice. With heavy hearts, they sang the Kamucu, the song "We see," which they had sung when light first appeared. Then they said goodbye to their wives and sons, one by one. And suddenly, they were gone. In their place was a large bundle that was never opened. It was called the “Majesty Enveloped.” And so the first men of the Kichés died. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

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The Fourth Book

The Fourth Book brings us down to what is presumably history. We say “presumably,” because we have only the bare testimony of the “Popol Vuh” to go upon. We can note therein the evolution of the Kiché people from a comparatively simple and pastoral state of society to a political condition of considerable complexity. This account of the later periods is extremely confused, and as the names of many of the Kiché monarchs are the same as those of the gods, it is often difficult to discriminate between saga and history. Interminable conflicts are the subject of most of this book, and by the time the transcriber reached the twelfth chapter he seems to have tired of his labours and to have made up his mind to conclude with a genealogical list of the Kiché kings. He here traces the genealogies of the three royal houses of Cavek, Nihaib, and Ahau-Kiché. The state of transition and turmoil in which the country was for many years after the conquest must have tended to the disappearance of native records of any kind, and our author does not appear to have been as well versed in the history of his country which immediately preceded his own time as he was in her mythology and legends. According to a tradition recited by Don Domingo Juarros in his “History of the [28]Kingdom of Guatemala,” the Toltecs emigrated from the neighbourhood of Tula in Mexico by direction of an oracle, in consequence of the great increase of population in the reign of Nimaquiché, fifth King of the Toltecs. “In performing this journey they expended many years and suffered extraordinary hardships.” Nimaquiché was succeeded by his son Aexopil, from whom was descended Kicab Tanub, the contemporary of Montezuma II. This does not at all agree with the “Popol Vuh” account. [29]

The Fourth Book takes us into what we assume is history. We say “assume” because we only have the basic account from the “Popol Vuh.” From it, we can see how the Kiché people evolved from a relatively simple, pastoral society to a complex political system. The description of the later periods is very confusing, and since many of the Kiché kings share names with the gods, it’s often hard to tell the difference between myths and history. Endless conflicts are the focus of most of this book, and by the time the transcriber reached the twelfth chapter, he seems to have grown weary and decided to wrap up with a genealogical list of the Kiché kings. Here, he outlines the lineages of the three royal houses: Cavek, Nihaib, and Ahau-Kiché. The state of upheaval and chaos that the country endured for many years after the conquest likely led to the loss of any native records, and our author doesn’t seem to be as knowledgeable about his country’s history right before his time as he is about its mythology and legends. According to a tradition narrated by Don Domingo Juarros in his “History of the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Kingdom of Guatemala,” the Toltecs migrated from Tula in Mexico by the guidance of an oracle, due to the significant population growth during the reign of Nimaquiché, the fifth King of the Toltecs. “In undertaking this journey, they spent many years and faced incredible hardships.” Nimaquiché was succeeded by his son Aexopil, who was the ancestor of Kicab Tanub, a contemporary of Montezuma II. This does not align with the account in the “Popol Vuh.” [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]


1 Mexico, Oct. 15, 1850. 

1 Mexico, Oct. 15, 1850. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

2 Large hollowed stones used by the women for bruising maize. 

2 Big hollow stones used by the women for crushing corn.

3 The Kiché words are onomatopoetic—“holi, holi, huqi, huqi.” 

3 The Kiché words sound like what they describe—“holi, holi, huqi, huqi.”

4 Zipac signifies “Cockspur,” and I take the name to signify also “Thrower-up of earth.” The connection is obvious. 

4 Zipac means “Cockspur,” and I interpret the name to also mean “Earth thrower.” The link is clear.

5 Near Vera Paz. 

5 Close to Vera Paz. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

6 Hurakan. 

6 Hurricane. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

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COSMOGONY OF THE “POPOL VUH”

The cosmogony of the “Popol Vuh” exhibits many signs of Christian influence, but it would be quite erroneous to infer that such influence was of a direct nature; that is, that the native compiler deliberately infused into the original narrative those outstanding features of the Christian cosmogony, which were undoubtedly quite familiar to him. The resemblance which is apparent between the first few chapters of the “Popol Vuh” and the creation-myth in Genesis is no more the result of design than was the metamorphosis of King Arthur’s Brythonic warriors into Norman knights by the jongleurs. The inclusion of obviously Christian elements was undoubtedly unconscious. A native Guatemalan, nurtured in the Christian faith, could, in fact, quite be expected to produce an incongruous blending of Christian and pagan cosmogony such as is here dealt with.

The creation story in the “Popol Vuh” shows many signs of Christian influence, but it's a mistake to think this influence was direct; that is, the native author didn’t intentionally weave Christian elements into the original narrative, which he likely knew well. The similarities between the first few chapters of the “Popol Vuh” and the creation story in Genesis are not the result of design, similar to how King Arthur’s Brythonic warriors became Norman knights in tales told by entertainers. The addition of unmistakably Christian elements was likely unintentional. A native Guatemalan raised in the Christian faith could easily create a mix of Christian and pagan creation stories like the one presented here.

But another and more important question arises in connection with the initial chapters of the “Popol Vuh”—those which give an account of the Kiché creation-myth. Under the veneer of [30]Biblical cosmogony the original myth would appear to be the sum of more than one native creation-story. We have here a number of beings, each of whom appear in some manner to exercise the function of a creator, and it might be gathered from this that the account now before us was produced by the fusion and reconciliation of more than one legend connected with the creation—a reconciliation of early rival faiths. We have to guide us in this the proved facts of a composite Peruvian cosmogony. The ruling Inca caste skilfully welded together no less than four early creation-myths, reserving for their own divine ancestors the headship of the heavens. And it is not unreasonable to believe that the diverse ethnological elements of which the Maya-Kiché people were undoubtedly composed possessed divergent cosmogonies, which were reconciled to one another in the later traditional versions of the “Popol Vuh.”

But another and more important question comes up regarding the initial chapters of the “Popol Vuh”—those that recount the Kiché creation myth. Beneath the surface of [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Biblical cosmology, the original myth seems to be a combination of more than one native creation story. Here we have several beings, each seemingly playing a role as a creator, which suggests that the account we have now is the result of merging and reconciling multiple legends associated with creation—a blending of competing early beliefs. We can look to the established facts of a composite Peruvian cosmology for guidance. The ruling Inca class skillfully combined at least four early creation myths, designating their own divine ancestors as the leaders of the heavens. It's not unreasonable to think that the various ethnic groups that made up the Maya-Kiché people had differing cosmologies, which were harmonized in the later traditional versions of the “Popol Vuh.”

This would lead to the further supposition that the “Popol Vuh” is a monument of very considerable antiquity. The fusion of religious beliefs is, even with savages, a work of many generations. It would be rash to attempt to discover any approximate date for the original conception of the “Popol Vuh.” The only version which we possess is that now under review, and as the lack of an earlier version makes comparison impossible, we are thus without the guidance with which the [31]criteria of philology would undoubtedly furnish us. That the Mayan civilisation was of very considerable antiquity is possible, although no adequate proof exists for the assumption. This much is certain: that at the period of the Conquest written language was still in a state of transition from the pictographic to the phonetic-ideographic stage, and that therefore no version of the “Popol Vuh” which had been fixed by its receiving literary form could have long existed. It is much more probable that it existed for many generations by being handed down from mouth to mouth—a manner of literary preservation exceedingly common with the American peoples. The memories of the natives of America were and still are matter for astonishment for all who come into contact with them. The Conquistadores were astounded at the ease with which the Mexicans could recite poems and orations of stupendous length, and numerous instances of Indian feats of mnemonics are on record.

This would imply that the “Popol Vuh” is an ancient work of considerable significance. The blending of religious beliefs, even among tribal societies, takes many generations. It would be unwise to try to pinpoint an approximate date for the original creation of the “Popol Vuh.” The only version we have is the one currently under review, and since there is no earlier version to compare it to, we lack the guidance that the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] criteria of philology would typically provide. While it’s possible that the Mayan civilization is quite ancient, there’s no solid proof to support this assumption. What is clear is that at the time of the Conquest, written language was still evolving from pictographs to phonetic-ideographic scripts, meaning no version of the “Popol Vuh” that had been given a literary form could have existed for long. It’s much more likely that it was passed down orally over many generations—an extremely common method of literary preservation among Indigenous peoples of the Americas. The memories of Native Americans have always amazed those who encounter them. The Conquistadors were shocked by how easily the Mexicans could recite lengthy poems and speeches, with many documented instances of impressive feats of memory among Indigenous people.

