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THE PRINCIPLES
OF
PSYCHOLOGY

BY

WILLIAM JAMES

PROFESSOR OF PSYCHOLOGY IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY

IN TWO VOLUMES

VOL II.

NEW YORK
HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY
1918

CONTENTS.

Sensation, 1

Vibe, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Its distinction from perception, 1. Its cognitive function—acquaintance with qualities, 3. No pure sensations after the first days of life, 7. The 'relativity of knowledge,' 9. The law of contrast, 13. The psychological and the physiological theories of it, 17. Hering's experiments, 20. The 'eccentric projection' of sensations, 31.

Its distinction from perception, 1. Its cognitive function—familiarity with qualities, 3. No pure sensations after the first few days of life, 7. The 'relativity of knowledge,' 9. The law of contrast, 13. The psychological and physiological theories of it, 17. Hering's experiments, 20. The 'eccentric projection' of sensations, 31.

Imagination, 44

Imagination, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Our images are usually vague, 45. Vague images not necessarily general notions, 48. Individuals differ in imagination; Gabon's researches, 50. The 'visile' type, 58. The 'audile' type, 60. The 'motile' type, 61. Tactile images, 65. The neural process of imagination, 68. Its relations to that of sensation, 72.

Our images are often unclear, 45. Unclear images aren't necessarily broad ideas, 48. People have different imaginations; Gabon's studies, 50. The 'visile' type, 58. The 'audile' type, 60. The 'motile' type, 61. Tactile images, 65. The neural process of imagination, 68. Its connections to sensation, 72.

The Perception of 'Things,' 76

The Perception of 'Things', __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Perception and sensation, 76. Perception is of definite and probable things, 82. Illusions, 85;—of the first type, 86;—of the second type, 95. The neural process in perception, 103. 'Apperception,' 107. Is perception an unconscious inference? 111. Hallucinations, 114. The neural process in hallucination, 122. Binet's theory, 129. 'Perception-time,' 131.

Perception and sensation, 76. Perception involves clear and likely things, 82. Illusions, 85;—of the first type, 86;—of the second type, 95. The neural process in perception, 103. 'Apperception,' 107. Is perception an unconscious inference? 111. Hallucinations, 114. The neural process in hallucination, 122. Binet's theory, 129. 'Perception-time,' 131.

The Perception of Space, 134

How We See Space, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

The feeling of crude extensity, 134. The perception of spatial order, 145. Space-'relations,' 148. The meaning of localization, 158. 'Local signs,' 155. The construction of 'real' space, 166. The subdivision of the original sense-spaces, 167. The sensation[Pg iv] of motion over surfaces, 171. The measurement of the sense-spaces by each other, 177. Their summation, 181. Feelings of movement in joints, 189. Feelings of muscular contraction, 197. Summary so far, 202. How the blind perceive space, 203. Visual space, 211. Helmholtz and Reid on the test of a sensation, 216. The theory of identical points, 222. The theory of projection, 228. Ambiguity of retinal impressions, 231;—of eye-movements, 234. The choice of the visual reality, 237. Sensations which we ignore, 240. Sensations which seem suppressed, 243. Discussion of Wundt's and Helmholtz's reasons for denying that retinal sensations are of extension, 248. Summary, 268. Historical remarks, 270.

The feeling of basic extent, 134. The awareness of spatial organization, 145. Space relationships, 148. The significance of localization, 158. 'Local signs,' 155. The creation of 'real' space, 166. The breakdown of the original sense-spaces, 167. The experience[Pg iv] of movement across surfaces, 171. The comparison of sense-spaces with one another, 177. Their total, 181. Feelings of movement in joints, 189. Feelings of muscle contraction, 197. Summary so far, 202. How blind people perceive space, 203. Visual space, 211. Helmholtz and Reid regarding the assessment of a sensation, 216. The theory of identical points, 222. The theory of projection, 228. The uncertainty of retinal impressions, 231;—of eye movements, 234. The selection of visual reality, 237. Sensations we overlook, 240. Sensations that appear diminished, 243. Discussion of Wundt's and Helmholtz's arguments against considering retinal sensations as extension, 248. Summary, 268. Historical notes, 270.

The Perception of Reality, 283

The Perception of Reality, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Belief and its opposites, 283. The various orders of reality, 287. 'Practical' realities, 293. The sense of our own bodily existence is the nucleus of all reality, 297. The paramount reality of sensations, 299. The influence of emotion and active impulse on belief, 307. Belief in theories, 311. Doubt, 318. Relations of belief and will, 320.

Belief and its opposites, 283. The different levels of reality, 287. 'Practical' realities, 293. Our awareness of our own physical existence is at the core of all reality, 297. The primary reality of sensations, 299. The impact of emotions and actions on belief, 307. Belief in theories, 311. Doubt, 318. The connections between belief and will, 320.

Reasoning, 323

Reasoning, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

'Recepts,' 327. In reasoning, we pick out essential qualities, 329. What is meant by a mode of conceiving, 332. What is involved in the existence of general propositions, 337. The two factors of reasoning, 340. Sagacity, 343. The part played by association by similarity, 345. The intellectual contrast between brute and man: association by similarity the fundamental human distinction, 348. Different orders of human genius, 360.

'Recepts,' 327. In reasoning, we identify key qualities, 329. What does a mode of thinking mean, 332. What is involved in the existence of general statements, 337. The two components of reasoning, 340. Wisdom, 343. The role of association by similarity, 345. The intellectual difference between animals and humans: association by similarity as the fundamental human distinction, 348. Different types of human genius, 360.

The Production of Movement, 373

Movement Production, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

The diffusive wave, 373. Every sensation produces reflex effects on the whole organism, 374.

The diffusive wave, 373. Every sensation triggers reflex effects on the entire organism, 374.

Instinct, 383

Instinct, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Its definition, 383. Instincts not always blind or invariable, 389. Two principles of non-uniformity in instincts: 1) Their inhibition by habits, 394; 2) Their transitoriness, 398. Man has[Pg v] more instincts than any other mammal, 403. Reflex impulses, 404. Imitation, 408. Emulation, 409. Pugnacity, 409. Sympathy, 410. The hunting instinct, 411. Fear, 415. Acquisitiveness, 422. Constructiveness, 426. Play, 427. Curiosity, 429. Sociability and shyness, 430. Secretiveness, 432. Cleanliness, 434. Shame, 435. Love, 437. Maternal love, 439.

Its definition, 383. Instincts are not always blind or fixed, 389. There are two ways in which instincts can vary: 1) They can be suppressed by habits, 394; 2) They can be temporary, 398. Humans have[Pg v] more instincts than any other mammal, 403. Reflex actions, 404. Imitation, 408. Emulation, 409. Aggressiveness, 409. Empathy, 410. The hunting instinct, 411. Fear, 415. Greed, 422. Creativity, 426. Play, 427. Curiosity, 429. Sociability and shyness, 430. Secretiveness, 432. Cleanliness, 434. Shame, 435. Love, 437. Maternal love, 439.

The Emotions, 442

The Feelings, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Instinctive reaction and emotional expression shade imperceptibly into each other, 442. The expression of grief, 443; of fear, 446; of hatred, 449. Emotion is a consequence, not the cause, of the bodily expression, 449. Difficulty of testing this view, 454. Objections to it discussed, 456. The subtler emotions, 468. No special brain-centres for emotion, 472. Emotional differences between individuals, 474. The genesis of the various emotions, 477.

Instinctive reactions and emotional expressions blend seamlessly into one another, 442. The expression of grief, 443; of fear, 446; of hatred, 449. Emotion is a result, not the source, of the physical expression, 449. It's challenging to test this perspective, 454. Objections to it are discussed, 456. The more complex emotions, 468. There are no special brain centers for emotions, 472. Emotional variations between people, 474. The origins of the different emotions, 477.

Will, 486

Will, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Voluntary movements: they presuppose a memory of involuntary movements, 487. Kinæsthetic impressions, 488. No need to assume feelings of innervation, 503. The 'mental cue' for a movement may be an image of its visual or auditory effects as well as an image of the way it feels, 518. Ideo-motor action, 522. Action after deliberation, 528. Five types of decision, 531. The feeling of effort, 535. Unhealthiness of will: 1) The explosive type, 537; 2) The obstructed type, 546. Pleasure and pain are not the only springs of action, 549. All consciousness is impulsive, 551. What we will depends on what idea dominates in our mind, 559. The idea's outward effects follow from the cerebral machinery, 560. Effort of attention to a naturally repugnant idea is the essential feature of willing, 562. The free-will controversy, 571. Psychology, as a science, can safely postulate determinism, even if free-will be true, 576. The education of the Will, 579. Hypothetical brain-schemes, 582.

Voluntary movements: they rely on a memory of involuntary movements, 487. Kinesthetic impressions, 488. No need to assume feelings of innervation, 503. The 'mental cue' for a movement might be an image of its visual or auditory effects as well as an image of how it feels, 518. Ideo-motor action, 522. Action after thinking it over, 528. Five types of decision, 531. The feeling of effort, 535. Unhealthiness of will: 1) The explosive type, 537; 2) The obstructed type, 546. Pleasure and pain are not the only drivers of action, 549. All consciousness is impulsive, 551. What we decide depends on which idea is strongest in our mind, 559. The idea's outward effects result from the brain's workings, 560. The effort of concentrating on a naturally unpleasant idea is the key aspect of willing, 562. The free-will debate, 571. Psychology, as a science, can safely assume determinism, even if free-will is true, 576. The education of the will, 579. Hypothetical brain models, 582.

Hypnotism, 594

Hypnotism, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Modes of operating and susceptibility, 594. Theories about the hypnotic state, 596. The symptoms of the trance, 601.

Modes of operation and vulnerability, 594. Ideas about the hypnotic state, 596. The signs of the trance, 601.

Necessary Truths and the Effects of Experience, 617

Essential Truths and the Influence of Experience, 617

Programme of the chapter, 617. Elementary feelings are innate, 618. The question refers to their combinations, 619. What is meant by 'experience,' 620. Spencer on ancestral experience, 620. Two ways in which new cerebral structure arises: the 'back-door' and the 'front-door' way, 625. The genesis of the elementary mental categories, 631. The genesis of the natural sciences, 633. Scientific conceptions arise as accidental variations, 636. The genesis of the pure sciences, 641. Series of evenly increasing terms, 644. The principle of mediate comparison, 645. That of skipped intermediaries, 646. Classification, 646. Predication, 647. Formal logic, 648. Mathematical propositions, 652. Arithmetic, 653. Geometry, 656. Our doctrine is the same as Locke's, 661. Relations of ideas v. couplings of things, 663. The natural sciences are inward ideal schemes with which the order of nature proves congruent, 666. Metaphysical principles are properly only postulates, 669. Æsthetic and moral principles are quite incongruent with the order of nature, 672. Summary of what precedes, 675. The origin of instincts, 678. Insufficiency of proof for the transmission to the next generation of acquired habits, 681. Weismann's views, 683. Conclusion, 688.

Programme of the chapter, 617. Basic feelings are innate, 618. The question concerns how they combine, 619. What do we mean by 'experience,' 620. Spencer on ancestral experience, 620. Two ways new brain structure develops: the 'back-door' and the 'front-door' method, 625. The origin of basic mental categories, 631. The origin of the natural sciences, 633. Scientific ideas emerge as random variations, 636. The origin of pure sciences, 641. Series of steadily increasing terms, 644. The principle of indirect comparison, 645. That of missing intermediaries, 646. Classification, 646. Predication, 647. Formal logic, 648. Mathematical propositions, 652. Arithmetic, 653. Geometry, 656. Our theory aligns with Locke's, 661. Relationships of ideas v. connections of things, 663. The natural sciences are internal ideal frameworks that align with the order of nature, 666. Metaphysical principles are essentially just assumptions, 669. Aesthetic and moral principles do not align with the order of nature, 672. Summary of what has been discussed, 675. The origin of instincts, 678. Lack of proof for the passing on of acquired habits to the next generation, 681. Weismann's theories, 683. Conclusion, 688.

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PSYCHOLOGY.

CHAPTER XVII.

SENSATION.

After inner perception, outer perception! The next three chapters will treat of the processes by which we cognize at all times the present world of space and the material things which it contains. And first, of the process called Sensation.

After understanding what we perceive internally, we look at what we perceive externally! The next three chapters will discuss the ways we always understand the present world of space and the material things within it. First, we'll explore the process known as Sensation.

SENSATION AND PERCEPTION DISTINGUISHED.

The words Sensation and Perception do not carry very definitely discriminated meanings in popular speech, and in Psychology also their meanings run into each other. Both of them name processes in which we cognize an objective world; both (under normal conditions) need the stimulation of incoming nerves ere they can occur; Perception always involves Sensation as a portion of itself; and Sensation in turn never takes place in adult life without Perception also being there. They are therefore names for different cognitive functions, not for different sorts of mental fact. The nearer the object cognized comes to being a simple quality like 'hot,' 'cold,' 'red,' 'noise,' 'pain,' apprehended irrelatively to other things, the more the state of mind approaches pure sensation. The fuller of relations the object is, on the contrary; the more it is something classed, located, measured, compared, assigned to a function, etc., etc.; the more unreservedly do we call the state of mind a perception, and the relatively smaller is the part in it which sensation plays.

The terms Sensation and Perception don’t have very clear meanings in everyday language, and in Psychology, their meanings often overlap. Both refer to processes through which we understand the objective world; both (under normal conditions) require stimulation from incoming nerves to occur; Perception always includes Sensation as a part of it; and Sensation never happens in adult life without Perception being present as well. They are, therefore, terms for different cognitive functions, not different types of mental fact. The closer the object we recognize is to being a simple quality like 'hot,' 'cold,' 'red,' 'noise,' or 'pain,' without relating it to other things, the more our state of mind resembles pure sensation. Conversely, the more the object is characterized by connections; the more it is categorized, situated, measured, compared, assigned a function, etc.; the more we straightforwardly label the state of mind as a perception, and the relatively smaller the role that sensation plays in it.

Sensation, then, so long as we take the analytic point of[Pg 2] view, differs from Perception only in the extreme simplicity of its object or content.[1] Its function is that of mere acquaintance with a fact. Perception's function, on the other hand, is knowledge about[2] a fact; and this knowledge admits of numberless degrees of complication. But in both sensation and perception we perceive the fact as an immediately present outward reality, and this makes them differ from 'thought' and 'conception,' whose objects do not appear present in this immediate physical way. From the physiological[Pg 3] point of view both sensations and perceptions differ from 'thoughts' (in the narrower sense of the word) in the fact that nerve-currents coming in from the periphery are involved in their production. In perception these nerve-currents arouse voluminous associative or reproductive processes in the cortex; but when sensation occurs alone, or with a minimum of perception, the accompanying reproductive processes are at a minimum too.

Sensation, then, from an analytical perspective, is different from perception only in how simple its object or content is.[Pg 2] Its role is just to provide acquaintance with a fact. In contrast, perception’s role is to provide knowledge about a fact, and this knowledge can be incredibly complex. However, in both sensation and perception, we experience the fact as an immediately present outward reality, which distinguishes them from 'thought' and 'conception,' where the objects do not seem to be present in such a direct physical way. From a physiological standpoint, both sensations and perceptions differ from 'thoughts' (in the narrower sense of the word) because they involve nerve signals coming in from the edges of our body. In perception, these nerve signals trigger extensive associative or reproductive processes in the brain's cortex; however, when sensation occurs alone or with very little perception, the accompanying reproductive processes are minimal as well.

I shall in this chapter discuss some general questions more especially relative to Sensation. In a later chapter perception will take its turn. I shall entirely pass by the classification and natural history of our special 'sensations,' such matters finding their proper place, and being sufficiently well treated, in all the physiological books.[3]

I will discuss some general questions in this chapter, especially regarding Sensation. Perception will be addressed in a later chapter. I will skip the classification and natural history of our specific 'sensations' since those topics are well-covered in all the physiological textbooks.[3]

THE COGNITIVE FUNCTION OF SENSATION.

A pure sensation is an abstraction; and when we adults talk of our 'sensations' we mean one of two things: either certain objects, namely simple qualities or attributes like hard, hot, pain; or else those of our thoughts in which acquaintance with these objects is least combined with knowledge about the relations of them to other things. As we can only think or talk about the relations of objects with which we have acquaintance already, we are forced to postulate a function in our thought whereby we first become aware of the bare immediate natures by which our several objects are distinguished. This function is sensation. And just as logicians always point out the distinction between substantive terms of discourse and relations found to obtain between them, so psychologists, as a rule, are ready to admit this function, of the vision of the terms or matters meant, as something distinct from the knowledge about them and of their relations inter se. Thought with the former function is sensational, with the latter, intellectual. Our earliest thoughts are almost exclusively sensational. They merely give us a set of thats, or its, of subjects[Pg 4] of discourse, with their relations not brought out. The first time we see light, in Condillac's phrase we are it rather rather than see it. But all our later optical knowledge is about what this experience gives. And though we were struck blind from that first moment, our scholarship in the subject would lack no essential feature so long as our memory remained. In training-institutions for the blind they teach the pupils as much about light as in ordinary schools. Reflection, refraction, the spectrum, the ether-theory, etc., are all studied. But the best taught born-blind pupil of such an establishment yet lacks a knowledge which the least instructed seeing baby has. They can never show him what light is in its 'first intention'; and the loss of that sensible knowledge no book-learning can replace. All this is so obvious that we usually find sensation 'postulated' as an element of experience, even by those philosophers who are least inclined to make much of its importance, or to pay respect to the knowledge which it brings.[4]

A pure sensation is an abstraction; and when we adults talk about our 'sensations,' we mean one of two things: either certain objects, like basic qualities or attributes such as hard, hot, pain; or else those thoughts where our familiarity with these objects has the least connection to knowing how they relate to other things. Since we can only think or discuss the relationships of objects we already know, we have to assume there's a function in our thinking that first makes us aware of the bare immediate natures that distinguish our various objects. This function is sensation. Just as logicians always highlight the difference between substantive terms of discussion and the relationships that exist between them, psychologists generally accept this function of perceiving the terms or things referred to as something separate from the understanding of them and their relationships inter se. Thought with the first function is sensational, while thought with the latter is intellectual. Our earliest thoughts are mostly sensational. They provide us with a collection of thats or its—subjects of discourse—without revealing their relationships. The first time we see light, in Condillac's words, we are it rather than merely seeing it. However, all our later knowledge about optics comes from what this experience offers. Even if we were rendered blind from that first moment, our understanding of the subject wouldn’t miss any crucial features as long as our memory remained intact. In training programs for the blind, students learn as much about light as they do in regular schools. Concepts like reflection, refraction, the spectrum, the ether theory, etc., are all studied. But the best-taught blind student from such an institution still lacks a knowledge that the least educated seeing baby possesses. They can never demonstrate to him what light is in its 'first intention'; and that missing sensory knowledge cannot be replaced by any book learning. This is so clear that we often find sensation 'postulated' as a component of experience, even by those philosophers who are least inclined to emphasize its significance or acknowledge the understanding it provides.[4]

But the trouble is that most, if not all, of those who admit it, admit it as a fractional part of the thought, in the old-fashioned atomistic sense which we have so often criticised.

But the problem is that most, if not all, of those who acknowledge it do so as a fractional part of the thought, in the outdated atomistic sense that we have criticized so many times.

Take the pain called toothache for example. Again and again we feel it and greet it as the same real item in the universe. We must therefore, it is supposed, have a distinct pocket for it in our mind into which it and nothing else will fit. This pocket, when filled, is the sensation of toothache; and must be either filled or half-filled whenever and under whatever form toothache is present to our thought, and whether much or little of the rest of the mind be filled at the same time. Thereupon of course comes up the paradox and mystery: If the knowledge of toothache be pent up in this separate mental pocket, how can it be known cum alio or brought into one view with anything else? This pocket knows nothing else; no other part of the mind knows toothache. The knowing of toothache cum alio must be a miracle. And the miracle must have an Agent. And the Agent must be a Subject or Ego 'out of time,'—and all the rest of it, as we saw in Chapter X. And then begins the well-worn round of recrimination between the sensationalists and the spiritualists, from which we are saved by our determination from the outset to accept the psychological point of view, and to admit knowledge whether of simple toothaches or of philosophic systems as an ultimate fact. There are realities and there are 'states of mind,' and the latter know the former; and it is just as wonderful for a state of mind to be a 'sensation' and know a simple pain as for it to be a thought and know a system[Pg 6] of related things.[5] But there is no reason to suppose that when different states of mind know different things about the same toothache, they do so by virtue of their all containing faintly or vividly the original pain. Quite the reverse. The by-gone sensation of my gout was painful, as Reid somewhere says; the thought of the same gout as by-gone is pleasant, and in no respect resembles the earlier mental state.

Take the pain known as a toothache, for example. Again and again, we experience it and recognize it as a real part of the universe. Therefore, it seems we must have a specific space in our minds dedicated to it, where it and nothing else will fit. This space, when occupied, represents the sensation of toothache; and it must be either fully or partially occupied whenever toothache occupies our thoughts, regardless of how much of the rest of our mind is engaged at the same time. This brings up an interesting paradox: If the awareness of toothache is stored in this separate mental space, how can it be understood in conjunction with anything else? This space doesn't know anything else; no other part of the mind is aware of toothache. The ability to know toothache in relation to other things must be miraculous. And this miracle requires an Agent. This Agent must be a Subject or Ego that exists 'out of time'—and everything else we discussed in Chapter X. Thus begins the familiar conflict between sensationalists and spiritualists, which we avoid by deciding from the start to embrace a psychological perspective, acknowledging that knowledge, whether about simple toothaches or complex philosophical systems, is a fundamental truth. There are realities and there are 'states of mind,' and the latter can comprehend the former; it is just as incredible for a state of mind to recognize a 'sensation' and understand a simple pain as it is for it to be a thought and grasp a system of related concepts. But there's no reason to believe that when different states of mind perceive different aspects of the same toothache, they do so because they all somewhat 'contain' the original pain, either faintly or vividly. In fact, it's quite the opposite. The past sensation of my gout was painful, as Reid mentions somewhere; the thought of that gout now, as a memory, is pleasant and doesn't resemble the earlier mental state at all.

Sensations, then, first make us acquainted with innumerable things, and then are replaced by thoughts which know the same things in altogether other ways. And Locke's main doctrine remains eternally true, however hazy some of his language may have been, that

Sensations, then, first introduce us to countless things, and then are replaced by thoughts that understand the same things in completely different ways. And Locke's main idea remains eternally valid, no matter how unclear some of his wording might have been, that

"though there be a great number of considerations wherein things may be compared one with another, and so a multitude of relations; yet they all terminate in, and are concerned about, those simple ideas[6] either of sensation or reflection, which I think to be the whole materials of all our knowledge.... The simple ideas we receive from sensation and reflection are the boundaries of our thoughts; beyond which, the mind whatever efforts it would make, is not able to advance one jot; nor can it make any discoveries when it would pry into the nature and hidden causes of those ideas."[7]

"Even though there are many factors to compare and create relationships, they all end with and connect to those basic ideas__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ from either sensation or reflection, which I believe are the only foundations of our knowledge.... The simple ideas we derive from sensation and reflection are the limits of our thoughts; beyond those, the mind, no matter how hard it tries, cannot progress at all; nor can it discover anything when it tries to explore the nature and hidden causes of those ideas."[7]

The nature and hidden causes of ideas will never be unravelled till the nexus between the brain and consciousness is cleared up. All we can say now is that sensations are first things in the way of consciousness. Before conceptions can come, sensations must have come; but before sensations come, no psychic fact need have existed, a nerve-current is enough. If the nerve-current be not given, nothing else will take its place. To quote the good Locke again:

The nature and underlying causes of ideas will never be understood until the connection between the brain and consciousness is clarified. All we can say right now is that sensations are the first things in the path to consciousness. Before concepts can arise, sensations must exist; however, before sensations happen, there doesn’t need to be any mental event—just a nerve current is sufficient. If the nerve current is not present, nothing else can replace it. To quote the insightful Locke again:

"It is not in the power of the most exalted wit or enlarged understanding, by any quickness or variety of thoughts, to invent or frame[Pg 7] one new simple idea [i.e. sensation] in the mind.... I would have any one try to fancy any taste which had never affected his palate, or frame the idea of a scent he had never smelt; and when he can do this, I will also conclude that a blind man hath ideas of colors, and a deaf man true distinct notions of sounds."[8]

"No matter how intelligent or knowledgeable someone is, or how fast or creatively they think, it's impossible for them to come up with a completely new simple idea [like a sensation] in their mind.... I challenge anyone to imagine a taste they've never experienced or to conceive of a scent they've never smelled; and when they can do that, I'll also accept that a blind person has ideas about colors, and a deaf person has clear, distinct notions about sounds."[8]

The brain is so made that all currents in it run one way. Consciousness of some sort goes with all the currents, but it is only when new currents are entering that it has the sensational tang. And it is only then that consciousness directly encounters (to use a word of Mr. Bradley's) a reality outside itself.

The brain is designed so that all its currents flow in one direction. Some form of consciousness accompanies all these currents, but it's only when new currents come in that it has that sensational tang. And that's the only time consciousness directly encounters (to borrow a term from Mr. Bradley) a reality beyond itself.

The difference between such encounter and all conceptual knowledge is very great. A blind man may know all about the sky's blueness, and I may know all about your toothache, conceptually; tracing their causes from primeval chaos, and their consequences to the crack of doom. But so long as he has not felt the blueness, nor I the toothache, our knowledge, wide as it is, of these realities, will be hollow and inadequate. Somebody must feel blueness, somebody must have toothache, to make human knowledge of these matters real. Conceptual systems which neither began nor left off in sensations would be like bridges without piers. Systems about fact must plunge themselves into sensation as bridges plunge their piers into the rock. Sensations are the stable rock, the terminus a quo and the terminus ad quem of thought. To find such termini is our aim with all our theories—to conceive first when and where a certain sensation may be had, and then to have it. Finding it stops discussion. Failure to find it kills the false conceit of knowledge. Only when you deduce a possible sensation for me from your theory, and give it to me when and where the theory requires, do I begin to be sure that your thought has anything to do with truth.

The difference between this kind of experience and all conceptual knowledge is huge. A blind person might know everything about the sky's color, and I might know everything about your toothache on a conceptual level; tracing their causes back to ancient chaos and their consequences all the way to the end of time. But as long as he hasn’t experienced the blueness, and I haven’t felt the toothache, our knowledge, no matter how broad, of these realities will be empty and insufficient. Someone must feel the blueness, and someone must have the toothache to make human understanding of these matters genuine. Conceptual systems that don't start or end with sensations would be like bridges without supports. Systems concerning facts must deeply connect with sensation just as bridges connect their supports to the ground. Sensations are the solid foundation, the terminus a quo and the terminus ad quem of thought. Our goal with all our theories is to first determine when and where a certain sensation can be felt, and then to actually experience it. Finding it ends the debate. Failing to find it destroys the false illusion of knowledge. Only when you draw a possible sensation for me from your theory and present it to me at the time and place dictated by the theory do I start to believe that your ideas have any relation to the truth.

Pure sensations can only be realized in the earliest days of life. They are all but impossible to adults with memories and stores of associations acquired. Prior to all impressions on sense-organs the brain is plunged in deep sleep and consciousness is practically non-existent. Even the first weeks[Pg 8] after birth are passed in almost unbroken sleep by human infants. It takes a strong message from the sense-organs to break this slumber. In a new-born brain this gives rise to an absolutely pure sensation. But the experience leaves its 'unimaginable touch' on the matter of the convolutions, and the next impression which a sense-organ transmits produces a cerebral reaction in which the awakened vestige of the last impression plays its part. Another sort of feeling and a higher grade of cognition are the consequence; and the complication goes on increasing till the end of life, no two successive impressions falling on an identical brain, and no two successive thoughts being exactly the same. (See Vol. I, p. 230 ff.)

Pure sensations can only be experienced in the earliest days of life. They are practically impossible for adults with their memories and accumulated associations. Before any impressions hit the sense organs, the brain is in deep sleep, and consciousness is nearly non-existent. Even the first weeks[Pg 8] after birth are mostly spent in uninterrupted sleep by human infants. It takes a strong signal from the sense organs to wake them up. In a newborn brain, this creates an absolutely pure sensation. However, it leaves an 'unimaginable mark' on the brain's folds, and the next impression that a sense organ sends produces a brain reaction where the faint memory of the last impression plays a role. This leads to a different kind of feeling and a more advanced level of cognition; and this complexity keeps increasing throughout life, as no two consecutive impressions land on the same brain, and no two consecutive thoughts are exactly alike. (See Vol. I, p. 230 ff.)

The first sensation which an infant gets is for him the Universe. And the Universe which he later comes to know is nothing but an amplification and an implication of that first simple germ which, by accretion on the one hand and intussusception on the other, has grown so big and complex and articulate that its first estate is unrememberable. In his dumb awakening to the consciousness of something there, a mere this as yet (or something for which even the term this would perhaps be too discriminative, and the intellectual acknowledgment of which would be better expressed by the bare interjection 'lo!'), the infant encounters an object in which (though it be given in a pure sensation) all the 'categories of the understanding' are contained. It has objectivity, unity, substantiality, causality, in the full sense in which any later object or system of objects has these things. Here the young knower meets and greets his world; and the miracle of knowledge bursts forth, as Voltaire says, as much in the infant's lowest sensation as in the highest achievement of a Newton's brain. The physiological condition of this first sensible experience is probably nerve-currents coming in from many peripheral organs at once. Later, the one confused Fact which these currents cause to appear is perceived to be many facts, and to contain many qualities.[9] For as the currents vary, and the brain-paths[Pg 9] are moulded by them, other thoughts with other 'objects' come, and the 'same thing' which was apprehended as a present this soon figures as a past that, about which many unsuspected things have come to light. The principles of this development have been laid down already in Chapters XII and XIII, and nothing more need here be added to that account.

The first feeling an infant experiences is, for them, the Universe. And the Universe they eventually come to understand is nothing but a bigger and more complex version of that first simple spark which, through accumulation on one hand and absorption on the other, has grown so large and intricate that its initial state is unforgettable. In their silent awakening to the awareness of something there, a mere this for now (or something for which even the term this might be too specific, and the intellectual recognition of which would be better expressed by the simple exclamation 'lo!'), the infant encounters an object where (although it's experienced as pure sensation) all the 'categories of understanding' are included. It has objectivity, unity, substance, causality, in the full sense in which any later object or system of objects possesses these qualities. Here the young learner meets and greets their world; and the wonder of knowledge bursts forth, as Voltaire says, as much in the infant's simplest sensation as in the greatest achievement of a Newton's mind. The physiological basis of this first sensory experience is likely nerve impulses coming in from many peripheral organs simultaneously. Later, the one blurred Fact that these impulses create is recognized as many facts, each containing various qualities.[9] Because as the impulses change, and the brain pathways[Pg 9] are shaped by them, other thoughts with different 'objects' emerge, and the 'same thing' that was perceived as a present this quickly becomes a past that, revealing many previously unknown aspects. The principles of this development have already been outlined in Chapters XII and XIII, and nothing more needs to be added to that explanation.

"THE RELATIVITY OF KNOWLEDGE."

To the reader who is tired of so much Erkenntnisstheorie I can only say that I am so myself, but that it is indispensable, in the actual state of opinions about Sensation, to try to clear up just what the word means. Locke's pupils seek to do the impossible with sensations, and against them we must once again insist that sensations 'clustered together' cannot build up our more intellectual states of mind. Plato's earlier pupils used to admit Sensation's existence, grudgingly, but they trampled it in the dust as something corporeal, non-cognitive, and vile.[10] His latest followers[Pg 10] seem to seek to crowd it out of existence altogether. The only reals for the neo-Hegelian writers appear to be relations, relations without terms, or whose terms are only speciously such and really consist in knots, or gnarls of relations finer still in infinitum.

To the reader who is tired of so much Erkenntnisstheorie, I can only say that I feel the same way, but it’s essential to clarify what the term means, especially given the current opinions about Sensation. Locke's followers try to do the impossible with sensations, and we must insist once again that sensations that are 'clumped together' cannot form our more intellectual states of mind. Plato's earlier students acknowledged the existence of Sensation, albeit reluctantly, but they dismissed it as something physical, non-cognitive, and base. His most recent followers seem to want to erase it entirely. For neo-Hegelian writers, the only realities that matter appear to be relations, relations that lack terms, or whose terms are only misleading representations and are fundamentally made up of even finer knots or gnarls of relations in infinitum.

"Exclude from what we have considered real all qualities constituted by relation, we find that none are left." "Abstract the many relations from the one thing and there is nothing.... Without the relations it would not exist at all."[11] "The single feeling is nothing[Pg 11] real." "On the recognition of relations as constituting the nature of ideas, rests the possibility of any tenable theory of their reality."

"If we strip away all qualities based on relationships from what we consider real, we find that nothing is left." "Remove the various relationships from a single entity, and there's nothing left.... Without those relationships, it wouldn't exist at all."__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "An isolated feeling is not[Pg 11] real." "Understanding that relationships shape the nature of ideas is what enables any credible theory of their reality."

Such quotations as these from the late T. H. Green[12] would be matters of curiosity rather than of importance, were it not that sensationalist writers themselves believe in a so-called 'Relativity of Knowledge,' which, if they only understood it, they would see to be identical with Professor Green's doctrine. They tell us that the relation of sensations to each other is something belonging to their essence, and that no one of them has an absolute content:

Such quotes from the late T. H. Green[12] would be interesting but not significant, if it weren't for the fact that sensationalist writers actually believe in a so-called 'Relativity of Knowledge.' If they truly understood it, they would realize it's the same as Professor Green's theory. They claim that the relationship between sensations is an essential part of their nature, and that none of them has an absolute meaning:

"That, e.g., black can only be felt in contrast to white, or at least in distinction from a paler or a deeper black; similarly a tone or a sound only in alternation with others or with silence; and in like manner a smell, a taste, a touch, only, so to speak, in statu nascendi, whilst, when the stimulus continues, all sensation disappears. This all seems at first sight to be splendidly consistent both with itself and with the facts. But looked at more closely, it is seen that neither is the case."[13]

"For example, black can only be seen in contrast to white, or at least distinguished from a lighter or darker shade of black; similarly, a musical note or sound can only be understood in relation to others or to silence; and in the same way, a smell, a taste, or a feeling can only exist, so to speak, in statu nascendi, while, when the stimulus continues, all sensation fades away. At first look, this all seems to be wonderfully consistent both internally and with reality. However, on closer examination, it becomes clear that neither is true."[13]

The two leading facts from which the doctrine of universal relativity derives its wide-spread credit are these:

The two main facts from which the theory of universal relativity gets its widespread recognition are these:

1) The psychological fact that so much of our actual knowledge is of the relations of things—even our simplest sensations in adult life are habitually referred to classes as we take them in; and

1) The psychological fact that a lot of our actual knowledge is about how things relate to each other—even our most basic sensations in adult life are usually categorized as we perceive them; and

2) The physiological fact that our senses and brain must have periods of change and repose, else we cease to feel and think.

2) The physiological fact that our senses and brain need breaks and downtime, otherwise we stop feeling and thinking.

Neither of these facts proves anything about the presence or non-presence to our mind of absolute qualities with which we become sensibly acquainted. Surely not the psychological fact; for our inveterate love of relating and comparing things does not alter the intrinsic qualities or nature of the things compared, or undo their absolute givenness. And surely not the physiological fact; for the length of time during which we can feel or attend to a quality is altogether irrelevant to the intrinsic constitution of the quality felt. The time, moreover, is long enough in many instances, as sufferers from neuralgia know.[14] And the doctrine of relativity, not proved by these facts, is flatly disproved by other facts even more patent. So far are we from not knowing (in the words of Professor Bain) "any one thing by itself, but only the difference between it and another thing," that if this were true the whole edifice of our knowledge would collapse. If all we felt were the difference between the C and D, or c and d, on the musical scale, that being the same in the two pairs of notes, the pairs themselves would be the same, and language could get along without substantives. But Professor Bain does not mean seriously what he says, and we need spend no more time on this vague and popular form of the doctrine.[15] The facts which seem to hover before the minds[Pg 13] of its champions are those which are best described under the head of a physiological law.

Neither of these facts proves anything about whether absolute qualities exist in our minds that we can sensibly perceive. Definitely not the psychological fact; our deep-seated tendency to relate and compare things doesn’t change the intrinsic qualities or nature of what we’re comparing, nor does it negate their absolute existence. And definitely not the physiological fact; the length of time we can feel or focus on a quality doesn't really matter to the fundamental makeup of that quality. In fact, the time can be quite long in many cases, as those suffering from neuralgia are aware.[14] Furthermore, the theory of relativity, which is not supported by these facts, is clearly disproven by even more obvious facts. We are far from not knowing (in the words of Professor Bain) "any one thing by itself, but only the difference between it and another thing," because if this were true, our entire understanding would fall apart. If all we perceived were the difference between C and D, or c and d, on the musical scale, then since they are the same in both pairs of notes, the pairs would be identical, and language wouldn’t need nouns. But Professor Bain doesn’t genuinely mean what he says, and we need not spend more time on this vague and popular version of the theory.[15] The facts that seem to linger in the minds[Pg 13] of its supporters are best described under a physiological law.

THE LAW OF CONTRAST.

I will first enumerate the main facts which fall under this law, and then remark upon what seems to me their significance for psychology.[16]

I will first list the key facts that come under this law, and then comment on what I think their importance is for psychology.[16]

[Nowhere are the phenomena of contrast better exhibited, and their laws more open to accurate study, than in connection with the sense of sight. Here both kinds—simultaneous and successive—can easily be observed, for they are of constant occurrence. Ordinarily they remain unnoticed, in accordance with the general law of economy which causes us to select for conscious notice only such elements of our object as will serve us for æsthetic or practical utility, and to neglect the rest; just as we ignore the double images, the mouches volantes, etc., which exist for everyone, but which are not discriminated without careful attention. But by attention we may easily discover the general facts involved in contrast. We find that in general the color and brightness of one object always apparently affect the color and brightness of any other object seen simultaneously with it or immediately after.

[Nowhere are the phenomena of contrast better displayed, and their laws more open to accurate study, than in connection with the sense of sight. Here both types—simultaneous and successive—can easily be observed, as they occur constantly. Usually, they go unnoticed, following the general principle of economy that leads us to consciously acknowledge only the elements of our environment that serve us aesthetically or practically, while neglecting the rest; similar to how we ignore double images, the mouches volantes, etc., which are present for everyone but aren't noticed without focused attention. However, with some attention, we can easily uncover the general facts related to contrast. We find that in general, the color and brightness of one object always seem to influence the color and brightness of any other object viewed simultaneously with it or right after.

In the first place, if we look for a moment at any surface and then turn our eyes elsewhere, the complementary color and opposite degree of brightness to that of the first surface tend to mingle themselves with the color and the brightness of the second. This is successive contrast. It finds its explanation in the fatigue of the organ of sight, causing it to respond to any particular stimulus less and less readily the longer such stimulus continues to act. This is shown clearly in the very marked changes which occur in case of continued fixation of one particular point of any field. The field darkens slowly, becomes more and more indistinct, and finally, if one is practised enough in holding the eye perfectly[Pg 14] steady, slight differences in shade and color may entirely disappear. If we now turn aside the eyes, a negative after-image of the field just fixated at once forms, and mingles its sensations with those which may happen to come from anything else looked at. This influence is distinctly evident only when the first surface has been 'fixated' without movement of the eyes. It is, however, none the less present at all times, even when the eye wanders from point to point, causing each sensation to be modified more or less by that just previously experienced. On this account successive contrast is almost sure to be present in cases of simultaneous contrast, and to complicate the phenomena.

First of all, when we look at any surface and then look away, the complementary color and opposite brightness of the first surface tend to blend with the color and brightness of the second surface. This is called successive contrast. It happens because our eyes get fatigued, making them less responsive to the same stimulus the longer we focus on it. This is evident in the significant changes that occur when we fixate on a specific point for a while. The area gradually darkens, becomes less distinct, and eventually, if someone is skilled enough at keeping their eyes perfectly[Pg 14]still, subtle differences in shade and color may completely vanish. When we then look away, a negative after-image of the area we just focused on forms immediately, blending its sensations with whatever we look at next. This effect is most noticeable when the first surface has been gazed at without moving the eyes. However, it’s still present all the time, even when our eyes dart around, altering each new sensation based on what we just experienced. For this reason, successive contrast is likely to occur alongside simultaneous contrast, adding complexity to the effects we observe.

A visual image is modified not only by other sensations just previously experienced, but also by all those experienced simultaneously with it, and especially by such as proceed from contiguous portions of the retina. This is the phenomenon of simultaneous contrast. In this, as in successive contrast, both brightness and hue are involved. A bright object appears still brighter when its surroundings are darker than itself, and darker when they are brighter than itself. Two colors side by side are apparently changed by the admixture, with each, of the complement of the other. And lastly, a gray surface near a colored one is tinged with the complement of the latter.[17]

A visual image is changed not just by other sensations that were experienced right before it, but also by everything felt at the same time, especially those coming from nearby parts of the retina. This is known as the phenomenon of simultaneous contrast. In this case, just like in successive contrast, both brightness and color are affected. A bright object seems even brighter when it’s next to darker surroundings, and it looks darker next to brighter ones. Two colors placed side by side appear to be altered by the addition of the other’s complement. Lastly, a gray surface near a colored one takes on a shade of the opposite color of the latter.[17]

The phenomena of simultaneous contrast in sight are so complicated by other attendant phenomena that it is difficult[Pg 15] to isolate them and observe them in their purity. Yet it is evidently of the greatest importance to do so, if one would conduct his investigations accurately. Neglect of this principle has led to many mistakes being made in accounting for the facts observed. As we have seen, if the eye is allowed to wander here and there about the field as it ordinarily does, successive contrast results and allowance must be made for its presence. It can be avoided only by carefully fixating with the well-rested eye a point of one field, and by then observing the changes which occur in this field when the contrasting field is placed by its side. Such a course will insure pure simultaneous contrast. But even thus it lasts in its purity for a moment only. It reaches its maximum of effect immediately after the introduction of the contrasting field, and then, if the fixation is continued, it begins to weaken rapidly and soon disappears; thus undergoing changes similar to those observed when any field whatever is fixated steadily and the retina becomes fatigued by unchanging stimuli. If one continues still further to fixate the same point, the color and brightness of one field tend to spread themselves over and mingle with the color and brightness of the neighboring fields, thus substituting 'simultaneous induction' for simultaneous contrast.

The phenomenon of simultaneous contrast in vision is so complicated by other related effects that it's hard[Pg 15] to isolate and observe them clearly. However, it's really important to do so if you want to conduct your investigations accurately. Ignoring this principle has led to many mistakes in explaining the observed facts. As we've seen, if the eye is allowed to wander around the field as it usually does, successive contrast occurs, and we need to account for its presence. This can only be avoided by carefully focusing with a well-rested eye on one point in the field and then observing the changes that happen in this field when the contrasting field is placed next to it. This approach ensures pure simultaneous contrast. However, even then, it remains pure for only a moment. It reaches its peak effectiveness immediately after the contrasting field is introduced, and then, if fixation continues, it starts to weaken rapidly and soon fades away; this change is similar to what happens when any field is fixated steadily and the retina becomes fatigued by constant stimuli. If one continues to fixate on the same point, the color and brightness of one field tend to blend and mix with the color and brightness of the neighboring fields, thus replacing 'simultaneous induction' with simultaneous contrast.

Not only must we recognize and eliminate the effects of successive contrast, of temporal changes due to fixation, and of simultaneous induction, in analyzing the phenomena of simultaneous contrast, but we must also take into account various other influences which modify its effects. Under favorable circumstances the contrast-effects are very striking, and did they always occur as strongly they could not fail to attract the attention. But they are not always clearly apparent, owing to various disturbing causes which form no exception to the laws of contrast, but which have a modifying effect on its phenomena. When, for instance, the ground observed has many distinguishable features—a coarse grain, rough surface, intricate pattern, etc.—the contrast effect appears weaker. This does not imply that the effects of contrast are absent, but merely that the resulting sensations are overpowered by the many other stronger[Pg 16] sensations which entirely occupy the attention. On such a ground a faint negative after-image—undoubtedly due to retinal modifications—may become invisible; and even weak objective differences in color may become imperceptible. For example, a faint spot or grease-stain on woollen cloth, easily seen at a distance, when the fibres are not distinguishable, disappears when closer examination reveals the intricate nature of the surface.

Not only do we need to recognize and eliminate the effects of successive contrast, temporal changes from fixation, and simultaneous induction when analyzing the phenomena of simultaneous contrast, but we also have to consider various other influences that modify its effects. Under the right conditions, the contrast effects are very noticeable, and if they always appeared this strongly, they would definitely catch our attention. However, they aren't always clearly visible due to various disruptive factors that don’t contradict the laws of contrast but instead modify its effects. For example, when the background we’re looking at has many distinct features—a coarse grain, rough surface, intricate pattern, etc.—the contrast effect seems weaker. This doesn’t mean that the effects of contrast are missing; it just indicates that the sensations produced are overshadowed by many other stronger sensations that completely draw our focus. In such cases, a faint negative after-image—likely caused by changes in the retina—might go unnoticed, and even slight differences in color may become unrecognizable. For instance, a faint spot or grease stain on wool fabric, which is easy to see from a distance when the fibers aren’t distinct, fades away when a closer look reveals the complex texture of the surface.

Another frequent cause of the apparent absence of contrast is the presence of narrow dark intermediate fields, such as are formed by bordering a field with black lines, or by the shaded contours of objects. When such fields interfere with the contrast, it is because black and white can absorb much color without themselves becoming clearly colored; and because such lines separate other fields too far for them to distinctly influence one another. Even weak objective differences in color may be made imperceptible by such means.

Another common reason for the lack of contrast is the presence of narrow dark spaces in between, like those created by framing a space with black lines or by the shaded edges of objects. When these areas disrupt contrast, it's because black and white can take in a lot of color without actually showing clear colors themselves; and because these lines keep other areas too far apart to affect each other clearly. Even slight differences in color can become unnoticed because of this.

A third case where contrast does not clearly appear is where the color of the contrasting fields is too weak or too intense, or where there is much difference in brightness between the two fields. In the latter case, as can easily be shown, it is the contrast of brightness which interferes with the color-contrast and makes it imperceptible. For this reason contrast shows best between fields of about equal brightness. But the intensity of the color must not be too great, for then its very darkness necessitates a dark contrasting field which is too absorbent of induced color to allow the contrast to appear strongly. The case is similar if the fields are too light.

A third situation where contrast isn't obvious is when the color of the contrasting areas is too weak or too intense, or when there is a significant difference in brightness between the two areas. In the latter case, it's easy to see that the brightness contrast disrupts the color contrast, making it hard to notice. Because of this, contrast is most effective between areas of similar brightness. However, the color intensity shouldn't be too high, as its darkness requires a dark contrasting area that absorbs the induced color too much, preventing the contrast from being strong. The same applies if the areas are too light.

To obtain the best contrast-effects, therefore, the contracting fields should be near together, should not be separated by shadows or black lines, should be of homogeneous texture, and should be of about equal brightness and medium intensity of color. Such conditions do not often occur naturally, the disturbing influences being present in case of almost all ordinary objects, thus making the effects of contrast far less evident. To eliminate these disturbances and to produce the conditions most favorable for the appearance of good contrast-effects,[Pg 17] various experiments have been devised, which will be explained in comparing the rival theories of explanation.

To achieve the best contrast effects, the areas being compared should be close together, not separated by shadows or dark lines, should have a consistent texture, and should be of similar brightness with medium color intensity. These conditions rarely occur naturally, as distracting elements are typically present with almost all ordinary objects, making the effects of contrast much less noticeable. To remove these distractions and create the ideal conditions for clear contrast effects,[Pg 17] various experiments have been designed, which will be discussed when comparing the competing theories of explanation.


There are two theories—the psychological and the physiological—which attempt to explain the phenomena of contrast.

There are two theories—the psychological and the physiological—that try to explain the phenomena of contrast.

Of these the psychological one was the first to gain prominence. Its most able advocate has been Helmholtz. It explains contrast as a deception of judgment. In ordinary life our sensations have interest for us only so far as they give us practical knowledge. Our chief concern is to recognize objects, and we have no occasion to estimate exactly their absolute brightness and color. Hence we gain no facility in so doing, but neglect the constant changes in their shade, and are very uncertain as to the exact degree of their brightness or tone of their color. When objects are near one another "we are inclined to consider those differences which are clearly and surely perceived as greater than those which appear uncertain in perception or which must be judged by aid of memory,"[18] just as we see a medium-sized man taller than he really is when he stands beside a short man. Such deceptions are more easily possible in the judgment of small differences than of large ones; also where there is but one element of difference instead of many. In a large number of cases of contrast, in all of which a whitish spot is surrounded on all sides by a colored surface—Meyer's experiment, the mirror experiment, colored shadows, etc., soon to be described—the contrast is produced, according to Helmholtz, by the fact that "a colored illumination or a transparent colored covering appears to be spread out over the field, and observation does not show directly that it fails on the white spot."[19] We therefore believe that we see the latter through the former color. Now

Of these, the psychological one was the first to stand out. Its most skilled advocate has been Helmholtz. It explains contrast as a judgment deception. In everyday life, our sensations only matter to us in how they provide practical knowledge. Our main focus is to identify objects, and we don't need to accurately gauge their absolute brightness or color. As a result, we don’t get better at this and overlook the constant variations in their shades, making us quite unsure about their exact brightness or color tones. When objects are close to one another, "we tend to think that those differences which are clearly and definitely perceived seem larger than those which appear uncertain in perception or which must be judged by memory,”[18] just like we perceive an average-sized man as taller than he actually is when he stands next to a short man. Such misjudgments are easier with small differences than with large ones; they are also more likely when there is just one element of difference rather than many. In many contrast cases, where a whitish spot is surrounded on all sides by a colored surface—like Meyer's experiment, the mirror experiment, colored shadows, etc.—which will be described soon, the contrast occurs, according to Helmholtz, because "a colored illumination or a transparent colored covering seems to be laid over the field, and observation doesn’t directly reveal that it isn’t present on the white spot."[19] So, we think we see the latter through the former color. Now

"Colors have their greatest importance for us in so far as they are properties of bodies and can serve as signs for the recognition of bodies.... We have become accustomed, in forming a judgment in regard to the colors of bodies, to eliminate the varying brightness and[Pg 18] color of the illumination. We have sufficient opportunity to investigate the same colors of objects in full sunshine, in the blue light of the clear sky, in the weak white light of a cloudy day, in the reddish-yellow light of the sinking sun or of the candle. Moreover the colored reflections of surrounding objects are involved. Since we see the same colored objects under these varying illuminations, we learn to form a correct conception of the color of the object in spite of the difference in illumination, i.e. to judge how such an object would appear in white illumination; and since only the constant color of the object interests us, we do not become conscious of the particular sensations on which our judgment rests. So also we are at no loss, when we see an object through a colored covering, to distinguish what belongs to the color of the covering and what to the object. In the experiments mentioned we do the same also where the covering over the object is not at all colored, because of the deception into which we fall, and in consequence of which we ascribe to the body a false color, the color complementary to the colored portion of the covering."[20]

"Colors matter to us a lot because they help us identify objects. We’ve learned to judge the colors of objects while ignoring the variations in brightness and lighting. We frequently see the same colors in bright sunlight, under a blue sky, in the dull white light of a cloudy day, or in the warm light of a sunset or candlelight. Nearby colored reflections also play a part. Since we see the same colored objects in these different lighting situations, we develop a solid understanding of what the object's actual color is, regardless of the lighting differences—essentially figuring out how it would appear under white light. Since we're mainly interested in the true color of the object, we don’t focus on the specific sensations that influence our judgment. Similarly, when we look at an object through a colored filter, we can still differentiate the color of the filter from the color of the object itself. In the mentioned experiments, we do the same thing even when the cover over the object isn't colored, because we can be tricked into assigning a false color to the object—one that is complementary to the color of the covering."

We think that we see the complementary color through the colored covering,—for these two colors together would give the sensation of white which is actually experienced. If, however, in any way the white spot is recognized as an independent object, or if it is compared with another object known to be white, our judgment is no longer deceived and the contrast does not appear.

We believe that we perceive the complementary color through the colored filter, because these two colors combined create the sensation of white that we actually experience. However, if the white spot is identified as a separate object, or if it is compared to another object that is known to be white, our judgment no longer gets tricked and the contrast disappears.

"As soon as the contrasting field is recognized as an independent body which lies above the colored ground, or even through an adequate tracing of its outlines is seen to be a separate field, the contrast disappears. Since, then, the judgment of the spatial position, the material independence, of the object in question is decisive for the determination of its color, it follows that the contrast-color arises not through an act of sensation but through an act of judgment."[21]

"Once the contrasting area is identified as a separate entity that stands out from the colored background, or even when its edges are clearly defined and it’s recognized as a distinct shape, the contrast diminishes. Since understanding the object’s spatial position and its material independence is essential for determining its color, it follows that the contrasting color arises not from sensory perception but from an evaluative judgment."[21]

In short, the apparent change in color or brightness through contrast is due to no change in excitation of the organ, to no change in sensation; but in consequence of a false judgment the unchanged sensation is wrongly interpreted, and thus leads to a changed perception of the brightness or color.

In short, the noticeable change in color or brightness due to contrast happens without any change in the organ's stimulation, and there's no change in sensation. Instead, a mistaken judgment causes the unchanged sensation to be misinterpreted, which leads to a changed perception of brightness or color.


In opposition to this theory has been developed one which attempts to explain all cases of contrast as depending[Pg 19] purely on physiological action of the terminal apparatus of vision. Hering is the most prominent supporter of this view. By great originality in devising experiments and by insisting on rigid care in conducting them, he has been able to detect the faults in the psychological theory and to practically establish the validity of his own. Every visual sensation, he maintains, is correlated to a physical process in the nervous apparatus. Contrast is occasioned, not by a false idea resulting from unconscious conclusions, but by the fact that the excitation of any portion of the retina—and the consequent sensation—depends not only on its own illumination, but on that of the rest of the retina as well.

In contrast to this theory, another one has been developed that tries to explain all cases of contrast as purely depending on the [Pg 19] physiological action of the visual system. Hering is the most prominent supporter of this perspective. Through his innovative experiments and a strong emphasis on careful execution, he has been able to identify the issues with the psychological theory and effectively establish the validity of his own. He argues that every visual sensation is linked to a physical process in the nervous system. Contrast arises, not from a misperception due to unconscious conclusions, but because the stimulation of any part of the retina—and the resulting sensation—depends not only on its own light exposure but also on the illumination of the surrounding retina.

"If this psycho-physical process is aroused, as usually happens, by light-rays impinging on the retina, its nature depends not only on the nature of these rays, but also on the constitution of the entire nervous apparatus which is connected with the organ of vision, and on the state in which it finds itself."[22]

"If this mind-body process is activated, as it frequently is, by light rays hitting the retina, its features depend not only on the type of rays but also on the structure of the entire nervous system linked to the eye, and on its present state." [22]

When a limited portion of the retina is aroused by external stimuli, the rest of the retina, and especially the immediately contiguous parts, tends to react also, and in such a way as to produce therefrom the sensation of the opposite degree of brightness and the complementary color to that of the directly-excited portion. When a gray spot is seen alone, and again when it appears colored through contrast, the objective light from the spot is in both cases the same. Helmholtz maintains that the neural process and the corresponding sensation also remain unchanged, but are differently interpreted; Hering, that the neural process and the sensation are themselves changed, and that the 'interpretation' is the direct conscious correlate of the altered retinal conditions. According to the one, the contrast is psychological in its origin; according to the other, it is purely physiological. In the cases cited above where the contrast-color is no longer apparent—on a ground with many distinguishable features, on a field whose borders are traced with black lines, etc.,—the psychological theory, as we have seen, attributes this to the fact that under these circumstances we judge the smaller patch of color to be an[Pg 20] independent object on the surface, and are no longer deceived in judging it to be something over which the color of the ground is drawn. The physiological theory, on the other hand, maintains that the contrast-effect is still produced, but that the conditions are such that the slight changes in color and brightness which it occasions become imperceptible.

When a small part of the retina is stimulated by external factors, the surrounding areas, especially the ones right next to it, also tend to respond, creating the sensation of the opposite brightness and the complementary color to that of the directly stimulated part. When a gray spot is seen alone, and again when it looks colored because of contrast, the actual light coming from the spot is the same in both situations. Helmholtz argues that the neural process and the resulting sensation stay the same, but are interpreted differently; Hering argues that the neural process and the sensation actually change, and that 'interpretation' is a direct conscious response to the altered retinal conditions. According to Helmholtz, the contrast is rooted in psychology; according to Hering, it’s purely physiological. In the examples mentioned where the contrast color is no longer visible—on a background with many distinguishable features, on a field with borders outlined by black lines, etc.—the psychological theory, as we’ve seen, suggests this happens because we perceive the smaller patch of color as an[Pg 20] independent object on the surface, and we’re not misled into thinking it’s affected by the color of the background. The physiological theory, on the other hand, posits that the contrast effect still occurs, but the conditions are such that the slight changes in color and brightness it causes become unnoticeable.


The two theories, stated thus broadly, may seem equally plausible. Hering, however, has conclusively proved, by experiments with after-images, that the process on one part of the retina does modify that on neighboring portions, under conditions where deception of judgment is impossible.[23] A careful examination of the facts of contrast will show that its phenomena must be due to this cause. In all the cases which one may investigate it will be seen that the upholders of the psychological theory have failed to conduct their experiments with sufficient care. They have not excluded successive contrast, have overlooked the changes due to[Pg 21] steady fixation, and have failed to properly account for the various modifying influences which have been mentioned above. We can easily establish this if we examine the most striking experiments in simultaneous contrast.

The two theories, stated this broadly, might seem equally reasonable. However, Hering has conclusively demonstrated, through experiments with after-images, that the process in one part of the retina affects the neighboring areas, under conditions where misinterpretation is impossible.[23] A careful look at the facts of contrast will show that its effects are due to this cause. In all the cases one might investigate, it will be clear that the supporters of the psychological theory have not conducted their experiments with enough rigor. They haven't excluded successive contrast, ignored the changes caused by[Pg 21] steady fixation, and failed to properly account for the various modifying influences mentioned above. We can easily verify this by examining the most striking experiments in simultaneous contrast.

Of these one of the best known and most easily arranged is that known as Meyer's experiment. A scrap of gray paper is placed on a colored background, and both are covered by a sheet of transparent white paper. The gray spot then assumes a contrast-color, complementary to that of the background, which shines with a whitish tinge through the paper which covers it. Helmholtz explains the phenomenon thus:

Of these, one of the best known and easiest to set up is called Meyer's experiment. A piece of gray paper is placed on a colored background, and both are covered by a sheet of clear white paper. The gray spot then takes on a color that contrasts with the background, which glows with a whitish tint through the paper covering it. Helmholtz explains the phenomenon this way:

"If the background is green, the covering-paper itself appears to be of a greenish color. If now the substance of the paper extends without apparent interruption over the gray which lies under it, we think that we see an object glimmering through the greenish paper, and such an object must in turn be rose-red, in order to give white light. If, however, the gray spot has its limits so fixed that it appears to be an independent object, the continuity with the greenish portion of the surface fails, and we regard it as a gray object which lies on this surface."[24]

"If the background is green, the covering paper appears greenish. If the paper spreads over the gray underneath without any clear distinction, it seems like something is shining through the greenish paper, and that thing must be rose-red to reflect white light. However, if the gray area is clearly defined, making it look like its own distinct object, the link to the greenish part is lost, and we perceive it as a gray object sitting on that surface."[24]

The contrast-color may thus be made to disappear by tracing in black the outlines of the gray scrap, or by placing above the tissue paper another gray scrap of the same degree of brightness, and comparing together the two grays. On neither of them does the contrast-color now appear.

The contrast color can be eliminated by outlining the gray piece in black or by placing another gray piece of the same brightness on top of the tissue paper and comparing the two grays. The contrast color does not appear on either of them now.

Hering[25] shows clearly that this interpretation is incorrect, and that the disturbing factors are to be otherwise explained. In the first place, the experiment can be so arranged that we could not possibly be deceived into believing that we see the gray through a colored medium. Out of a sheet of gray paper cut strips 5 mm. wide in such a way that there will be alternately an empty space and a bar of gray, both of the same width, the bars being held together by the uncut edges of the gray sheet (thus presenting an appearance like a gridiron). Lay this on a colored background—e.g. green—cover both with transparent paper, and above all put a black frame which covers all the edges, leaving visible only the bars, which are now alternately[Pg 22] green and gray. The gray bars appear strongly colored by contrast, although, since they occupy as much space as the green bars, we are not deceived into believing that we see the former through a green medium. The same is true if we weave together into a basket pattern narrow strips of green and gray and cover them with the transparent paper.

Hering[25] clearly demonstrates that this interpretation is wrong and that the confusing elements should be explained differently. First, the experiment can be set up in a way that prevents us from mistakenly believing we're seeing gray through a colored medium. Cut strips 5 mm wide from a sheet of gray paper so that there's an alternating empty space and a gray bar, both the same width, with the bars held together by the uncut edges of the gray sheet (creating a pattern like a grid). Place this on a colored background—like green—cover both with transparent paper, and importantly, add a black frame that hides all the edges, leaving only the bars visible, which will now alternatively appear green and gray. The gray bars seem vividly colored by contrast, but since they take up the same amount of space as the green bars, we aren't tricked into thinking we're seeing the gray through a green medium. The same effect occurs if we weave narrow strips of green and gray into a basket pattern and cover them with transparent paper.

Why, then, if it is a true sensation due to physiological causes, and not an error of judgment, which causes the contrast, does the color disappear when the outlines of the gray scrap are traced, enabling us to recognize it as an independent object? In the first place, it does not necessarily do so, as will easily be seen if the experiment is tried. The contrast-color often remains distinctly visible in spite of the black outlines. In the second place, there are many adequate reasons why the effect should be modified. Simultaneous contrast is always strongest at the border-line of the two fields; but a narrow black field now separates the two, and itself by contrast strengthens the whiteness of both original fields, which were already little saturated in color; and on black and on white, contrast-colors show only under the most favorable circumstances. Even weak objective differences in color may be made to disappear by such tracing of outlines, as can be seen if we place on a gray background a scrap of faintly-colored paper, cover it with transparent paper and trace its outlines. Thus we see that it is not the recognition of the contrasting field as an independent object which interferes with its color, but rather a number of entirely explicable physiological disturbances.

Why, then, if it is a genuine sensation caused by physiological factors, and not a judgment error that creates the contrast, does the color fade when we trace the outlines of the gray scrap, making it easier to identify it as a separate object? First of all, it doesn't always fade, as you can see if you try the experiment. The contrast color often remains clearly visible despite the black outlines. Secondly, there are several clear reasons why the effect might change. Simultaneous contrast is usually strongest at the boundary between the two areas; however, a narrow black area now separates them and, by contrast, enhances the whiteness of both original areas, which were already low in color saturation. On black and white, contrast colors only appear under the best conditions. Even slight objective differences in color can disappear when we trace outlines, as shown when we place a piece of lightly colored paper on a gray background, cover it with transparent paper, and trace its outlines. So, it’s not the recognition of the contrasting area as a separate object that diminishes its color, but rather several completely understandable physiological disturbances.

The same may be proved in the case of holding above the tissue paper a second gray scrap and comparing it with that underneath. To avoid the disturbances caused by using papers of different brightness, the second scrap should be made exactly like the first by covering the same gray with the same tissue paper, and carefully cutting a piece about 10 mm. square out of both together. To thoroughly guard against successive contrast, which so easily complicates the phenomena, we must carefully prevent all previous excitation of the retina by colored light. This may be done by arranging thus: Place the sheet of tissue paper[Pg 23] on a glass pane, which rests on four supports; under the paper put the first gray scrap. By means of a wire, fasten the second gray scrap 2 or 3 cm. above the glass plate. Both scraps appear exactly alike, except at the edges. Gaze now at both scraps, with eyes not exactly accommodated, so that they appear near one another, with a very narrow space between. Shove now a colored field (green) underneath the glass plate, and the contrast appears at once on both scraps. If it appears less clearly on the upper scrap, it is because of its bright and dark edges, its inequalities, its grain, etc. When the accommodation is exact, there is no essential change, although then on the upper scrap the bright edge on the side toward the light, and the dark edge on the shadow side, disturb somewhat. By continued fixation the contrast becomes weaker and finally yields to simultaneous induction, causing the scraps to become indistinguishable from the ground. Remove the green field and both scraps become green, by successive induction. If the eye moves about freely these last-named phenomena do not appear, but the contrast continues indefinitely and becomes stronger. When Helmholtz found that the contrast on the lower scrap disappeared, it was evidently because he then really held the eye fixed. This experiment may be disturbed by holding the upper scrap wrongly and by the differences in brightness of its edges, or by other inequalities, but not by that recognizing of it 'as an independent body lying above the colored ground,' on which the psychological explanation rests.

The same can be demonstrated by holding a second gray scrap above the tissue paper and comparing it with the one underneath. To avoid issues from using papers of different brightness, the second scrap should match the first exactly by covering the same gray with the same tissue paper and carefully cutting a piece about 10 mm square out of both together. To fully avoid successive contrast, which can complicate things easily, we must prevent any previous stimulation of the retina from colored light. This can be done by setting up as follows: Place the sheet of tissue paper[Pg 23] on a glass pane supported by four stands; put the first gray scrap underneath the paper. Use a wire to secure the second gray scrap 2 or 3 cm above the glass plate. Both scraps look identical except at the edges. Now look at both scraps with your eyes not perfectly focused, so they seem close together with a very narrow gap between them. Next, slide a colored field (green) underneath the glass plate, and the contrast appears immediately on both scraps. If it looks less clear on the upper scrap, it’s due to its bright and dark edges, its uneven texture, etc. When the focus is perfect, there’s no significant change, although the bright edge facing the light and the dark edge on the shadow side can still cause some distraction. With continued focus, the contrast weakens and eventually blends into the background, making the scraps hard to distinguish. Remove the green field, and both scraps appear green through successive induction. If the eye moves freely, the previously mentioned effects don’t occur, but the contrast continues indefinitely and becomes stronger. When Helmholtz observed that the contrast on the lower scrap vanished, it was clearly because he had kept his eye fixed. This experiment can be affected by holding the upper scrap incorrectly and by differences in the brightness of its edges, or other irregularities, but not by seeing it "as an independent object above the colored ground," which is what the psychological explanation relies on.

In like manner the claims of the psychological explanation can be shown to be inadequate in other cases of contrast. Of frequent use are revolving disks, which are especially efficient in showing good contrast-phenomena, because all inequalities of the ground disappear and leave a perfectly homogeneous surface. On a white disk are arranged colored sectors, which are interrupted midway by narrow black fields in such a way that when the disk is revolved the white becomes mixed with the color and the black, forming a colored disk of weak saturation on which appears a gray ring. The latter is colored by contrast with[Pg 24] the field which surrounds it. Helmholtz explains the fact thus:

In the same way, the arguments for the psychological explanation can be shown to be insufficient in other contrasting situations. Revolving disks are commonly used because they effectively demonstrate good contrast phenomena, making all surface irregularities disappear and revealing a perfectly uniform surface. On a white disk, colored sections are placed, interrupted halfway by narrow black strips so that when the disk spins, the white mixes with the colors and black, creating a colored disk with low saturation that shows a gray ring. This ring appears colored in contrast to the area around it. Helmholtz explains this phenomenon like this:

"The difference of the compared colors appears greater than it really is either because this difference, when it is the only existing one and draws the attention to itself alone, makes a stronger impression than when it is one among many, or because the different colors of the surface are conceived as alterations of the one ground-color of the surface such as might arise through shadows falling on it, through colored reflexes, or through mixture with colored paint or dust. In truth, to produce an objectively gray spot on a green surface, a reddish coloring would be necessary."[26]

"The difference between the colors being compared seems larger than it really is, either because when it's the only difference, it stands out more and leaves a stronger impression than when it's just one of many, or because the different colors on the surface are perceived as variations of a single base color, similar to how shadows, colored reflections, or mixing with colored paint or dust can alter it. In reality, to create an objectively gray spot on a green surface, you would need a reddish tint."[26]

This explanation is easily proved false by painting the disk with narrow green and gray concentric rings, and giving each a different saturation. The contrast appears though there is no ground-color, and no longer a single difference, but many. The facts which Helmholtz brings forward in support of his theory are also easily turned against him. He asserts that if the color of the ground is too intense, or if the gray ring is bordered by black circles, the contrast becomes weaker; that no contrast appears on a white scrap held over the colored field; and that the gray ring when compared with such scrap loses its contrast-color either wholly or in part. Hering points out the inaccuracy of all these claims. Under favorable conditions it is impossible to make the contrast disappear by means of black enclosing lines, although they naturally form a disturbing element; increase in the saturation of the field, if disturbance through increasing brightness-contrast is to be avoided, demands a darker gray field, on which contrast-colors are less easily perceived; and careful use of the white scrap leads to entirely different results. The contrast-color does appear upon it when it is first placed above the colored field; but if it is carefully fixated, the contrast-color diminishes very rapidly both on it and on the ring, from causes already explained. To secure accurate observation, all complication through successive contrast should be avoided thus: first arrange the white scrap, then interpose a gray screen between it and the disk, rest the eye, set the wheel in motion, fixate the scrap, and then have the screen[Pg 25] removed. The contrast at once appears clearly, and its disappearance through continued fixation can be accurately watched.