It is worthy of notice that the Kiché myth embodies the general aboriginal idea of creation which prevailed in the New World. In many of them the central idea of creation is supplied by the brooding of a great bird over the dark primeval waste of waters. Thus the Athapascans thought that a mighty raven, with eyes of fire and wings whose clapping was as the thunder, descended to [32]the ocean and raised the earth to its surface.1 The Muscokis believed that a couple of pigeons, skimming the surface of the deep, espied a blade of grass upon its surface, which slowly evolved into the dry land.2 The Zuñis imagined that Awonawilona, the All-father, so impregnated the waters that a scum appeared upon their surface which became the earth and sky.3 The Iroquois said that their female ancestor, expelled from heaven by her angry spouse, landed upon the sea, from which mud at once arose. The Mixtecs imagined that two winds—those of the Nine Serpents and the Nine Caverns—under the guise of a bird and a winged serpent respectively, caused the waters to subside and the land to appear. The Costa Rican Guaymis related, according to Melendez, that Noncomala waded into the water and met the water-nymph Rutbe, who bore him twins, the sun and moon. In all these accounts, from widely divergent nations, it is surprising to note such unanimity of belief; and when the tenacity of legend is borne in mind, it is perhaps not too rash to state a belief in an original American creation-myth, which seems none the less possible when the fact of the ethnological unity among the American tribes is remembered. [33]

It’s worth noting that the Kiché myth reflects the general indigenous belief about creation that was common in the New World. In many of these myths, the central theme of creation features a great bird floating over the dark, empty waters. For instance, the Athapascans believed that a powerful raven, with fiery eyes and wings that echoed like thunder, descended to the ocean and brought the earth to the surface.[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] The Muscokis thought that a pair of pigeons, gliding over the ocean, spotted a blade of grass on the water's surface, which slowly grew into dry land.[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] The Zuñis imagined that Awonawilona, the All-father, infused the waters so deeply that a scum formed on the surface, which became the earth and sky.[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] The Iroquois recounted that their female ancestor, cast out of heaven by her furious husband, landed on the sea, from which mud quickly emerged. The Mixtecs believed that two winds—those of the Nine Serpents and the Nine Caverns—taking the form of a bird and a winged serpent respectively, caused the waters to recede and land to emerge. According to Melendez, the Guaymis of Costa Rica said that Noncomala waded into the water and met the water-nymph Rutbe, who gave birth to twins, the sun and moon. In all these stories, from vastly different cultures, it is surprising to see such agreement in beliefs; and considering the persistence of legends, it may not be overly ambitious to suggest the existence of a common American creation myth, which seems even more plausible when we remember the ethnological unity among the American tribes. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

It is by no means difficult to satisfactorily prove the genuine American character of the “Popol Vuh.” In its case reading is believing. Macpherson, in his preface to the first edition of the poems of Ossian, says of an “ingenious gentleman” that ere he had read the poems he thought and remarked that a man diffident of his abilities might well ascribe these compositions to a person living in a remote antiquity; but when he had perused them his sentiments were changed. He found they abounded too much with those ideas that only belong to an early state of society to be the work of a modern poet. However this may apply to the reputed compositions of the Goidelic bard, there can be no doubt that it can be used with justice as regards the “Popol Vuh.” To any one who has given it a careful examination it must be abundantly evident that it is a composition that has passed through several stages of development; that it is unquestionably of aboriginal origin; and that it has only been influenced by European thought in a secondary and unessential manner. The very fact that it was composed in the Kiché tongue is almost sufficient proof of its genuine American character. The scholarship of the nineteenth century was unequal to the adequate translation of the “Popol Vuh”; the twentieth century has as yet shown no signs of being able to accomplish the task. It is, therefore, not difficult [34]to credit that if modern scholarship is unable to properly translate the work, that of the eighteenth century was unable to create it; no European of that epoch was sufficiently versed in Kiché theology and history to compose in faultless Kiché such a work as the “Popol Vuh,” breathing as it does in every line an intimate and natural acquaintance with the antiquities of Guatemala.

It’s not hard to convincingly show the true American character of the “Popol Vuh.” In this case, seeing is believing. Macpherson, in his preface to the first edition of the poems of Ossian, mentions an “ingenious gentleman” who, before reading the poems, thought and noted that someone unsure of their abilities might reasonably attribute these works to a person from a distant past; but after reading them, his opinion changed. He realized they contained too many ideas that only belong to an earlier stage of society to be the work of a modern poet. While this might apply to the supposed works of the Goidelic bard, it undeniably fits the “Popol Vuh.” For anyone who has carefully examined it, it’s abundantly clear that it’s a work that has gone through several stages of development, is undoubtedly of indigenous origin, and has only been influenced by European thought in a minor and non-essential way. The fact that it was written in the Kiché language is almost enough proof of its authentic American character. The scholarship of the nineteenth century was not capable of accurately translating the “Popol Vuh”; and the twentieth century hasn’t shown any ability to do so either. Therefore, it’s reasonable to think that if modern scholars can’t properly translate the work, then those in the eighteenth century couldn’t have created it; no European from that time was knowledgeable enough in Kiché theology and history to write in flawless Kiché a work like the “Popol Vuh,” which in every line expresses a deep and natural understanding of the ancient culture of Guatemala.

The “Popol Vuh” is not the only mythi-historical work composed by an aboriginal American. In Mexico Ixtlilxochitl, and in Peru Garcilasso de la Vega, wrote exhaustive treatises upon the history and customs of their native countrymen shortly after the conquests of Mexico and Peru, and hieroglyphic records, such as the “Wallam Olum,” are not unknown among the North American Indians. In fact, the intelligence which fails to regard the “Popol Vuh” as a genuine aboriginal production must be more sceptical than critical.

The “Popol Vuh” isn’t the only myth-historical work created by a Native American. In Mexico, Ixtlilxochitl, and in Peru, Garcilasso de la Vega, wrote detailed accounts about the history and customs of their own people shortly after the conquests of Mexico and Peru, and there are also hieroglyphic records, like the “Wallam Olum,” among the North American Indigenous peoples. In fact, anyone who doesn’t view the “Popol Vuh” as a true Indigenous creation has to be more doubtful than discerning.

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Kiché and Mexican Myths

The connection of Kiché and Mayan mythology with that of Mexico is obvious, but not altogether proven. It is possible that the main lines of the three systems were similar; that certain great deities like Gucumatz were common to all, but that the inclusion of local gods lent a very different complexion to the three mythologies. It [35]also seems not unreasonable to suppose that the Kiché people must have been more liable to influence from the south, that is, from the north of South America. The inclusion of an Antillean deity (Hurakan) in their pantheon practically proves that they were, and their relative proximity to the Caribs—the great maritime race of America—leads to the assumption that they may have been influenced by those roving merchants and sailors more or less profoundly. This, however, can only be matter for surmise, and, however strong the probabilities seem in favour of such a theory, proof is wanting to strengthen it. [36]

The connection between Kiché and Mayan mythology and that of Mexico is clear, but not completely proven. It's possible that the main themes of the three systems were similar; that certain major deities like Gucumatz were shared among them, but that the addition of local gods gave each mythology a distinct character. It [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]also seems reasonable to think that the Kiché people were likely more influenced by the south, specifically, from northern South America. The presence of an Antillean deity (Hurakan) in their pantheon essentially demonstrates this, and their relative closeness to the Caribs—the prominent maritime group in America—suggests that they may have been significantly influenced by those traveling merchants and sailors. However, this can only be a matter of speculation, and despite the strong indications supporting such a theory, there is still no proof to back it up. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]


1 “History of the Fur Trade,” Mackenzie, p. 83. 

1 “History of the Fur Trade,” Mackenzie, p. 83.

2 Schoolcraft, “Indian Tribes,” i. p. 266. 

2 Schoolcraft, “Indian Tribes,” i. p. 266. 

3 Cushing, “Zuñi Creation Myths.” 

3 Cushing, “Zuñi Creation Stories.” __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

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THE PANTHEON OF THE “POPOL VUH”

It must be remembered that we are dealing with Kiché and not with Mayan mythology. Although the two had much in common, it would be most unsafe in the present state of knowledge to attempt to identify Kiché with Mayan deities; such an attempt would, indeed, assume the bulk of a formidable treatise. Scholarship at the present time hesitates to designate the representations of Mayan gods on the walls of “buried” cities otherwise than by a letter of the alphabet, and it is therefore wise to thoroughly ignore the question of Mayan affinities in dealing with myths purely Kiché. This does not apply to the Kiché-Mexican affinities. Mexican and Kiché deities are mostly known quantities, but this cannot be said of their Mayan congenors. The reason for this is that until Mayan myth is reconciled with the evidence of the Mayan monuments no certitude can be arrived at. This cannot well be achieved until the Mayan hieroglyphs give up their secret, a contingency of which there is no immediate likelihood. Bearing this in mind, we may proceed to a brief consideration [37]of the Kiché pantheon and its probable Mexican affinities.