This explanation can easily be proven wrong by painting the disk with narrow green and gray concentric rings and giving each ring a different saturation. The contrast becomes noticeable even without a ground color, showing multiple differences instead of just one. The evidence that Helmholtz presents to support his theory can also be used against him. He claims that if the ground color is too intense or if the gray ring is surrounded by black circles, the contrast weakens; that no contrast appears on a white piece of paper held over the colored field; and that the gray ring loses its contrast color, either completely or partially, when compared to that scrap of white. Hering points out the inaccuracies in these claims. Under the right conditions, it's impossible to make the contrast disappear just by adding black enclosing lines, although they can be a distracting factor. To avoid disturbance from increasing brightness contrast, increasing the saturation of the field requires a darker gray area, making it harder to perceive contrast colors. Careful use of the white scrap leads to completely different results. The contrast color does appear on it when it is first placed over the colored field, but if you focus on it, the contrast color quickly fades on both the scrap and the ring for reasons already discussed. For accurate observation, avoid complications from successive contrast: first, position the white scrap, then place a gray screen between it and the disk, rest your eyes, spin the wheel, focus on the scrap, and then remove the screen[Pg 25]. The contrast will immediately become clear, and you can closely observe its disappearance through continued focus.

Brief mention of a few other cases of contrast must suffice. The so-called mirror experiment consists of placing at an angle of 45º a green (or otherwise colored) pane of glass, forming an angle with two white surfaces, one horizontal and the other vertical. On each white surface is a black spot. The one on the horizontal surface is seen through the glass and appears dark green, the other is reflected from the surface of the glass to the eye, and appears by contrast red. The experiment may be so arranged that we are not aware of the presence of the green glass, but think that we are looking directly at a surface with green and red spots upon it; in such a case there is no deception of judgment caused by making allowance for the colored medium through which we think that we see the spot, and therefore the psychological explanation does not apply. On excluding successive contrast by fixation the contrast soon disappears as in all similar experiments.[27]

A brief mention of a few other contrasting cases will do. The so-called mirror experiment involves placing a green (or colored) sheet of glass at a 45º angle between two white surfaces, one horizontal and the other vertical. Each white surface has a black spot. The black spot on the horizontal surface is viewed through the glass and looks dark green, while the one on the vertical surface is reflected off the glass and appears red in contrast. The setup can be arranged so that we're unaware of the green glass and believe we're seeing a surface with green and red spots. In this case, there's no judgment error from considering the colored medium we think we're seeing the spot through, so the psychological explanation doesn't apply. By eliminating successive contrast through fixation, the contrast quickly disappears, as it does in all similar experiments.[27]

Colored shadows have long been thought to afford a convincing proof of the fact that simultaneous contrast is psychological in its origin. They are formed whenever an opaque object is illuminated from two separate sides by lights of different colors. When the light from one source is white, its shadow is of the color of the other light, and the second shadow is of a color complementary to that of the field illuminated by both lights. If now we take a tube, blackened inside, and through it look at the colored shadow, none of the surrounding field being visible, and then have the colored light removed, the shadow still appears colored, although 'the circumstances which caused it have disappeared.' This is regarded by the psychologists as conclusive evidence that the color is due to deception of judgment. It can, however, easily be shown that the persistence of the color seen through the tube is due to fatigue of the retina through the prevailing light, and that when the colored light is removed the color slowly disappears as the[Pg 26] equilibrium of the retina becomes gradually restored. When successive contrast is carefully guarded against, the simultaneous contrast, whether seen directly or through the tube, never lasts for an instant on removal of the colored field. The physiological explanation applies throughout to all the phenomena presented by colored shadows.[28]

Colored shadows have long been seen as strong evidence that simultaneous contrast comes from our minds. They appear whenever an opaque object is lit from two different sides by lights of different colors. When one of the light sources is white, its shadow takes on the color of the other light, and the second shadow becomes a color that complements the area lit by both lights. If we take a tube with a blackened interior and look at the colored shadow, without seeing the surrounding area, and then remove the colored light, the shadow still looks colored, even though 'the circumstances that created it have vanished.' Psychologists view this as clear proof that the color is a trick of perception. However, it's easy to demonstrate that the lingering color seen through the tube is due to fatigue of the retina from the dominant light, and when the colored light is taken away, the color gradually fades as the[Pg 26] retina's balance is slowly restored. When careful measures are taken to avoid successive contrast, the simultaneous contrast, whether viewed directly or through the tube, doesn’t last even a moment once the colored area is removed. The physiological explanation applies consistently to all the phenomena related to colored shadows.[28]

If we have a small field whose illumination remains constant, surrounded by a large field of changing brightness, an increase or decrease in brightness of the latter results in a corresponding apparent decrease or increase respectively in the brightness of the former, while the large field seems to be unchanged. Exner says:

If we have a small area that has constant lighting, surrounded by a larger area with varying brightness, an increase or decrease in brightness of the larger area leads to a noticeable decrease or increase in the brightness of the smaller area, even though the larger area appears unchanged. Exner says:

"This illusion of sense shows that we are inclined to regard as constant the dominant brightness in our field of vision, and hence to refer the changing difference between this and the brightness of a limited field to a change in brightness of the latter."

"This illusion shows that we often perceive the brightest thing in our view as unchanging, so we attribute the differences in brightness between it and a smaller area to changes in that area’s brightness."

The result, however, can be shown to depend not on illusion, but on actual retinal changes, which alter the sensation experienced. The irritability of those portions of the retina lighted by the large field becomes much reduced in consequence of fatigue, so that the increase in brightness becomes much less apparent than it would be without this diminution in irritability. The small field, however, shows the change by a change in the contrast-effect induced upon it by the surrounding parts of the retina.[29]

The result, however, can be shown to depend not on illusion, but on actual changes in the retina, which alter the sensation experienced. The sensitivity of the parts of the retina exposed to the large field decreases significantly due to fatigue, making the increase in brightness much less noticeable than it would be without this decrease in sensitivity. On the other hand, the small field demonstrates the change through a shift in the contrast effect caused by the surrounding areas of the retina.[29]

The above cases show clearly that physiological processes, and not deception of judgment, are responsible for contrast of color. To say this, however, is not to maintain that our perception of a color is never in any degree modified by our judgment of what the particular colored thing before us may be. We have unquestionable illusions of color due to wrong inferences as to what object is before us. Thus Von Kries[30] speaks of wandering through evergreen forests covered with snow, and thinking that through the interstices of the boughs he saw the deep blue of pine-clad mountains, covered[Pg 27] with snow and lighted by brilliant sunshine; whereas what he really saw was the white snow on trees near by, lying in shadow].[31]

The cases mentioned above clearly show that physiological processes, and not faulty judgment, are what cause color contrast. However, saying this doesn’t mean that our perception of a color is never influenced by our judgment about what the colored object in front of us might be. We do have undeniable color illusions based on incorrect assumptions about what object we are looking at. For example, Von Kries[30] describes walking through evergreen forests blanketed with snow and thinking that he saw the deep blue of snow-covered mountains through the gaps in the branches, illuminated by bright sunshine; in reality, he was actually seeing the white snow on nearby trees that were in shadow.[31]

Such a mistake as this is undoubtedly of psychological origin. It is a wrong classification of the appearances, due to the arousal of intricate processes of association amongst which is the suggestion of a different hue from that really before the eyes. In the ensuing chapters such illusions as this will be treated of in considerable detail. But it is a mistake to interpret the simpler cases of contrast in the light of such illusions as these. These illusions can be rectified in an instant, and we then wonder how they could have been. They come from insufficient attention, or from the fact that the impression which we get is a sign of more than one possible object, and can be interpreted in either way. In none of these points do they resemble simple color-contrast, which unquestionably is a phenomenon of sensation immediately aroused.

Such a mistake is definitely rooted in psychology. It's a wrong classification of what we see, caused by complex associations that suggest a different color than what’s actually in front of us. In the upcoming chapters, we’ll discuss these kinds of illusions in detail. However, it’s a mistake to interpret simpler contrast cases based on these illusions. They can be corrected instantly, leaving us wondering how we made that mistake. These illusions arise from not paying enough attention or from the fact that our impression can point to more than one possible object and can be interpreted in different ways. In none of these aspects do they resemble simple color contrast, which is clearly a phenomenon of sensation that occurs immediately.


I have dwelt upon the facts of color-contrast at such great length because they form so good a text to comment on in my struggle against the view that sensations are immutable psychic things which coexist with higher mental functions. Both sensationalists and intellectualists agree that such sensations exist. They fuse, say the pure sensationalists, and make the higher mental function; they are combined by activity of the Thinking Principle, say the intellectualists. I myself have contended that they do not exist in or alongside of the higher mental function when that exists. The things which arouse them exist; and the higher mental function also knows these same things. But just as its knowledge of the things supersedes and displaces their knowledge, so it supersedes and displaces them, when it comes, being as much as they are a direct resultant of whatever momentary brain-conditions may obtain. The psychological theory of contrast, on the other hand, holds the sensations still to exist in themselves unchanged before the mind, whilst the 'relating activity' of the latter[Pg 28] deals with them freely and settles to its own satisfaction what each shall be, in view of what the others also are. Wundt says expressly that the Law of Relativity is "not a law of sensation but a law of Apperception;" and the word Apperception connotes with him a higher intellectual spontaneity.[32] This way of taking things belongs with the philosophy that looks at the data of sense as something earth-born and servile, and the 'relating of them together' as something spiritual and free. Lo! the spirit can even change the intrinsic quality of the sensible facts themselves if by so doing it can relate them better to each other! But (apart from the difficulty of seeing how changing the sensations should relate them better) is it not manifest that the relations are part of the 'content' of consciousness, part of the 'object,' just as much as the sensations are? Why ascribe the former exclusively to the knower and the latter to the known? The knower is in every case a unique pulse of thought corresponding to a unique reaction of the brain upon its conditions. All that the facts of contrast show us is that the same real thing may give us quite different sensations when the conditions alter, and that we must therefore be careful which one to select as the thing's truest representative.

I have spent a lot of time discussing color-contrast because it serves as a great basis for my argument against the idea that sensations are fixed psychological things that exist alongside higher mental functions. Both sensationalists and intellectualists agree that these sensations do exist. The pure sensationalists say they fuse to create higher mental functions, while the intellectualists claim they are combined through the activity of the Thinking Principle. I argue that they do not exist separately from higher mental functions when those functions are present. The things that trigger these sensations exist, and the higher mental function also recognizes these same things. However, just as this knowledge surpasses and replaces the knowledge of those things, it also surpasses and replaces them when it arises, being as much a direct result of whatever current brain conditions are present. The psychological theory of contrast, on the other hand, maintains that sensations remain unchanged in themselves before the mind, while the 'relating activity' of the mind[Pg 28] interacts with them freely and determines, to its own satisfaction, what each sensation will be, considering what the others are as well. Wundt explicitly states that the Law of Relativity is "not a law of sensation but a law of Apperception," where Apperception refers to a higher form of intellectual spontaneity.[32] This approach aligns with the philosophy that perceives sensory data as something mundane and obedient, while the 'relating of them' is considered spiritual and free. Indeed, the mind can even change the intrinsic quality of the sensory facts themselves if it helps relate them better to each other! But (aside from the challenge of understanding how altering sensations can improve their relationships) isn’t it clear that the relations are also part of the 'content' of consciousness, part of the 'object,' just like the sensations are? Why should we attribute connections exclusively to the knower and sensations to the known? The knower is, in every case, a unique flow of thought corresponding to a specific reaction of the brain to its conditions. All that the facts of contrast reveal is that the same real thing can produce quite different sensations when conditions change, so we need to be careful in choosing which sensation best represents the thing.


There are many other facts beside the phenomena of contrast which prove that when two objects act together on us the sensation which either would give alone becomes a different sensation. A certain amount of skin dipped in hot water gives the perception of a certain heat. More skin immersed makes the heat much more intense, although of course the water's heat is the same. A certain extent as well as intensity, in the quantity of the stimulus is requisite for any quality to be felt. Fick and Wunderli could not distinguish heat from touch when both were applied through a[Pg 29] hole in a card, and so confined to a small part of the skin. Similarly there is a chromatic minimum of size in objects. The image they cast on the retina must needs have a certain extent, or it will give no sensation of color at all. Inversely, more intensity in the outward impression may make the subjective object more extensive. This happens, as will be shown in Chapter XIX, when the illumination is increased: The whole room expands and dwindles according as we raise or lower the gas-jet. It is not easy to explain any of these results as illusions of judgment due to the inference of a wrong objective cause for the sensation which we get. No more is this easy in the case of Weber's observation that a thaler laid on the skin of the forehead feels heavier when cold than when warm; or of Szabadföldi's observation that small wooden disks when heated to 122° Fahrenheit often feel heavier than those which are larger but not thus warmed;[33] or of Hall's observation that a heavy point moving over the skin seems to go faster than a lighter one moving at the same rate of speed.[34]

There are many other facts besides the phenomena of contrast that demonstrate when two objects affect us together, the sensation we get from either one alone becomes a different sensation. A certain area of skin submerged in hot water creates the perception of a specific level of heat. More skin submerged increases the intensity of the heat significantly, even though the temperature of the water remains the same. A certain degree, along with intensity, in the amount of stimulus is necessary for any quality to be felt. Fick and Wunderli couldn't tell heat from touch when both were applied through a[Pg 29] hole in a card, limiting it to a small section of the skin. Similarly, there is a chromatic minimum regarding the size of objects. The image they project onto the retina must have a certain size, or it won't produce any sensation of color. Conversely, greater intensity in the external impression may make the subjective experience seem larger. This happens, as will be demonstrated in Chapter XIX, when lighting is increased: the entire room seems to expand and shrink depending on whether we raise or lower the gas flame. It’s challenging to explain any of these outcomes as mere illusions of judgment caused by mistakenly inferring an incorrect external source for the sensations we experience. The same goes for Weber's observation that a thaler placed on the skin of the forehead feels heavier when cold than when warm; or Szabadföldi's observation that small wooden disks heated to 122° Fahrenheit often feel heavier than larger ones that aren’t warmed;[33] or Hall's observation that a heavy point moving over the skin appears to move faster than a lighter one moving at the same speed.[34]

Bleuler and Lehmann some years ago called attention to a strange idiosyncrasy found in some persons, and consisting in the fact that impressions on the eye, skin, etc., were accompanied by distinct sensations of sound.[35] Colored hearing is the name sometimes given to the phenomenon, which has now been repeatedly described. Quite lately the Viennese aurist Urbantschitsch has proved that these cases are only extreme examples of a very general law, and that all our sense-organs influence each other's sensations.[36] The hue of patches of color so distant as not to be recognized was immediately, in U.'s patients, perceived when a tuning-fork was sounded close to the ear. Sometimes, on the contrary, the field was darkened by the sound. The acuity of vision was increased, so that letters too far off to be read could be read when the tuning-fork was heard. Urbantschitsch, varying his experiments, found that their[Pg 30] results were mutual, and that sounds which were on the limits of audibility became audible when lights of various colors were exhibited to the eye. Smell, taste, touch, sense of temperature, etc., were all found to fluctuate when lights were seen and sounds were heard. Individuals varied much in the degree and kind of effect produced, but almost every one experimented on seems to have been in some way affected. The phenomena remind one somewhat of the 'dynamogenic' effects of sensations upon the strength of muscular contraction observed by M. Féré, and later to be described. The most familiar examples of them seem to be the increase of pain by noise or light, and the increase of nausea by all concomitant sensations. Persons suffering in any way instinctively seek stillness and darkness.

Bleuler and Lehmann pointed out some years ago a strange quirk found in certain people where sensations on the eye, skin, and other areas were paired with distinct feelings of sound.[35] This phenomenon is sometimes referred to as colored hearing, which has been described multiple times. Recently, the Viennese doctor Urbantschitsch demonstrated that these cases are just extreme examples of a broader principle, showing that all our senses affect each other's sensations.[36] In Urbantschitsch's patients, hues from colors that were too far away to be identified were immediately perceived when a tuning fork was struck near the ear. At times, the sound would even darken the visual field. Vision acuity increased so much that letters too distant to read became legible when the tuning fork was heard. By changing his experiments, Urbantschitsch discovered that the results were reciprocal; sounds that were barely audible became discernible when various colored lights were shown to the eye. Smell, taste, touch, temperature sensation, and more were found to fluctuate with visual and auditory stimuli. Individuals varied widely in how intensely and in what ways they were affected, but nearly everyone who was tested showed some kind of response. The phenomena are somewhat similar to the 'dynamogenic' effects of one sensation altering the strength of muscular contraction observed by M. Féré, which will be discussed later. The most common examples appear to be the increase of pain with noise or light and the enhancement of nausea from accompanying sensations. People in discomfort instinctively seek quiet and darkness.


Probably every one will agree that the best way of formulating all such facts is physiological: it must be that the cerebral process of the first sensation is reinforced or otherwise altered by the other current which comes in. No one, surely, will prefer a psychological explanation here. Well, it seems to me that all cases of mental reaction to a plurality of stimuli must be like these cases, and that the physiological formulation is everywhere the simplest and the best. When simultaneous red and green light make us see yellow, when three notes of the scale make us hear a chord, it is not because the sensations of red and of green and of each of the three notes enter the mind as such, and there 'combine' or 'are combined by its relating activity' into the yellow and the chord, it is because the larger sum of light-waves and of air-waves arouses new cortical processes, to which the yellow and the chord directly correspond. Even when the sensible qualities of things enter into the objects of our highest thinking, it is surely the same. Their several sensations do not continue to exist there tucked away. They are replaced by the higher thought which, although a different psychic unit from them, knows the same sensible qualities which they know.

Most people would agree that the best way to explain all these facts is in physiological terms: the brain's response to the first sensation is likely enhanced or changed by the additional input. No one, surely, would prefer a psychological explanation here. I believe that all instances of mental reactions to multiple stimuli must be like these cases, and that the physiological explanation is always the simplest and most effective. When simultaneous red and green light makes us perceive yellow, or when three notes in the scale create a chord, it’s not because the sensations of red, green, and each of the three notes directly enter the mind and 'combine' or are 'combined by its relating activity' into yellow and the chord; it’s because the total amount of light-waves and sound-waves triggers new brain processes that correspond to yellow and the chord. Even when the sensory qualities of things become part of our highest thinking, it’s certainly the same. Their individual sensations don't stick around there hidden away. They are replaced by higher thoughts that, while different psychic units, understand the same sensory qualities they do.

The principles laid down in Chapter VI seem then to be corroborated in this new connection. You cannot build up one thought or one sensation out of many; and only direct[Pg 31] experiment can inform us of what we shall perceive when we get many stimuli at once.

The principles outlined in Chapter VI appear to be supported in this new context. You can't create one thought or feeling from many; only direct[Pg 31] experiments can tell us what we will perceive when we receive multiple stimuli at the same time.

THE 'ECCENTRIC PROJECTION' OF SENSATIONS.

We often hear the opinion expressed that all our sensations at first appear to us as subjective or internal, and are afterwards and by a special act on our part 'extradited' or 'projected' so as to appear located in an outer world. Thus we read in Professor Ladd's valuable work that

We often hear people say that all our sensations initially seem subjective or internal, and then, through a specific action on our part, they are 'extradited' or 'projected' to seem like they exist in an external world. So, we read in Professor Ladd's valuable work that

"Sensations... are psychical states whose place—so far as they can be said to have one—is the mind. The transference of these sensations from mere mental states to physical processes located in the periphery of the body, or to qualities of things projected in space external to the body, is a mental act. It may rather be said to be a mental achievement [cf. Cudworth, note 10, as to knowledge being conquering], for it is an act which in its perfection results from a long and intricate process of development.... Two noteworthy stages, or 'epoch-making' achievements in the process of elaborating the presentations of sense, require a special consideration. These are 'localization,' or the transference of the composite sensations from mere states of the mind to processes or conditions recognized as taking place at more or less definitely fixed points or areas of the body; and 'eccentric projection' (sometimes called 'eccentric perception') or the giving to these sensations an objective existence (in the fullest sense of the word 'objective') as qualities of objects situated within a field of space and in contact with, or more or less remotely distant from, the body."[37]

"Sensations are mental states that, if they can be said to have a location, exist in the mind. The process of moving these sensations from basic mental states to physical happenings at our body's edges, or to qualities of things we perceive in the outside world, is a mental act. It's better described as a mental achievement, as it results from a long and complex development journey. Two key stages or 'revolutionary' achievements in the process of refining sensory experiences deserve special mention. These are 'localization,' which involves transferring combined sensations from basic mental states to processes recognized as happening at specific points or areas on the body, and 'eccentric projection' (sometimes called 'eccentric perception'), which gives these sensations an objective existence as qualities of objects located within a spatial field, whether in contact with the body or at various distances from it."

It seems to me that there is not a vestige of evidence for this view. It hangs together with the opinion that our sensations are originally devoid of all spatial content,[38] an opinion which I confess that I am wholly at a loss to understand. As I look at my bookshelf opposite I cannot frame to myself an idea, however imaginary, of any feeling which I could ever possibly have got from it except the feeling of[Pg 32] the same big extended sort of outward fact which I now perceive. So far is it from being true that our first way of feeling things is the feeling of them as subjective or mental, that the exact opposite seems rather to be the truth. Our earliest, most instinctive, least developed kind of consciousness is the objective kind; and only as reflection becomes developed do we become aware of an inner world at all. Then indeed we enrich it more and more, even to the point of becoming idealists, with the spoils of the outer world which at first was the only world we knew. But subjective consciousness, aware of itself as subjective, does not at first exist. Even an attack of pain is surely felt at first objectively as something in space which prompts to motor reaction, and to the very end it is located, not in the mind, but in some bodily part.

It seems to me that there’s no evidence for this view. It connects with the idea that our sensations originally lack any spatial content,[38] an idea that I honestly find hard to understand. When I look at the bookshelf in front of me, I can’t imagine a feeling that I could get from it other than the same kind of big, extended outward experience that I currently perceive. It’s far from true that our initial way of feeling things is subjective or mental; in fact, the opposite seems to be true. Our earliest, most instinctive, and least developed type of consciousness is objective; only as we reflect more do we become aware of an inner world at all. We then enrich this inner world more and more, even to the point of becoming idealists, using insights from the outer world, which was initially the only one we knew. But subjective consciousness, aware of itself as subjective, doesn’t exist at first. Even the experience of pain is initially felt objectively, as something in space that prompts a physical response, and it is ultimately located not in the mind but in some bodily part.

"A sensation which should not awaken an impulse to move, nor any tendency to produce an outward effect, would manifestly be useless to a living creature. On the principles of evolution such a sensation could never be developed. Therefore every sensation originally refers to something external and independent of the sentient creature. Rhizopods (according to Engelmann's observations) retract their pseudopodia whenever these touch foreign bodies, even if these foreign bodies are the pseudopodia of other individuals of their own species, whilst the mutual contact of their own pseudopodia is followed by no such contraction. These low animals can therefore already feel an outer world—even in the absence of innate ideas of causality, and probably without any clear consciousness of space. In truth the conviction that something exists outside of ourselves does not come from thought. It comes from sensation; it rests on the same ground as our conviction of our own existence.... If we consider the behavior of new-born animals, we never find them betraying that they are first of all conscious of their sensations as purely subjective excitements. We far more readily incline to explain the astonishing certainty with which they make use of their sensations (and which is an effect of adaptation and inheritance) as the result of an inborn intuition of the outer world.... Instead of starting from an original pure subjectivity of sensation, and seeking how this could possibly have acquired an objective signification, we must, on the contrary, begin by the possession of objectivity by the sensation and then show how for reflective consciousness the latter becomes interpreted as an effect of the object, how in short the original immediate objectivity becomes changed into a remote one."[39]

A sensation that doesn’t inspire a desire to move or create an outward effect would obviously be pointless for a living being. According to evolutionary principles, such a sensation could never arise. Thus, every sensation initially relates to something external and independent of the creature sensing it. Rhizopods (based on Engelmann's observations) retract their pseudopodia whenever they come into contact with foreign objects, even if those objects are the pseudopodia of other individuals of their own species, while their own pseudopodia can touch each other without any retraction. These simple organisms can therefore already perceive an external world—even without inherent ideas of causality and likely without a clear sense of space. In fact, the belief that something exists outside of ourselves doesn’t originate from thought. It arises from sensation; it’s based on the same foundation as our belief in our own existence.... When we observe the behavior of newborn animals, we never see them indicating any initial awareness of their sensations as purely subjective experiences. We tend to explain their remarkable certainty in utilizing their sensations (which results from adaptation and inheritance) as coming from an inherent intuition of the external world.... Instead of starting from an initial pure subjectivity of sensation and trying to determine how it could gain an objective meaning, we should, on the contrary, start with the sensation's inherent objectivity and then illustrate how reflective consciousness interprets it as the effect of an object, showing how, in short, the original immediate objectivity evolves into a more distant one.[39]

Another confusion, much more common than the denial of all objective character to sensations, is the assumption that they are all originally located inside the body and are projected outward by a secondary act. This secondary judgment is always false, according to M. Taine, so far as the place of the sensation itself goes. But it happens to hit a real object which is at the point towards which the sensation is projected; so we may call its result, according to this author, a veridical hallucination.[40] The word Sensation, to[Pg 34] begin with, is constantly, in psychological literature, used as if it meant one and the same thing with the physical impression either in the terminal organs or in the centres, which is its antecedent condition, and this notwithstanding that by sensation we mean a mental, not a physical, fact. But those who expressly mean by it a mental fact still leave to it a physical place, still think of it as objectively inhabiting the very neural tracts which occasion its appearance when they are excited; and then (going a step farther) they think that it must place itself where they place it, or be subjectively sensible of that place as its habitat in the first instance, and afterwards have to be moved so as to appear elsewhere.

Another confusion, much more common than denying that sensations have any objective nature, is the assumption that they all originate inside the body and are projected outward by a secondary act. According to M. Taine, this secondary judgment is always incorrect when it comes to the location of the sensation itself. However, it sometimes hits a real object that is located at the point toward which the sensation is projected; therefore, we can refer to this outcome as a veridical hallucination according to this author.[40] To start with, the term Sensation is constantly used in psychological literature as if it has the same meaning as the physical impression either in the sensory organs or in the centers, which is its prerequisite condition, even though we define sensation as a mental, not a physical, occurrence. Yet, those who specifically refer to it as a mental occurrence still assign it a physical place; they continue to think of it as objectively residing in the very neural pathways that trigger its emergence when activated. Then, (taking it a step further) they believe that it must place itself where they locate it or subjectively perceive that location as its home initially, and afterward must be moved to appear elsewhere.

All this seems highly confused and unintelligible. Consciousness, as we saw in an earlier chapter (vol. I p. 214) cannot properly be said to inhabit any place. It has dynamic relations with the brain, and cognitive relations with everything and anything. From the one point of view we may say that a sensation is in the same place with the brain (if we like), just as from the other point of view we may say that it is in the same place with whatever quality it may be cognizing. But the supposition that a sensation primitively feels either itself or its object to be in the same place with the brain is absolutely groundless, and neither a priori probability nor facts from experience can be adduced to show that such a deliverance forms any part of the original cognitive function of our sensibility.

All of this seems really confusing and hard to understand. Consciousness, as we discussed in an earlier chapter (vol. I p. 214), can’t really be said to inhabit any specific location. It has dynamic connections with the brain and cognitive connections with everything around it. From one perspective, we can say that a sensation is in the same place as the brain (if we want to), just as from another perspective we can say it's in the same place as whatever quality it is recognizing. However, the idea that a sensation instinctively feels either itself or its object to be in the same place as the brain is completely unfounded, and there’s no a priori probability or evidence from experience that supports the notion that this understanding is part of our original cognitive ability.

Where, then, do we feel the objects of our original sensations to be?

Where, then, do we perceive the things we originally sensed to be?

Certainly a child newly born in Boston, who gets a sensation from the candle-flame which lights the bedroom, or from his diaper-pin, does not feel either of these objects to[Pg 35] be situated in longitude 72° W. and latitude 41° N. He does not feel them to be in the third story of the house. He does not even feel them in any distinct manner to be to the right or the left of any of the other sensations which he may be getting from other objects in the room at the same time. He does not, in short, know anything about their space-relations to anything else in the world. The flame fills its own place, the pain fills its own place; but as yet these places are neither identified with, nor discriminated from, any other places. That comes later. For the places thus first sensibly known are elements of the child's space-world which remain with him all his life; and by memory and later experience he learns a vast number of things about those places which at first he did not know. But to the end of time certain places of the world remain defined for him as the places where those sensations were; and his only possible answer to the question where anything is will be to say 'there,' and to name some sensation or other like those first ones, which shall identify the spot. Space means but the aggregate of all our possible sensations. There is no duplicate space known aliunde, or created by an 'epoch-making achievement' into which our sensations, originally spaceless, are dropped. They bring space and all its places to our intellect, and do not derive it thence.

Certainly, a newborn in Boston, who feels the warmth of the candle flame lighting the bedroom or the prick of a diaper pin, doesn't perceive these objects as being located at 72° W longitude and 41° N latitude. He doesn’t recognize them to be on the third floor of the house. He doesn’t even distinctly sense them as being to his right or left in relation to other sensations coming from different objects in the room at the same time. In short, he doesn’t know anything about their spatial relationships to anything else in the world. The flame occupies its own space, the pain occupies its own space; but for now, these spaces are neither identified with nor distinguished from any other spaces. That understanding develops later. The places first sensed become elements of the child’s spatial world, which stay with him throughout his life; and through memory and later experiences, he learns a lot about those places that he initially didn’t know. Yet, certain places in the world will always be defined for him as the spots where those sensations occurred; and his only possible answer to the question of where anything is will be to say 'there,' naming one sensation or another similar to those initial ones to identify the location. Space essentially means the totality of all our possible sensations. There is no separate space known from elsewhere or created by a groundbreaking achievement into which our originally spaceless sensations are placed. They bring space and all its locations to our understanding, and do not derive from it.

By his body, then, the child later means simply that place where the pain from the pin, and a lot of other sensations like it, were or are felt. It is no more true to say that he locates that pain in his body, than to say that he locates his body in that pain. Both are true: that pain is part of what he means by the word body. Just so by the outer world the child means nothing more than that place where the candle-flame and a lot of other sensations like it are felt. He no more locates the candle in the outer world than he locates the outer world in the candle. Once again, he does both; for the candle is part of what he means by 'outer world.'

By his body, the child simply means that place where the pain from the pin, and many other similar feelings, were or are experienced. It’s equally valid to say that he locates that pain in his body as it is to say that he locates his body in that pain. Both statements are true: that pain is part of what he means by the word body. Similarly, by the outer world, the child means nothing more than that place where the candle-flame and many other feelings like it are experienced. He doesn’t locate the candle in the outer world any more than he locates the outer world in the candle. Again, he does both; for the candle is part of what he means by 'outer world.'


This (it seems to me) will be admitted, and will (I trust) be made still more plausible in the chapter on the Perception of Space. But the later developments of this perception are so complicated that these simple principles get[Pg 36] easily overlooked. One of the complications comes from the fact that things move, and that the original object which we feel them to be splits into two parts, one of which remains as their whereabouts and the other goes off as their quality or nature. We then contrast where they were with where they are. If we do not move, the sensation of where they were remains unchanged; but we ourselves presently move, so that that also changes; and 'where they were' becomes no longer the actual sensation which it was originally, but a sensation which we merely conceive as possible. Gradually the system of these possible sensations, takes more and more the place of the actual sensations. 'Up' and 'down' become 'subjective' notions; east and west grow more 'correct' than 'right' and 'left' etc.; and things get at last more 'truly' located by their relation to certain ideal fixed co-ordinates than by their relation either to our bodies or to those objects by which their place was originally defined. Now this revision of our original localizations is a complex affair; and contains some facts which may very naturally come to be described as translocations whereby sensations get shoved farther off than they originally appeared.

This will likely be accepted and, I hope, become even more convincing in the chapter about the Perception of Space. However, the later developments of this perception are so complicated that these simple principles get[Pg 36] easily overlooked. One reason for this complexity is that things move, and the original object we perceive splits into two parts: one part remains as its location, while the other becomes its quality or nature. We then compare where they were with where they are. If we don’t move, the sensation of where they were stays the same; but when we do move, that changes too, so 'where they were' no longer represents the actual sensation it originally was but instead becomes a sensation we merely imagine as possible. Gradually, the system of these possible sensations increasingly replaces the actual sensations. 'Up' and 'down' become 'subjective' ideas; east and west become more 'accurate' than 'right' and 'left,' etc.; and things eventually get more 'truly' located by their relation to certain ideal fixed coordinates than by their relation to our bodies or to those objects that originally defined their place. Now, this revision of our original localizations is a complex matter; and it includes some facts that could naturally be described as translocations, where sensations get pushed farther away than they originally seemed.

Few things indeed are more striking than the changeable distance which the objects of many of our sensations may be made to assume. A fly's humming may be taken for a distant steam-whistle; or the fly itself, seen out of focus, may for a moment give us the illusion of a distant bird. The same things seem much nearer or much farther, according as we look at them through one end or another of an opera-glass. Our whole optical education indeed is largely taken up with assigning their proper distances to the objects of our retinal sensations. An infant will grasp at the moon; later, it is said, he projects that sensation to a distance which he knows to be beyond his reach. In the much quoted case of the 'young gentleman who was born blind,' and who was 'couched' for the cataract by Mr. Chesselden, it is reported of the patient that "when he first saw, he was so far from making any judgment about distances, that he thought all objects whatever touched his eyes (as he expressed it) as what he felt did his skin." And other patients born blind, but relieved by surgical[Pg 37] operation, have been described as bringing their hand close to their eyes to feel for the objects which they at first saw, and only gradually stretching out their hand when they found that no contact occurred. Many have concluded from these facts that our earliest visual objects must seem in immediate contact with our eyes.

Few things are more striking than the shifting distance that many of our sensations can create. The buzz of a fly might be mistaken for a distant steam whistle, and a fly itself, seen blurred, might briefly appear like a far-off bird. The same objects can feel much closer or much farther away depending on whether we’re looking through one end or the other of a pair of binoculars. A big part of our visual education is learning to assign the correct distances to the objects our eyes perceive. A baby might reach out for the moon; later on, it’s said that they realize that sensation exists beyond their grasp. In the often-cited case of the "young man who was born blind" and who had his cataract removed by Mr. Chesselden, it's reported that "when he first saw, he was so far from making any judgment about distances that he thought all objects whatever touched his eyes (as he put it) just as what he felt did his skin." Other patients who were born blind but later regained sight through surgery have been described as bringing their hands close to their eyes to feel for the objects they first saw, only gradually extending their hands when they realized there was no contact. Many have concluded from these observations that our earliest visual objects must seem to be in direct contact with our eyes.

But tactile objects also may be affected with a like ambiguity of situation.

But tactile objects can also have a similar ambiguity in their situation.

If one of the hairs of our head be pulled, we are pretty accurately sensible of the direction of the pulling by the movements imparted to the head.[41] But the feeling of the pull is localized, not in that part of the hair's length which the fingers hold, but in the scalp itself. This seems connected with the fact that our hair hardly serves at all as a tactile organ. In creatures with vibrissæ, however, and in those quadrupeds whose whiskers are tactile organs, it can hardly be doubted that the feeling is projected out of the root into the shaft of the hair itself. We ourselves have an approach to this when the beard as a whole, or the hair as a whole, is touched. We perceive the contact at some distance from the skin.