It’s important to remember that we’re discussing Kiché and not Mayan mythology. While there are many similarities between the two, it would be risky, given our current understanding, to try to match Kiché with Mayan gods; doing so would require extensive research. Scholars today hesitate to identify the depictions of Mayan gods found in “buried” cities beyond just using letters of the alphabet, so it’s best to ignore the issue of Mayan connections when focusing on purely Kiché myths. This doesn’t apply to the Kiché-Mexican connections. We have a clearer understanding of Mexican and Kiché deities, but the same cannot be said for their Mayan counterparts. Until Mayan myths are aligned with the evidence from Mayan monuments, we can’t find any certainty. This alignment won’t likely happen until the secrets of Mayan hieroglyphs are revealed, and that’s not expected to happen anytime soon. Keeping this in mind, let’s take a brief look at the Kiché pantheon and its likely Mexican connections. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Almost at the beginning we encounter a pair of masculine-feminine beings of a type nearly hermaphroditic, named Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, who are credited with a considerable share of the creation of organic life in the Kiché cosmogony. These, we will remember, appeared in the myth of Vukub-Cakix and elsewhere. The first appears to apply to the paternal function, whilst the name Xmucane is derived from words signifying “feminine vigour.” The Mexican equivalents of these gods were probably Cipactonatl and Oxomoco, the “father and mother gods.”1

Almost at the beginning, we come across a pair of beings that are both masculine and feminine, called Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, who are credited with a significant role in the creation of organic life in the Kiché cosmology. These figures are referenced in the myth of Vukub-Cakix and other stories. Xpiyacoc seems to represent the paternal aspect, while Xmucane’s name comes from words meaning “feminine strength.” The Mexican equivalents of these gods were likely Cipactonatl and Oxomoco, the “father and mother gods.”1

Deities who early arrest our attention are Tepeu, Gucumatz and Hurakan. The name of the first signifies “king.” According to Brinton this in Kiché applies to rulership chiefly, inasmuch as the conjugal prowess often ascribed to monarchs by savage people is concerned. A creative faculty is obviously indicated in the name, but Brinton assumes that this Kiché generic name for king can also be rendered “syphilitic,” especially as the name of the Mexican sun-god Nanahuatl has a similar significance.

Deities that capture our attention early on are Tepeu, Gucumatz, and Hurakan. The name of the first means “king.” According to Brinton, in Kiché, this term mainly refers to leadership, particularly regarding the marital abilities often attributed to kings by primitive societies. The name suggests a creative power, but Brinton believes that this Kiché word for king can also be interpreted as “syphilitic,” especially since the name of the Mexican sun god Nanahuatl carries a similar meaning.

That Tepeu was a generative force, a creative deity, there can be no doubt, but strangely enough in certain passages of the “Popol Vuh” we find [38]him praying to and rendering homage to Hurakan, the “Heart of Heaven.” We also find the latter along with Xpiyacoc, Xmucane and Tepeu jointly and severally responsible for the creation of the mannikins, if not for the whole cosmological scheme. This, of course, bears out the assumption of a composite origin of the creation-myth in the “Popol Vuh,” but it is nevertheless strange to find Hurakan, whom we must reckon an alien deity, at the head of these Olympic councils.

That Tepeu was a creative force, a generative deity, is beyond doubt, but it's interesting that in certain parts of the “Popol Vuh” we see [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]him praying to and paying respect to Hurakan, the “Heart of Heaven.” We also see Hurakan, along with Xpiyacoc, Xmucane, and Tepeu, together and individually responsible for creating the mannikins, if not for the entire cosmological scheme. This supports the idea of a mixed origin of the creation myth in the “Popol Vuh,” but it’s still strange to find Hurakan, whom we must consider a foreign deity, at the forefront of these divine councils.

Cucumatz is one and the same with the Nahuatlacan—or, more properly speaking, Toltecan Quetzalcohuatl. The name is compounded from two Kiché words signifying “Feathered Serpent,” and its meaning in the Nahuatl is precisely the same. Concerning the nature of this deity, there is probably more difference of opinion than in the case of any other known to comparative mythology. Strangely enough, although unquestionably an alien in the mythology of the Aztecan branch of the Nahuatlacâ, he bulks more largely in the myths of that people than in the legends of the Kichés. To the Aztecâ he seems to have appeared as a half-friendly Baal, to worship or revile according to the opportunism of national fortune. If he were here to be dealt with as his importance demands the limits of this monograph would speedily be surpassed. Although unquestionably the same god to both Mexicans and Kichés, he had [39]acquired a significance in Aztecan eyes quite out of all proportion to his Kiché or Mayan importance. To the Aztecan mind he was a culture-hero, unalterably associated with the sun, and with the origins of their civilisation. To the Toltecs he was the “Man of the Sun,” the traveller, who, with staff in hand, symbolised the daily journey of the Sun-god. In all likelihood Quetzalcohuatl was evolved upon Mexican soil by the Toltecs, perhaps adopted from some older cultus by them. He was at least worshipped sedulously by aboriginal or pre-Aztecan tribes in Anahuac. Mr. Payne writes:2 “The fact that the worship of Quetzalcohuatl under the name of Cuculcan or Gucumatz was extensively prevalent in Yucatan and Central America, while no trace is found of the worship of Tezcatlipoca, strongly suggests that the founders of the Central American pueblos (the Toltecs) were, in fact, devotees of Quetzalcohuatl, who preferred exile and adventure in strange lands to accepting a religious innovation which was intolerable to them.”

Cucumatz is the same as the Nahuatlacan—or, more accurately, the Toltecan Quetzalcohuatl. The name comes from two Kiché words that mean “Feathered Serpent,” and its meaning in Nahuatl is exactly the same. Regarding this deity's nature, there is likely more disagreement than with any other known in comparative mythology. Interestingly, even though he is definitely an outsider in the mythology of the Aztecan branch of the Nahuatlacâ, he plays a much larger role in their myths than in the legends of the Kichés. To the Aztecâ, he seems to have appeared as a somewhat benevolent figure, admired or criticized based on the changing fortunes of the nation. If we were to explore him as his importance warrants, this monograph's scope would quickly be exceeded. Despite being the same god to both Mexicans and Kichés, he had [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] taken on a significance in the eyes of the Aztecs that was completely disproportionate to his importance among the Kiché or Mayan people. To the Aztecs, he was a culture-hero, intrinsically linked to the sun and the beginnings of their civilization. To the Toltecs, he was the “Man of the Sun,” the traveler who, with staff in hand, symbolized the daily journey of the Sun-god. It’s likely that Quetzalcohuatl developed on Mexican soil through the Toltecs, possibly adopted from an older cult. He was at least actively worshipped by indigenous or pre-Aztecan tribes in Anahuac. Mr. Payne writes:2 “The fact that the worship of Quetzalcohuatl under the name of Cuculcan or Gucumatz was extensively prevalent in Yucatan and Central America, while no trace is found of the worship of Tezcatlipoca, strongly suggests that the founders of the Central American pueblos (the Toltecs) were, in fact, devotees of Quetzalcohuatl, who preferred exile and adventure in strange lands to accepting a religious innovation which was intolerable to them.”

That Quetzalcohuatl was not an aboriginal Maya-Kiché deity is proved by the relative importance granted him by a people—the Aztecâ—to whom he was alien; and that they regarded him as the aboriginal god of Anahuac par excellence is indisputable. [40]

That Quetzalcohuatl was not a native Maya-Kiché god is shown by the significant importance given to him by a people—the Aztecs—who were foreign to him; and it is undeniable that they considered him the original god of Anahuac par excellence. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Hurakan, the winged creative power, is the wind of the tempest.3 In the “Popol Vuh” he is designated “The Heart of Heaven.” He is parallel with if not identical to the Aztecan deity Tezcatlipoca, who in his variant of Yoalli-ehecatl (the Wind of Night) was supplicated by the Aztecâ as the life-breath.4 Elsewhere we have hinted that Tezcatlipoca may have been an ice-god.5 Mr. Payne sees in him an elaboration of the vision of death in a polished “scrying”-stone, which seems possible but scarcely probable. Hurakan was in all likelihood derived from an original deity of the Antilles.6 The term “hurricane” is said to have originated from the name of this god, and although the direct evidence for this is scanty, other circumstances place the connection beyond reasonable doubt. Hurakan is also alluded to in the “Popol Vuh,” as “The Strong Serpent,” and “He who hurls below,” referring to his presence in the lightning. Brinton is of opinion that the name Hurakan signifies “giant,” but the sequence of proof is not altogether convincing. Hurakan had the assistance of three demiurges, named respectively Cakulha-Hurakan (lightning), Chipi-Cakulha (lightning-flash), and Raxa-Cakulha (track-of-the-lightning). [41]

Hurakan, the winged creative force, represents the wind of the storm. In the “Popol Vuh,” he is called “The Heart of Heaven.” He is similar to, if not the same as, the Aztec god Tezcatlipoca, who in his version called Yoalli-ehecatl (the Wind of Night) was revered by the Aztecs as the source of life. Elsewhere, we’ve suggested that Tezcatlipoca might have been an ice god. Mr. Payne interprets him as an expansion of the idea of death seen in a polished “scrying” stone, which could be possible but is unlikely. Hurakan likely originated from a deity from the Antilles. The term “hurricane” is believed to come from the name of this god, and while direct evidence is limited, other factors make the connection quite plausible. Hurakan is also mentioned in the “Popol Vuh” as “The Strong Serpent” and “He who hurls below,” indicating his association with lightning. Brinton believes the name Hurakan means “giant,” but the evidence for this is not very convincing. Hurakan was supported by three demiurges named Cakulha-Hurakan (lightning), Chipi-Cakulha (lightning-flash), and Raxa-Cakulha (track-of-the-lightning). [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque, who appear in the first myth proper—that of the destruction of Vukub-Cakix, are certainly “of the gods,” but seem to be only demi-gods. They are constantly alluded to as “young men.” Brasseur de Bourbourg, who saw in the Vukub-Cakix myth the struggle between the Toltecs and the invading Nahuatlacâ, believed these hero-gods to be equivalents of Tezcatlipoca and Nanahuatl, but the resemblance appears to exist merely in the martial character of the deities, and is hardly noticeable in other details. Hun-Ahpu would appear to signify “The Master,” but Brinton translates the name as “Magician.” It may have a reconciliatory translation as “Adept.” A variant is the name of his father Hun-Hun-Ahpu, “Each-one-a-Magician,” and some confusion is apparent in the Vukub-Cakix myth between the two names; but as the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg so justly observes, “these names are so symbolic in character that their absolute elucidation is impossible.” Xbalanque signifies “Little Tiger.”

Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque, who appear in the first myth—specifically, the story of the destruction of Vukub-Cakix—are definitely "of the gods," but seem to be just demi-gods. They are often referred to as "young men." Brasseur de Bourbourg, who interpreted the Vukub-Cakix myth as the battle between the Toltecs and the invading Nahuatlacâ, believed these hero-gods to be similar to Tezcatlipoca and Nanahuatl. However, the similarity mainly lies in their warrior nature, and it's not very noticeable in other aspects. Hun-Ahpu seems to mean "The Master," but Brinton translates it as "Magician." It could also be interpreted as "Adept." A variation is the name of his father, Hun-Hun-Ahpu, which means "Each-one-a-Magician," and there's some confusion in the Vukub-Cakix myth between the two names. But as Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg rightly points out, "these names are so symbolic that understanding them completely is impossible." Xbalanque means "Little Tiger."

“The gods of the Kichés were legion,” but the foregoing list embraces practically all the deities proper with whom we have to deal in the “Popol Vuh.”

“The gods of the Kichés were numerous,” but the previous list includes almost all the main deities we need to discuss in the “Popol Vuh.”

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The Vukub-Cakix Legend

The outstanding point of interest in the myth of Vukub-Cakix and his two sons is its terrestrial [42]significance. That they were of the earth as truly as were the Jotuns of Scandinavian mythology there can be no doubt. Like the Jotuns or the Titans, Vukub-Cakix and his progeny are made from the earth, and the parent giant is a living representation of its surface. Xpiyacoc and Xmucane remove his emerald teeth, and replace them with maize grains—surely a mythical interpretation or allegory of the removal of the green virgin turf of the earth, and its replacement by the maize seed. It is further worthy of notice that the maize is placed in Vukub-Cakix’s mouth by divine beings. In the third book of the “Popol Vuh” it is stated that the gods gave maize to man. It was, indeed, brought to earth from heaven by the sacred animals.

The main focus of interest in the myth of Vukub-Cakix and his two sons is its earthly significance. They are just as much part of the earth as the Jotuns in Scandinavian mythology. Like the Jotuns or the Titans, Vukub-Cakix and his offspring are made from the earth, and the parent giant symbolizes its surface. Xpiyacoc and Xmucane take out his emerald teeth and replace them with maize grains—this is clearly a mythical interpretation or allegory of taking away the green virgin soil of the earth and replacing it with maize seed. It’s also important to note that divine beings put the maize in Vukub-Cakix’s mouth. In the third book of the “Popol Vuh,” it states that the gods gave maize to humanity. In fact, it was brought to earth from heaven by sacred animals.

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Book II. discussed

The Second Book of the “Popol Vuh” is the most interesting of the four from a mythological point of view. That it treats of the dealings of the Kichés with the aboriginal people of the district they afterwards inhabited is not unlikely. Although the opinion of Brasseur that Xibalba was a prehistoric state which had Palenque for its capital is an exaggeration of whatsoever kernel of fact may be contained in the myth, yet it is not unlikely that the Abbé, who so often astonishes without illuminating, has in this instance come [43]near the truth. The cliff-dwellings of Mexico and Colorado have of late years aroused speculation as to the aboriginal or directly prehistoric peoples of these regions. The “Popol Vuh” definitely describes Xibalba as the metropolis of an “Underworld”; and with such examples as that of the Cliff Palace Cañon in Colorado before us, it is difficult to think that allusion is not made to some such semi-underground abode. There the living rock has been excavated to a considerable distance, advantage being taken of a huge natural recess to secure greater depth than could possibly have been attained by human agency, and in this immense alcove the ruins of a veritable city may still be seen, almost as well preserved as in the days of its evacuation, its towers, battlements and houses being as well marked and as plainly discernible as are the ruins of Philæ. It is then not unreasonable to suppose that in a more northerly home the Kichés may have warred with a race which dwelt in some such subterranean locality. A people’s idea of an “otherworld” is often coloured by the configuration of their own country.

The Second Book of the “Popol Vuh” is the most intriguing of the four from a mythological perspective. It's quite possible that it discusses the interactions between the Kichés and the original people of the area they eventually settled in. While Brasseur's claim that Xibalba was a prehistoric state with Palenque as its capital might be an exaggeration of whatever truth might exist in the myth, it's not unlikely that the Abbé, who often astounds without shedding light, has come reasonably close to the truth in this case. The cliff dwellings in Mexico and Colorado have recently sparked interest regarding the indigenous or directly prehistoric peoples of these regions. The “Popol Vuh” clearly describes Xibalba as the capital of an “Underworld”; and given examples like the Cliff Palace Cañon in Colorado, it's hard to believe that there's no reference to some kind of underground dwelling. There, the natural rock has been carved out extensively, taking advantage of a large natural recess to achieve a greater depth than would have been possible by human effort, and in this vast alcove, the ruins of an actual city are still visible, almost as well-preserved as they were when it was abandoned, with its towers, fortifications, and houses clearly marked and easily discernible, just like the ruins of Philæ. Thus, it's reasonable to think that in a more northern setting, the Kichés may have fought against a people who lived in some similar subterranean place. A culture's perception of an “otherworld” is often shaped by the landscape of their own land.

One thing is certain: a hell, an abode of bad spirits as distinguished from beneficent gods, Xibalba was not. The American Indian was innocent of the idea of maleficent deities pitted in everlasting warfare against good and life-giving gods until contact with the whites coloured his mythology [44]with their idea of the dual nature of supernatural beings.7 The transcriber of the “Popol Vuh” makes this clear so far as Kiché belief went. Dimly conscious that the “Popol Vuh” was coloured by his agency with the opinions of a lately adopted Christianity, he says of the Lords of Xibalba, Hun-Came and Vukub-Came: “In the old times they did not have much power. They were but annoyers and opposers of men, and, in truth, they were not regarded as gods.” If not regarded as gods, then, what were they?

One thing is certain: Xibalba was not a hell, a place for evil spirits in contrast to kind gods. The American Indian didn’t think of wicked deities engaged in a constant battle against good and life-giving gods until contact with white people influenced his mythology with their concept of the dual nature of supernatural beings [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]. The transcriber of the “Popol Vuh” clearly shows the beliefs of the Kiché people. Aware that the "Popol Vuh" was shaped by his experience with newly embraced Christianity, he describes the Lords of Xibalba, Hun-Came and Vukub-Came: “In the old times they did not have much power. They were just nuisances and adversaries of men, and, in truth, they were not regarded as gods.” If they weren’t seen as gods, then what were they?

“The devil,” says Cogolludo of the Mayas, “is called by them Xibilba, which means he who disappears or vanishes.” The derivation of Xibalba is from a root meaning “to fear” from which comes the name for a ghost or phantom. Xibalba was, then, the Place of Phantoms. But it was not the Place of Torment, the abode of a devil who presided over punishment. The idea of sin is weak in the savage mind; and the idea of punishment for sin in a future state is unknown in pre-Christian American mythology.

“The devil,” Cogolludo says of the Mayas, “is called Xibilba, which means he who disappears or vanishes.” The name Xibalba comes from a root that means “to fear,” which is also the source of the word for a ghost or phantom. Xibalba was, therefore, the Place of Phantoms. However, it was not the Place of Torment, the home of a devil who oversees punishment. The concept of sin is faint in the primitive mind, and the notion of punishment for sin in an afterlife is absent in pre-Christian American mythology.

“Under the influence of Christian catechising,” says Brinton, “the Quiché legends portray this really as a place of torment, and its rulers as malignant and powerful; but as I have before pointed out they do so protesting that such was not the ancient belief, and they let fall no word that [45]shows that it was regarded as the destination of the morally bad. The original meaning of the name given by Cogolludo points unmistakably to the simple fact of disappearance from among men, and corresponds in harmlessness to the true sense of those words of fear, Scheol, Hades, Hell, all signifying hidden from sight, and only endowed with more grim associations by the imaginations of later generations.”

“Under the influence of Christian teachings,” says Brinton, “the Quiché legends depict this truly as a place of suffering, with its rulers seen as evil and powerful; however, as I have noted before, they insist that this was not the ancient belief, and they don't suggest that [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] it was viewed as a destination for the morally corrupt. The original meaning of the name given by Cogolludo clearly points to the simple fact of disappearing from among people, and matches the harmless interpretation of the words of fear: Scheol, Hades, Hell—all of which signify being hidden from view and were made more sinister by the imaginations of later generations.”