If one of our hairs is pulled, we can definitely feel the direction of the pull based on how our head moves. [41] However, the sensation of the pull is felt on the scalp itself, not where our fingers are gripping the hair. This seems related to the fact that our hair doesn't really function as a tactile organ. In animals with whiskers, it's clear that their sense of touch is projected from the base into the hair shaft itself. We experience a similar sensation when our beard or hair as a whole is touched; we feel the contact a little away from the skin.

When fixed and hard appendages of the body, like the teeth and nails, are touched, we feel the contact where it objectively is, and not deeper in, where the nerve-terminations lie. If, however, the tooth is loose, we feel two contacts, spatially separated, one at its root, one at its top.

When firm and hard body parts, like teeth and nails, are touched, we sense the contact where it actually is, not deeper where the nerve endings are. However, if the tooth is loose, we feel two separate contacts, one at the root and one at the top.

From this ease to that of a hard body not organically connected with the surface, but only accidentally in contact with it, the transition is immediate. With the point of a cane we can trace letters in the air or on a wall just as with the finger-tip; and in so doing feel the size and shape of the path described by the cane's tip just as immediately as, without a cane, we should feel the path described by the tip of our finger. Similarly the draughtsman's immediate perception seems to be of the point of his pencil, the surgeon's[Pg 38] of the end of his knife, the duellist's of the tip of his rapier as it plunges through his enemy's skin. When on the middle of a vibrating ladder, we feel not only our feet on the round, but the ladder's feet against the ground far below. If we shake a locked iron gate we feel the middle, on which our hands rest, move, but we equally feel the stability of the ends where the hinges and the lock are, and we seem to feel all three at once.[42] And yet the place where the contact is received is in all these cases the skin, whose sensations accordingly are sometimes interpreted as objects on the surface, and at other times as objects a long distance off.

From the ease of a soft surface to that of a solid object that isn’t physically connected to it but is just in contact, the transition is instant. We can use the tip of a cane to draw letters in the air or on a wall, just like we would with our fingertips; while doing this, we can feel the size and shape of the line drawn by the cane just as we would feel the line made by our finger without a cane. Similarly, the artist's immediate perception seems to come from the tip of their pencil, the surgeon from the end of their knife, and the duelist from the point of their sword as it pierces through their opponent's skin. When we stand in the middle of a vibrating ladder, we feel not just our feet on the rungs, but also the legs of the ladder against the ground far below. If we shake a locked iron gate, we feel the center where our hands rest move, but we also feel the stability of the ends where the hinges and the lock are, and we seem to sense all three at once. And yet, the place where contact is felt in all these situations is the skin, which can interpret sensations as objects on the surface or as objects far away.

We shall learn in the chapter on Space that our feelings of our own movement are principally due to the sensibility of our rotating joints. Sometimes by fixing the attention, say on our elbow-joint, we can feel the movement in the joint itself; but we always are simultaneously conscious of the path which during the movement our finger-tips describe through the air, and yet these same finger-tips themselves are in no way physically modified by the motion. A blow on our ulnar nerve behind the elbow is felt both there and in the fingers. Refrigeration of the elbow produces pain in the fingers. Electric currents passed through nerve-trunks, whether of cutaneous or of more special sensibility (such as the optic nerve), give rise to sensations which are vaguely localized beyond the nerve-tracts traversed. Persons whose legs or arms have been amputated are, as is well known, apt to preserve an illusory feeling of the lost hand or foot being there. Even when they do not have this feeling constantly, it may be occasionally brought back. This sometimes is the result of exciting electrically the nerve-trunks buried in the stump.

We’ll learn in the chapter on Space that our sense of movement mainly comes from the sensitivity of our rotating joints. By focusing our attention on something like our elbow joint, we can feel the movement in that joint itself; however, we are always aware of the path our fingertips take through the air during the movement, even though those fingertips are not physically changed by the motion. A hit to our ulnar nerve behind the elbow is felt both there and in the fingers. Cooling the elbow causes pain in the fingers. Electric currents passed through nerve trunks, whether they are for skin sensitivity or more specific functions (like the optic nerve), create sensations that feel vaguely located beyond the paths that the nerves take. It’s well known that people who have had their legs or arms amputated often still feel the presence of their lost hand or foot. Even if they don’t have that feeling all the time, it can be triggered occasionally. This can sometimes happen by electrically stimulating the nerve trunks that are left in the stump.

"I recently faradized," says Dr. Mitchell, "a case of disarticulated shoulder without warning my patient of the possible result. For two years he had altogether ceased to feel the limb. As the current affected the brachial plexus of nerves he suddenly cried aloud, 'Oh the hand,—the hand!' and attempted to seize the missing member. The phantom[Pg 39] I had conjured up swiftly disappeared, but no spirit could have more amazed the man, so real did it seem."[43]

"I recently used faradic stimulation," says Dr. Mitchell, "on a patient with a severed shoulder without warning him about the possible outcome. For two years, he hadn’t felt his arm at all. When the current stimulated the brachial plexus of nerves, he suddenly shouted, 'Oh, my hand—the hand!' and tried to grab the missing limb. The phantom[Pg 39] I had created quickly vanished, but it was so real that no spirit could have surprised him more." [43]

Now the apparent position of the lost extremity varies. Often the foot seems on the ground, or follows the position of the artificial foot, where one is used. Sometimes where the arm is lost the elbow will seem bent, and the hand in a fixed position on the breast. Sometimes, again, the position is non-natural, and the hand will seem to bud straight out of the shoulder, or the foot to be on the same level with the knee of the remaining leg. Sometimes, again, the position is vague; and sometimes it is ambiguous, as in another patient of Dr. Weir Mitchell's who

Now the apparent position of the missing limb changes. Often, the foot appears to be on the ground or follows the position of a prosthetic foot when one is used. Sometimes, when the arm is missing, the elbow will look bent, and the hand will seem to be fixed on the chest. At other times, the position looks unnatural; the hand might appear to grow straight out of the shoulder, or the foot may seem to be at the same level as the knee of the other leg. Sometimes, the position is unclear, and occasionally it is ambiguous, like in another patient of Dr. Weir Mitchell's who

"lost his leg at the age of eleven, and remembers that the foot by degrees approached, and at last reached the knee. When he began to wear an artificial leg it reassumed in time its old position, and he is never at present aware of the leg as shortened, unless for some time he talks and thinks of the stump, and of the missing leg, when ... the direction of attention to the part causes a feeling of discomfort, and the subjective sensation of active and unpleasant movement of the toes. With these feelings returns at once the delusion of the foot as being placed at the knee."

"He lost his leg when he was eleven, and he recalls that the foot gradually moved up, eventually reaching the knee. After he started wearing a prosthetic leg, it returned to its original position, and he usually doesn't notice that the leg is shorter unless he takes time to think about the stump and the missing leg. When he does focus on that area, it causes discomfort, along with a weird feeling of movement in the toes. With those sensations comes the illusion that the foot is back at the knee."

All these facts, and others like them, can easily be described as if our sensations might be induced by circumstances to migrate from their original locality near the brain or near the surface of the body, and to appear farther off; and (under different circumstances) to return again after having migrated. But a little analysis of what happens shows us that this description is inaccurate.

All these facts, and others like them, can easily be described as if our sensations could be influenced by circumstances to move away from their original location near the brain or the surface of the body, making them seem farther away; and (under different circumstances) to come back again after having moved. But a closer look at what actually happens reveals that this description isn't quite right.

The objectivity with which each of our sensations originally comes to us, the roomy and spatial character which is a primitive part of its content, is not in the first instance relative to any other sensation. The first time we open our eyes we get an optical object which is a place, but which is not yet placed in relation to any other object, nor identified with any place otherwise known. It is a place with which so far we are only acquainted. When later we know that this same place is in 'front' of us, that only means that we have learned something about it, namely, that it is congruent with that[Pg 40] other place, called 'front,' which is given us by certain sensations of the arm and hand or of the head and body. But at the first moment of our optical experience, even though we already had an acquaintance with our head, hand, and body, we could not possibly know anything about their relations to this new seen object. It could not be immediately located in respect of them. How its place agrees with the places which their feelings yield is a matter of which only later experience can inform us; and in the next chapter we shall see with some detail how later experience does this by means of discrimination, association, selection, and other constantly working functions of the mind. When, therefore, the baby grasps at the moon, that does not mean that what he sees fails to give him the sensation which he afterwards knows as distance; it means only that he has not learned at what tactile or manual distance things which appear at that visual distance are.[44] And when a person just operated for cataract gropes close to his face for far-off objects, that only means the same thing. All the ordinary optical signs of differing distances are absent from the poor creature's sensation anyhow. His vision is monocular (only one eye being operated at a time); the lens is gone, and everything is out of focus; he feels photophobia, lachrymation, and other painful resident sensations of the eyeball itself, whose place he has long since learned to know in tactile terms; what wonder, then, that the first tactile reaction which the new sensations provoke should be one associated with the tactile situation of the organ itself? And as for his assertions about the matter, what wonder, again, if, as Prof. Paul Janet says, they are still expressed in the tactile language which is the only one he knows. "To be touched means for him to receive an impression without first making a movement." His eye gets such an impression now; so he can only say that the objects are 'touching it.'

The objectivity with which each of our sensations initially comes to us, the spacious and spatial quality that is a basic part of its content, isn’t relative to any other sensation at first. The first time we open our eyes, we perceive an optical object that is a place, but which isn’t yet placed in relation to any other object, nor identified with any previously known location. It is a place we are only acquainted with so far. When we later understand that this same place is in 'front' of us, it only means we’ve learned something about it, specifically, that it is congruent with that[Pg 40] other place, called 'front,' which is indicated by certain sensations from our arm and hand or from our head and body. However, at the very first moment of our optical experience, even though we were already familiar with our head, hand, and body, we couldn’t possibly know anything about their relationships to this newly seen object. It couldn’t be immediately located in regard to them. How its place corresponds with the locations indicated by their sensations is something only later experience can inform us about; in the next chapter, we will explore in detail how this later experience occurs through discrimination, association, selection, and other constantly functioning processes of the mind. So, when a baby reaches for the moon, it doesn’t mean that what he sees fails to provide him with the sensation he later understands as distance; it simply means he hasn’t learned what tactile or manual distance corresponds to things that seem to be at that visual distance.[44] And when a person who has just undergone cataract surgery feels around his face for distant objects, it only reflects the same situation. All the usual optical cues for varying distances are missing from the unfortunate person's sensations anyway. His vision is monocular (only one eye is being treated at a time); the lens is gone, everything is out of focus; he experiences photophobia, tearing, and other painful lingering sensations of the eyeball itself, which he long ago learned to identify in tactile terms; so it’s no wonder that the first tactile reaction the new sensations trigger should relate to the tactile position of the organ itself. And as for his statements about the situation, it’s not surprising, again, that as Prof. Paul Janet says, they are still phrased in the tactile language that’s the only one he knows. "To be touched means for him to receive an impression without first moving." His eye gets such an impression now; so he can only say that the objects are 'touching it.'

"All his language, borrowed from touch, but applied to the objects of his sight, make us think that he perceives differently from ourselves,[Pg 41] whereas, at bottom, it is only his different way of talking about the same experience."[45]

"He expresses everything through touch, yet describes what he sees, making it seem like he perceives the world differently than we do,[Pg 41] when in reality, it's just his distinct way of articulating the same experience."[45]

The other cases of translocation of our sensations are equally easily interpreted without supposing any 'projection' from a centre at which they are originally perceived. Unfortunately the details are intricate; and what I say now can only be made fully clear when we come to the next chapter. We shall then see that we are constantly selecting certain of our sensations as realities and degrading others to the status of signs of these. When we get one of the signs we think of the reality signified; and the strange thing is that then the reality (which need not be itself a sensation at all at the time, but only an idea) is so interesting that it acquires an hallucinatory strength, which may even eclipse that of the relatively uninteresting sign and entirely divert our attention from the latter. Thus the sensations to which our joints give rise when they rotate are signs of what, through a large number of other sensations, tactile and optical, we have come to know as the movement of the whole limb. This movement of the whole limb is what we think of when the joint's nerves are excited in that way; and its place is so much more important than the joint's place that our sense of the latter is taken up, so to speak, into our perception of the former, and the sensation of the movement seems to diffuse itself into our very fingers and toes. But by abstracting our attention from the suggestion of the entire extremity we can perfectly well perceive the same sensation as if it were concentrated in one spot. We can identify it with a differently located tactile and visual image of 'the joint' itself.

The other instances of shifting our sensations can also be understood without assuming any sort of 'projection' from a center where they were originally experienced. Unfortunately, the details are complicated, and what I’m saying now will only make complete sense when we get to the next chapter. Then we'll see that we constantly choose certain sensations as realities, while downgrading others to being merely signs of these realities. When we encounter one of the signs, we think of the corresponding reality; the interesting part is that this reality (which doesn't even have to be a sensation at that moment, but just an idea) becomes so compelling that it can overshadow the relatively uninteresting sign, completely drawing our attention away from it. For example, the sensations generated by our joints when they move serve as signs of what we come to understand as the movement of the entire limb through various other tactile and visual sensations. This movement of the whole limb is what we think of when the nerves in the joint are stimulated; its place in our perception is so much more crucial than the place of the joint that our sense of the latter is, in a way, absorbed into our perception of the former, making it seem like the sensation of the movement spreads into our fingers and toes. However, by redirecting our focus from the idea of the entire limb, we can still perceive the same sensation as if it were concentrated in one specific spot. We can relate it to a different tactile and visual image of 'the joint' itself.

Just so when we feel the tip of our cane against the ground. The peculiar sort of movement of the hand (impossible in one direction, but free in every other) which we experience when the tip touches 'the ground,' is a sign to us of the visual and tactile object which we already[Pg 42] know under that name. We think of 'the ground' as being there and giving us the sensation of this kind of movement. The sensation, we say, comes from the ground. The ground's place seems to be its place; although at the same time, and for very similar practical reasons, we think of another optical and tactile object, 'the hand' namely, and consider that its place also must be the place of our sensation. In other words, we take an object or sensible content A, and confounding it with another object otherwise known, B, or with two objects otherwise known, B and C, we identify its place with their places. But in all this there is no 'projecting' (such as the extradition-philosophers talk of) of A out of an original place; no primitive location which it first occupied, away from these other sensations, has to be contradicted; no natural 'centre,' from which it is expelled, exists. That would imply that A aboriginally came to us in definite local relations with other sensations, for to be out of B and C is to be in local relation with them as much as to be in them is so. But it was no more out of B and C than it was in them when it first came to us. It simply had nothing to do with them. To say that we feel a sensation's seat to be 'in the brain' or 'against the eye' or 'under the skin' is to say as much about it and to deal with it in as non-primitive a way as to say that it is a mile off. These are all secondary perceptions, ways of defining the sensation's seat per aliud. They involve numberless associations, identifications, and imaginations, and admit a great deal of vacillation and uncertainty in the result.[46]

Just like when we feel the tip of our cane touch the ground. The unique way our hand moves (impossible in one direction but free in every other) when the tip makes contact with 'the ground' is a sign for us of the visual and tactile object we already know by that name. We perceive 'the ground' as being present and providing us with this specific type of movement. We say the sensation comes from the ground. The ground's position seems to be its position; at the same time, for similar practical reasons, we think of another visual and tactile object, 'the hand,' and consider that its position also must be where our sensation is. In other words, we take an object or sensible content A and, confusing it with another known object, B, or with two known objects, B and C, we identify its location with their locations. But in all this, there is no 'projecting' (as the extradition philosophers talk about) A from an original place; there’s no primitive location it first occupied, away from these other sensations, that conflicts with it; no natural 'center' from which it is expelled, exists. That would imply that A originally came to us in specific local relations with other sensations, because to be out of B and C means being in local relation to them just as much as being in them does. But it was no more out of B and C than it was in them when it first reached us. It simply had nothing to do with them. To say that we feel a sensation's origin to be 'in the brain' or 'against the eye' or 'under the skin' is to say just as much about it and to handle it in as non-primitive a way as saying that it’s a mile away. These are all secondary perceptions, ways of defining the sensation's origin per aliud. They involve countless associations, identifications, and imaginations, and allow for a lot of wavering and uncertainty in the outcome.[46]


I conclude, then, that there is no truth in the 'eccentric projection' theory. It is due to the confused assumption that the bodily processes which cause a sensation must also be its seat.[47] But sensations have no seat in this sense. They[Pg 43] become seats for each other, as fast as experience associates them together; but that violates no primitive seat possessed by any one of them. And though our sensations cannot then so analyze and talk of themselves, yet at their very first appearance quite as much as at any later date are they cognizant of all those qualities which we end by extracting and conceiving under the names of objectivity, exteriority, and extent. It is surely subjectivity and interiority which are the notions latest acquired by the human mind.[48]

I conclude that there is no truth in the 'eccentric projection' theory. It arises from the mistaken belief that the physical processes causing a sensation must also be where it originates.[47] But sensations don’t have a specific origin in that sense. They[Pg 43] become sources for each other as quickly as experience links them together; but that doesn't contradict any fundamental origin possessed by any of them. And even though our sensations can’t analyze and discuss themselves, from the very moment they first appear, just like at any later point, they are aware of all those qualities that we eventually identify and understand as objectivity, exteriority, and extent. It's definitely subjectivity and interiority that are the concepts latest acquired by the human mind.[48]


[1] Some persons will say that we never have a really simple object or content. My definition of sensation does not require the simplicity to be absolutely, but only relatively, extreme. It is worth while in passing, however, to warn the reader against a couple of inferences that are often made. One is that because we gradually learn to analyze so many qualities we ought to conclude that there are no really indecomposable feelings in the mind. The other is that because the processes that produce our sensations are multiple, the sensations regarded as subjective facts must also be compound. To take an example, to a child the taste of lemonade comes at first as a simple quality. He later learns both that many stimuli and many nerves are involved in the exhibition of this taste to his mind, and he also learns to perceive separately the sourness, the coolness, the sweet, the lemon aroma, etc., and the several degrees of strength of each and all of these things,—the experience falling into a large number of aspects, each of which is abstracted, classed, named, etc., and all of which appear to be the elementary sensations into which the original 'lemonade flavor' is decomposed. It is argued from this that the latter never was the simple thing which it seemed. I have already criticised this sort of reasoning in Chapter VI (see pp. 170 ff.). The mind of the child enjoying the simple lemonade flavor and that of the same child grown up and analyzing it are in two entirely different conditions. Subjectively considered, the two states of mind are two altogether distinct sorts of fact. The later mental state says 'this is the same flavor (or fluid) which that earlier state perceived as simple,' but that does not make the two states themselves identical. It is nothing but a case of learning more and more about the same topics of discourse or things.—Many of these topics, however, must be confessed to resist all analysis, the various colors for example. He who sees blue and yellow 'in' a certain green means merely that when green is confronted with these other colors he sees relations of similarity. He who sees abstract 'color' in it means merely that he sees a similarity between it and all the other objects known as colors. (Similarity itself cannot ultimately be accounted for by an identical abstract element buried in all the similars, as has been already shown, p. 492 ff.) He who sees abstract paleness, intensity, purity, in the green means other similarities still. These are all outward determinations of that special green, knowledges about it, zufällige Ansichten, as Herbart would say, not elements of its composition. Compare the article by Meinong in the Vierteljahrschrift für wiss. Phil., xii. 324.

[1] Some people argue that we never have a truly simple object or experience. My definition of sensation doesn't require simplicity to be absolutely the case, just relatively extreme. It’s important to caution the reader against a couple of common misconceptions. One is that just because we learn to analyze many qualities over time, we should conclude that there are no truly basic feelings in the mind. The other is that since the processes that produce our sensations are complex, the sensations themselves must also be complex. For example, to a child, the taste of lemonade initially seems like a simple quality. Later, they learn that many stimuli and nerves are involved in experiencing that taste, and they also come to recognize the distinct elements—like sourness, coolness, sweetness, lemon aroma, etc.—and the varying intensities of each. The experience splits into many aspects, each of which is abstracted, categorized, named, and all of which seem to represent the elementary sensations that make up the original 'lemonade flavor.' From this, it is argued that the flavor was never truly simple. I have already criticized this reasoning in Chapter VI (see pp. 170 ff.). The mind of the child enjoying the simple lemonade flavor and the mind of that same child, now grown up and analyzing it, are in completely different states. Subjectively considered, these two mental states represent two entirely distinct types of facts. The later mental state claims, 'this is the same flavor (or fluid) that the earlier state perceived as simple,' but that doesn't mean the two states are the same. It’s just a case of learning more and more about the same topics of discussion or things. However, many of these topics, like various colors, do resist all analysis. Someone who sees blue and yellow 'in' a certain green means that when green is compared to these other colors, they see relations of similarity. Someone who perceives abstract 'color' in it means they see a similarity between it and all other objects known as colors. (Ultimately, similarity itself can’t be explained by a single identical abstract element hidden in all the similarities, as has already been shown, p. 492 ff.) Someone who perceives abstract paleness, intensity, or purity in the green sees different similarities. These are all external determinations of that specific green, knowledge about it, zufällige Ansichten, as Herbart would say, not elements of its composition. Compare the article by Meinong in the Vierteljahrschrift für wiss. Phil., xii. 324.

[2] See Vol. I, p. 221.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Vol. 1, p. 221.

[3] Those who wish a fuller treatment than Martin's Human Body affords may be recommended to Bernstein's 'Five Senses of Man,' in the International Scientific Series, or to Ladd's or Wundt's Physiological Psychology. The completest compendium is L. Hermann's Handbuch der Physiologie, vol. iii.

[3] For those looking for a more detailed exploration than Martin's Human Body provides, you might consider Bernstein's 'Five Senses of Man,' which is part of the International Scientific Series, or Ladd's or Wundt's Physiological Psychology. The most comprehensive resource is L. Hermann's Handbuch der Physiologie, vol. iii.

[4] "The sensations which we postulate as the signs or occasions of our perceptions" (A. Seth: Scottish Philosophy, p. 89). "Their existence is supposed only because, without them, it would be impossible to account for the complex phenomena which are directly present in consciousness" (J. Dewey: Psychology, p. 34). Even as great an enemy of Sensation as T. H. Green has to allow it a sort of hypothetical existence under protest. "Perception presupposes feeling" (Contemp. Review, vol. xxxi. p. 747). Cf. also such passages as those in his Prolegomena to Ethics, §§ 48, 49.—Physiologically, the sensory and the reproductive or associative processes may wax and wane independently of each other. Where the part directly due to stimulation of the sense-organ preponderates, the thought has a sensational character, and differs from other thoughts in the sensational direction. Those thoughts which lie farthest in that direction we call sensations, for practical convenience, just as we call conceptions those which lie nearer the opposite extreme. But we no more have conceptions pure than we have pure sensations. Our most rarefied intellectual states involve some bodily sensibility, just as our dullest feelings have some intellectual scope. Common-sense and common psychology express this by saying that the mental state is composed of distinct fractional parts, one of which is sensation, the other conception. We, however, who believe every mental state to be an integral thing (Vol. I. p. 276) cannot talk thus, but must speak of the degree of sensational or intellectual character, or function, of the mental state. Professor Hering puts, as usual, his finger better upon the truth than any one else. Writing of visual perception, he says: "It is inadmissible in the present state of our knowledge to assert that first and last the same retinal picture arouses exactly the same pure sensation, but that this sensation, in consequence of practice and experience, is differently interpreted the last time, and elaborated into a different perception from the first. For the only real data are, on the one hand, the physical picture on the retina,—and that is both times the same; and, on the other hand, the resultant state of consciousness (ausgeloste Empfindungscomplex)—and that is both times distinct. Of any third thing, namely, a pure sensation thrust between the retinal and the mental pictures, we know nothing. We can then, if we wish to avoid all hypothesis, only say that the nervous apparatus reacts upon the same stimulus differently the last time from the first, and that in consequence the consciousness is different too." (Hermann's Hdbch., iii. i. 567-8.)

[4] "The feelings we assume as the signs or triggers of our perceptions" (A. Seth: Scottish Philosophy, p. 89). "We only assume their existence because, without them, we can't explain the complex experiences that are directly available in our consciousness" (J. Dewey: Psychology, p. 34). Even someone as critical of Sensation as T. H. Green has to acknowledge it as a kind of hypothetical existence reluctantly. "Perception relies on feeling" (Contemp. Review, vol. xxxi. p. 747). See also similar sections in his Prolegomena to Ethics, §§ 48, 49.—Physiologically, the sensory and reproductive or associative processes can fluctuate independently from one another. When the aspect primarily due to stimulation of the sense-organ dominates, the thought has a sensational quality and differs from other thoughts in its sensational aspect. The thoughts that go the furthest in this direction we call sensations, for practical reasons, similar to how we refer to conceptions for those leaning more toward the opposite end. However, we don't have entirely pure conceptions any more than we have pure sensations. Our most refined intellectual states involve some bodily sensitivity, just as our most basic feelings have some intellectual component. Common sense and basic psychology express this by saying that the mental state is made up of distinct fractional parts, with one being sensation and the other conception. Yet, we who believe every mental state is a whole (Vol. I. p. 276) can't express it this way; we must discuss the degree of sensational or intellectual character, or function, within the mental state. Professor Hering, as usual, better captures the truth than anyone else. Writing about visual perception, he states: "It is unacceptable, given our current understanding, to claim that the same retinal image produces exactly the same pure sensation initially and at the end, but that through practice and experience, this sensation is perceived differently the last time compared to the first. Because the only real data are, on one hand, the physical image on the retina—and it remains the same both times; and, on the other hand, the resulting state of consciousness (ausgeloste Empfindungscomplex)—which is distinct both times. We know nothing of any third element, namely, a pure sensation that exists between the retinal and mental images. Therefore, to avoid all hypotheses, we can only say that the nervous system responds differently to the same stimulus the last time compared to the first, and that consequently the consciousness differs as well." (Hermann's Hdbch., iii. i. 567-8.)

[5] Yet even writers like Prof. Bain will deny, in the most gratuitous way, that sensations know anything. "It is evident that the lowest or most restricted form of sensation does not contain an element of knowledge. The mere state of mind called the sensation of scarlet is not knowledge, although a necessary preparation for it." 'Is not knowledge about scarlet' is all that Professor Bain can rightfully say.

[5] Yet even writers like Prof. Bain will insist, in the most unnecessary way, that sensations don't know anything. "It's clear that the simplest or most limited form of sensation doesn't have any element of knowledge. The simple state of mind called the sensation of scarlet isn't knowledge, even though it's a necessary step toward it." 'Isn't knowledge about scarlet' is all that Professor Bain can accurately state.

[6] By simple ideas of sensation Locke merely means sensations.

[6] By basic concepts of sensation, Locke is referring to sensations.

[7] Essay c. H. U., bk. ii. ch. xxiii. § 29; ch. xxv. § 9.

[7] Essay c. H. U., bk. ii. ch. xxiii. § 29; ch. xxv. § 9.

[8] Op. cit. bk. ii. ch. ii. § 2.

[8] Op. cit. bk. ii. ch. ii. § 2.

[9] "So far is it from being true that we necessarily have as many feelings in consciousness at one time as there are inlets to the sense then played upon, that it is a fundamental law of pure sensation that each momentary state of the organism yields but one feeling, however numerous may be its parts and its exposures.... To this original Unity of consciousness it makes no difference that the tributaries to the single feeling are beyond the organism instead of within it, in an outside object with several sensible properties, instead of in the living body with its several sensitive functions.... The unity therefore is not made by 'association' of several components; but the plurality is formed by dissociation of unsuspected varieties within the unity; the substantive thing being no product of synthesis, but the residuum of differentiation." (J. Martineau: A Study of Religion (1888), p. 193-4.) Compare also F. H. Bradley, Logic, book i. chap. ii.

[9] "It’s not true that we have as many feelings in our consciousness at any given moment as there are sensory inputs. In fact, it’s a basic principle of pure sensation that each moment of our being produces only one feeling, no matter how many parts we have or how many sensations we experience... This original unity of consciousness remains unchanged whether the sources of a single feeling come from outside the organism or from within it, whether they stem from an external object with various properties or from the living body with its different sensitive functions... Therefore, this unity isn't created by 'associating' multiple components; instead, the variety comes from the division of unexpected differences within that unity. The essential thing isn't the result of blending things together, but rather what remains after differentiating them." (J. Martineau: A Study of Religion (1888), p. 193-4.) Compare also F. H. Bradley, Logic, book i. chap. ii.

[10] Such passages as the following abound in anti-sensationalist literature: "Sense is a kind of dull, confused, and stupid perception obtruded upon the soul from without, whereby it perceives the alterations and motions within its own body, and takes cognizance of individual bodies existing round about it, but does not clearly comprehend what they are nor penetrate into the nature of them, it being intended by nature, as Plotinus speaks, not so properly for knowledge as for the use of the body. For the soul suffering under that which it perceives by way of passion cannot master or Conquer it, that is to say, know or understand it. For so Anaxagoras in Aristotle very fitly expresses the nature of knowledge and intellection under the notion of Conquering. Wherefore it is necessary, since the mind understands all things, that it should be free from mixture and passion, for this end, as Anaxagoras speaks, that it may be able to master and conquer its objects, that is to say, to know and understand them. In like manner Plotinus, in his book of Sense and Memory, makes to suffer and to be conquered all one, as also to know and to conquer; for which reason he concludes that that which suffers doth not know.... Sense that suffers from external objects lies as it were prostrate under them, and is overcome by them.... Sense therefore is a certain kind of drowsy and somnolent perception of that passive part of the soul which is as it were asleep in the body, and acts concretely with it.... It is an energy arising from the body and a certain kind of drowsy or sleeping life of the soul blended together with it. The perceptions of which compound, or of the soul as it were half asleep and half awake, are confused, indistinct, turbid, and encumbered cogitations very different from the energies of the noetical part,... which are free, clear, serene, satisfactory, and awakened cogitations. That is to say, knowledges." Etc., etc., etc. (R. Cudworth: Treatise concerning Eternal and Immutable Morality, bk. iii. chap. ii.) Similarly Malebranche: "Théodore.—Oh, oh, Ariste! God knows pain, pleasure, warmth, and the rest. But he does not feel these things. He knows pain, since he knows what that modification of the soul is in which pain consists. He knows it because he alone causes it in us (as I shall presently prove), and he knows what he does. In a word, he knows it because his knowledge has no bounds. But he does not feel it, for if so he would be unhappy. To know pain, then, is not to feel it. Ariste.—That is true. But to feel it is to know it, is it not? Théodore.—No indeed, since God does not feel it in the least, and yet he knows it perfectly. But in order not to quibble about terms, if you will have it that to feel pain is to know it, agree at least that it is not to know it clearly, that it is not to know it by light and by evidence—in a word, that it is not to know its nature; in other words and to speak exactly, it is not to know it at all. To feel pain, for example, is to feel ourselves unhappy without well knowing either what we are or what is this modality of our being which makes us unhappy.... Impose silence on your senses, your imagination, and your passions, and you will hear the pure voice of inner truth, the clear and evident replies of our common master. Never confound the evidence which results from the comparison of ideas with the liveliness of the sensations which touch and thrill you. The livelier our sensations and feelings (sentiments) are, the more darkness do they shed. The more terrible or agreeable are our phantoms, and the more body and reality they appear to have, the more dangerous are they and fit to lead us astray." (Entretiens sur la Métaphysique, 3me Entretien, ad init.) Malebranche's Théodore prudently does not try to explain how God's 'infinite felicity' is compatible with his not feeling joy.

[10] You can find similar passages in anti-sensationalist literature: "Sense is a kind of dull, confused perception that comes from outside the soul, allowing it to notice changes and movements within its own body, as well as recognize individual bodies around it. However, it neither clearly understands what they are nor delves into their true nature, as nature intends it, as Plotinus says, not primarily for knowledge but for the use of the body. The soul, under the influence of what it perceives through passion, cannot dominate or Conquer it, meaning it cannot know or understand it. Anaxagoras, as Aristotle aptly puts it, defines the nature of knowledge and intellect in terms of Conquering. Therefore, it’s essential for the mind, which understands everything, to be free from mixture and passion, as Anaxagoras states, so it can master and conquer its objects, that is, know and understand them. Similarly, Plotinus, in his work on Sense and Memory, equates suffering with being conquered and knowing with conquering; thus, he concludes that what suffers does not know.... Sense, which suffers from external objects, lies as if prostrate before them and is overwhelmed by them.... Sense, therefore, is a kind of sluggish and sleepy perception of that passive part of the soul, which is almost asleep within the body and works together with it.... It represents an energy arising from the body and a kind of sleepy or drowsy life of the soul intertwined with it. The perceptions from this mix, or the soul being half asleep and half awake, are confused, unclear, murky, and cluttered thoughts that differ greatly from the energies of the intellectual part,... which are free, clear, calm, fulfilling, and awake thoughts. In other words, true knowledge." Etc., etc., etc. (R. Cudworth: Treatise concerning Eternal and Immutable Morality, bk. iii. chap. ii.) Similarly, Malebranche states: "Théo.—Oh, oh, Ariste! God knows pain, pleasure, warmth, and the like. But he does not feel these sensations. He knows pain because he understands the modification of the soul that constitutes pain. He knows it because he alone causes it in us (as I will soon explain), and he knows what he is doing. In short, he understands it because his knowledge is limitless. However, he does not feel it; if he did, he would be unhappy. To know pain, then, is not to feel it. Ariste.—That's true. But to feel it means to know it, right? Théodore.—Not at all, since God does not feel it at all yet knows it perfectly. But to avoid quibbling about words, if you want to say that feeling pain means knowing it, at least acknowledge that it does not mean knowing it clearly, that it doesn't mean knowing it with clarity and certainty—in short, it does not mean knowing its true nature; in other words, it does not mean knowing it at all. To feel pain, for instance, is to experience ourselves as unhappy without fully understanding what we are or what aspect of our existence makes us unhappy.... Silence your senses, imagination, and passions, and you will hear the pure voice of inner truth, the clear and evident responses of our shared master. Never confuse the clarity resulting from comparing ideas with the vividness of sensations that touch and affect you. The more intense our sensations and feelings (sentiments) are, the more obscurity they create. The more frightening or enjoyable our illusions seem, and the more substance and reality they appear to have, the more dangerous they are and likely to mislead us." (Entretiens sur la Métaphysique, 3me Entretien, ad init.) Malebranche's Théodore wisely does not attempt to clarify how God's 'infinite felicity' aligns with his lack of joy.

[11] Green: Prolegomena, §§ 20, 28.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Green: Introduction, §§ 20, 28.

[12] Introd. to Hume, §§ 146, 188. It is hard to tell just what this apostolic human being but strenuously feeble writer means by relation. Sometimes it seems to stand for system of related fact. The ubiquity of the 'psychologist's fallacy' (see Vol. I p. 196) in his pages, his incessant leaning on the confusion between the thing known, the thought that knows it, and the farther things known about that thing and about that thought by later and additional thoughts, make it impossible to clear up his meaning. Compare, however, with the utterances in the text such others as these: "The waking of Self-consciousness from the sleep of sense is an absolute new beginning, and nothing can come within the 'crystal sphere' of intelligence except as it is determined by intelligence. What sense is to sense is nothing for thought. What sense is to thought, it is as determined by thought. There can, therefore, be no 'reality' in sensation to which the world of thought can be referred." (Edward Caird's Philosophy of Kant, 1st ed. pp. 393-4.) "When," says Green again, "feeling a pain or pleasure of heat, I perceive it to be connected with the action of approaching the fire, am I not perceiving a relation of which one constituent, at any rate, is a simple sensation? The true answer is, No." "Perception, in its simplest form...—perception as the first sight or touch of an object in which nothing but what is seen or touched is recognized—neither is nor contains sensation" (Contemp. Rev., xxxi. pp. 746, 750.) "Mere sensation is in truth a phrase that represents no reality." "Mere feeling, then, as a matter unformed by thought, has no place in the world of facts, in the cosmos of possible experience." (Prolegomena to Ethics, §§ 46, 50.)—I have expressed myself a little more fully on this subject in Mind, x. 27 ff.

[12] Intro to Hume, §§ 146, 188. It's tough to figure out exactly what this apostolic human and somewhat weak writer means by relation. Sometimes it seems to represent a system of related facts. The widespread occurrence of the 'psychologist's fallacy' (see Vol. I p. 196) in his writings, along with his constant confusion between the thing known, the thought that knows it, and other things later known about that thing and that thought by subsequent thoughts, makes it impossible to clarify his meaning. However, compare his statements in the text with others like these: "The awakening of self-consciousness from the sleep of the senses is a completely new beginning, and nothing can enter the 'crystal sphere' of intelligence unless determined by intelligence. What senses are to senses is irrelevant for thought. What senses are to thought is determined by thought. Therefore, there can be no 'reality' in sensation to which the realm of thought can refer." (Edward Caird's Philosophy of Kant, 1st ed. pp. 393-4.) "When," Green says, "feeling a pain or pleasure from heat, I connect it with the action of moving closer to the fire, am I not perceiving a relation where one part is at least a simple sensation? The true answer is, No." "Perception, in its simplest form...—perception as the initial sight or touch of an object where nothing but what is seen or touched is acknowledged—neither is nor includes sensation" (Contemp. Rev., xxxi. pp. 746, 750.) "Mere sensation actually signifies nothing real." "Thus, mere feeling, as something not shaped by thought, has no place in the world of facts, in the cosmos of possible experience." (Prolegomena to Ethics, §§ 46, 50.)—I've elaborated a bit more on this topic in Mind, x. 27 ff.

[13] Stumpf: Tonpsychologie, i. pp. 7, 8. Hobbes's phrase, sentire semper idem et non sentire ad idem recidunt, is generally treated as the original statement of the relativity doctrine. J. S. Mill (Examn. of Hamilton, p. 6) and Bain (Senses and Intellect, p. 321; Emotions and Will, pp. 550, 570-2; Logic, i. p. 2; Body and Mind, p. 81) are subscribers to this doctrine. Cf. also J. Mill's Analysis, J. S. Mill's edition, II. 11, 12.

[13] Stumpf: Tonpsychologie, i. pp. 7, 8. Hobbes's phrase, sentire semper idem et non sentire ad idem recidunt, is usually considered the original expression of the relativity doctrine. J. S. Mill (Examn. of Hamilton, p. 6) and Bain (Senses and Intellect, p. 321; Emotions and Will, pp. 550, 570-2; Logic, i. p. 2; Body and Mind, p. 81) support this doctrine. See also J. Mill's Analysis, J. S. Mill's edition, II. 11, 12.

[14] We can steadily hear a note for half an hour. The differences between the senses are marked. Smell and taste seem soon to get fatigued.

[14] We can listen to a note for half an hour without interruption. The differences between the senses are clear. Smell and taste seem to get tired quickly.

[15] In the popular mind it is mixed up with that entirely different doctrine of the 'Relativity of Knowledge' preached by Hamilton and Spencer. This doctrine says that our knowledge is relative to us, and is not of the object as the latter is in itself. It has nothing to do with the question which we have been discussing, of whether our objects of knowledge contain absolute terms or consist altogether of relations.

[15] In popular belief, it gets confused with the totally different idea of the 'Relativity of Knowledge' promoted by Hamilton and Spencer. This idea suggests that our knowledge is relative to us and doesn't reflect the object as it exists independently. It doesn't relate to the question we've been discussing about whether our knowledge includes absolute terms or is made up entirely of relationships.

[16] What follows in brackets, as far as p. 27, is from the pen of my friend and pupil Mr. E. B. Delabarre.

[16] What’s in the brackets, up to p. 27, is written by my friend and student Mr. E. B. Delabarre.

[17] These phenomena have close analogues in the phenomena of contrast presented by the temperature-sense (see W. Preyer in Archiv f. d. ges. Phys., Bd. xxv. p. 79 ff.). Successive contrast here is shown in the fact that a warm sensation appears warmer if a cold one has just previously been experienced; and a cold one colder, if the preceding one was warm. If a finger which has been plunged in hot water, and another which has been in cold water, be both immersed in lukewarm water, the same water appears cold to the former finger and warm to the latter. In simultaneous contrast, a sensation of warmth on any part of the skin tends to induce the sensation of cold in its immediate neighborhood; and vice versâ. This may be seen if we press with the palm on two metal surfaces of about an inch and a half square and three-fourths inch apart; the skin between them appears distinctly warmer. So also a small object of exactly the temperature of the palm appears warm if a cold object, and cold if a warm object, touch the skin near it.

[17] These phenomena closely resemble those of contrast in the temperature sense (see W. Preyer in Archiv f. d. ges. Phys., Bd. xxv. p. 79 ff.). Successive contrast is shown by the fact that a warm sensation feels even warmer after experiencing a cold one beforehand, and a cold sensation feels colder if the one before it was warm. If one finger, after being in hot water, and another, after being in cold water, are both placed in lukewarm water, the same water feels cold to the first finger and warm to the second. In simultaneous contrast, a sensation of warmth on any part of the skin tends to create a feeling of cold in the nearby area, and vice versâ. This can be observed when pressing with the palm on two metal surfaces about an inch and a half square and three-quarters of an inch apart; the skin in between feels distinctly warmer. Similarly, a small object that is the same temperature as the palm feels warm if a cold object touches the skin near it, and cold if a warm object is nearby.

[18] Helmholtz, Physiolog. Optik, p. 392.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Helmholtz, Physiological Optics, p. 392.

[19] Loc. cit. p. 407.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same source. p. 407.

[20] Loc. cit. p. 408.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 408.

[21] Loc. cit. p. 406.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same source p. 406.

[22] E. Hering, in Hermann's Handbuch d. Physiologie, iii. 1, p. 565.

[22] E. Hering, in Hermann's Handbook of Physiology, vol. iii, part 1, p. 565.

[23] Hering: 'Zur Lehre vom Lichtsinne.'—Of these experiments the following (found on p. 24 ff.) may be cited as a typical one: "From dark gray paper cut two strips 3-4 cm. long and 1/2 cm. wide, and lay them on a background of which one half is white and the other half deep black, in such a way that one strip lies on each side of the border-line and parallel to it, and at least 1 cm. distant from it. Fixate 1/2 to 1 minute a point on the border-line between the strips. One strip appears much brighter than the other. Close and cover the eyes, and the negative after-image appears.... The difference in brightness of the strips in the after-image is in general much greater than it appeared in direct vision.... This difference in brightness of the strips by no means always increases and decreases with the difference in brightness of the two halves of the background.... A phase occurs in which the difference in brightness of the two halves of the background entirely disappears, and yet both after-images of the strips are still very clear, one of them brighter and one darker than the background, which is equally bright on both halves. Here can no longer be any question of contrast-effect, because the conditio sine quâ non of contrast, namely, the differing brightness of the ground, is no longer present. This proves that the different brightness of the after-images of the strips must have its ground in a different state of excitation of the corresponding portions of the retina, and from this follows further that both these portions of the retina were differently stimulated during the original observation; for the different after-effect demands here a different fore-effect.... In the original arrangement, the objectively similar strips appeared of different brightness, because both corresponding portions of the retina were truly differently excited."

[23] Hering: 'On the Theory of Vision.'—Of these experiments, the following (found on p. 24 ff.) can be noted as a typical example: "Cut two strips from dark gray paper, each 3-4 cm long and 1/2 cm wide, and place them on a background that is half white and half deep black. Position one strip on each side of the border line, parallel to it, and at least 1 cm away from it. Focus on a point at the border line between the strips for 1/2 to 1 minute. One strip will appear much brighter than the other. Close your eyes, and the negative after-image appears.... The difference in brightness between the strips in the after-image is generally much more pronounced than it was in direct vision.... This difference in brightness of the strips doesn’t always increase or decrease with the difference in brightness of the two halves of the background.... There is a phase where the brightness difference of the two halves of the background completely disappears, yet both after-images of the strips remain very clear, one appearing brighter and the other darker than the background, which is equally bright on both sides. At this point, there can no longer be any question of contrast effect because the conditio sine quâ non of contrast, namely, the differing brightness of the background, is no longer present. This shows that the varying brightness of the after-images of the strips must stem from a different state of excitation in the corresponding parts of the retina. Furthermore, this implies that both areas of the retina were stimulated differently during the initial observation; for the different after-effect requires a different fore-effect.... In the original setup, the objectively similar strips appeared to have different brightness levels because both corresponding areas of the retina were truly stimulated differently."

[24] Helmholtz, Physiolog. Optik, p. 407.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Helmholtz, Physiological Optics, p. 407.

[25] In Archiv f. d. ges. Physiol., Bd. xli. §. 1 ff.

[25] In Archives for General Physiology, Vol. xli, §. 1 ff.

[26] Helmholtz, loc. cit. p. 412.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Helmholtz, same source p. 412.

[27] See Hering: Archiv f. d. ges. Physiol., Bd. xli. S. 358 ff.

[27] See Hering: Archive for General Physiology, Vol. xli, p. 358 and following.

[28] Hering: Archiv f. d. ges. Physiol., Bd. xl. S. 172 ff.; Delabarre: American Journal of Psychology, ii. 636.

[28] Hering: Archiv for General Physiology, Vol. xl. p. 172 ff.; Delabarre: American Journal of Psychology, vol. ii. 636.

[29] Hering: Archiv f. d. ges. Physiol., Bd. xli. S. 91 ff.

[29] Hering: Archives for General Physiology, Vol. xli, p. 91 ff.

[30] Die Gesichtsempfindungen u. ihre Analyse, p. 128.

[30] The sensations of the face and their analysis, p. 128.

[31] Mr. Delabarre's contribution ends here.

Mr. Delabarre's contribution ends here.

[32] Physiol. Psych., i. 351, 458-60. The full inanity of the law of relativity is best to be seen in Wundt's treatment, where the great 'allgemeiner Gesetz der Beziehung,' invoked to account for Weber's law as well as for the phenomena of contrast and many other matters, can only be defined as a tendency to feel all things in relation to each other! Bless its little soul! But why does it change the things so, when it thus feels them in relation?

[32] Physiol. Psych., i. 351, 458-60. The complete absurdity of the law of relativity is most apparent in Wundt's analysis, where the grand 'allgemeiner Gesetz der Beziehung,' used to explain Weber's law as well as the phenomena of contrast and many other issues, can only be described as a tendency to perceive everything in relation to one another! Bless its little heart! But why does it change things so much when it perceives them in relation?

[33] Ladd: Physiol. Psych., p. 348.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ladd: Physiol. Psych., p. 348.

[34] Mind, x. 567.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mind, p. 567.

[35] Zwangemässige Lichtempfindung durch Schall (Leipzig, 1881).

[35] Compulsory light sensitivity through sound (Leipzig, 1881).

[36] Pflüger's Archiv, xlii. 154.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Pflüger's Archives, xlii. 154.

[37] Physiological Psychology, 385, 387. See also such passages as that in Bain; The Senses and the Intellect, pp. 364-6.

[37] Physiological Psychology, 385, 387. See also similar sections in Bain; The Senses and the Intellect, pp. 364-6.

[38] "Especially must we avoid all attempts, whether avowed or concealed, to account for the spatial qualities of the presentations of sense by merely describing the qualities of the simple sensations and the modes of their combination. It is position and extension in space which constitutes the very peculiarity of the objects as no longer mere sensations or affections of the mind. As sensations, they are neither out of ourselves nor possessed of the qualities indicated by the word spread-out." (Ladd, op. cit. p. 391.)

[38] "We must especially steer clear of any attempts, whether open or hidden, to explain the spatial qualities of our sensory experiences by simply describing the qualities of basic sensations and how they combine. It's the position and extension in space that define these objects as no longer just sensations or aspects of the mind. As sensations, they exist neither outside ourselves nor have the qualities suggested by the term spread-out." (Ladd, op. cit. p. 391.)

[39] A. Riehl: Der Philosophischer Kriticismus, Bd. ii. Theil ii. p. 64.

[39] A. Riehl: The Philosophical Criticism, Vol. ii. Part ii. p. 64.

[40] On Intelligence, part ii. bk. ii. chap. ii. §§ vii, viii. Compare such statements as these: "The consequence is that when a sensation has for its usual condition the presence of an object more or less distant from our bodies, and experience has once made us acquainted with this distance, we shall situate our sensation at this distance.—This, in fact, is the case with sensations of hearing and sight. The peripheral extremity of the acoustic nerve is in the deep-seated chamber of the ear. That of the optic nerve is in the most inner recess of the eye. But still, in our present state, we never situate our sensations of sound or color in these places, but without us, and often at a considerable distance from us.... All our sensations of color are thus projected out of our body, and clothe more or less distant objects, furniture, walls, houses, trees, the sky, and the rest. This is why, when we afterwards reflect on them, we cease to attribute them to ourselves; they are alienated and detached from us, so far as to appear different from us. Projected from the nervous surface in which we localize the majority of the others, the tie which connected them to the others and to ourselves is undone.... Thus, all our sensations are wrongly situated, and the red color is no more extended on the arm-chair than the sensation of tingling is situated at my fingers' ends. They are all situated in the sensory centres of the encephalon; all appear situated elsewhere, and a common law allots to each of them its apparent situation." (vol. ii. pp. 47-53.)—Similarly Schopenhauer: "I will now show the same by the sense of sight. The immediate datum is here limited to the sensation of the retina which, it is true, admits of considerable diversity, but at bottom reverts to the impression of light and dark with their shades, and that of colors. This sensation is through and through subjective, that is, inside of the organism and under the skin." (Schopenhauer: Satz vom Grunde, p. 58.) This philosopher then enumerates seriatim what the Intellect does to make the originally subjective sensation objective: 1) it turns it bottom side up; 2) it reduces its doubleness to singleness; 3) it changes its flatness to solidity; and 4) it projects it to a distance from the eye. Again: "Sensations are what we call the impressions on our senses, in so far as they come to our consciousness as states of our own body, especially of our nervous apparatus; we call them perceptions when we form out of them the representation of outer objects." (Helmholtz: Tonempfindungen, 1870, p. 101.)—Once more: "Sensation is always accomplished in the psychic centres, but it manifests itself at the excited part of the periphery. In other words, one is conscious of the phenomenon in the nervous centres,... but one perceives it in the peripheric organs. This phenomenon depends on the experience of the sensations themselves, in which there is a reflection of the subjective phenomenon and a tendency on the part of perception to return as it were to the external cause which has roused the mental state because the latter is connected with the former." (Sergi: Psychologie Physiologique (Paris, 1888), p. 189.)—The clearest and best passage I know is in Liebmann: Der Objective Anblick (1869), pp. 67-72, but it is unfortunately too long to quote.

[40] On Intelligence, part ii. bk. ii. chap. ii. §§ vii, viii. Compare statements like these: "The result is that when a sensation typically relies on the presence of an object that is somewhat distant from our bodies, and experience has made us aware of this distance, we will perceive our sensation at that distance. This is indeed the case with sensations of hearing and sight. The outer end of the acoustic nerve is located deep within the ear. The outer end of the optic nerve is in the innermost part of the eye. However, in our current state, we never locate our sensations of sound or color in those places, but rather outside of us, often at a significant distance away.... All our color sensations are thus projected outside of our bodies, covering more or less distant objects like furniture, walls, houses, trees, the sky, and more. This is why, when we reflect on them later, we stop attributing them to ourselves; they are alienated and separated from us, to the extent that they seem different from us. Projected from the nerve endings where we localize the majority of other sensations, the connection linking them to the others and to ourselves is broken.... Therefore, all our sensations are incorrectly located, and the red color is no more present on the armchair than the tingling sensation is located at the tips of my fingers. They are all situated in the sensory centers of the brain; all appear to be located elsewhere, and a common principle assigns each of them its apparent location." (vol. ii. pp. 47-53.)—Similarly Schopenhauer: "I will now demonstrate this with the sense of sight. The immediate datum is here restricted to the sensation of the retina, which, while capable of considerable variation, fundamentally goes back to the impression of light and dark along with their shades, and that of colors. This sensation is entirely subjective, meaning it occurs within the organism and beneath the skin." (Schopenhauer: Satz vom Grunde, p. 58.) This philosopher then lists seriatim what the intellect does to transform the originally subjective sensation into something objective: 1) it flips it upside down; 2) it simplifies its duality into unity; 3) it turns its flatness into solidity; and 4) it projects it to a distance from the eye. Again: "Sensations are what we refer to as impressions on our senses, as they come into our awareness as states of our own body, particularly of our nervous system; we refer to them as perceptions when we shape them into representations of external objects." (Helmholtz: Tonempfindungen, 1870, p. 101.)—Once again: "Sensation always occurs in the psychic centers, but it expresses itself at the stimulated part of the periphery. In other words, we are aware of the phenomenon in the nervous centers,... but we perceive it through the peripheral organs. This phenomenon relies on the experience of the sensations themselves, where there is a reflection of the subjective phenomenon and a tendency for perception to connect back to the external cause that triggered the mental state because the former is linked with the latter." (Sergi: Psychologie Physiologique (Paris, 1888), p. 189.)—The clearest and best passage I know can be found in Liebmann: Der Objective Anblick (1869), pp. 67-72, but unfortunately, it is too lengthy to quote.

[41] This is proved by Weber's device of causing the head to be firmly pressed against a support by another person, whereupon the direction of traction ceases to be perceived.

[41] This is demonstrated by Weber's method of having someone hold the head firmly against a support, at which point the direction of the pull is no longer felt.

[42] Lotze: Med. Psych., 428-433; Lipps: Grundtatsachen des Seelenlebens, 582.

[42] Lotze: Med. Psych., 428-433; Lipps: Basic Facts of Mental Life, 582.

[43] Injuries to Nerves (Philadelphia, 1872), p. 350 ff.

[43] Injuries to Nerves (Philadelphia, 1872), p. 350 ff.

[44] In reality it probably means only a restless movement of desire, which he might make even after he had become aware of his impotence to touch the object.

[44] In reality, it probably just signifies a restless yearning, which he might experience even after realizing he can't reach the object of his desire.

[45] Revue Philosophique, vii. p. 1 ff., an admirable critical article, in the course of which M. Janet gives a bibliography of the cases in question. See also Dunan: ibid. xxv. 165-7. They are also discussed and similarly interpreted by T. K. Abbot: Sight and Touch (1864), chapter x.

[45] Philosophical Review, vol. vii, p. 1 ff., an excellent critical article, in which M. Janet provides a bibliography of the relevant cases. See also Dunan: ibid. xxv. 165-7. They are also discussed and interpreted in a similar way by T. K. Abbot: Sight and Touch (1864), chapter x.

[46] The intermediary and shortened locations of the lost hand and foot in the amputation cases also show this. It is easy to see why the phantom foot might continue to follow the position of the artificial one. But I confess that I cannot explain its half way-positions.

[46] The intermediate and shortened locations of the missing hand and foot in amputation cases illustrate this as well. It’s clear why the phantom foot might still follow the position of the artificial one. However, I admit that I can't explain its halfway positions.

[47] It is from this confused assumption that the time-honored riddle comes, of how, with an upside-down picture on the retina, we can see things right-side up. Our consciousness is naïvely supposed to inhabit the picture and to feel the picture's position as related to other objects of space. But the truth is that the picture is non-existent either as a habitat or as anything else, for immediate consciousness. Our notion of it is an enormously late conception. The outer object is given immediately with all those qualities which later are named and determined in relation to other sensations. The 'bottom' of this object is where we see what by touch we afterwards know as our feet, the 'top' is the place in which we see what we know as other people's heads, etc., etc. Berkeley long ago made this matter perfectly clear (see his Essay towards a new Theory of Vision, §§ 93-98, 113-118).

[47] This confusion leads to the classic riddle of how, with an upside-down image on the retina, we can see things the right way up. We naively think that our awareness resides in the image and that we perceive the image's position in relation to other objects around us. However, the reality is that the image doesn’t actually exist as a place or anything else for our immediate consciousness. Our understanding of it is a much later development. The external object is experienced right away, along with all the characteristics that we later name and relate to other sensations. The 'bottom' of this object is where we see what we touch and later recognize as our feet, while the 'top' corresponds to where we see what we identify as other people's heads, and so on. Berkeley clarified this point a long time ago (see his Essay towards a new Theory of Vision, §§ 93-98, 113-118).

[48] For full justification the reader must see the next chapter. He may object, against the summary account given now, that in a babe's immediate field of vision the various things which appear are located relatively to each other from the outset. I admit that if discriminated, they would appear so located. But they are parts of the content of one sensation, not sensations separately experienced, such as the text is concerned with. The fully developed 'world,' in which all our sensations ultimately find location, is nothing but an imaginary object framed after the pattern of the field of vision, by the addition and continuation of one sensation upon another in an orderly and systematic way. In corroboration of my text I must refer to pp. 57-60 of Riehl's book quoted above on page 32, and to Uphues: Wahrnehmung und Empfindung (1888), especially the Einleitung and pp. 51-61.

[48] To understand this fully, the reader should check out the next chapter. It might be argued that in a baby's immediate view, the different objects are positioned in relation to one another from the beginning. I agree that if distinguished, they would seem to be arranged that way. However, they are components of a single sensation, not separate sensations experienced individually, which is the focus of this text. The complete 'world' where all our sensations eventually exist is simply a mental construct modeled after the visual field, created by stacking and connecting one sensation to another in a coherent and systematic manner. To support my argument, I must refer to pages 57-60 of Riehl's aforementioned book on page 32, and to Uphues: Wahrnehmung und Empfindung (1888), particularly the Einleitung and pages 51-61.


CHAPTER XVIII.

IMAGINATION.

Sensations, once experienced, modify the nervous organism, so that copies of them arise again in the mind after the original outward stimulus is gone. No mental copy, however, can arise in the mind, of any kind of sensation which has never been directly excited from without.

Sensations, once experienced, change the nervous system, so that they can be recalled in the mind after the original external stimulus is gone. However, no mental representation of any kind of sensation can form in the mind if it has never been directly triggered from the outside.

The blind may dream of sights, the deaf of sounds, for years after they have lost their vision or hearing;[49] but the man born deaf can never be made to imagine what sound is like, nor can the man born blind ever have a mental vision. In Locke's words, already quoted, "the mind can frame unto itself no one new simple idea." The originals of them all must have been given from without. Fantasy, or Imagination, are the names given to the faculty of reproducing copies of originals once felt. The imagination is called 'reproductive' when the copies are literal; 'productive' when elements from different originals are recombined so as to make new wholes.

The blind may dream of sights, the deaf of sounds, for years after they have lost their vision or hearing;[49] but a person who is born deaf can never really understand what sound is like, nor can someone who is born blind ever form a mental image. In Locke's words, which we've already mentioned, "the mind can frame unto itself no one new simple idea." The originals of all these concepts must have been provided from the outside. Fantasy or Imagination are the terms used for the ability to create copies of originals once experienced. Imagination is termed 'reproductive' when the copies are exact; 'productive' when different elements from various originals are combined to create something new.

After-images belong to sensation rather than to imagination; so that the most immediate phenomena of imagination would seem to be those tardier images (due to what the Germans call Sinnesgedächtniss) which were spoken of in Vol. I, p. 617,—coercive hauntings of the mind by echoes of unusual experiences for hours after the latter have taken place. The phenomena ordinarily ascribed to imagination, however, are those mental pictures of possible sensible[Pg 45] experiences, to which the ordinary processes of associative thought give rise.

After-images are tied to sensation rather than imagination; thus, the clearest examples of imagination appear to be the slower images (due to what the Germans refer to as Sinnesgedächtniss) mentioned in Vol. I, p. 617,—persistent memories in the mind that linger long after unusual experiences have occurred. However, the phenomena typically associated with imagination are those mental images of potential sensory[Pg 45] experiences that arise from normal associative thinking.

When represented with surroundings concrete enough to constitute a date, these pictures, when they revive, form recollections. We have already studied the machinery of recollection in Chapter XVI. When the mental pictures are of data freely combined, and reproducing no past combination exactly, we have acts of imagination properly so called.

When shown with enough context to create a date, these images, when they come back to life, create memories. We’ve already looked at how memory works in Chapter XVI. When the mental images are made up of freely mixed data that don’t exactly reproduce any past combination, we have what we properly call acts of imagination.

OUR IMAGES ARE USUALLY VAGUE.

For the ordinary 'analytic' psychology, each sensibly discernible element of the object imagined is represented by its own separate idea, and the total object is imagined by a 'cluster' or 'gang' of ideas. We have seen abundant reason to reject this view (see Vol. I, p. 276 ff.). An imagined object, however complex, is at any one moment thought in one idea, which is aware of all its qualities together. If I slip into the ordinary way of talking, and speak of various ideas 'combining,' the reader will understand that this is only for popularity and convenience, and he will not construe it into a concession to the atomistic theory in psychology.

For standard 'analytic' psychology, each clearly identifiable part of the imagined object is represented by its own individual idea, and the whole object is formed by a 'cluster' or 'group' of ideas. We have found plenty of reasons to disagree with this perspective (see Vol. I, p. 276 ff.). An imagined object, no matter how complex, is thought of in one idea at any moment, which recognizes all its qualities at once. If I use the common way of speaking and mention various ideas 'combining,' the reader will understand that I'm doing this for clarity and convenience, and it shouldn't be interpreted as an acceptance of the atomistic theory in psychology.

Hume was the hero of the atomistic theory. Not only were ideas copies of original impressions made on the sense-organs, but they were, according to him, completely adequate copies, and were all so separate from each other as to possess no manner of connection. Hume proves ideas in the imagination to be completely adequate copies, not by appeal to observation, but by a priori reasoning, as follows:

Hume was the champion of the atomistic theory. Not only were ideas reflections of the original impressions on the senses, but he argued that they were entirely accurate copies, and each idea was so distinct from the others that they had no connection whatsoever. Hume demonstrates that ideas in the imagination are precise copies, not through observation, but through a priori reasoning, as follows:

"The mind cannot form any notion of quantity or quality, without forming a precise notion of the degrees of each," for "'tis confessed that no object can appear to the senses; or in other words, that no impression[50] can become present to the mind, without being determined in its degrees both of quantity and quality. The confusion in which impressions are sometimes involved proceeds only from their faintness and unsteadiness, not from any capacity in the mind to receive any impression, which in its real existence has no particular degree nor proportion. That is a contradiction in terms; and even implies the flattest[Pg 46] of all contradictions, viz., that 'tis possible for the same thing both to be and not to be. Now since all ideas are derived from impressions, and are nothing but copies and representations of them, whatever is true of the one must be acknowledged concerning the other. Impressions and ideas differ only in their strength and vivacity. The foregoing conclusion is not founded on any particular degree of vivacity. It cannot therefore be affected by any variation in that particular. An idea is a weaker impression; and as a strong impression must necessarily have a determinate quantity and quality, the case must be the same with its copy or representative."[51]

"The mind can't form any idea of quantity or quality without also forming a clear idea of the degrees of each," because "it's widely accepted that no object can be perceived by the senses; in other words, no impression__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ can reach the mind without being defined in its degrees of both quantity and quality. The confusion that sometimes surrounds impressions comes only from their faintness and instability, not from any inability of the mind to receive an impression that, in reality, has no specific degree or proportion. That would be contradictory and suggests the most basic contradiction, namely that it’s possible for the same thing to both exist and not exist. Since all ideas come from impressions and are simply copies and representations of them, whatever is true of one must also be true of the other. Impressions and ideas differ only in their strength and clarity. The earlier conclusion isn't based on any specific degree of clarity. Therefore, it can't be affected by any change in that degree. An idea is a weaker impression; and since a strong impression must necessarily have a definite quantity and quality, the same must apply to its copy or representation."[51]

The slightest introspective glance will show to anyone the falsity of this opinion. Hume surely had images of his own works without seeing distinctly every word and letter upon the pages which floated before his mind's eye. His dictum is therefore an exquisite example of the way in which a man will be blinded by a priori theories to the most flagrant facts. It is a rather remarkable thing, too, that the psychologists of Hume's own empiricist school have, as a rule, been more guilty of this blindness than their opponents. The fundamental facts of consciousness have been, on the whole, more accurately reported by the spiritualistic writers. None of Hume's pupils, so far as I know, until Taine and Huxley, ever took the pains to contradict the opinion of their master. Prof. Huxley in his brilliant little work on Hume set the matter straight in the following words:

The slightest look inward will clearly reveal to anyone the falsehood of this opinion. Hume definitely had images of his own works without being able to distinctly see every word and letter on the pages that floated in his mind. His statement is therefore a perfect example of how someone can be blinded by a priori theories to the most obvious facts. It's also quite interesting that the psychologists from Hume's own empiricist school have generally been more blind to this than their opponents. The basic facts of consciousness have, overall, been reported more accurately by spiritualistic writers. None of Hume's students, as far as I know, until Taine and Huxley, ever bothered to challenge their master's opinion. Professor Huxley, in his brilliant little work on Hume, clarified the issue with these words:

"When complex impressions or complex ideas are reproduced as memories, it is probable that the copies never give all the details of the originals with perfect accuracy, and it is certain that they rarely do so. No one possesses a memory so good, that if he has only once observed a natural object, a second inspection does not show him something that he has forgotten. Almost all, if not all, our memories are therefore sketches, rather than portraits, of the originals—the salient features are obvious, while the subordinate characters are obscure or unrepresented.

"When we recall complex impressions or ideas as memories, it's likely that these memories don't capture all the details of the originals perfectly, and they usually don't. No one has such an incredible memory that after seeing a natural object just once, a second look won’t reveal something forgotten. Almost all, if not all, of our memories are therefore more like sketches than accurate portraits of the originals—key features are clear, while less important details are unclear or missing."

"Now, when several complex impressions which are more or less different from one another—let us say that out of ten impressions in each, six are the same in all, and four are different from all the rest—are successively presented to the mind, it is easy to see what must be the nature of the result. The repetition of the six similar impressions will strengthen the six corresponding elements of the complex idea,[Pg 47] which will therefore acquire greater vividness; while the four differing impressions of each will not only acquire no greater strength than they had at first, but, in accordance with the law of association, they will all tend to appear at once, and will thus neutralize one another.

"Now, when numerous complex impressions, which differ somewhat from each other—let’s say that out of ten impressions in each group, six are the same across the board, and four are unique—are presented to the mind one after another, it's easy to see what will happen. The repetition of the six similar impressions will strengthen the six related elements of the complex idea,[Pg 47] making it more vivid; meanwhile, the four different impressions will not gain any additional strength compared to how they were initially, but, according to the law of association, they will tend to surface together and will therefore cancel each other out."

"This mental operation may be rendered comprehensible by considering what takes place in the formation of compound photographs—when the images of the faces of six sitters, for example, are each received on the same photographic plate, for a sixth of the time requisite to take one portrait. The final result is that all those points in which the six faces agree are brought out strongly, while all those in which they differ are left vague; and thus what may be termed a generic portrait of the six, in contradistinction to a specific portrait of any one, is produced.

"This mental process can be understood by looking at how compound photographs are created—when the images of six people, for instance, are captured on the same photographic plate for only a sixth of the time it normally takes to take one portrait. The final image emphasizes the features that the six faces have in common, while the differences are more blurred; this results in what can be called a generic portrait of the six, in contrast to a specific portrait of any individual."

"Thus our ideas of single complex impressions are incomplete in one way, and those of numerous, more or less similar, complex impressions are incomplete in another way; that is to say, they are generic, not specific. And hence it follows that our ideas of the impressions in question are not, in the strict sense of the word, copies of those impressions; while, at the same time, they may exist in the mind independently of language.

"Therefore, our understanding of individual complex impressions is lacking in one way, and our understanding of multiple, somewhat similar complex impressions is lacking in another way; in other words, they are generic, not specific. This means that our ideas about these impressions aren't, strictly speaking, reproductions of those impressions; however, they can still exist in the mind without relying on language."

"The generic ideas which are formed from several similar, but not identical, complex experiences are what are called abstract or general ideas; and Berkeley endeavored to prove that all general ideas are nothing but particular ideas annexed to a certain term, which gives them a more extensive signification, and makes them recall, upon occasion, other individuals which are similar to them. Hume says that he regards this as 'one of the greatest and the most valuable discoveries that has been made of late years in the republic of letters,' and endeavors to confirm it in such a manner that it shall be 'put beyond all doubt and controversy.'

"The general ideas that come from several similar, but not identical, complex experiences are known as abstract or general ideas. Berkeley argued that all general ideas are just particular ideas linked to a specific term, which gives them a broader meaning and helps us remember other similar individuals when needed. Hume believes this is 'one of the greatest and most valuable discoveries made in recent years in the world of literature,' and he tries to support it in a way that makes it 'beyond all doubt and controversy.'

"I may venture to express a doubt whether he has succeeded in his object; but the subject is an abstruse one; and I must content myself with the remark, that though Berkeley's view appears to be largely applicable to such general ideas as are formed after language has been acquired, and to all the more abstract sort of conceptions, yet that general ideas of sensible objects may nevertheless be produced in the way indicated, and may exist independently of language. In dreams, one sees houses, trees, and other objects, which are perfectly recognizable as such, but which remind one of the actual objects as seen 'out of the corner of the eye,' or of the pictures thrown by a badly-focussed magic lantern. A man addresses us who is like a figure seen in twilight; or we travel through countries where every feature of the scenery is vague; the outlines of the hills are ill-marked, and the rivers have no defined banks. They are, in short, generic ideas of many past impressions of men, hills, and rivers. An anatomist who occupies himself intently with the examination of several specimens of some new kind of animal, in course of time acquires so vivid a conception of its form and structure[Pg 48] that the idea may take visible shape and become a sort of waking dream. But the figure which thus presents itself is generic, not specific. It is no copy of any one specimen, but, more or less, a mean of the series; and there seems no reason to doubt that the minds of children before they learn to speak, and of deaf-mutes, are peopled with similarly generated generic ideas of sensible objects."[52]

"I might question whether he achieved his goal; however, the topic is quite complex. I can only note that while Berkeley's perspective seems mainly relevant to general ideas formed after acquiring language, and to more abstract concepts, general ideas of physical objects can still be created in the manner described and can exist without language. In dreams, we see houses, trees, and other easily recognizable items that remind us of actual objects seen 'out of the corner of the eye,' or like images produced by a poorly-focused lantern. A person might address us who looks like a figure seen in twilight; or we might travel through regions where every detail of the landscape is fuzzy; the outlines of the hills are unclear, and the rivers lack defined banks. They are essentially generic ideas shaped by many previous experiences of people, hills, and rivers. An anatomist who closely studies various samples of a new type of animal eventually develops such a clear idea of its form and structure[Pg 48] that the idea can become vividly real, almost like a waking dream. However, the image that emerges is generic, not specific. It isn’t a replica of any single sample but rather an average of the series; and there seems to be no reason to doubt that the minds of children before they can speak, and of deaf-mutes, are filled with similarly formed generic ideas of physical objects." [52]

Are Vague Images 'Abstract Ideas'?