The idea of consigning elder peoples, who have been displaced in the land to an underworld, is not uncommon in mythology. The Xibalbans, or aborigines, were perhaps cave- or earth-dwellers like the Picts of Scottish folk-lore, gnomeish, and full of elvish tricks, as such folk usually are. Vanished people are, too, often classed with the dead, or as lords of the dead. It is well known, also, that legend speedily crystallises around the name of a dispossessed race, to whom is attributed every description of magic art. This is sometimes accounted for by the fact that the displaced people possessed a higher culture than their invaders, and sometimes, probably, by the dread which all barbarian peoples have of a religion in any way differing from their own. Thus the Norwegians credited the Finns—their predecessors in Norway—with tremendous magical powers, and similar instances of respectful timidity shown by invading races towards the original [46]inhabitants of the country they had conquered could readily be multiplied. To be tricked the barbarian regards as a mortal indignity, as witness the wrath of Thor in Jotunheim, comparable with the sensitiveness of Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque lest they should be outwitted by the Xibalbans.

The concept of sending elderly people, who have been uprooted from their land, to an underworld is common in mythology. The Xibalbans, or indigenous people, were probably cave- or earth-dwellers like the Picts from Scottish folklore, mischievous like gnomes and filled with elvish tricks, as such characters often are. Displaced people are frequently grouped with the dead or depicted as lords of the dead. It is also well-known that legends quickly form around the name of a dispossessed group, attributing various magical abilities to them. This is sometimes explained by the fact that the displaced had a more advanced culture than their invaders, and sometimes, likely, due to the fear that all barbarian groups have of any religion that differs from their own. For example, Norwegians believed that the Finns—their predecessors in Norway—had incredible magical powers, and other instances of respectful caution shown by invading groups towards the original [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]inhabitants of the lands they conquered could easily be added. To be tricked is seen by barbarians as a grave insult, as evidenced by Thor's anger in Jotunheim, similar to the sensitivity of Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque to being outsmarted by the Xibalbans.

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The Harrowing of Xibalba

The doings of Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque, in Xibalba, may be regarded either as the Kiché account of the adventures of two veritable heroes in a new land, or as the visitation of divine beings to Hades for the express purpose of conquering death. But by the period of the formation of the myth it is probable that Xibalba had become confounded with the Place of the Dead, and was regarded as a fit theatre for the prodigies of craft and valour of the young hero-gods. The Kiché Hades had, in fact, evolved from the old northern home, exactly as had the Mexican Mictlan, which, although a subterranean locality, was also, and separately, a northern country. A complete Place of the Dead had been established, and the gods, to show their contempt of death, must descend thereto and emerge triumphant. The idea of metempsychosis was known to the American aboriginal mind. “We Indians shall not for ever die; even the grains of corn we put under the earth grow up and [47]become living things,” is the noble and touching reply of a chief to the interrogation of a Moravian Brother, regarding the native belief in immortality.8 Man must have the example of the gods, if he wishes to live in peace and quiet assurance of immortality. And just as we believe that our God descended into Hell and vanquished Sin and Death, so did these simple people gain strength to face Eternity from the thought that they had been preceded in the dark journey by the Immortals.

The actions of Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque in Xibalba can be seen as either the Kiché version of the adventures of two true heroes in a new land or as celestial beings visiting the underworld to conquer death. By the time the myth was created, it’s likely that Xibalba had become mixed up with the Place of the Dead and was seen as an appropriate setting for the incredible feats of skill and bravery of the young god-heroes. The Kiché underworld had developed from their old northern home, just like the Mexican Mictlan, which, while a hidden location, was also a northern land. A complete Place of the Dead had been established, and the gods, to show their disdain for death, had to go there and return victorious. The concept of reincarnation was known among indigenous Americans. “We Indians shall not forever die; even the grains of corn we put under the earth grow up and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]become living things,” is the heartfelt reply of a chief to a Moravian Brother's question about native beliefs in immortality.8 Man needs to see the example of the gods if he wants to live with peace and confidence in his immortality. Just as we believe that our God descended into Hell to defeat Sin and Death, these simple people found courage to confront Eternity because they believed the Immortals had made the same dark journey before them.

It is evident that the divine brothers feared ridicule, and profiting from the disasters of their father and uncle made sure of knowing the names of the chief Xibalbans ere they set out. In like manner they avoided making an obeisance to the dummy figures to which their predecessors had bowed so profoundly. The American savage, grave and reserved, cannot abide ridicule. He shrinks from it in a manner which a less self-regarding or a more self-assured people cannot comprehend. The other tests—the “House of Tigers,” and the “House of Cold,” and the various torments mentioned in the Second Book are much what might be expected from a barbarian idea of death—no more horrible, perhaps, than the European idea of Hell in the Middle Ages, certainly not more fear-compelling than the picture of Dante. [48]

It’s clear that the divine brothers were afraid of being mocked, and taking advantage of the misfortunes of their father and uncle, they made sure to know the names of the main Xibalbans before they set out. Similarly, they avoided bowing to the dummy figures that their predecessors had shown such deep respect for. The American savage, serious and composed, cannot stand being ridiculed. He reacts to it in a way that a less self-conscious or more self-assured group can’t really understand. The other challenges—the “House of Tigers,” the “House of Cold,” and the various tortures mentioned in the Second Book—are much like what you’d expect from a barbaric notion of death—perhaps not any more horrifying than the European concept of Hell during the Middle Ages, and definitely not more frightening than Dante’s depiction. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

The American peoples are at one in their belief in a Paradise, a Place of Joy, if not of Reward. Their Hades appears to have been reserved almost entirely for the unillustrious. Paradise in some American mythologies, notably in that of Mexico, and perhaps in that of Peru, is nothing more than a preserve of the great; the poor might not enter therein, no more than might the coward pass the gates of the Norse Valhalla. It was to Mictlan or Supay, then, that the popular mind turned. How did the American peoples regard this drear abode? To enter it one must cross a deep and swift river by means of a bridge formed of a slender tree, said the Hurons and Iroquois to the first missionaries. On this frail passage the soul must defend itself from the attacks of a savage dog.9 The Chepewayan Athapascans told of a great water which the soul must cross in a stone canoe; the Chilians, of a western sea, where toll must be given to an evil hag, who plucked out an eye if payment were not forthcoming; the Algonquins, of a stream bridged by an enormous snake. The Aztecs called this river Chicunoapa, the Nine Rivers, where the departed must pay toll to a dog and a dragon. It will be recollected that the brothers in the “Popol Vuh,” cross a river of blood. This almost certainly alludes to the ocean under the red beams of the setting sun, towards which all these voyages are made. [49]

The American people share a belief in a Paradise, a Place of Joy, if not of Reward. Their Hades mostly seems to be reserved for the unknowns. Paradise in some American mythologies, especially in Mexico and possibly in Peru, is just a domain for the great; the poor aren’t allowed entry, just like cowards can’t enter the gates of Norse Valhalla. So, the common thought turned to Mictlan or Supay. How did the American people view this gloomy place? To enter it, one has to cross a fast-flowing river on a bridge made of a slender tree, according to the Hurons and Iroquois who spoke to early missionaries. On this fragile bridge, the soul must protect itself from an attacking savage dog. The Chepewayan Athapascans described a great water that the soul must cross in a stone canoe; the Chilians talked about a western sea where a toll must be paid to an evil hag, who would pluck out an eye if payment wasn’t made; the Algonquins mentioned a stream crossed by a huge snake. The Aztecs named this river Chicunoapa, the Nine Rivers, where the departed have to pay a toll to a dog and a dragon. It’s worth noting that the brothers in the “Popol Vuh” cross a river of blood. This likely refers to the ocean under the red rays of the setting sun, towards which all these journeys are directed. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

The hero-gods in the myth voluntarily succumb to the power of the Lords of Death, and after being burned their bones are ground in a mill and thrown into the waters. The belief was almost universal in America that the soul resided in the bones. The bones were the basis of the man. Flesh would readily perish, but would return to clothe this more lasting foundation. So in many tribes the bones of the dead were carefully preserved. In all Central American countries the bones of distinguished persons were preserved in temples or council-houses in the small chests made of cane mentioned by the chroniclers of De Soto’s expedition. This, too, may possibly have been the origin of mummification in Peru. In Egypt all the members and intestines must be preserved, in Peru only the bones. The state of comparative desiccation in which most Peruvian mummies are discovered proves that the preservation of the flesh or organs was not regarded as a necessity.

The hero-gods in the myth willingly give in to the power of the Lords of Death, and after being burned, their bones are ground up in a mill and thrown into the water. It was nearly a universal belief in America that the soul lived in the bones. The bones were the foundation of a person. Flesh would easily decay, but it would come back to cover this more enduring foundation. This is why many tribes carefully preserved the bones of the dead. In all Central American countries, the bones of notable individuals were kept in temples or council houses in the small baskets made of cane mentioned by the chroniclers of De Soto’s expedition. This might also have influenced the practice of mummification in Peru. In Egypt, all the limbs and organs had to be preserved, while in Peru, only the bones were important. The relatively dry state in which most Peruvian mummies are found shows that preserving the flesh or organs was not viewed as essential.