The only point which I am tempted to criticise in this account is Prof. Huxley's identification of these generic images with 'abstract or general ideas' in the sense of universal conceptions. Taine gives the truer view. He writes:

The only point I’m inclined to criticize in this account is Prof. Huxley’s linking of these generic images to 'abstract or general ideas' as universal concepts. Taine provides the more accurate perspective. He writes:

"Some years ago I saw in England, in Kew Gardens, for the first time, araucarias, and I walked along the beds looking at these strange plants, with their rigid bark and compact, short, scaly leaves, of a sombre green, whose abrupt, rough, bristling form cut in upon the fine softly-lighted turf of the fresh grass-plat. If I now inquire what this experience has left in me, I find, first, the sensible representation of an araucaria; in fact, I have been able to describe almost exactly the form and color of the plant. But there is a difference between this representation and the former sensations, of which it is the present echo. The internal semblance, from which I have just made my description, is vague, and my past sensations were precise. For, assuredly, each of the araucarias I saw then excited in me a distinct visual sensation; there are no two absolutely similar plants in nature; I observed perhaps twenty or thirty araucarias; without a doubt each one of them differed from the others in size, in girth, by the more or less obtuse angles of its branches, by the more or less abrupt jutting out of its scales, by the style of its texture; consequently, my twenty or thirty visual sensations were different. But no one of these sensations has completely survived in its echo; the twenty or thirty revivals have blunted one another; thus upset and agglutinated by their resemblance they are confounded together, and my present representation is their residue only. This is the product, or rather the fragment, which is deposited in us, when we have gone through a series of similar facts or individuals. Of our numerous experiences there remain on the following day four or five more or less distinct recollections, which, obliterated themselves, leave behind in us a simple colorless, vague representation, into which enter as components various reviving sensations, in an utterly feeble, incomplete, and abortive state.—But this representation is not the general and abstract idea. It is but its accompaniment, and, if I may say so, the ore from which it is extracted. For the representation, though badly sketched, is a sketch, the sensible sketch of a distinct individual.... But my abstract idea corresponds to the whole class; it differs, then, from the representation of an individual.—Moreover, my abstract idea[Pg 49] is perfectly clear and determinate; now that I possess it, I never fail to recognize an araucaria among the various plants which may be shown me; it differs then from the confused and floating representation I have of some particular araucaria."[53]

Several years ago, I first encountered araucarias in England at Kew Gardens. As I walked among the flower beds, I noticed these unique plants with their stiff bark and dense, short, scaly leaves, which were a dark green color. Their sharp, rugged shape stood out against the softly illuminated, fresh grass. Reflecting on this experience now, I realize that I have a clear mental picture of an araucaria; I can almost accurately describe its shape and color. However, there's a distinction between this mental image and the actual sensations I experienced. The internal image I just mentioned is vague, while my earlier sensations were clear. Each araucaria I saw back then evoked a unique visual sensation; nature doesn't create two identical plants. I observed maybe twenty or thirty araucarias, and each differed in size, thickness, the angles of its branches, the protruding scales, and its texture; therefore, my twenty or thirty visual sensations were also distinct. Yet, none of those sensations fully lingered as echoes; they have blurred and merged due to their similarities, leaving me with a mental image that is just a remnant of that experience. This is a byproduct, or rather a fragment, that remains with us after encountering a series of similar individuals or events. From our many experiences, the next day, we hold onto four or five more or less distinct memories, which fade away, leaving behind a simple, colorless, vague image made up of various revived sensations in a weak, incomplete, and unfinished state. But this image is not the general and abstract idea. It’s merely its accompanying element, and, if I may add, the raw material from which it's created. While the representation, despite being poorly captured, is a sketch of a specific individual... my abstract idea corresponds to the entire class; thus, it differs from the representation of an individual. Moreover, my abstract idea[Pg 49] is very clear and defined; now that I possess it, I can always recognize an araucaria among the various plants I might see; it is, therefore, distinct from the vague, blurred representation I have of any particular araucaria.[53]

In other words, a blurred picture is just as much a single mental fact as a sharp picture is; and the use of either picture by the mind to symbolize a whole class of individuals is a new mental function, requiring some other modification of consciousness than the mere perception that the picture is distinct or not. I may bewail the indistinctness of my mental image of my absent friend. That does not prevent my thought from meaning him alone, however. And I may mean all mankind, with perhaps a very sharp image of one man in my mind's eye. The meaning is a function of the more 'transitive' parts of consciousness, the 'fringe' of relations which we feel surrounding the image, be the latter sharp or dim. This was explained in a previous place (see Vol. I, p. 473 ff., especially the note to page 477), and I would not touch upon the matter at all here but for its historical interest.

In other words, a blurry image is just as much a mental fact as a clear image is; and using either image by the mind to represent a whole group of people is a new mental function, requiring a different kind of awareness than just whether the image is clear or not. I might lament the blur of my mental picture of my absent friend. That doesn’t stop my thoughts from referring to him alone, though. And I might think of all humanity, while having a very clear image of one person in my mind. The meaning is a function of the more 'transitive' parts of consciousness, the 'fringe' of connections we sense around the image, whether it’s sharp or vague. This was explained earlier (see Vol. I, p. 473 ff., especially the note to page 477), and I wouldn’t bring it up here if not for its historical significance.

Our ideas or images of past sensible experiences may then be either distinct and adequate or dim, blurred, and incomplete. It is likely that the different degrees in which different men are able to make them sharp and complete has had something to do with keeping up such philosophic disputes as that of Berkeley with Locke over abstract ideas. Locke had spoken of our possessing 'the general idea of a triangle' which "must be neither oblique nor rectangle, neither equilateral, equicrural, nor scalenon, but all and none of these at once." Berkeley says:

Our thoughts or images from past sensory experiences can be clear and complete or vague, blurry, and incomplete. It's likely that the varying abilities of different people to sharpen and clarify these images has contributed to ongoing philosophical debates, like the one between Berkeley and Locke over abstract ideas. Locke talked about us having 'the general idea of a triangle' which "must be neither oblique nor right-angled, neither equilateral, isosceles, nor scalene, but all and none of these at the same time." Berkeley says:

"If any man has the faculty of framing in his mind such an idea of a triangle as is here described, it is in vain to pretend to dispute him out of it, nor would I go about it. All I desire is that the reader would fully and certainly inform himself whether he has such an idea or no."[54]

"If anyone can picture a triangle like the one described here, there's no use in trying to convince them otherwise, and I won't waste my time doing that. All I want is for the reader to clearly understand whether they have that concept or not."[54]

Until very recent years it was supposed by all philosophers that there was a typical human mind which all individual minds were like, and that propositions of universal validity could be laid down about such faculties as 'the[Pg 50] Imagination.' Lately, however, a mass of revelations have poured in, which make us see how false a view this is. There are imaginations, not 'the Imagination,' and they must be studied in detail.

Until very recently, all philosophers believed that there was a typical human mind that all individual minds resembled, and that universal truths could be established about faculties like 'the[Pg 50] Imagination.' However, a flood of new insights has shown us how incorrect this view is. There are imaginations, not 'the Imagination,' and they need to be studied in detail.

INDIVIDUALS DIFFER IN IMAGINATION.

The first breaker of ground in this direction was Fechner, in 1860. Fechner was gifted with unusual talent for subjective observation, and in chapter xliv of his 'Psychophysik' he gave the results of a most careful comparison of his own optical after-images, with his optical memory-pictures, together with accounts by several other individuals of their optical memory-pictures.[55] The result was to show a great[Pg 51] personal diversity. "It would be interesting," he writes, "to work up the subject statistically; and I regret that other occupations have kept me from fulfilling my earlier intention to proceed in this way."

The first to break new ground in this area was Fechner in 1860. Fechner had an exceptional talent for subjective observation, and in chapter xliv of his 'Psychophysik', he shared the results of a very careful comparison of his own optical after-images with his optical memory pictures, along with testimonies from several other people regarding their optical memory pictures.[55] The result showed a significant personal diversity. "It would be interesting," he writes, "to analyze the subject statistically; and I regret that other commitments have prevented me from following through on my earlier intention to do so."

Flechner's intention was independently executed by Mr. Galton, the publication of whose results in 1880 may be said to have made an era in descriptive Psychology.

Flechner's intention was carried out independently by Mr. Galton, whose publication of results in 1880 marked a significant milestone in descriptive psychology.

"It is not necessary," says Galton, "to trouble the reader with my early tentative steps. After the inquiry had been fairly started it took the form of submitting a certain number of printed questions to a large number of persons. There is hardly any more difficult task than that of framing questions which are not likely to be misunderstood, which admit of easy reply, and which cover the ground of inquiry. I did my best in these respects, without forgetting the most important part of all—namely, to tempt my correspondents to write freely in fuller explanation of their replies, and on cognate topics as well. These separate letters have proved more instructive and interesting by far than the replies to the set questions.

"There's no need," Galton says, "to trouble the reader with my early attempts. Once the research started, it involved sending a set of printed questions to a large group of people. There’s hardly a tougher job than crafting questions that are unlikely to be misunderstood, easy to answer, and cover the inquiry's scope. I did my best in these areas, while also keeping in mind the most important part—encouraging my correspondents to express themselves freely with detailed explanations of their answers and related topics as well. These individual letters turned out to be much more informative and interesting than the responses to the standard questions."

"The first group of the rather long series of queries related to the illumination, definition, and coloring of the mental image, and were framed thus:

"The first group of the lengthy series of questions focused on the lighting, definition, and coloring of the mental image, and were framed as follows:"

"'Before addressing yourself to any of the Questions on the opposite page, think of some definite object—suppose it is your breakfast-table as you sat down to it this morning—and consider carefully the picture that rises before your mind's eye.

"'Before you start answering any of the Questions on the opposite page, think about a specific object—let's say it’s your breakfast table as you sat down to it this morning—and carefully consider the image that comes to mind.'

"'1. Illumination.—Is the image dim or fairly clear? Is its brightness comparable to that of the actual scene?

"'1. Illumination.—Is the image dim or relatively clear? Does its brightness match that of the actual scene?"

"'2. Definition.—Are all the objects pretty well defined at the same time, or is the place of sharpest definition at any one moment more contracted than it is in a real scene?

"'2. Definition.—Are all the objects clearly defined at the same time, or is the clearest definition at any given moment narrower than it is in a real scene?

"'3. Coloring.—Are the colors of the china, of the toast, bread-crust, mustard, meat, parsley, or whatever may have been on the table, quite distinct and natural?'

"'3. Coloring.—Are the colors of the china, the toast, bread crust, mustard, meat, parsley, or anything else on the table clear and natural?"

"The earliest results of my inquiry amazed me. I had begun by questioning friends in the scientific world, as they were the most likely class of men to give accurate answers concerning this faculty of visualizing,[Pg 52] to which novelists and poets continually allude, which has left an abiding mark on the vocabularies of every language, and which supplies the material out of which dreams and the well-known hallucinations of sick people are built.

"The initial results of my inquiry amazed me. I began by asking friends in the scientific community since they were the group most likely to provide accurate answers about this ability to visualize,[Pg 52] something that novelists and poets often reference, which has had a lasting impact on the vocabularies of every language, and which provides the foundation for dreams and the well-known hallucinations experienced by sick people."

"To my astonishment, I found that the great majority of the men of science to whom I first applied protested that mental imagery was unknown to them, and they looked on me as fanciful and fantastic in supposing that the words 'mental imagery' really expressed what I believed everybody supposed them to mean. They had no more notion of its true nature than a color-blind man, who has not discerned his defect, has of the nature of color. They had a mental deficiency of which they were unaware, and naturally enough supposed that those who affirmed they possessed it were romancing. To illustrate their mental attitude it will be sufficient to quote a few lines from the letter of one of my correspondents, who writes:

"To my surprise, I found that the vast majority of the scientists I initially contacted claimed they had no experience with mental imagery, and they thought I was whimsical and absurd for believing that the term 'mental imagery' actually meant what I thought it did. They understood its true nature as little as a color-blind person who hasn't recognized their condition understands the nature of color. They had an unknown mental limitation and naturally assumed that those who said they experienced it were just making it up. To illustrate their mindset, it’s enough to quote a few lines from a letter from one of my correspondents, who writes:

"'These questions presuppose assent to some sort of a proposition regarding the "mind's eye," and the "images" which it sees.... This points to some initial fallacy.... It is only by a figure of speech that I can describe my recollection of a scene as a "mental image" which I can "see" with my "mind's eye."... I do not see it... any more than a man sees the thousand lines of Sophocles which under due pressure he is ready to repeat. The memory possesses it,' etc.

"'These questions assume that we agree on some idea about the "mind's eye" and the "images" it sees.... This indicates a fundamental mistake.... I can only describe my memory of a scene as a "mental image" that I can "see" with my "mind's eye" through a figure of speech.... I don't actually see it... any more than a person sees the thousand lines of Sophocles that they can recite under pressure. The memory holds it,' etc."

"Much the same result followed inquiries made for me by a friend among members of the French Institute.

A similar outcome came from inquiries made on my behalf by a friend among members of the French Institute.

"On the other hand, when I spoke to persons whom I met in general society, I found an entirely different disposition to prevail. Many men and a yet larger number of women, and many boys and girls, declared that they habitually saw mental imagery, and that it was perfectly distinct to them and full of color. The more I pressed and crossed-questioned them, professing myself to be incredulous, the more obvious was the truth of their first assertions. They described their imagery in minute detail, and they spoke in a tone of surprise at my apparent hesitation in accepting what they said. I felt that I myself should have spoken exactly as they did if I had been describing a scene that lay before my eyes, in broad daylight, to a blind man who persisted in doubting the reality of vision. Reassured by this happier experience, I recommenced to inquire among scientific men, and soon found scattered instances of what I sought, though in by no means the same abundance as elsewhere. I then circulated my questions more generally among my friends and through their hands, and obtained replies... from persons of both sexes, and of various ages, and in the end from occasional correspondents in nearly every civilized country.

"On the other hand, when I spoke to people I encountered in general society, I found a completely different attitude. Many men and even more women, along with several boys and girls, said they regularly experienced mental imagery, and that it was very clear to them and full of color. The more I pressed and questioned them, claiming to be skeptical, the more evident the truth of their initial statements became. They described their imagery in great detail and expressed surprise at my apparent hesitation to accept what they said. I felt like I was talking to describe a scene in broad daylight to a blind man who kept doubting the reality of sight. Encouraged by this positive experience, I started asking scientific people again and soon found some instances of what I was looking for, though not nearly as many as before. I then spread my questions more widely among my friends and through their connections, and received responses... from people of all genders and different ages, ultimately getting replies from occasional correspondents in nearly every civilized country."

"I have also received batches of answers from various educational establishments both in England and America, which were made after the masters had fully explained the meaning of the questions, and interested the boys in them. These have the merit of returns derived from a general census, which my other data lack, because I cannot for[Pg 53] a moment suppose that the writers of the latter are a haphazard proportion of those to whom they were sent. Indeed I know of some who, disavowing all possession of the power, and of many others who, possessing it in too faint a degree to enable them to express what their experiences really were, in a manner satisfactory to themselves, sent no returns at all. Considerable statistical similarity was, however, observed between the sets of returns furnished by the schoolboys and those sent by my separate correspondents, and I may add that they accord in this respect with the oral information I have elsewhere obtained. The conformity of replies from so many different sources which was clear from the first, the fact of their apparent trustworthiness being on the whole much increased by cross-examination (though I could give one or two amusing instances of break-down), and the evident effort made to give accurate answers, have convinced me that it is a much easier matter than I had anticipated to obtain trustworthy replies to psychological questions. Many persons, especially women and intelligent children, take pleasure in introspection, and strive their very best to explain their mental processes. I think that a delight in self-dissection must be a strong ingredient in the pleasure that many are said to take in confessing themselves to priests.

"I've also received several sets of responses from various educational institutions in both England and America, which were collected after the instructors had thoroughly explained the questions and sparked the boys' interest in them. These responses have the advantage of being based on a general survey, which my other data lack, since I can't possibly believe that those who answered are a random sample of the recipients. In fact, I know some individuals who, denying they have the ability, and many others who have it to such a slight extent that they couldn't express their experiences satisfactorily, did not respond at all. However, a significant statistical similarity was observed between the responses from the schoolboys and those from my individual correspondents, and I can add that they align with the verbal information I've gathered elsewhere. The consistency of answers from so many different sources was evident from the beginning, and their apparent reliability was overall greatly enhanced by cross-examination (although I could share one or two amusing examples of failure), and the clear effort made to provide accurate answers has convinced me that obtaining trustworthy responses to psychological questions is much simpler than I had expected. Many people, especially women and clever children, enjoy introspection and do their best to explain their mental processes. I believe that a fascination with self-examination is a big part of the enjoyment that many people find in confessing to priests."

"Here, then, are two rather notable results: the one is the proved facility of obtaining statistical insight into the processes of other persons' minds, whatever a priori objection may have been made as to its possibility; and the other is that scientific men, as a class, have feeble powers of visual representation. There is no doubt whatever on the latter point, however it may be accounted for. My own conclusion is that an over-ready perception of sharp mental pictures is antagonistic to the acquirement of habits of highly-generalized and abstract thought, especially when the steps of reasoning are carried on by words as symbols, and that if the faculty of seeing the pictures was ever possessed by men who think hard, it is very apt to be lost by disuse. The highest minds are probably those in which it is not lost, but subordinated, and is ready for use on suitable occasions. I am, however, bound to say that the missing faculty seems to be replaced so serviceably by other modes of conception, chiefly, I believe, connected with the incipient motor sense, not of the eyeballs only but of the muscles generally, that men who declare themselves entirely deficient in the power of seeing mental pictures can nevertheless give lifelike descriptions of what they have seen, and can otherwise express themselves as if they were gifted with a vivid visual imagination. They can also become painters of the rank of Royal Academicians....[56]

"Now, here are two noteworthy findings: the first is the proven ability to gain statistical insights into how other people think, regardless of the objections raised about its feasibility; and the second is that scientists, as a group, have limited abilities to visualize. There’s no doubt about this latter point, regardless of the reasons behind it. My own conclusion is that an overly quick grasp of sharp mental images hinders the development of highly generalized and abstract thinking habits, especially when reasoning is conducted using words as symbols. If the ability to visualize was ever possessed by those who think deeply, it tends to be lost through lack of use. The greatest thinkers likely retain this ability but keep it in the background, ready to use when appropriate. However, I must say that this missing skill seems to be effectively replaced by other ways of understanding, primarily connected to the emerging motor sense, not just of the eyes but of the muscles in general. As a result, people who say they are entirely unable to visualize mental images can still create vivid descriptions of what they have seen and express themselves as if they have a strong visual imagination. They can also become painters of the level of Royal Academicians...." [56]

"It is a mistake to suppose that sharp sight is accompanied by clear visual memory. I have not a few instances in which the independence of the two faculties is emphatically commented on; and I have at least one clear case where great interest in outlines and accurate appreciation of straightness, squareness, and the like, is unaccompanied by the power of visualizing. Neither does the faculty go with dreaming. I have cases where it is powerful, and at the same time where dreams are rare and faint or altogether absent. One friend tells me that his dreams have not the hundredth part of the vigor of his waking fancies.

"It's a common misconception that having sharp eyesight means you have a good visual memory. I have several examples that clearly show these two abilities can operate independently. In fact, I know at least one strong case where someone has a keen interest in outlines and a strong sense of straightness and squareness, but lacks the ability to visualize. This ability doesn’t necessarily relate to dreaming either. There are instances where a person has strong visual perception while their dreams are either rare, faint, or completely absent. One friend tells me that his dreams lack even a fraction of the intensity of his thoughts while awake."

"The visualizing and the identifying powers are by no means necessarily combined. A distinguished writer on metaphysical topics assures me that he is exceptionally quick at recognizing a face that he has seen before, but that he cannot call up a mental image of any face with clearness.

"The abilities to visualize and identify aren’t always linked. A well-known writer on metaphysical subjects tells me he’s really quick at recognizing a face he’s seen before, but he can’t clearly picture any face in his mind."

"Some persons have the power of combining in a single perception more than can be seen at any one moment by the two eyes....

"Some people can combine more than what can be seen at a single moment by two eyes into a single perception....

"I find that a few persons can, by what they often describe as a kind of touch-sight, visualize at the same moment all round the image of a solid body. Many can do so nearly, but not altogether round that of a terrestrial globe. An eminent mineralogist assures me that he is able to imagine simultaneously all the sides of a crystal with which he is familiar. I may be allowed to quote a curious faculty of my own in respect to this. It is exercised only occasionally and in dreams, or rather in nightmares, but under those circumstances I am perfectly conscious of embracing an entire sphere in a single perception. It appears to lie within my mental eyeball, and to be viewed centripetally.

"I’ve noticed that a few people can, what they often call a kind of touch-sight, visualize the entire image of a solid object all at once. Many can do this almost completely, but not entirely with a terrestrial globe. A noted mineralogist tells me he can simultaneously imagine all sides of a crystal he knows well. I’d like to mention a strange ability I have in this regard. It only happens occasionally and usually in dreams, or rather nightmares, but in those situations, I can fully perceive an entire sphere in one thought. It feels like it exists within my mental eye and is viewed from the center outward."

"This power of comprehension is practically attained in many cases by indirect methods. It is a common feat to take in the whole surroundings of an imagined room with such a rapid mental sweep as to leave some doubt whether it has not been viewed simultaneously. Some persons have the habit of viewing objects as though they were partly transparent; thus, if they so dispose a globe in their imagination as to see both its north and south poles at the same time, they will not be able to see its equatorial parts. They can also perceive all the rooms of an imaginary house by a single mental glance, the walls and floors being as if made of glass. A fourth class of persons have the habit of recalling scenes, not from the point of view whence they were observed, but from a distance, and they visualize their own selves as actors on the mental stage. By one or other of these ways, the power of seeing the whole of an object, and not merely one aspect of it, is possessed by many persons.

"This ability to comprehend is often achieved through indirect methods. It’s common for people to take in the entire environment of an imagined room with such a swift mental glance that it may seem like it was viewed all at once. Some individuals tend to see objects as if they were partially transparent; for instance, if they position a globe in their mind to see both its north and south poles simultaneously, they won’t be able to see its equatorial regions. They can also visualize all the rooms of an imagined house with a single mental look, as if the walls and floors are made of glass. A fourth group of people tends to recall scenes from a distance, picturing themselves as actors on a mental stage. Through one or another of these methods, many people have the ability to see the entirety of an object, rather than just a single aspect of it."

"The place where the image appears to lie differs much. Most persons see it in an indefinable sort of way, others see it in front of the eye, others at a distance corresponding to reality. There exists a power which is rare naturally, but can, I believe, be acquired without much difficulty, of projecting a mental picture upon a piece of paper, and of[Pg 55] holding it fast there, so that it can be outlined with a pencil. To this I shall recur.

"The location where the image seems to be varies widely. Most people perceive it in a vague manner, some see it right in front of them, while others see it at a distance that matches reality. There is a skill that is naturally rare, but I believe it can be learned without too much trouble: the ability to project a mental image onto a piece of paper and to[Pg 55] keep it there, so that it can be traced with a pencil. I will come back to this."

"Images usually do not become stronger by dwelling on them; the first idea is commonly the most vigorous, but this is not always the case. Sometimes the mental view of a locality is inseparably connected with the sense of its position as regards the points of the compass, real or imaginary. I have received full and curious descriptions from very different sources of this strong geographical tendency, and in one or two cases I have reason to think it allied to a considerable faculty of geographical comprehension.

"Images typically don't increase in clarity by focusing on them; the initial idea is often the most powerful, but that's not always true. Sometimes, the mental image of a place is closely tied to its location in relation to the cardinal directions, whether real or imagined. I've received detailed and intriguing descriptions from various sources about this strong geographical inclination, and in a few cases, I believe it's connected to a significant ability to understand geography."

"The power of visualizing is higher in the female sex than in the male, and is somewhat, but not much, higher in public-school boys than in men. After maturity is reached, the further advance of age does not seem to dim the faculty, but rather the reverse, judging from numerous statements to that effect; but advancing years are sometimes accompanied by a growing habit of hard abstract thinking, and in these cases—not uncommon among those whom I have questioned—the faculty undoubtedly becomes impaired. There is reason to believe that it is very high in some young children, who seem to spend years of difficulty in distinguishing between the subjective and objective world. Language and book-learning certainly tend to dull it.

"The ability to visualize is stronger in females than in males, and it's slightly, though not significantly, stronger in public school boys compared to adult men. Once maturity is reached, getting older doesn’t seem to weaken this ability; in fact, many reports suggest the opposite. However, as people age, they often develop a tendency for more intense abstract thinking, and in these cases— which aren’t rare among those I've talked to—this ability can definitely become less effective. There's also evidence that some young children have a very high capacity for visualization, as they seem to struggle for years to differentiate between their inner thoughts and the external world. Moreover, language and formal education seem to dull this ability."

"The visualizing faculty is a natural gift, and, like all natural gifts, has a tendency to be inherited. In this faculty the tendency to inheritance is exceptionally strong, as I have abundant evidence to prove, especially in respect to certain rather rare peculiarities,... which, when they exist at all, are usually found among two, three, or more brothers and sisters, parents, children, uncles and aunts, and cousins.

"The ability to visualize is a natural talent, and like all natural talents, it tends to run in families. In this ability, the tendency to inherit it is particularly strong, as I have plenty of evidence to support this, especially regarding certain unusual traits... which, when they appear, are typically found among two, three, or more siblings, parents, children, uncles, aunts, and cousins."

"Since families differ so much in respect to this gift, we may suppose that races would also differ, and there can be no doubt that such is the case. I hardly like to refer to civilized nations, because their natural faculties are too much modified by education to allow of their being appraised in an off-hand fashion. I may, however, speak of the French, who appear to possess the visualizing faculty in a high degree. The peculiar ability they show in prearranging ceremonials and fêtes of all kinds, and their undoubted genius for tactics and strategy, show that they are able to foresee effects with unusual clearness. Their ingenuity in all technical contrivances is an additional testimony in the same direction, and so is their singular clearness of expression. Their phrase 'figurez-vous,' or 'picture to yourself,' seems to express their dominant mode of perception. Our equivalent of 'imagine' is ambiguous.

"Since families vary so much in terms of this gift, we can assume that races would also vary, and there’s no doubt that this is true. I’m hesitant to mention civilized nations because their natural abilities are too influenced by education to be evaluated casually. However, I can talk about the French, who seem to have a highly developed visualizing ability. Their unique skill in planning ceremonies and events, along with their undeniable talent for tactics and strategy, shows that they can foresee outcomes with exceptional clarity. Their creativity in technical inventions is further evidence in the same direction, as is their remarkable clarity of expression. Their phrase 'figurez-vous,' or 'picture to yourself,' seems to convey their main mode of perception. Our equivalent of 'imagine' is vague."


"I have many cases of persons mentally reading off scores when playing the pianoforte, or manuscript when they are making speeches. One statesman has assured me that a certain hesitation in utterance which he has at times is due to his being plagued by the image of his[Pg 56] manuscript speech with its original erasures and corrections. He cannot lay the ghost, and he puzzles in trying to decipher it.

"I have seen many people mentally reading scores while playing the piano, or reading from a manuscript while giving speeches. One politician told me that he sometimes hesitates in his speech because he is haunted by the image of his[Pg 56] manuscript with all its original edits and corrections. He can’t shake it off, and he struggles to make sense of it."

"Some few persons see mentally in print every word that is uttered; they attend to the visual equivalent and not to the sound of the words, and they read them off usually as from a long imaginary strip of paper, such as is unwound from telegraphic instruments."

"Some people can mentally visualize every word that is spoken; they focus on the visual representation rather than the sounds of the words, and they typically read them as if they’re looking at a long imaginary strip of paper unwinding from telegraphic devices."

The reader will find further details in Mr. Galton's 'Inquiries into Human Faculty,' pp. 83-114.[57] I have myself for many years collected from each and all of my psychology-students descriptions of their own visual imagination; and found (together with some curious idiosyncrasies) corroboration of all the variations which Mr. Galton reports. As examples, I subjoin extracts from two cases near the ends of the scale. The writers are first cousins, grandsons of a distinguished man of science. The one who is a good visualizer says:

The reader can find more details in Mr. Galton's 'Inquiries into Human Faculty,' pp. 83-114.[57] I have spent many years collecting descriptions of visual imagination from all my psychology students and found, along with some interesting quirks, confirmation of all the variations that Mr. Galton mentions. As examples, I’m including excerpts from two cases at opposite ends of the scale. The authors are first cousins and grandsons of a well-known scientist. The one who has a strong visual imagination says:

"This morning's breakfast-table is both dim and bright; it is dim if I try to think of it when my eyes are open upon any object; it is perfectly clear and bright if I think of it with my eyes closed.—All the objects are clear at once, yet when I confine my attention to any one object it becomes far more distinct.—I have more power to recall color than any other one thing: if, for example, I were to recall a plate decorated with flowers I could reproduce in a drawing the exact tone, etc. The color of anything that was on the table is perfectly vivid.—There is very little limitation to the extent of my images: I can see all four sides of a room, I can see all four sides of two, three, four, even more rooms with such distinctness that if you should ask me what was in any particular place in any one, or ask me to count the chairs, etc., I could do it without the least hesitation.—The more I learn by heart the more clearly do I see images of my pages. Even before I can recite the lines I see them so that I could give them very slowly word for word, but my mind is so occupied in looking at my printed image that I have no idea of what I am saying, of the sense of it, etc. When I first found myself doing this I used to think it was merely because I knew the lines imperfectly; but I have quite convinced myself that I really do see an image. The strongest proof that such is really the fact is, I think, the following:

"This morning’s breakfast table is both dim and bright; it feels dim when I try to think about it with my eyes open and focused on something. However, it's perfectly clear and bright when I think of it with my eyes closed. I can see all the objects clearly at once, but when I focus on one object, it becomes much more distinct. I recall colors better than anything else: for instance, if I think of a plate decorated with flowers, I can reproduce the exact shade in a drawing. The colors of everything on the table are very vivid. There are very few limits to how I can visualize things: I can see all four sides of a room, and I can visualize all four sides of two, three, four, or even more rooms so clearly that if you asked me what’s in a specific spot in any one of them, or if you asked me to count the chairs, I could do it without hesitation. The more I memorize, the more clearly I can see images of my pages. Even before I can recite the lines, I can visualize them well enough to go through them very slowly word for word, but my mind is so busy focusing on the mental image that I don’t really know what I’m saying or what it means, etc. When I first noticed this happening, I thought it was just because I didn’t know the lines well enough; but I’ve convinced myself that I really do see an image. The strongest proof that this is true is, I think, the following:

"I can look down the mentally seen page and see the words that commence all the lines, and from any one of these words I can continue[Pg 57] the line. I find this much easier to do if the words begin in a straight line than if there are breaks. Example:

"I can look down the page in my mind and see the words that start all the lines, and from any of these words, I can keep going[Pg 57] with the line. I find it much easier to do this if the words are in a straight line rather than broken up. Example:

Étant fait....
Tous....
A des....
Que fit....
Céres....
Avec....
Un fleur....
Comme....
(La Fontaine 8. iv.)"

Being done....
All....
About....
What did....
Ceres....
With....
A flower....
Like....
(La Fontaine 8. iv.)"

The poor visualizer says:

The struggling visualizer says:

"My ability to form mental images seems, from what I have studied of other people's images, to be defective, and somewhat peculiar. The process by which I seem to remember any particular event is not by a series of distinct images, but a sort of panorama, the faintest impressions of which are perceptible through a thick fog.—I cannot shut my eyes and get a distinct image of anyone, although I used to be able to a few years ago, and the faculty seems to have gradually slipped away.—In my most vivid dreams, where the events appear like the most real facts, I am often troubled with a dimness of sight which causes the images to appear indistinct.—To come to the question of the breakfast-table, there is nothing definite about it. Everything is vague. I cannot say what I see. I could not possibly count the chairs, but I happen to know that there are ten. I see nothing in detail.—The chief thing is a general impression that I cannot tell exactly what I do see. The coloring is about the same, as far as I can recall it, only very much washed out. Perhaps the only color I can see at all distinctly is that of the table-cloth, and I could probably see the color of the wall-paper if I could remember what color it was."

"My ability to visualize things seems, from what I've noticed in others, to be off and a bit strange. When I try to recall a specific event, it's not like I see clear pictures, but more like a wide view where the faintest details are barely visible through a thick fog. I can't close my eyes and get a clear image of anyone, even though I used to be able to do that a few years ago, and that ability seems to have slowly disappeared. In my most vivid dreams, where the events feel the most real, I'm often frustrated by a lack of clarity that makes everything look blurry. As for the breakfast table, there's nothing specific about it. Everything feels unclear. I can’t really describe what I see. I couldn't count the chairs, but I know there are ten. I can’t see anything in detail. The main thing is that I have a general feeling but can't exactly identify what I'm seeing. The colors seem about the same, as far as I can remember, just very faded. Maybe the only color I can see clearly is the tablecloth, and I could probably remember the wallpaper color if I could just recall what it was."

A person whose visual imagination is strong finds it hard to understand how those who are without the faculty can think at all. Some people undoubtedly have no visual images at all worthy of the name,[58] and instead of seeing their breakfast-table, they tell you that they remember it or know what was on it. This knowing and remembering takes[Pg 58] place undoubtedly by means of verbal images, as was explained already in Chapter IX, pp. 265-6.

A person with a vivid imagination has a hard time understanding how those who lack that ability can even think. Some people clearly don’t have any visual images that could be called real,[58] and instead of actually seeing their breakfast table, they tell you they remember it or know what was on it. This remembering and knowing happens through[Pg 58] verbal images, as explained in Chapter IX, pp. 265-6.