The game of ball figures very largely throughout the Third Book. The father and uncle of the young hero-gods were worsted in their favourite sport by the Xibalbans, but Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque in their turn vanquish the Lords of the Underworld. This may have resembled the Mexican game of tlachtli, which was played in an enclosed court with a rubber ball between two opposite sides, [50]each of two or three players. It was, in fact, not unlike hockey. This game of ball between the Powers of Light and the Powers of Darkness is somewhat reminiscent of that between Ormuzd and Ahriman in Persian myth. The game of tlachtli had a symbolic reference to stellar motions.10

The ball game is a major theme throughout the Third Book. The father and uncle of the young hero-gods were beaten in their favorite sport by the Xibalbans, but Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque eventually defeat the Lords of the Underworld. This may have been similar to the Mexican game of tlachtli, which was played on a court with a rubber ball between two opposing sides, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]each with two or three players. It was actually quite similar to hockey. This game between the Forces of Light and the Forces of Darkness is somewhat reminiscent of the match between Ormuzd and Ahriman in Persian mythology. The game of tlachtli also had a symbolic connection to the movements of the stars.10

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Book III. reviewed

We are here engaged with the problem which the origin of man presented to the Kiché mind, and we shall find that its solution bears a remarkable likeness to that of similar American myths. We seldom hear of one first-created being. In the creation-myths of the New World four brothers are usually the progenitors of the human race. Man in these myths is nearly always earth-born. He and his fellows emerge from some cavern or subterranean place, fully grown and fully armed. Thus the Blackfoot Indians emerged from Nina-stahu, a peak in the Rockies. In the centre of Nunne Chaha, the High Hill, was a cavern, the house of the Master of Breath, whence came the Choctaws. The Peruvians come from Pacari Tambu, the House of the Dawn, near Cuzco, and an ancient legend of the Aztecâ states that they came from [51]Chicomoztoc, the Seven Caverns, to the north of Mexico.

We are currently dealing with the question that the origin of man posed to the Kiché mindset, and we’ll find that its resolution is strikingly similar to that of other American myths. We rarely hear about one singular being as the first created. In the creation myths of the New World, four brothers are generally the ancestors of the human race. In these myths, humans almost always emerge from the earth. They and their companions come from some cave or underground place, fully grown and equipped. For example, the Blackfoot Indians came from Nina-stahu, a peak in the Rockies. In the center of Nunne Chaha, the High Hill, there was a cave, the home of the Master of Breath, from which the Choctaws originated. The Peruvians came from Pacari Tambu, the House of the Dawn, near Cuzco, and an ancient legend of the Aztecs states that they emerged from [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] Chicomoztoc, the Seven Caverns, to the north of Mexico.

We find the first Mayan men speedily engaged in migration. Such must always be the life of the unsettled and unagricultural savage. He multiplies. Gods are given to each tribe. These he bears to a new country. In fact we have a complete migration myth in the Third Book of the “Popol Vuh,” and there are not wanting signs to show that this migration took place from the cold north to the warm south. The principal item of proof in favour of such a theory is, of course, the statement that the sun was “not at first born,” and that at a later stage of the journey, when his beams appeared upon the horizon, it was as a weaker and dimmer luminary that he seemed to the wanderers than in after years. The allusion to “shining sand,” by the aid of which they crossed rivers, may mean that they forded them when covered with ice. The whole myth is so strikingly akin to the Aztecân migration-myth given in the Mexican MS. in the Boturini Collection (No. 14, sec. viii.) that we cannot refrain from appending a short passage from the latter:

We see the first Mayan people quickly involved in migration. This is always the reality for the unsettled and non-agricultural tribes. They multiply and each tribe has their own gods, which they take with them to a new land. In fact, we have a complete migration myth in the Third Book of the “Popol Vuh,” and there are clear signs that this migration happened from the cold north to the warm south. The main piece of evidence supporting this theory is the claim that the sun was “not at first born,” and that later in their journey, when its rays first appeared on the horizon, it seemed weaker and dimmer to the travelers than it would in years to come. The mention of “shining sand,” which helped them cross rivers, might suggest they crossed them when they were frozen. The entire myth is remarkably similar to the Aztec migration myth found in the Mexican manuscript in the Boturini Collection (No. 14, sec. viii.), prompting us to include a brief excerpt from it:

“This is the beginning of the record of the coming of the Mexicans from the place called Aztlan. It is by means of the water that they came this way, being four tribes, and in coming they rowed in boats. They built their huts on [52]piles at the place called the Grotto of Quinevayan. It is there from which the eight tribes issued. The first tribe is that of the Huexotzincos, the second tribe the Chalcas, the third the Xochimilcas, the fourth the Cuitlavacas, the fifth the Mallinalcas, the sixth the Chicimecas, the seventh the Tepanecas, the eighth the Matlatzincas. It is there where they were founded in Colhuacan. They were the colonists of it since they landed there, coming from Aztlan …. It is there that they soon afterwards went away from, carrying before them the god11 Vitzillopochtli, which they had adopted for their god …. They came out of four places, when they went forward travelling this way …. There the eight tribes opened up our road by water.”

“This is the start of the record of the Mexicans coming from a place called Aztlan. They traveled this way by water, as four tribes, rowing in boats. They built their huts on [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]piles at a location known as the Grotto of Quinevayan. It's from there that the eight tribes emerged. The first tribe is the Huexotzincos, the second is the Chalcas, the third the Xochimilcas, the fourth the Cuitlavacas, the fifth the Mallinalcas, the sixth the Chicimecas, the seventh the Tepanecas, and the eighth the Matlatzincas. This is where they were established in Colhuacan. They became the settlers as soon as they arrived there from Aztlan…. It was from that place that they soon departed, carrying with them their god 11 Vitzilopochtli, which they adopted as their deity…. They came from four locations as they traveled this way…. There, the eight tribes paved our way by water.”

We find a similar myth in the Wallam Olum, or painted records of the Lenape Indians. “After the flood,” says this record, “the Lenape with the manly turtle beings dwelt close together at the cave house and dwelling of Talli …. They saw that the snake land was bright and wealthy. Having all agreed, they went over the water of the frozen sea to possess the land. It was wonderful when they all went over the smooth deep water of [53]the frozen sea at the gap of snake sea in the great ocean”5.

We find a similar myth in the Wallam Olum, or painted records of the Lenape Indians. “After the flood,” says this record, “the Lenape lived closely together with the brave turtle beings at the cave house and home of Talli… They noticed that the snake land was bright and prosperous. After they all agreed, they crossed the water of the frozen sea to claim the land. It was amazing when they all crossed the smooth, deep water of [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the frozen sea at the gap of snake sea in the great ocean”5.

We thus see that the Third Book of the “Popol Vuh” is a migration saga of a type not uncommon in America. Asiatic tribes may have come down from the Chi-Pixab of the “Popol Vuh” to British Columbia, and thence by easy stages to Central America. And the Third Book of the “Popol Vuh” may be the distant echo of a mighty wave of colonisation, whose sound swept the entire surface of the New World.

We can see that the Third Book of the “Popol Vuh” is a migration story that's not uncommon in America. Asian tribes might have traveled down from the Chi-Pixab of the “Popol Vuh” to British Columbia, and then gradually made their way to Central America. The Third Book of the “Popol Vuh” could be a faint reminder of a huge wave of colonization that spread across the entire New World.

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Early Spanish Writers and the “Popol Vuh”

It cannot be said that the early Spanish authors upon the affairs of Yucatan either corroborate or discredit the contents of the “Popol Vuh” in any way. To begin with, Landa, Cogolludo, and Las Casas confine themselves more to Yucatan proper than to Guatemala, and their remarks upon native belief, in so far as they illustrate the “Popol Vuh” at all, are really references to Mayan myths. Palacios is meagre in his references to any native beliefs, and the works of all four are so coloured by the phantasies of mediæval theology that, although interesting, they possess little real value. So far, in fact, as they throw light upon the “Popol Vuh” they might be safely ignored, and they are only given as works of reference in the bibliography for the sake of completeness. They [54]are, however, most valuable for the study of Mayan mythology proper, and for complete understanding of the “Popol Vuh” and of Kiché mythology in general, knowledge of Mayan myth is necessary.

It can't be said that the early Spanish authors on the affairs of Yucatan either support or disprove the contents of the “Popol Vuh” in any way. To start, Landa, Cogolludo, and Las Casas focus more on Yucatan itself rather than Guatemala, and their comments about native beliefs, as far as they relate to the “Popol Vuh” at all, are really references to Mayan myths. Palacios has very few references to any native beliefs, and the works of all four are so influenced by medieval theology that, while interesting, they hold little real value. In fact, in terms of shedding light on the “Popol Vuh,” they could be safely overlooked, and they are only included as reference works in the bibliography for the sake of completeness. They [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] are, however, extremely valuable for studying Mayan mythology itself, and for a complete understanding of the “Popol Vuh” and Kiché mythology in general, knowledge of Mayan myth is essential.

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Evidence of Metric Composition

There is not wanting evidence to show that, like most barbarous compositions which depended for their popularity upon the ease with which they could be memorised, the “Popol Vuh” was originally composed in metre. Passages here and there show a decided metrical tendency, as:

There’s plenty of evidence to show that, like many crude works that relied on how easily they could be memorized, the “Popol Vuh” was originally written in meter. Certain passages indicate a clear metrical tendency, such as:

“Ama x-u ch’ux ri Vuch

"Ama x-u ch’ux ri Vuch"

Ve, x-cha ri mama.