The study of Aphasia (see Vol. I, p. 54) has of late years shown how unexpectedly great are the differences between individuals in respect of imagination. And at the same time the discrepancies between lesion and symptom in different cases of the disease have been largely cleared up. In some individuals the habitual 'thought-stuff,' if one may so call it, is visual; in others it is auditory, articulatory, or motor; in most, perhaps, it is evenly mixed. The same local cerebral injury must needs work different practical results in persons who differ in this way. In one it will throw a much-used brain-tract out of gear; in the other it may affect an unimportant region. A particularly instructive case was published by Charcot in 1883.[59] The patient was

The study of Aphasia (see Vol. I, p. 54) has recently highlighted how surprisingly significant the differences are between individuals when it comes to imagination. Simultaneously, the inconsistencies between brain damage and symptoms in various cases of the condition have been largely clarified. For some individuals, the usual 'thought material,' for lack of a better term, is visual; for others, it’s auditory, articulatory, or motor; and for most, it’s likely a mix of these. The same specific brain injury will produce different practical outcomes in people who have these variations. In one case, it could disrupt a heavily used brain pathway; in another, it might impact a less significant area. A particularly enlightening case was reported by Charcot in 1883.[59] The patient was

Mr. X., a merchant, born in Vienna, highly educated, master of German, Spanish, French, Greek, and Latin. Up to the beginning of the malady which took him to Professor Charcot, he read Homer at sight. He could, starting from any verse out of the first book of the Iliad, repeat the following verses without hesitating, by heart. Virgil and Horace were familiar. He also knew enough of modern Greek for business purposes. Up to within a year (from the time Charcot saw him) he enjoyed an exceptional visual memory. He no sooner thought of persons or things, but features, forms, and colors arose with the same clearness, sharpness, and accuracy as if the objects stood before him. When he tried to recall a fact or a figure in his voluminous polyglot correspondence, the letters themselves appeared before him with their entire content, irregularities, erasures and all. At school he recited from a mentally seen page which he read off line by line and letter by letter. In making computations, he ran his mental eye down imaginary columns of figures, and performed in this way the most varied operations of arithmetic. He could never think of a passage in a play without the entire scene, stage, actors, and audience appearing to him. He had been a great traveller. Being a good draughtsman, he used to sketch views which pleased him; and his memory always brought back the entire landscape exactly. If he thought of a conversation, a saying, an engagement, the place, the people, the entire scene rose before his mind.

Mr. X, a merchant from Vienna, was highly educated and fluent in German, Spanish, French, Greek, and Latin. Before he became ill and sought help from Professor Charcot, he could read Homer at a glance and effortlessly recite any verses from the first book of the Iliad without hesitation. He was well-acquainted with Virgil and Horace and had enough knowledge of modern Greek for business purposes. Until about a year before Charcot examined him, he had an exceptional visual memory. Whenever he thought of people or things, their features, shapes, and colors appeared clearly, sharply, and accurately as if they were right in front of him. When he tried to recall a fact or figure from his extensive polyglot correspondence, the letters came back to him with their full content, including any irregularities or erasures. At school, he would recite from a mentally visualized page, reading it line by line and letter by letter. When doing calculations, he would visualize imaginary columns of numbers, enabling him to perform a wide range of arithmetic operations. He could never think of a scene from a play without visualizing the entire setting, including the stage, the actors, and the audience. He had been a great traveler, and as a talented draftsman, he would sketch landscapes that caught his eye, with his memory perfectly recreating the entire view. Every time he recalled a conversation, a quote, or an event, the place, the people, and the complete scene would come to life in his mind.

His auditory memory was always deficient, or at least secondary. He had no taste for music.

His auditory memory was always lacking, or at least not his strong suit, and he had no interest in music.

A year and a half previous to examination, after business-anxieties, loss of sleep, appetite, etc., he noticed suddenly one day an extraordinary change in himself. After complete confusion, there came a violent contrast between his old and his new state. Everything about him seemed so new and foreign that at first he thought he must be going mad. He was nervous and irritable. Although he saw all things distinct, he had entirely lost his memory for forms and colors. On ascertaining this, he became reassured as to his sanity. He soon discovered that he could carry on his affairs by using his memory in an altogether new way. He can now describe clearly the difference between his two conditions.

A year and a half before the exam, after worrying about work, losing sleep, and having no appetite, he suddenly noticed a huge change in himself one day. After feeling completely disoriented, he experienced a striking contrast between his old self and his new state. Everything around him felt so unfamiliar and strange that at first, he thought he might be losing his mind. He became anxious and easily irritated. Even though he could see everything clearly, he had completely lost his memory for shapes and colors. Once he realized this, he felt reassured about his sanity. He quickly learned that he could manage his life by using his memory in a totally different way, and he can now clearly explain the difference between his two states.

Every time he returns to A., from which place business often calls him, he seems to himself as if entering a strange city. He views the monuments, houses, and streets with the same surprise as if he saw them for the first time. Gradually, however, his memory returns, and he finds himself at home again. When asked to describe the principal public place of the town, he answered, "I know that it is there, but it is impossible to imagine it, and I can tell you nothing about it." He has often drawn the port of A. To-day he vainly tries to trace its principal outlines. Asked to draw a minaret, he reflects, says it is a square tower, and draws, rudely, four lines, one for ground, one for top, and two for sides. Asked to draw an arcade, he says, "I remember that it contains semi-circular arches, and that two of them meeting at an angle make a vault, but how it looks I am absolutely unable to imagine." The profile of a man which he drew by request was as if drawn by a little child; and yet he confessed that he had been helped to draw it by looking at the bystanders. Similarly he drew a shapeless scribble for a tree.

Every time he returns to A., where business often takes him, he feels like he’s entering a completely different city. He gazes at the monuments, houses, and streets with the same surprise as if he were seeing them for the first time. Gradually, though, his memories return, and he starts to feel at home again. When asked to describe the main public place in town, he replied, "I know it’s there, but I can’t visualize it, and I can’t tell you anything about it." He has often sketched the port of A., but today he struggles to outline its main features. When asked to draw a minaret, he thinks for a moment, says it’s a square tower, and crudely sketches four lines—one for the ground, one for the top, and two for the sides. When asked to draw an arcade, he says, "I remember it has semi-circular arches, and when two meet at an angle, they form a vault, but I can’t picture how it looks." The profile of a man he drew on request looked like a child's drawing; yet he admitted he had help drawing it by observing people around him. Similarly, he made a random scribble for a tree.

He can no more remember his wife's and children's faces than he can remember the port of A. Even after being with them some time they seem unusual to him. He forgets his own face, and once spoke to his image in a mirror, taking it for a stranger. He complains of his loss of feeling for colors. "My wife has black hair, this I know; but I can no more recall its color than I can her person and features." This visual amnesia extends to dating objects from his childhood's years—paternal mansion, etc., forgotten.

He can't remember his wife's and children's faces any better than he can recall the port of A. Even after spending time with them, they still feel strange to him. He forgets what his own face looks like, and once spoke to his reflection in a mirror, thinking it was someone else. He talks about losing his ability to perceive colors. "I know my wife has black hair, but I can’t remember what it looks like any more than I can remember her face and features." This visual memory loss extends to things from his childhood, like his father's house, which he no longer remembers.

No other disturbances but this loss of visual images. Now when he seeks something in his correspondence, he must rummage among the letters like other men, until he meets the passage. He can recall only the first few verses of the Iliad, and must grope to read Homer, Virgil, and Horace. Figures which he adds he must now whisper to himself. He realises clearly that he must help his memory out with auditory images, which he does with effort. The words and expressions which he recalls seem now to echo in his ear, an altogether novel sensation for him. If he wishes to learn by heart anything, a series of phrases for example, he must read them several times aloud, so as to impress his ear. When later he repeats the thing in question, the sensation of inward[Pg 60] hearing which precedes articulation rises up in his mind. This feeling was formerly unknown to him. He speaks French fluently; but affirms that he can no longer think in French; but must get his French words by translating them from Spanish or German, the languages of his childhood. He dreams no more in visual terms, but only in words, usually Spanish words. A certain degree of verbal blindness affects him—he is troubled by the Greek alphabet, etc.[60]

He has no other issues, just this loss of visual images. Now, when he searches through his letters, he has to go through them like anyone else until he finds the right section. He can only remember the first few lines of the Iliad and now struggles to read Homer, Virgil, and Horace. The figures he adds, he now has to whisper to himself. He clearly understands that he needs to support his memory with auditory images, which he does with difficulty. The words and phrases he recalls now seem to echo in his ears, a completely new experience for him. If he wants to memorize something, like a series of phrases, he has to read them out loud several times to make an impression on his ears. Later, when he repeats what he learned, the sensation of internal hearing comes to mind before he speaks. This sensation was unfamiliar to him before. He speaks French fluently but claims he can no longer think in French; he has to translate his French words from Spanish or German, the languages of his childhood. He no longer dreams in visual terms but only in words, usually in Spanish. He experiences a certain level of verbal blindness—he struggles with the Greek alphabet, etc.[60]

If this patient had possessed the auditory type of imagination from the start, it is evident that the injury, whatever it was, to his centres for optical imagination, would have affected his practical life much less profoundly.

If this patient had had the auditory type of imagination from the beginning, it’s clear that the injury, whatever it was, to his centers for visual imagination, would have impacted his practical life much less severely.

"The auditory type," says M. A. Binet,[61] "appears to be rarer than the visual. Persons of this type imagine what they think of in the language of sound. In order to remember a lesson they impress upon their mind, not the look of the page, but the sound of the words. They reason, as well as remember, by ear. In performing a mental addition they repeat verbally the names of the figures, and add, as it were, the sounds, without any thought of the graphic signs. Imagination also takes the auditory form. 'When I write a scene,' said Legouvé to Scribe, 'I hear; but you see. In each phrase which I write, the voice of the personage who speaks strikes my ear. Vous, qui êtes le théâtre même, your actors walk, gesticulate before your eyes; I am a listener, you a spectator.'—'Nothing more true,' said Scribe; 'do you know where I am when I write a piece? In the middle of the parterre.' It is clear that the pure audile, seeking to develop only a single one of his faculties, may, like the pure visualizer, perform astounding feats of memory—Mozart, for example, noting from memory the Miserere of the Sistine Chapel after two hearings; the deaf Beethoven, composing and inwardly repeating his enormous symphonies. On the other hand, the man of auditory type, like the visual, is exposed to serious dangers; for if he lose his auditory images, he is without resource and breaks down completely.

"The auditory type," says M. A. Binet,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "seems to be rarer than the visual. People of this type think in terms of sound. To remember a lesson, they concentrate on the sound of the words instead of how the page looks. They reason and recall information through hearing. When doing mental addition, they verbally repeat the names of the numbers and mentally add the sounds, without paying attention to the written symbols. Their imagination also manifests in an auditory way. 'When I write a scene,' Legouvé told Scribe, 'I hear; but you see. In each sentence I write, I can hear the voice of the character speaking. You, who are the theater itself, see your actors performing and gesturing before your eyes; I am a listener, you are a spectator.'—'Nothing could be more true,' said Scribe; 'do you know where I am when I write a play? Right in the middle of the audience.' It’s clear that the pure audile, who concentrates solely on one of his abilities, can achieve remarkable feats of memory—much like Mozart, who could recall the Miserere from the Sistine Chapel after hearing it just twice, or the deaf Beethoven, who created and mentally repeated his grand symphonies. Conversely, the auditory person, like the visual type, faces significant risks; if they lose their auditory images, they find themselves completely lost and unable to function."

"It is possible that persons with hallucinations of hearing, and[Pg 61] individuals afflicted with the mania that they are victims of persecution, may all belong to the auditory type; and that the predominance of a certain kind of imagination may predispose to a certain order of hallucinations, and perhaps of delirium.

"It's possible that people who hear things that aren't there, as well as those who feel they are being persecuted, might fall into the auditory category. The dominance of a specific type of imagination could lead someone to experience certain kinds of hallucinations, and possibly even delirium."


"The motor type remains—perhaps the most interesting of all, and certainly the one of which least is known. Persons who belong to this type [les moteurs, in French, motiles, as Mr. Galton proposes to call them in English] make use, in memory, reasoning, and all their intellectual operations, of images derived from movement. In order to understand this important point, it is enough to remember that 'all our perceptions, and in particular the important ones, those of sight and touch, contain as integral elements the movements of our eyes and limbs; and that, if movement is ever an essential factor in our really seeing an object, it must be an equally essential factor when we see the same object in imagination' (Ribot).[62] For example, the complex impression of a ball, which is there, in our hand, is the resultant of optical impressions of touch, of muscular adjustments of the eye, of the movements of our fingers, and of the muscular sensations which these yield. When we imagine the ball, its idea must include the images of these muscular sensations, just as it includes those of the retinal and epidermal sensations. They form so many motor images. If they were not earlier recognized to exist, that is because our knowledge of the muscular sense is relatively so recent. In older psychologies it never was mentioned, the number of senses being restricted to five.

The motor type is perhaps the most intriguing of all, and definitely the one we know the least about. People in this category [les moteurs in French, motiles as Mr. Galton suggests we call them in English] rely on movement images in their memory, reasoning, and overall intellectual processes. To grasp this essential idea, it’s enough to remember that "all our perceptions, especially the significant ones, like sight and touch, involve movements of our eyes and limbs as vital components; and if movement is crucial in genuinely seeing an object, it must also be critical when we visualize that same object" (Ribot).__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ For example, the complex sensation of a ball we feel in our hand comes from visual impressions of touch, adjustments of our eye muscles, movements of our fingers, and the sensations those create. When we picture the ball, the idea must include images of these muscle sensations, just as it encompasses those of our visual and tactile sensations. These create numerous motor images. If these weren't recognized before, it’s because our understanding of the muscular sense is relatively recent. In older psychologies, it was never mentioned, as the number of senses was limited to five.

"There are persons who remember a drawing better when they have followed its outlines with their finger. Lecoq de Boisbaudran used this means in his artistic teaching, in order to accustom his pupils to draw from memory. He made them follow the outlines of figures with a pencil held in the air, forcing them thus to associate muscular with visual memory. Galton quotes a curious corroborative fact. Colonel Moncrieff often observed in North America young Indians who, visiting occasionally his quarters, interested themselves greatly in the engravings which were shown them. One of them followed with care with the point of his knife the outline of a drawing in the Illustrated London News, saying that this was to enable him to carve it out the better on his return home. In this ease the motor images were to[Pg 62] reinforce the visual ones. The young savage was a motor....[63] When one's motor images are destroyed, one loses one's remembrance of movements, and sometimes, more curiously still, one loses the power of executing them. Pathology gives us examples in motor aphasia, agraphia, etc. Take the case of agraphia. An educated man, knowing how to write, suddenly loses this power, as a result of cerebral injury. His hand and arm are in no way paralytic, yet he cannot write. Whence this loss of power? He tells us himself: he no longer knows how. He has forgotten how to set about it to trace the letters, he has lost the memory of the movements to be executed, he has no longer the motor images which, when formerly he wrote, directed his hand.... Other patients, affected with word-blindness, resort to these motor images precisely to make amends for their other deficiency.... An individual affected in this way cannot read letters which are placed before his eyes, even although his sight be good enough for the purpose. This loss of the power of reading by sight may, at a certain time, be the only trouble the patient has. Individuals thus mutilated succeed in reading by an ingenious roundabout way which they often discover themselves: it is enough that they should trace the letters with their finger to understand their sense. What happens in such a case? How can the hand supply the place of the eye? The motor image gives the key to the problem. If the patient can read, so to speak, with his fingers, it is because in tracing the letters he gives himself a certain number of muscular impressions which are those of writing. In one word, the patient reads by writing (Charcot): the feeling of the graphic movements suggests the sense of what is being written as well as sight would."[64]

"Some individuals remember a drawing better when they trace its outlines with their finger. Lecoq de Boisbaudran used this method in his teaching, guiding his students to learn to draw from memory. He had them trace the outlines of figures with a pencil held in the air, which connected their muscular memory with visual memory. Galton mentions an interesting supporting instance. Colonel Moncrieff often observed young Native Americans in North America, who would occasionally visit him and express great interest in the engravings he shared. One of them carefully traced the outline of a drawing in the Illustrated London News with the tip of his knife, saying that it would help him carve it better when he returned home. In this case, motor images were intended to reinforce visual ones. The young man was a motor....__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__ When someone loses their motor images, they forget how to perform movements, and sometimes, even more peculiarly, they lose the ability to execute them. Pathology provides examples like motor aphasia, agraphia, etc. Take agraphia, for instance. An educated person who knows how to write suddenly loses this ability because of a brain injury. His hand and arm are not paralyzed, yet he cannot write. Why this loss of ability? He himself says: he no longer knows how. He has forgotten the steps to trace the letters; he has lost the memory of the motions involved; he no longer possesses the motor images that guided his hand when he used to write.... Other patients affected by word-blindness depend on these motor images specifically to compensate for their other deficiency.... A person with this condition cannot read letters that are placed before their eyes, even though their vision is adequate for that purpose. Sometimes, the inability to read by sight may be the only issue experienced by the patient. People with this impairment often find a clever workaround: if they trace the letters with their finger, they can understand their meaning. What occurs in such cases? How can the hand substitute for the eye? The motor image provides the answer. If the patient can 'read' with their fingers, it's because tracing the letters gives them a series of muscular impressions similar to writing. In short, the patient reads by writing (Charcot): the sensation of the graphic movements conveys the meaning of what is being written just as well as sight would."[64]

The imagination of a blind-deaf mute like Laura Bridgman must be confined entirely to tactile and motor material. All blind persons must belong to the 'tactile' and 'motile' types of the French authors. When the young man whose cataracts were removed by Dr. Franz was shown different geometric figures, he said he "had not been able to form from them the idea of a square and a disk until he perceived a sensation of what he saw in the points of his fingers, as if he really touched the objects."[65]

The imagination of a blind-deaf mute like Laura Bridgman must rely completely on touch and movement. All blind individuals must fall into the 'tactile' and 'motile' categories described by the French authors. When the young man, whose cataracts were removed by Dr. Franz, was shown different geometric shapes, he said he "hadn't been able to understand the concept of a square and a circle until he felt what he was looking at with his fingertips, as if he actually touched the objects."[65]

Professor Stricker of Vienna, who seems to have the motile form of imagination developed in unusual strength,[Pg 63] has given a very careful analysis of his own case in a couple of monographs with which all students should become familiar.[66] His recollections both of his own movements and of those of other things are accompanied invariably by distinct muscular feelings in those parts of his body which would naturally be used in effecting or in following the movement. In thinking of a soldier marching, for example, it is as if he were helping the image to march by marching himself in his rear. And if he suppresses this sympathetic feeling in his own legs, and concentrates all his attention on the imagined soldier, the latter becomes, as it were, paralyzed. In general his imagined movements, of whatsoever objects, seem paralyzed the moment no feelings of movement either in his own eyes or in his own limbs accompany them.[67] The movements of articulate speech play a predominant part in his mental life.

Professor Stricker from Vienna, who appears to have an unusually strong ability to visualize movement,[Pg 63] has provided a thorough analysis of his own experiences in a couple of monographs that all students should be aware of.[66] His memories of his own movements and those of other objects are always accompanied by distinct physical sensations in the parts of his body that would typically be used to execute or follow the movement. For instance, when he thinks of a soldier marching, it feels like he is assisting the image to march by marching along behind it. If he suppresses this sympathetic sensation in his legs and focuses entirely on the imagined soldier, the soldier seems to become, in a way, paralyzed. Generally, his imagined movements of any objects appear to become paralyzed the moment there are no feelings of movement in his own eyes or limbs accompanying them.[67] The movements involved in spoken language play a major role in his mental life.

"When after my experimental work I proceed to its description, as a rule I reproduce in the first instance only words, which I had already associated with the perception of the various details of the observation whilst the latter was going on. For speech plays in all my observing so important a part that I ordinarily clothe phenomena in words as fast as I observe them."[68]

"When I talk about my experimental work, I usually begin by using the words that came to mind as I was observing things in real-time. Speaking is such an essential part of my observations that I tend to put into words what I see as soon as I notice it."[68]

Most persons, on being asked in what sort of terms they imagine words, will say 'in terms of hearing.' It is not until their attention is expressly drawn to the point that they find it difficult to say whether auditory images or motor images connected with the organs of articulation predominate. A good way of bringing the difficulty to consciousness is that proposed by Stricker: Partly open your mouth and then imagine any word with labials or dentals in it, such as 'bubble, 'toddle.' Is your image under these conditions distinct? To most people the image is at first 'thick,' as the sound of the word would be if they tried to pronounce it with the lips parted. Many can never imagine the words[Pg 64] clearly with the mouth open; others succeed after a few preliminary trials. The experiment proves how dependent our verbal imagination is on actual feelings in lips, tongue, throat, larynx, etc.

Most people, when asked how they imagine words, will say 'in terms of hearing.' It’s only when they are specifically asked to think about it that they struggle to determine whether auditory images or motor images related to the speech organs are more prominent. A good method to make this challenge clear is the one suggested by Stricker: Partially open your mouth and then try to imagine any word that has labials or dentals in it, like 'bubble' or 'toddle.' Is your image clear under these conditions? For most people, the image initially feels 'thick,' similar to how the sound of the word would come out if they attempted to say it with their lips parted. Many can never clearly imagine the words[Pg 64] with their mouth open; others manage to do so after a few tries. This experiment shows how much our verbal imagination relies on actual sensations in the lips, tongue, throat, larynx, and so on.

"When we recall the impression of a word or sentence, if we do not speak it out, we feel the twitter of the organs just about to come to that point. The articulating parts—the larynx, the tongue, the lips—are all sensibly excited; a suppressed articulation is in fact the material of our recollection, the intellectual manifestation, the idea of speech."[69]

"When we recall a word or sentence and don't say it out loud, we can feel our mouths preparing to speak it. The parts used in speaking—the larynx, the tongue, the lips—are all noticeably engaged; a suppressed articulation is actually the core of our memory, the mental expression, the concept of speech."[69]

The open mouth in Stricker's experiment not only prevents actual articulation of the labials, but our feeling of its openness keeps us from imagining their articulation, just as a sensation of glaring light will keep us from strongly imagining darkness. In persons whose auditory imagination is weak, the articulatory image seems to constitute the whole material for verbal thought. Professor Stricker says that in his own case no auditory image enters into the words of which he thinks.[70] Like most psychologists, however, he makes of his personal peculiarities a rule, and says that verbal thinking is normally and universally an exclusively motor representation. I certainly get auditory images, both of vowels and of consonants, in addition to the articulatory images or feelings on which this author lays such stress. And I find that numbers of my students, after repeating his experiments, come to this conclusion. There is at first a difficulty due to the open mouth. That, however, soon vanishes, as does also the difficulty of thinking of one vowel whilst continuously sounding another. What probably remains true, however, is that most men have a less auditory and a more articulatory verbal imagination than they are apt to be aware of.[Pg 65] Professor Stricker himself has acoustic images, and can imagine the sounds of musical instruments, and the peculiar voice of a friend. A statistical inquiry on a large scale, into the variations of acoustic, tactile, and motor imagination, would probably bear less fruit than Galton's inquiry into visual images. A few monographs by competent observers, like Stricker, about their own peculiarities, would give much more valuable information about the diversities which prevail.[71]

The open mouth in Stricker's experiment not only stops us from actually articulating the labials, but the sensation of it being open also prevents us from imagining their articulation, much like how a bright light can make it hard to vividly picture darkness. For people with weak auditory imagination, the articulatory image seems to provide the entire basis for verbal thought. Professor Stricker mentions that in his own case, no auditory image contributes to the words he thinks about.[70] Like many psychologists, though, he generalizes his personal experiences into a rule, stating that verbal thinking is normally and universally a purely motor representation. I definitely get auditory images, both of vowels and consonants, in addition to the articulatory images or feelings that this author emphasizes. I've found that many of my students, after trying his experiments, come to the same conclusion. There is initially a challenge due to the open mouth. However, that quickly disappears, just like the difficulty of thinking of one vowel while continuously producing another. What probably remains true is that most people have a less auditory and more articulatory verbal imagination than they realize.[Pg 65] Professor Stricker himself has acoustic images and can envision the sounds of musical instruments and the unique voice of a friend. A large-scale statistical investigation into the variations of acoustic, tactile, and motor imagination would likely yield less insight than Galton's study of visual images. A few monographs from knowledgeable observers, like Stricker, about their own unique traits would provide far more valuable information about the diversity that exists.[71]

Touch-images are very strong in some people. The most vivid touch-images come when we ourselves barely escape local injury, or when we see another injured. The place[Pg 66] may then actually tingle with the imaginary sensation—perhaps not altogether imaginary, since goose-flesh, paling or reddening, and other evidences of actual muscular contraction in the spot may result.

Touch-images are really intense for some people. The most vivid touch-images happen when we almost get hurt ourselves or when we witness someone else getting injured. The area[Pg 66] might actually feel like it’s tingling with the imagined sensation—perhaps not entirely imagined, since you might experience goosebumps, turning pale or red, and other signs of actual muscle contraction in that spot.

"An educated man," says a writer who must always be quoted when it is question of the powers of imagination,[72] "told me once that on entering his house one day he received a shock from crushing the finger of one of his little children in the door. At the moment of his fright he felt a violent pain in the corresponding finger of his own body, and this pain abode with him three days."

"A knowledgeable person," says a writer who is often referenced regarding the power of imagination,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "once shared with me that when he came home one day, he accidentally shut the door on one of his child's fingers. In that moment of panic, he felt a sudden pain in the same finger on his own hand, and that pain lingered for three days."

The same author makes the following discrimination, which probably most men could verify:

The same author points out a distinction that most people could probably confirm:

"On the skin I easily succeed in bringing out suggested sensations wherever I will. But because it is necessary to protract the mental effort I can only awaken such sensations as are in their nature prolonged, as warmth, cold, pressure. Fleeting sensations, as those of a prick, a cut, a blow, etc., I am unable to call up, because I cannot imagine them ex abrupto with the requisite intensity. The sensations of the former order I can excite upon any part of the skin; and they may become so lively that, whether I will or not, I have to pass my hand over the place just as if it were a real impression on the skin."[73]

"I can easily create suggested sensations on my skin wherever I want. However, since it requires ongoing mental effort, I can only bring up sensations that naturally last longer, like warmth, cold, or pressure. I can't summon brief sensations, like a prick, cut, or blow, because I can't make myself imagine them suddenly with the necessary intensity. I can induce lasting sensations on any part of my skin, and they can become so intense that, whether I want to or not, I feel compelled to run my hand over the area as if it were a real sensation." [73]

Meyer's account of his own visual images is very interesting; and with it we may close our survey of differences between the normal powers of imagining in different individuals.

Meyer's description of his own visual images is quite fascinating; and with it, we can conclude our exploration of the variations in the normal imaginative abilities among different individuals.

"With much practice," he says, "I have succeeded in making it possible for me to call up subjective visual sensations at will. I tried all my experiments by day or at night with closed eyes. At first it was very difficult. In the first experiments which succeeded the whole picture was luminous, the shadows being given in a somewhat less strong bluish light. In later experiments I saw the objects dark, with bright outlines, or rather I saw outline drawings of them, bright on a dark ground. I can compare these drawings less to chalk drawings on a blackboard than to drawings made with phosphorus on a dark wall at night, though the phosphorus would show luminous vapors which were absent from my lines. If I wished, for example, to see a face, without intending that of a particular person, I saw the outline of a profile against the dark background. When I tried to repeat an[Pg 67] experiment of the elder Darwin I saw only the edges of the die as bright lines on a dark ground. Sometimes, however, I saw the die really white and its edges black; it was then on a paler ground. I could soon at will change between a white die with black borders on a light field, and a black die with white borders on a dark field; and I can do this at any moment now. After long practice ... these experiments succeeded better still. I can now call before my eyes almost any object which I please, as a subjective appearance, and this in its own natural color and illumination. I see them almost always on a more or less light or dark, mostly dimly changeable ground. Even known faces I can see quite sharp, with the true color of hair and cheeks. It is odd that I see these faces mostly in profile, whereas those described [in the previous extract] were all full-face. Here are some of the final results of these experiments:

"After a lot of practice," he says, "I’ve managed to trigger visual sensations in my mind whenever I want. I did all my experiments during the day or at night with my eyes closed. At first, it was really difficult. In the initial successful experiments, the entire image was bright, with shadows appearing in a somewhat weaker bluish light. Later on, I began to see the objects as dark shapes with bright outlines, or rather, I saw outline drawings glowing against a dark background. I would compare these drawings less to chalk sketches on a blackboard and more to phosphorus drawings on a dark wall at night, although the phosphorus would emit glowing vapors that my lines didn’t have. If I wanted to see a face, without focusing on any specific person, I would see the silhouette of a profile against the dark background. When I tried to recreate an [Pg 67] experiment by the elder Darwin, I only saw the edges of the die as bright lines on a dark surface. However, sometimes I would see the die as really white with its edges black; it would then appear on a lighter background. I could quickly switch between seeing a white die with black edges on a light surface and a black die with white edges on a dark surface; I can do this anytime now. After a lot of practice... these experiments improved even more. I can now visualize almost any object I want as a subjective image, and it appears in its natural color and lighting. I usually see them against a more or less light or dark, often softly changing background. I can recognize familiar faces quite clearly, capturing the true color of their hair and cheeks. It's strange that I mostly see these faces in profile, while those mentioned [in the previous excerpt] were all viewed from the front. Here are some of the final results of these experiments:

"1) Some time after the pictures have arisen they vanish or change into others, without my being able to prevent it.

"1) Some time after the images appear, they disappear or change into others, and I can't stop it."

"2) When the color does not integrally belong to the object, I cannot always control it. A face, e.g., never seems to me blue, but always in its natural color; a red cloth, on the other hand, I can sometimes change to a blue one.

"2) When the color doesn't naturally belong to the object, I can't always control it. A face, for instance, never looks blue to me, but always in its natural color; however, I can sometimes change a red cloth to a blue one."

"3) I have sometimes succeeded in seeing pure colors without objects; they then fill the entire field of view.

"3) Sometimes I've been able to see pure colors without any objects; they then fill the entire field of vision."

"4) I often fail to see objects which are not known to me, mere fictions of my fancy, and instead of them there will appear familiar objects of a similar sort; for instance, I once tried to see a brass sword-hilt with a brass guard, instead of which the more familiar picture of a rapier-guard appeared.

"4) I often have trouble seeing objects that I'm not familiar with, just figments of my imagination, and instead, I see familiar objects that are similar; for example, I once tried to visualize a brass sword hilt with a brass guard, but instead, the more familiar image of a rapier guard came to mind."

"5) Most of these subjective appearances, especially when they were bright, left after-images behind them when the eyes were quickly opened during their presence. For example, I thought of a silver stirrup, and after I had looked at it a while I opened my eyes and for a long while afterwards saw its after-image.

"5) Most of these subjective appearances, especially when they were bright, left behind after-images when I quickly opened my eyes while they were present. For example, I thought of a silver stirrup, and after looking at it for a while, I opened my eyes and saw its after-image for a long time afterward."

"These experiments succeeded best when I lay quietly on my back and closed my eyes. I could bear no noise about me, as this kept the vision from attaining the requisite intensity. The experiments succeed with me now so easily that I am surprised they did not do so at first, and I feel as though they ought to succeed with everyone. The important point in them is to get the image sufficiently intense by the exclusive direction of the attention upon it, and by the removal of all disturbing impressions."[74]

These experiments worked best when I lay quietly on my back and closed my eyes. I couldn’t handle any noise around me because it prevented the vision from becoming intense enough. Now, these experiments go so easily for me that I’m surprised they didn’t at first, and I feel like they should work for everyone. The key point is to make the image intense enough by focusing entirely on it and eliminating any distractions.[74]

The negative after-images which succeeded upon Meyer's imagination when he opened his eyes are a highly interesting, though rare, phenomenon. So far as I know there is[Pg 68] only one other published report of a similar experience.[75] It would seem that in such a case the neural process corresponding to the imagination must be the entire tract concerned in the actual sensation, even down as far as the retina. This leads to a new question to which we may now turn—of what is

The negative after-images that appeared in Meyer's imagination when he opened his eyes are a fascinating, though rare, phenomenon. As far as I know, there is[Pg 68] only one other documented case of a similar experience.[75] It seems that in such cases, the neural process linked to the imagination must involve the entire pathway related to the actual sensation, extending all the way to the retina. This brings up a new question that we can now explore—what is

THE NEURAL PROCESS WHICH UNDERLIES IMAGINATION?

The commonly-received idea is that it is only a milder degree of the same process which took place when the thing now imagined was sensibly perceived. Professor Bain writes:

The generally accepted belief is that it's just a less intense version of the same process that happened when the thing we now envision was actually perceived. Professor Bain writes:

"Since a sensation in the first instance diffuses nerve-currents through the interior of the brain outwards to the organs of expression and movement,—the persistence of that sensation, after the outward exciting cause is withdrawn, can be but a continuance of the same diffusive currents, perhaps less intense, but not otherwise different. The shock remaining in the ear and brain, after the sound of thunder, must pass through the same circles, and operate in the same way as during the actual sound. We can have no reason for believing that, in this self-sustaining condition, the impression changes its seat, or passes into some new circles that have the special property of retaining it. Every part actuated after the shock must have been actuated by the shock, only more powerfully. With this single difference of intensity, the mode of existence of a sensation existing after the fact is essentially the same as its mode of existence during the fact.... Now if this be the case with impressions persisting when the cause has ceased, what view are we to adopt concerning impressions reproduced by mental causes alone, or without the aid of the original, as in ordinary recollection? What is the manner of occupation of the brain with a resuscitated feeling of resistance, a smell or a sound? There is only one answer that seems admissable. The renewed feeling occupies the very same parts, and in the same manner, as the original feeling, and no other parts, nor in any other assignable manner. I imagine that if our present knowledge of the brain had been present to the earliest speculators, this is the only[Pg 69] hypothesis that would have occurred to them. For where should a past feeling be embodied, if not in the same organs as the feeling when present? It is only in this way that its identity can be preserved; a feeling differently embodied would be a different feeling."[76]

"When a sensation first sends nerve impulses through the brain to the muscles that create expression and movement, the lasting effect of that sensation, once the original source is gone, is just a continuation of the same nerve impulses—maybe less intense, but otherwise unchanged. The echo we experience in our ears and minds after the sound of thunder must follow the same pathways and work the same way as when we actually heard it. We have no reason to think that, in this self-sustaining state, the impression shifts or moves to new areas that are uniquely able to hold it. Every part that is activated after the shock must have been activated by the shock, just with more intensity. Besides this difference in intensity, the way a sensation exists after the event is essentially the same as during the event.... Now, if this applies to impressions that persist once the cause has ended, what should we think about impressions reproduced only through mental processes, without any help from the original, like regular memory? How does the brain engage with a revived feeling of resistance, a smell, or a sound? There seems to be only one acceptable answer: The renewed feeling occupies the exact same areas, and in the same way, as the original feeling, and no other areas, nor in any other assignable way. I suspect that if those early thinkers had the understanding of the brain that we have now, this would be the only[Pg 69] hypothesis they would have considered. Because where else could a past feeling be stored if not in the same organs as when it was felt? It’s only through this method that its identity can be maintained; a differently represented feeling would be a different feeling." [76]

It is not plain from Professor Bain's text whether by the 'same parts' he means only the same parts inside the brain, or the same peripheral parts also, as those occupied by the original feeling. The examples which he himself proceeds to give are almost all cases of imagination of movement, in which the peripheral organs are indeed affected, for actual movements of a weak sort are found to accompany the idea. This is what we should expect. All currents tend to run forward in the brain and discharge into the muscular system; and the idea of a movement tends to do this with peculiar facility. But the question remains: Do currents run backward, so that if the optical centres (for example) are excited by 'association' and a visual object is imagined, a current runs down to the retina also, and excites that sympathetically with the higher tracts? In other words, can peripheral sense-organs be excited from above, or only from without? Are they excited in imagination? Professor Bain's instances are almost silent as to this point. All he says is this:

It’s not clear from Professor Bain's text whether by the 'same parts' he means only the same parts inside the brain or the same peripheral parts as those involved in the original feeling. The examples he provides are mainly cases of imagining movement, where the peripheral organs are indeed affected, as actual movements of a weak sort tend to occur alongside the idea. This aligns with our expectations. All currents usually flow forward in the brain and discharge into the muscular system; the thought of movement tends to do this quite easily. However, the question still stands: Do currents flow backward? So if the optical centers (for example) are activated by 'association' and a visual object is imagined, does a current also flow down to the retina and stimulate it sympathetically with the higher pathways? In other words, can peripheral sense-organs be activated from above, or only from outside? Are they activated in imagination? Professor Bain’s examples mostly don't address this issue. All he states is this:

"We might think of a blow on the hand until the skin were actually irritated and inflamed. The attention very much directed to any part of the body, as the great toe, for instance, is apt to produce a distinct feeling in the part, which we account for only by supposing a revived nerve-current to flow there, making a sort of false sensation, an influence from within mimicking the influences from without in sensation proper.—(See the writings of Mr. Braid, of Manchester, on Hypnotism, etc.)"