Ve, x-cha ri mom.

Ta chi xaquinic

Ta chi xaquinic

Quate ta chi gekumarchic

Quate ta chi gekumarchic

Cahmul xaquin ri mama

Cahmul loves his mom

Ca xaquin-Vuch” ca cha vinak vacamic.

Ca xaquin-Vuch” ca cha vinak vacamic.

which is translated:

which is translated to:

“Is the dawn about to be?

"Is dawn breaking soon?"

Yes, answered the old man.

Yes, replied the old man.

Then he spread apart his legs.

Then he spread his legs apart.

Again the darkness appeared.

The darkness returned.

Four times the old man spread his legs.

Four times the old man opened his legs.

Now the opossum spreads his legs”—

Now the opossum spreads its legs—

Say the people.12

Say the people. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

[55]

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The first line almost scans in iambics (English style), and the fifth is perfect, except for the truncation in the fourth foot. The others appear to us to consist of that alternation of sustained feet—musically represented by a semibreve—with pyrrhics, which is characteristic of nearly all savage dance-poetry. Father Coto, a missionary, observes that the natives were fond of telling long stories and of repeating chants, keeping time to them in those dances of which all the American aboriginal peoples appear to have been so fond—and still are, as Baron Nordenskjöld has recently discovered in the Aymara country. These chants were called nugum tzih, or “garlands of words,” and although the native compiler of the “Popol Vuh” appears to have been unable to recollect the precise rhythm of the whole, many passages attest its original odic character.

The first line almost fits into iambic meter (English style), and the fifth line is perfect, except for the missing part in the fourth foot. The others seem to alternate between sustained beats—musically shown by a whole note—and quick, light beats, which is typical of nearly all primitive dance poetry. Father Coto, a missionary, notes that the natives enjoyed telling long stories and repeating chants, keeping time to them in those dances that all Indigenous peoples in the Americas have loved—and still do, as Baron Nordenskjöld has recently discovered in the Aymara region. These chants were called nugum tzih, or “garlands of words,” and although the native compiler of the “Popol Vuh” seems to have struggled to recall the exact rhythm of the whole, many parts show its original epic nature.

Note.—The pronunciation of x in Kiché equals sh. Ch is pronounced hard, as in the Scottish “loch,” and c hard, like k. [57]

Note.—In Kiché, the pronunciation of x is like sh. The ch is pronounced hard, similar to the Scottish "loch," and c is pronounced hard like k. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]


1 See note at end. 

1 See note at the end. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

2 “History of the New World.” 

2 “History of the New World.” __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

3 Oviedo, “Historia del l’Indie,” lib. vi. cap. iii. 

3 Oviedo, “Historia de la India,” book vi, chapter iii.

4 Sahagun, lib. ii. ch. ii. 

4 Sahagun, book 2, chapter 2. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

5 “Mythologies of Ancient Mexico and Peru” (“Religions Ancient and Modern” series). 

5 “Mythologies of Ancient Mexico and Peru” (“Religions Ancient and Modern” series). 

6 Oviedo, Brasseur de Bourbourg. 

6 Oviedo, Brasseur de Bourbourg. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

7 See Brinton, “Myths of the New World,” chap. ii. 

7 See Brinton, “Myths of the New World,” chap. ii.

8 Loskiel, “Ges. der Miss. der evang. Brüder.” 

8 Loskiel, “Ges. der Miss. der evang. Brüder.”

9 “Rel. de la Nouv. France,” 1636. 

9 “Report on New France,” 1636. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

10 J. W. Fewkes in Jour. Amer. Folk-lore, 1892, p. 33; F. H. Cushing in “Amer. Anthropologist,” 1892, p. 303 et seq. 

10 J. W. Fewkes in Jour. Amer. Folk-lore, 1892, p. 33; F. H. Cushing in “Amer. Anthropologist,” 1892, p. 303 et seq.

11 In the Mexican text the Spanish word “diablo” has been interpolated by the Mexican scribes, as no Mexican word for “devil” exists. The scribe was, of course, under priestly influence; hence the “diablo.” 

11 In the Mexican text, Mexican scribes inserted the Spanish word "diablo" because there isn't a native word for "devil." The scribe was, of course, influenced by the priests, which is why "diablo" was used.

12 This passage obviously applies to a descriptive dance emblematic of sunrise. 

12 This passage clearly refers to a vivid dance that represents sunrise. 

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BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX

The various works which contain notices of the “Popol Vuh” and the kindred questions of Mayan and Kiché mythology are so difficult of access to the majority of readers that it has been thought best to divide them into two classes: (1) those which can be more or less readily purchased, and which are, naturally, of more recent origin; and (2) those which are not easy to come by, and which, generally speaking, are the work of Spanish priests and colonists of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries.

The various works that mention the “Popol Vuh” and related topics in Mayan and Kiché mythology are so hard to find for most readers that it’s been decided to split them into two categories: (1) those that can be bought fairly easily, which are, of course, more recent; and (2) those that are difficult to obtain, which are generally authored by Spanish priests and colonists from the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries.

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I

The work on the subject which is most easily obtained, and indeed the only work which gives the original Kiché text, is that of the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, “Vuh Popol: Le livre sacré de Quichés et les mythes de l’antiquité Américaine.” The Kiché text was translated by the assistance of natives into French, and the translation is more or less inaccurate. The notes and introduction must be read by the student with the greatest caution. It was published at Paris in 1861.

The easiest work on the subject to access, and actually the only one that provides the original Kiché text, is by Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, “Vuh Popol: The sacred book of the Quiché people and the myths of ancient America.” The Kiché text was translated into French with help from locals, and the translation is somewhat inaccurate. Students should read the notes and introduction very carefully. It was published in Paris in 1861.

Ximenes’ translation into Spanish of the “Popol Vuh” and that of Gavarrete are about of equal value, rather inaccurate, and accompanied by scanty notes. The title of the first is “Las Historias del Origin de los Indios de Guatemala, par el R. P. F. Francisco Ximenes (Vienna, 1856), and of the second, “El Popol Vuh,” (San Salvador [58]1905). This exhausts the list of works written exclusively concerning the “Popol Vuh.” The other works of Brasseur and those of Brinton contain more or less numerous allusions to it, but references to it in standard works of mythology are exceedingly rare. The only other works which have a bearing upon the subject are those upon Mayan and Kiché mythology, or which, among other matter, historical or political, refer to it in any way. The most important of these are:

Ximenes' Spanish translation of the "Popol Vuh" and Gavarrete's are roughly equal in value, somewhat inaccurate, and come with limited notes. The first is titled “The Origin Stories of the Indigenous Peoples of Guatemala, by the Rev. Father Francisco Ximenes (Vienna, 1856), and the second is “The Popol Vuh” (San Salvador [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]1905). This completes the list of works solely focused on the “Popol Vuh.” Other works by Brasseur and Brinton touch on it in varying degrees, but mentions in standard mythology texts are extremely rare. The only other works relevant to the topic are those about Mayan and Kiché mythology, or those that reference it in relation to historical or political matters. The most notable among these are:

Dr. Otto Stoll—“Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala.

Dr. Otto Stoll—“Ethnography of the Republic of Guatemala.

——Ethnologie der Indianerstämme von Guatemala.

—— “Ethnology of the Indigenous Tribes of Guatemala.”

Scherzer—“Die Indianer von Santa Catalina Istlavacan.

Scherzer—“The Indigenous people of Santa Catalina Istlavacan.

Müller—“Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligion” (1855).

Müller—“History of American Indigenous Religion” (1855).

E. Förstemann—“Commentary on the Maya Manuscript,” in the Royal Public Library of Dresden. Translation from the German by S. Wesselhoeft and A. M. Parker (Harvard University, 1906).

E. Förstemann—“Commentary on the Maya Manuscript,” in the Royal Public Library of Dresden. Translation from the German by S. Wesselhoeft and A. M. Parker (Harvard University, 1906).

E. Seler—“Über den Ursprung der mittelamerikanischen Kulturen” (1902).

E. Seler—“Über the Origin of the Central American Cultures” (1902).

——Ein Wintersemester in Mexico und Yucatan” (1903).

Understood. Please provide the text you would like me to modernize.A Winter Semester in Mexico and Yucatán” (1903).

—— “Codex Fejerváry-Mayer” (Berlin, 1901).

—— “Codex Fejerváry-Mayer” (Berlin, 1901).

P. Schellhas—“Representation of Deities of the Maya Manuscripts,” translated by S. Wesselhoeft and A. M. Parker (Cambridge, Mass., 1904).

P. Schellhas—“Representation of Deities of the Maya Manuscripts,” translated by S. Wesselhoeft and A. M. Parker (Cambridge, Mass., 1904).

Cyrus Thomas—“The Maya Year,” Washington, 1894.

Cyrus Thomas—“The Maya Year,” Washington, 1894.

—— “Notes on Maya and Mexican Manuscripts.”

Understood! Please provide the text you would like me to modernize. “Notes on Maya and Mexican Manuscripts.”

W. Fewkes—“The God ‘D’ in the Codex Cortesianus,” (Washington, 1895).

W. Fewkes—“The God ‘D’ in the Codex Cortesianus,” (Washington, 1895).

All these works relate more or less entirely to Mayan [59]mythology, and are chiefly valuable as illustrating the connection between the Kiché and Mayan mythologies. It must be understood that this is not a list of works relating to Mayan antiquities, but only a list of such works as refer at the tame time to Mayan and Kiché mythology.

All these works are mostly about Mayan [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]mythology and are primarily valuable for showing the link between Kiché and Mayan mythologies. It's important to note that this is not a list of works related to Mayan antiquities, but just a list of works that reference both Mayan and Kiché mythology at the same time.

The brief essay of the late Professor Max Müller upon the “Popol Vuh” is of little or no value except as a statement in favour of its authenticity. It gives little or no information concerning the work, and is, indeed, chiefly concerned with the authenticity and nature of North American picture-drawings.

The short essay by the late Professor Max Müller on the “Popol Vuh” is of little value except as a defense of its authenticity. It provides minimal information about the work and is mainly focused on the authenticity and characteristics of North American pictographs.

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II

The principal works of the older Spanish authors, which in any way relate to the myths of Maya-Kiché peoples, are:

The main works of the earlier Spanish writers that relate to the myths of the Maya-Kiché people are:

Las Casas—“Historia de los Indias” (1552).

Las Casas—“History of the Indies” (1552).

Cogolludo—“Historia de Yucathan” (1688).

Cogolludo—“History of Yucatan” (1688).

Diego de Landa—“Relacion de los Cosas de Yucatan” (translated into French, and edited by Brasseur).

Diego de Landa—“Account of the Things of Yucatán” (translated into French and edited by Brasseur).

Ximenes—“Escolias à los Historias del origèn de los Indios” (Circa, 1725).

Ximenes—“Notes on the Stories of the Origins of the Indians” (Circa, 1725).

Palacios—“Description de la Provincia de Guatemala” (in the collection of Ternaux-Compans).

Palaces—“Description of the Province of Guatemala” (from the collection of Ternaux-Compans).

Juarros—“Historia de Guatimala.” [61]

Juarros—“History of Guatemala.” [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

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NOTES

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Note 1. (Page 8)

Much that is absurd has been written concerning the antiquity of the ruined cities of Central America, and some authors have not hesitated to place their foundation in an antiquity beside which the pre-dynastic buildings of Egypt would appear quite recent. But that they were abandoned not long before the Columbian era is now generally admitted. See Winsor’s “Narrative and Critical History of America,” chap, iii., and the works of Charnay, Maler, Maudslay, and Gordon, for modern opinion upon the subject; also the various monographs contained in the more recent volumes of the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology’s annual report. That a very respectable antiquity belongs to several sites is, however, certain; and competent authorities have not hesitated to ascribe to some of the ruins an age of not less than two thousand years.

Much that is absurd has been written about the ancient ruins of Central American cities, and some authors have even placed their origins so far back in time that the pre-dynastic structures of Egypt seem relatively new. However, it is now generally accepted that these cities were abandoned not long before the Columbian era. See Winsor’s “Narrative and Critical History of America,” chap, iii., and the works of Charnay, Maler, Maudslay, and Gordon for modern opinions on this topic; also the various monographs included in the more recent volumes of the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology's annual report. It is certain that some sites have a respectable antiquity, and experts have confidently attributed an age of at least two thousand years to some of the ruins.

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Note 2. (Page 8)

Payne has made it abundantly clear to our mind that the original seat of the Nahuatlacâ (which included both Toltecs and Aztecs) was in British Columbia (see his “History of America,” vol. ii. p. 373 et seq.). He thinks they there occupied a position southerly to that of the Athapascan stock, and were probably the first northern people to come into contact with tribes possessed of the [62]maize plant. The knowledge of this staple, he infers, spread rapidly among the northern peoples, and induced them to hasten their southern colonisation, but it does not appear to us probable that this would be an inducement to a savage flesh-eating people averse to a life of agricultural labour. The whole question of pre-historic American migration, and of the gradual civilisation by maize of the peoples who came within its zone, is most admirably discussed in vol. xix. of “The History of North America,” by W. J. Magee and Cyrus Thomas (Philadelphia, George Barrie and Sons), published March 1908. The knowledge contained in this work is the outcome of a lifetime’s labour in the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology, and its learned authors have undoubtedly produced a monumental treatise which it will take many a generation of research to supersede, if, indeed, that is possible.

Payne has made it very clear to us that the original home of the Nahuatlaca (which included both the Toltecs and Aztecs) was in British Columbia (see his “History of America,” vol. ii. p. 373 et seq.). He believes they occupied a position south of the Athapascan group and were likely the first northern people to interact with tribes that had the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]maize plant. He suggests that knowledge of this staple quickly spread among northern peoples, prompting them to accelerate their colonization to the south, but it seems unlikely that this would motivate a savage, meat-eating society that was opposed to farming. The entire issue of pre-historic American migration and the gradual civilization of the people who encountered maize is thoroughly discussed in vol. xix. of “The History of North America” by W. J. Magee and Cyrus Thomas (Philadelphia, George Barrie and Sons), published in March 1908. The information in this work is the result of a lifetime's effort at the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology, and its knowledgeable authors have undoubtedly created a significant treatise that will take many generations of research to surpass, if that is even possible.

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Note 3. (Page 9)

The authorities for the settlement of the Toltecs in Yucatan are the Tezcucan chronicler Ixtlilxochitl, and Torquemada, who both allege that the immigrants went to Campeachy and the south.

The sources for the establishment of the Toltecs in Yucatan are the Tezcucan chronicler Ixtlilxochitl and Torquemada, who both claim that the immigrants moved to Campeachy and the south.

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Note 4. (Page 13)

There appear to be grounds for believing that the parent deities Xpiyacoc and Xmucane are but derivations from Gucumatz, and represent the male and female attributes of that god. In the “Popol Vuh” they are spoken of as being “covered with green feathers,” the usual description of Gucumatz; but it is, of course, possible that they may have received some of his attributes in the general jumble of myths which, we have attempted to show, exists in the first book. Gucumatz, it will be remembered, is Quetzalcohuatl in another form, and [63]the latter is often represented in the papyri as having a woman sitting opposite to him. She does not, however, appear to be at all analogous to Messrs. Förstemann and Schellhas’s “Goddess I,” whom I take to represent the Mayan equivalent of Xmucane, and who wears on her head the knotted serpent, a reptile characteristic of Quetzalcohuatl.

There seems to be a reason to think that the parent deities Xpiyacoc and Xmucane are just variations of Gucumatz, showing the male and female aspects of that god. In the “Popol Vuh,” they are described as being “covered with green feathers,” which is the typical description of Gucumatz; but it’s also possible that they inherited some of his traits in the mix of myths we’ve tried to illustrate in the first book. Remember, Gucumatz is another form of Quetzalcohuatl, and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the latter is often depicted in the papyri with a woman sitting across from him. However, she doesn’t seem to resemble Messrs. Förstemann and Schellhas’s “Goddess I,” whom I believe represents the Mayan version of Xmucane, and who wears a knotted serpent on her head, a creature associated with Quetzalcohuatl.

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Note 5. (Page 53)

The Wallam-Olum (painted records) of the Leni Lenape Indians have often been called into question as regards their authenticity, but the evidence of Lederer, Humboldt, Heckewelder, Tanner, Loskiel, Beatty, and Rafinesque, all of whom professed to have seen them, rather discounts such unbelief in their existence. They consisted of picture-writings, or hieroglyphs, each of which applied to a whole verse, or many words. The ideas were, in fact, amalgamated in a compound system, and bear exactly the same relation to written language as the American tongues did to spoken language; that is, they were of an agglutinative type, a linguistic form where several words are welded into one. There are several series, one of which records the doings of the tribes immediately subsequent to the Creation. Another series relates to their doings in America, and consists of seven songs, four of sixteen verses of four words each, and three of twenty verses of three words each “It begins at the arrival in America,” says Rafinesque (“The American Nations”), “and is continued without hardly any interruption till the arrival of the European colonists towards 1600.” But this second series is a mere meagre catalogue of kings. [64]

The Wallam-Olum (painted records) of the Leni Lenape Indians have been frequently questioned regarding their authenticity, yet the testimonies of Lederer, Humboldt, Heckewelder, Tanner, Loskiel, Beatty, and Rafinesque, all of whom claimed to have seen them, support their existence. They consisted of picture writings, or hieroglyphs, each representing a whole verse or multiple words. The ideas were actually combined in a compound system and relate to written language just as the American languages relate to spoken language; that is, they were of an agglutinative type, a linguistic form where several words are fused into one. There are several series, one of which records the actions of the tribes right after Creation. Another series details their activities in America and includes seven songs: four consisting of sixteen verses of four words each and three comprising twenty verses of three words each. “It begins at the arrival in America,” says Rafinesque (“The American Nations”), “and continues almost without interruption until the arrival of European colonists around 1600.” However, this second series is merely a scant list of kings. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

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