"We can think about a hit to the hand until the skin gets irritated and inflamed. Paying attention to any part of the body, like the big toe, can produce a unique feeling in that spot. We explain this by suggesting that a refreshed nerve current is flowing there, creating a kind of false sensation, an internal effect that resembles the external influences of real sensation. —(See the writings of Mr. Braid, of Manchester, on Hypnotism, etc.)"

If I may judge from my own experience, all feelings of this sort are consecutive upon motor currents invading the skin and producing contraction of the muscles there, the muscles whose contraction gives 'goose-flesh' when it takes place on an extensive scale. I never get a feeling in the skin, however strongly I imagine it, until some actual change in the condition of the skin itself has occurred. The truth seems to be that the cases where peripheral[Pg 70] sense-organs are directly excited in consequence of imagination are exceptional rarities, if they exist at all. In common cases of imagination it would seem more natural to suppose that the seat of the process is purely cerebral, and that the sense-organ is left out. Reasons for such a conclusion would be briefly these:

If I can judge by my own experience, all feelings like this arise from motor signals affecting the skin and causing muscle contractions, especially in areas that lead to 'goosebumps' when it happens extensively. I never really get a feeling in my skin, no matter how intensely I imagine it, until there's an actual change in the skin's condition itself. It seems that cases where peripheral[Pg 70] sense-organs are directly activated due to imagination are rare, if they even exist. In typical cases of imagination, it appears more likely that the process occurs entirely in the brain, and the sense-organ is not involved. The reasons for such a conclusion would be briefly the following:

1) In imagination the starting-point of the process must be in the brain. Now we know that currents usually flow one way in the nervous system; and for the peripheral sense-organs to be excited in these cases, the current would have to flow backward.

1) In our imagination, the starting-point of the process has to be in the brain. We now know that currents typically flow in one direction in the nervous system; for the peripheral sense organs to be stimulated in these situations, the current would need to flow in reverse.

2) There is between imagined objects and felt objects a difference of conscious quality which may be called almost absolute. It is hardly possible to confound the liveliest image of fancy with the weakest real sensation. The felt object has a plastic reality and outwardness which the imagined object wholly lacks. Moreover, as Fechner says, in imagination the attention feels as if drawn backwards to the brain; in sensation (even of after-images) it is directed forward towards the sense-organ.[77] The difference between the two processes feels like one of kind, and not like a mere 'more' or 'less' of the same.[78] If a sensation of sound were only a strong imagination, and an imagination a weak sensation, there ought to be a border-line of experience where we never could tell whether we were hearing a weak sound or imagining a strong one. In comparing a present sensation felt with a past one imagined, it will be remembered that we often judge the imagined one to have been the stronger (see above, Vol. I p. 500, note). This is inexplicable if the imagination be simply a weaker excitement of the sensational process.

2) There is a significant difference in the quality of awareness between imagined objects and felt objects. It’s nearly impossible to confuse the most vivid fantasy with the faintest real sensation. The felt object has a tangible reality and outward presence that the imagined object completely lacks. Furthermore, as Fechner points out, in imagination, attention seems to be pulled back to the brain, while in sensation (even with after-images), it is directed forward toward the sense organ.[77] The difference between these two processes feels like a difference in kind rather than just a matter of 'more' or 'less' of the same.[78] If a sensation of sound were just a strong imagination, and an imagination a weak sensation, there should be a point of experience where we could never tell if we were hearing a faint sound or imagining a loud one. When we compare a current sensation we feel to a past one we imagined, we often judge the imagined sensation to have been the stronger (see above, Vol. I p. 500, note). This is puzzling if we consider imagination to be merely a weaker version of the sensational process.

To these reasons the following objections may be made:

To these reasons, the following objections can be raised:

To 1): The current demonstrably does flow backward[Pg 71] down the optic nerve in Meyer's and Féré's negative after-image. Therefore it can flow backward; therefore it may flow backward in some, however slight, degree, in all imagination.[79]

To 1): The current clearly does flow backward[Pg 71] down the optic nerve in Meyer's and Féré's negative after-image. So it can flow backward; therefore it may flow backward, to some degree, in all imagination.[79]

To 2): The difference alleged is not absolute, and sensation and imagination are hard to discriminate where the sensation is so weak as to be just perceptible. At night hearing a very faint striking of the hour by a far-off clock, our imagination reproduces both rhythm and sound, and it is often difficult to tell which was the last real stroke. So of a baby crying in a distant part of the house, we are uncertain whether we still hear it, or only imagine the sound. Certain violin-players take advantage of this in diminuendo terminations. After the pianissimo has been reached they continue to bow as if still playing, but are careful not to touch the strings. The listener hears in imagination a[Pg 72] degree of sound fainter still than the preceding pianissimo. This phenomenon is not confined to hearing:

To 2): The difference being pointed out isn’t absolute, and it’s hard to tell apart sensation and imagination when the sensation is so faint that it’s barely noticeable. At night, when we hear a very soft chime from a distant clock, our imagination recreates both the rhythm and the sound, making it tough to figure out which was the last actual chime. Similarly, when a baby is crying in another part of the house, we can't be sure if we still hear it or if we're just imagining the sound. Some violin players use this technique in soft endings. After reaching the quietest level, they keep bowing as if they’re still playing but make sure not to touch the strings. The listener imagines a level of sound that is even fainter than the previous soft sound. This phenomenon isn’t just limited to hearing:

"If we slowly approach our finger to a surface of water, we often deceive ourselves about the moment in which the wetting occurs. The apprehensive patient believes himself to feel the knife of the surgeon whilst it is still at some distance."[80]

"When we slowly bring our finger near the water's surface, we often misjudge when it actually gets wet. The nervous patient believes they can feel the surgeon's knife even when it's still quite far off."[80]

Visual perception supplies numberless instances in which the same sensation of vision is perceived as one object or another according to the interpretation of the mind. Many of these instances will come before us in the course of the next two chapters; and in Chapter XIX similar illusions will be described in the other senses. Taken together, all these facts would force us to admit that the subjective difference between imagined and felt objects is less absolute than has been claimed, and that the cortical processes which underlie imagination and sensation are not quite as discrete as one at first is tempted to suppose. That peripheral sensory processes are ordinarily involved in imagination seems improbable; that they may sometimes be aroused from the cortex downwards cannot, however, be dogmatically denied.

Visual perception offers countless examples where the same visual sensation is interpreted as one object or another based on the mind’s interpretation. Many of these examples will be explored in the next two chapters; and in Chapter XIX similar illusions will be outlined in the other senses. When considered together, all these facts lead us to acknowledge that the subjective difference between imagined and experienced objects is less clear-cut than has been suggested, and that the brain processes underlying imagination and sensation are not as separate as one might initially think. While it seems unlikely that peripheral sensory processes are typically involved in imagination, the possibility that they can sometimes be activated from the cortex downwards cannot be definitively ruled out.


The imagination-process can then pass over into the sensation-process. In other words, genuine sensations can be centrally originated. When we come to study hallucinations in the chapter on Outer Perception, we shall see that this is by no means a thing of rare occurrence. At present, however, we must admit that normally the two processes do not pass over into each other; and we must inquire why. One of two things must be the reason. Either

The imagination process can then transition into the sensation process. In other words, real sensations can originate centrally. When we examine hallucinations in the chapter on Outer Perception, we'll see that this isn't a rare phenomenon. For now, though, we have to acknowledge that typically, the two processes do not transition into one another; and we need to explore why. One of two things must explain this. Either

1. Sensation-processes occupy a different locality from imagination-processes; or

1. Sensation processes take place in a different location from imagination processes; or

2. Occupying the same locality, they have an intensity which under normal circumstances currents from other cortical regions are incapable of arousing, and to produce which currents from the periphery are required.

2. Being in the same area, they have an intensity that, under normal conditions, currents from other cortical regions can't stimulate, and to create this intensity, currents from the periphery are needed.

It seems almost certain (after what was said in Chapter II. pp. 49-51) that the imagination-process differs from the sensation-process by its intensity rather than by its locality. However it may be with lower animals, the assumption that[Pg 73] ideational and sensorial centres are locally distinct appears to be supported by no facts drawn from the observation of human beings. After occipital destruction, the hemianopsia which results in man is sensorial blindness, not mere loss of optical ideas. Were there centres for crude optical sensation below the cortex, the patients in these cases would still feel light and darkness. Since they do not preserve even this impression on the lost half of the field, we must suppose that there are no centres for vision of any sort whatever below the cortex, and that the corpora quadrigemina and other lower optical ganglia are organs for reflex movement of eye-muscles and not for conscious sight. Moreover there are no facts which oblige us to think that, within the occipital cortex, one part is connected with sensation and another with mere ideation or imagination. The pathological cases assumed to prove this are all better explained by disturbances of conduction between the optical and other centres (see p. 50). In bad cases of hemianopsia the patient's images depart from him together with his sensibility to light. They depart so completely that he does not even know what is the matter with him. To perceive that one is blind to the right half of the field of view one must have an idea of that part of the field's possible existence. But the defect in these patients has to be revealed to them by the doctor, they themselves only knowing that there is 'something wrong' with their eyes. What you have no idea of you cannot miss; and their not definitely missing this great region out of their sight seems due to the fact that their very idea and memory of it is lost along with the sensation. A man blind of his eyes merely, sees darkness. A man blind of his visual brain-centres can no more see darkness out of the parts of his retina which are connected with the brain-lesion than he can see it out of the skin of his back. He cannot see at all in that part of the field; and he cannot think of the light which he ought to be feeling there, for the very notion of the existence of that particular 'there' is cut out of his mind.[81]

It seems almost certain (after what was said in Chapter II. pp. 49-51) that the imagination process is different from the sensation process in its intensity rather than its location. Regardless of how it might be with lower animals, the assumption that[Pg 73] the parts of the brain for ideas and sensations are located in different areas doesn’t seem to be supported by any facts from observing humans. After damage to the occipital region, the hemianopsia that occurs in people is a type of sensory blindness, not just a loss of visual thoughts. If there were centers for basic visual sensations below the cortex, patients would still perceive light and darkness. Since they don’t retain even that perception in the lost part of their visual field, we have to conclude that there are no vision centers of any kind below the cortex, and that the corpora quadrigemina and other lower visual ganglia are involved in reflex movements of the eye muscles rather than conscious sight. Additionally, there’s nothing to suggest that, within the occipital cortex, one area is tied to sensation and another to mere thought or imagination. The pathological cases often said to prove this are better explained by disruptions in the communication between the visual and other centers (see p. 50). In severe cases of hemianopsia, the patient’s images fade away along with their sensitivity to light. They fade so completely that they don’t even understand what is wrong with them. To realize that one is blind to the right half of the visual field, one must have an idea of that part’s potential existence. However, the defect in these patients has to be pointed out to them by the doctor, as they only know that there is 'something wrong' with their eyes. What you don’t recognize, you can’t miss; and their inability to specifically miss this large area from their sight seems to be due to the fact that their very idea and memory of it is lost along with the sensation. A person who is blind simply sees darkness. A person who is blind due to brain damage can’t see darkness from the parts of their retina connected to the damaged area any more than they can see it from the skin on their back. They can’t see anything in that section of the field; and they can’t think of the light they should be perceiving there, because the very concept of that specific 'there' has been erased from their mind.[81]

Now if we admit that sensation and imagination are due to the activity of the same centres in the cortex, we can see a very good teleological reason why they should correspond to discrete kinds of process in these centres, and why the process which gives the sense that the object is really there ought normally to be arousable only by currents entering from the periphery and not by currents from the neighboring cortical parts. We can see, in short, why the sensational process ought to be discontinuous with all normal ideational processes, however intense. For, as Dr. Münsterberg justly observes:

Now, if we acknowledge that sensation and imagination come from the same areas in the brain, we can understand why they should relate to different types of activity in those areas. This also explains why the process that gives us the feeling that an object is truly present should usually only be triggered by signals coming from outside, not by signals from nearby brain areas. In short, we can see why the sensational process should be separate from all typical thought processes, no matter how strong. As Dr. Münsterberg rightly points out:

"Were there not this peculiar arrangement we should not distinguish reality and fantasy, our conduct would not be accommodated to the facts about us, but would be inappropriate and senseless, and we could not keep ourselves alive.... That our thoughts and memories should be copies of sensations with their intensity greatly reduced is thus a consequence deducible logically from the natural adaptation of the cerebral mechanism to its environment."[82]

"If it weren't for this strange setup, we couldn't distinguish between reality and fantasy. Our actions would be out of place and pointless compared to the actual facts around us, making it hard to survive. Therefore, it's a natural result of how our brains adjust to their environment that our thoughts and memories are merely echoes of our sensations, but with their intensity greatly reduced."[82]

Mechanically the discontinuity between the ideational and the sensational kinds of process must mean that when the greatest ideational intensity has been reached, an order of resistance presents itself which only a new order of force can break through. The current from the periphery is the new order of force required; and what happens after the resistance is overcome is the sensational process. We may suppose that the latter consists in some new and more violent sort of disintegration of the neural matter, which now explodes at a deeper level than at other times.

Mechanically, the gap between the mental and sensory processes means that when we hit peak mental intensity, a type of resistance appears that can only be broken by a new kind of force. The current coming from the outside is the new force we need; what happens after we overcome the resistance is the sensory process. We can assume that this involves a new and more intense kind of breakdown of the neural material, which now reacts at a deeper level than usual.

Now how shall we conceive of the 'resistance' which prevents this sort of disintegration from taking place, this sort of intensity in the process from being attained, so much of the time? It must be either an intrinsic resistance, some force of cohesion in the neural molecules themselves; or an extrinsic influence, due to other cortical cells. When we come to study the process of hallucination we shall see that both factors must be taken into account. There is a degree of inward molecular cohesion in our brain-cells which it probably takes a sudden inrush of[Pg 75] destructive energy to spring apart. Incoming peripheral currents possess this energy from the outset. Currents from neighboring cortical regions might attain to it if they could accumulate within the centre which we are supposed to be considering. But since during waking hours every centre communicates with others by association-paths, no such accumulation can take place. The cortical currents which run in run right out again, awakening the next ideas; the level of tension in the cells does not rise to the higher explosion-point; and the latter must be gained by a sudden current from the periphery or not at all.

Now, how should we think about the 'resistance' that stops this kind of disintegration from happening and prevents this level of intensity in the process from being reached so often? It has to be either an internal resistance, some kind of cohesive force within the neural molecules themselves, or an external influence, coming from other cortical cells. When we study hallucinations, we’ll see that we need to consider both factors. There is a certain level of internal molecular cohesion in our brain cells that likely requires a sudden influx of destructive energy to separate. Incoming peripheral signals have this energy from the start. Signals from nearby cortical areas might be able to reach that level if they could accumulate within the center we’re focusing on. But since, during waking hours, every center connects with others through associative pathways, such accumulation can’t happen. The cortical signals that flow in immediately flow out again, stimulating the next ideas; the tension level in the cells doesn’t rise to the critical explosion point; and achieving that point must come from a sudden influx from the periphery, or not at all.


[49] Prof. Jastrow has ascertained by statistical inquiry among the blind that if their blindness have occurred before a period embraced between the fifth and seventh years the visual centres seem to decay, and visual dreams and images are gradually outgrown. If sight is lost after the seventh year, visual imagination seems to survive through life. See Prof. J.'s interesting article on the Dreams of the Blind, in the New Princeton Review for January 1888.

[49] Prof. Jastrow has found through statistical research among blind individuals that if they lose their sight between the ages of five and seven, their visual centers tend to weaken, and they gradually stop having visual dreams and images. However, if someone loses their sight after the age of seven, the ability for visual imagination appears to last throughout their life. Check out Prof. J.'s fascinating article on the Dreams of the Blind, published in the New Princeton Review in January 1888.

[50] Impression means sensation for Hume.

[50] For Hume, impression refers to sensation.

[51] Treatise on Human Nature, part i. § vii.

[51] Treatise on Human Nature, part i. § vii.

[52] Huxley's Hume, pp. 92-94.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Huxley's Hume, pp. 92-94.

[53] On Intelligence (N. Y.), vol. ii. p. 139.

[53] On Intelligence (N. Y.), vol. ii. p. 139.

[54] Principles, Introd. § 13. Compare also the passage quoted above, vol. I, p. 469.

[54] Principles, Intro. § 13. Also, check out the passage mentioned earlier, vol. I, p. 469.

[55] The differences noted by Fechner between after-images and images of imagination proper are as follows:

[55] The differences pointed out by Fechner between after-images and actual imagined images are as follows:

After Images.Imagination-images.
Feel coercive;Feel subject to our spontaneity;
  
Seem unsubstantial, vaporous;Have, as it were, more body;
  
Are sharp in outline;Are blurred;
  
Are bright;Are darker than even the darkest
  black of the after-images;
  
Are almost colorless;Have lively coloration;
  
Are continuously enduring;Incessantly disappear, and have to
  be renewed by an effort of will.
  At last even this fails to revive them.
  
Cannot be voluntarily changed.Can be exchanged at will for others.
  
Are exact copies of originals.Cannot violate the necessary laws of
  appearance of their originals—e.g.,
  a man cannot be imagined from
  in front and behind at once. The
  imagination must walk round him,
  so to speak;
  
Are more easily got with shut thanAre more easily had with open than
with open eyes;with shut eyes;
  
Seem to move when the head or eyesNeed not follow movements of head
move;or eyes.
  
The field within which they appearThe field is extensive in three
(with closed eyes) is dark, contracted,dimensions, and objects can be
flat, close to the eyes, inimagined in it above or behind
front, and the images have noalmost as easily as in front.
perspective;
  
The attention seems directed forwards   In imagining, the attention feels as
towards the sense-organ, inif drawn backwards towards the
observing after-images.brain.

Finally, Fechner speaks of the impossibility of attending to both after-images and imagination-images at once, even when they are of the same object and might be expected to combine. All these differences are true of Fechner; but many of them would be untrue of other persons. I quote them as a type of observation which any reader with sufficient patience may repeat. To them may be added, as a universal proposition, that after-images seem larger if we project them on a distant screen, and smaller if we project them on a near one, whilst no such change takes place in mental pictures.

Finally, Fechner discusses how it's impossible to focus on both after-images and imagination-images at the same time, even when they're related to the same object and one might expect them to merge. While all these differences apply to Fechner, many wouldn't apply to others. I'm citing them as a type of observation that any reader with enough patience can try for themselves. Additionally, it can be said as a general rule that after-images appear larger when projected on a distant screen and smaller when projected on a nearby one, whereas no such change occurs with mental images.

[56] [I am myself a good draughtsman, and have a very lively interest in pictures, statues, architecture and decoration, and a keen sensibility to artistic effects. But I am an extremely poor visualizer, and find myself often unable to reproduce in my mind's eye pictures which I have most carefully examined.—W. J.]

[56] [I’m a pretty good draftsman and I have a strong interest in pictures, sculptures, architecture, and design, along with a sharp sensibility for artistic effects. However, I'm really bad at visualizing and often struggle to recreate images in my mind that I've closely studied.—W. J.]

[57] See also McCosh and Osborne, Princeton Review, Jan. 1884. There are some good examples of high development of the Faculty in the London Spectator, Dec. 28, 1878, pp. 1631, 1634, Jan. 4, 11, 25, and March 18, 1879.

[57] See also McCosh and Osborne, Princeton Review, Jan. 1884. There are some great examples of advanced development of the Faculty in the London Spectator, Dec. 28, 1878, pp. 1631, 1634, Jan. 4, 11, 25, and March 18, 1879.

[58] Take the following report from one of my students: "I am unable to form in my mind's eye any visual likeness of the table whatever. After many trials, I can only get a hazy surface, with nothing on it or about it. I can see no variety in color, and no positive limitations in extent, while I cannot see what I see well enough to determine its position in respect to my eye, or to endow it with any quality of size. I am in the same position as to the word dog. I cannot see it in my mind's eye at all; and so cannot tell whether I should have to run my eye along it, if I did see it."

[58] Here's a report from one of my students: "I can't picture the table in my mind at all. After trying many times, I can only get a blurry image, with nothing on or around it. I don't see any color variation, and I can't figure out how big it is or where it is in relation to my eyes. It's the same with the word dog. I can't visualize it in my mind either, so I wouldn't even know if I'd have to scan along it if I did see it."

[59] Progrès Médical, 21 juillet. I abridge from the German report of the case in Wilbrand: Die Seelenblindheit (188).

[59] Medical Progress, July 21. I'm summarizing from the German report of the case by Wilbrand: The Blindness of the Soul (188).

[60] In a letter to Charcot this interesting patient adds that his character also is changed: "I was formerly receptive, easily made enthusiastic, and possessed a rich fancy. Now I am quiet and cold, and fancy never carries my thoughts away.... I am much less susceptible than formerly to anger or sorrow. I lately lost my dearly-beloved mother; but felt far less grief at the bereavement than if I had been able to see in my mind's eye her physiognomy and the phases of her suffering, and especially less than if I had been able to witness in imagination the outward effects of her untimely loss upon the members of the family."

[60] In a letter to Charcot, this intriguing patient mentions that his personality has changed too: "I used to be open-minded, easily excited, and had a vivid imagination. Now I’m calm and indifferent, and my thoughts don’t wander off like they used to... I’m much less affected by anger or sadness than I was before. I recently lost my beloved mother, but I felt much less grief over her passing than I would have if I could vividly picture her face and the stages of her suffering, especially less than if I could have imagined the impact of her untimely death on our family."

[61] Psychologie du Raisonnement (1886), p. 25.

[61] Psychology of Reasoning (1886), p. 25.

[62] [I am myself a very poor visualizer, and find that I can seldom call to mind even a single letter of the alphabet in purely retinal terms. I must trace the letter by running my mental eye over its contour in order that the image of it shall have any distinctness at all. On questioning a large number of other people, mostly students, I find that perhaps half of them say they have no such difficulty in seeing letters mentally. Many affirm that they can see an entire word at once, especially a short one like 'dog,' with no such feeling of creating the letters successively by tracing them with the eye.—W. J.]

[62] [I really struggle with visualizing, and I can hardly remember even a single letter of the alphabet in just visual terms. I need to trace the letter by mentally following its shape to make it clear in my mind. When I asked a lot of other people, mostly students, I found that about half of them said they don't have trouble seeing letters in their minds. Many claim they can see an entire word at once, especially short ones like 'dog,' without feeling like they have to create the letters one by one by following them visually.—W. J.]

[63] It is hardly needful to say that in modern primary education, in which the blackboard is so much used, the children are taught their letters, etc., by all possible channels at once, sight, hearing, and movement.

[63] It's hardly necessary to mention that in today's primary education, where the blackboard is widely used, children learn their letters and other basics through every possible method at once—sight, hearing, and movement.

[64] See an interesting case of a similar sort, reported by Farges, in l'Encéphale, 7me Année, p. 545.

[64] Check out an intriguing case of a similar type, reported by Farges, in l'Encéphale, 7th Year, p. 545.

[65] Philosophical Transactions, 1841, p. 65.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Philosophical Transactions, 1841, p. 65.

[66] Studien über die Sprachvorstellungen (1880), and Studien über die Bewegungsvorstellungen (1882).

[66] Studies on Language Concepts (1880), and Studies on Movement Concepts (1882).

[67] Prof. Stricker admits that by practice he has succeeded in making his eye-movements 'act vicariously' for his leg-movements in imagining men walking.

[67] Prof. Stricker acknowledges that through practice, he has managed to make his eye movements mimic his leg movements when he imagines people walking.

[68] Bewegungsvorstellungen, p. 6.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Movement concepts, p. 6.

[69] Bain: Senses and Intellect, p. 339.

[69] Bain: Senses and Intellect, p. 339.

[70] Studien über Sprachvorstellungen, 28, 31, etc. Cf. pp. 49-50, etc. Against Stricker, see Stumpf, Tonpsychol., 155-162, and Revue Philosophique, xx. 617. See also Paulhan, Rev. Philosophique, xvi. 405. Stricker replies to Paulhan in vol. xviii. p. 685. P. retorts in vol. xix p. 118. Stricker reports that out of 100 persons questioned he found only one who had no feeling in his lips when silently thinking the letters M, B, P; and out of 60 only two who were conscious of no internal articulation whilst reading (pp. 59-60).

[70] Studies on language representations, 28, 31, etc. See pp. 49-50, etc. Against Stricker, see Stumpf, Tonpsychol., 155-162, and Revue Philosophique, xx. 617. Also, see Paulhan, Rev. Philosophique, xvi. 405. Stricker replies to Paulhan in vol. xviii. p. 685. P. responds in vol. xix p. 118. Stricker reports that out of 100 people surveyed, he found only one who had no sensation in their lips when silently thinking the letters M, B, P; and out of 60, only two who were unaware of any internal articulation while reading (pp. 59-60).

[71] I think it must be admitted that some people have no vivid substantive images in any department of their sensibility. One of my students, an intelligent youth, denied so pertinaciously that there was anything in his mind at all when he thought, that I was much perplexed by his case. I myself certainly have no such vivid play of nascent movements or motor images as Professor Stricker describes. When I seek to represent a row of soldiers marching, all I catch is a view of stationary legs first in one phase of movement and then in another, and these views are extremely imperfect and momentary. Occasionally (especially when I try to stimulate my imagination, as by repeating Victor Hugo's lines about the regiment,

[71] I think it's fair to say that some people don't have any clear mental images in any area of their perception. One of my students, a bright young man, stubbornly insisted that there was nothing in his mind at all when he thought, which left me quite puzzled about his situation. Personally, I definitely don't have the vividness of spontaneous movements or mental images that Professor Stricker describes. When I try to picture a row of soldiers marching, all I can see are stationary legs in one phase of movement and then another, and these images are very unclear and fleeting. Sometimes (especially when I try to boost my imagination, like when I repeat Victor Hugo's lines about the regiment,

"Leur pas est si correct, sans tarder ni courir,
Qu'on croit voir des ciseaux se fermer et s'ouvrir,")

"Their steps are so precise, neither hurried nor running,
You might think you see scissors opening and closing.

I seem to get an instantaneous glimpse of an actual movement, but it is to the last degree dim and uncertain. All these images seem at first as if purely retinal. I think, however, that rapid eye-movements accompany them, though these latter give rise to such slight feelings that they are almost impossible of detection. Absolutely no leg-movements of my own are there; in fact, to call such up arrests my imagination of the soldiers. My optical images are in general very dim, dark, fugitive, and contracted. It would be utterly impossible to draw from them, and yet I perfectly well distinguish one from the other. My auditory images are excessively inadequate reproductions of their originals. I have no images of taste or smell. Touch-imagination is fairly distinct, but comes very little into play with most objects thought of. Neither is all my thought verbalized; for I have shadowy schemes of relation, as apt to terminate in a nod of the head or an expulsion of the breath as in a definite word. On the whole, vague images or sensations of movement inside of my head towards the various parts of space in which the terms I am thinking of either lie or are momentarily symbolized to lie together with movements of the breath through my pharynx and nostrils, form a by no means inconsiderable part of my thought-stuff. I doubt whether my difficulty in giving a clearer account is wholly a matter of inferior power of introspective attention, though that doubtless plays its part. Attention, ceteris paribus, must always be inferior in proportion to the feebleness of the internal images which are offered it to hold on to.

I seem to catch a quick glimpse of real movement, but it's really dim and uncertain. At first, all these images feel purely visual. However, I think rapid eye movements happen alongside them, but these movements create such faint sensations that they're almost impossible to notice. There are absolutely no movements from my legs; in fact, even thinking about them interrupts my imagination of the soldiers. My visual images are generally very dim, dark, fleeting, and limited. It would be completely impossible to draw them, yet I can still clearly tell one from another. My auditory images are extremely inadequate copies of the originals. I have no images related to taste or smell. My sense of touch is fairly clear, but it rarely comes into play with most things I think about. Not all my thoughts are verbalized; I have vague ideas about relationships that often end in a nod of the head or a breath out instead of a specific word. Overall, vague images or sensations of movement in my head relate to the different spaces where the terms I’m thinking of are located or are temporarily indicated, along with movements of breath through my throat and nostrils, making up a significant part of my thought-stuff. I’m not sure if my struggle to explain this more clearly is entirely due to a weaker ability to pay attention to my thoughts, though that certainly contributes. Attention, ceteris paribus, will always be weaker in relation to how faint the internal images are that it’s trying to grasp.

[72] Geo. Herm. Meyer, Untersuchungen üb. d. Physiol. d. Nervenfaser (1843), p. 233. For other cases see Tuke's Influence of Mind upon Body, chaps. ii. and vii.

[72] Geo. Herm. Meyer, Investigations on the Physiology of Nerve Fibers (1843), p. 233. For additional cases, see Tuke's Influence of Mind on Body, chaps. ii. and vii.

[73] Meyer, op. cit. p. 238.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Meyer, op. cit. p. 238.

[74] Meyer, op. cit. pp. 238-41.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Meyer, op. cit. pp. 238-41.

[75] That of Dr. Ch. Féré in the Revue Philosophique, xx. 364. Johannes Müller's account of hypnagogic hallucinations floating before the eyes for a few moments after these had been opened, seems to belong more to the category of spontaneous hallucinations (see his Physiology, London, 1843, p. 1394). It is impossible to tell whether the words in Wundt's Vorlesungen, i. 387, refer to a personal experience of his own or not; probably not. Il va sans dire that an inferior visualizer like myself can get no such after-images. Nor have I as yet succeeded in getting report of any from my students.

[75] That of Dr. Ch. Féré in the Revue Philosophique, xx. 364. Johannes Müller's description of hypnagogic hallucinations lingering in front of the eyes for a few moments after opening them seems to fit better in the category of spontaneous hallucinations (see his Physiology, London, 1843, p. 1394). It's hard to say if the words in Wundt's Vorlesungen, i. 387, refer to a personal experience of his or not; probably not. It goes without saying that someone with poor visualizing skills like me can't experience such after-images. I also haven't managed to get any reports of them from my students so far.

[76] Senses and Intellect, p. 338.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Senses and Intellect, p. 338.

[77] See above, note 55.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See above, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

[78] V. Kandinsky (Kritische u. klinische Betrachtungen im Gebiete der Sinnestäuschungen (Berlin, 1885), p. 135 ff.) insists that in even the liveliest pseudo-hallucinations (see below, Chapter XX), which may be regarded as the intensest possible results of the imaginative process, there is no outward objectivity perceived in the thing represented, and that a ganzer Abgrund separates these 'ideas' from true hallucination and objective perception.

[78] V. Kandinsky (Critical and Clinical Observations in the Field of Sensory Distortions (Berlin, 1885), p. 135 ff.) argues that even the most vivid pseudo-hallucinations (see below, Chapter XX), which can be seen as the most intense results of the imaginative process, lack any external objectivity in what is represented, and that a complete abyss separates these 'ideas' from true hallucination and objective perception.

[79] It seems to also flow backwards in certain hypnotic hallucinations. Suggest to a 'Subject' in the hypnotic trance that a sheet of paper has a red cross upon it, then pretend to remove the imaginary cross, whilst you tell the Subject to look fixedly at a dot upon the paper, and he will presently tell you that he sees a 'bluish-green' cross. The genuineness of the result has been doubted, but there seems no good reason for rejecting M. Binet's account (Le Magnetisme Animal, 1887, p. 188). M. Binet, following M. Parinaud, and on the faith of a certain experiment, at one time believed, the optical brain-centres and not the retina to be the seat of ordinary negative after-images. The experiment is this: Look fixedly, with one eye open, at a colored spot on a white background. Then close that eye and look fixedly with the other eye at a plain surface. A negative after-image of the colored spot will presently appear. (Psychologie du Raisonnement, 1886, p. 45.) But Mr. Delabarre has proved (American Journal of Psychology, ii. 326) that this after-image is due, not to a higher cerebral process, but to the fact that the retinal process in the closed eye affects consciousness at certain moments, and that its object is then projected into the field seen by the eye which is open. M. Binet informs me that he is converted by the proofs given by Mr. Delabarre.

[79] It also seems to flow backwards in some hypnotic hallucinations. If you suggest to a 'Subject' in a hypnotic trance that a sheet of paper has a red cross on it, and then pretend to remove the imaginary cross while telling the Subject to focus intently on a dot on the paper, they will soon say that they see a 'bluish-green' cross. The authenticity of this result has been questioned, but there seems to be no valid reason to dismiss M. Binet's account (Le Magnetisme Animal, 1887, p. 188). M. Binet, following M. Parinaud and based on a specific experiment, once believed that the optical brain centers, rather than the retina, are where ordinary negative after-images originate. The experiment goes like this: Stare intently with one eye open at a colored spot on a white background. Then close that eye and focus intently with the other eye on a plain surface. A negative after-image of the colored spot will soon appear. (Psychologie du Raisonnement, 1886, p. 45.) However, Mr. Delabarre has demonstrated (American Journal of Psychology, ii. 326) that this after-image is not a result of a higher brain process, but is instead due to the fact that the retinal process in the closed eye impacts consciousness at certain moments, leading its object to be projected into the visual field of the open eye. M. Binet has informed me that he has changed his mind based on the evidence provided by Mr. Delabarre.

The fact remains, however, that the negative after-images of Herr Meyer, M. Féré, and the hypnotic subjects, form an exception to all that we know of nerve-currents, if they are due to a refluent centrifugal current to the retina. It may be that they will hereafter be explained in some other way. Meanwhile we can only write them down as a paradox. Sig. Sergi's theory that there is always a refluent wave in perception hardly merits serious consideration (Psychologie Physiologique, pp. 99, 189). Sergi's theory has recently been reaffirmed with almost incredible crudity by Lombroso and Ottolenghi in the Revue Philosophique, xxix. 70 (Jan. 1890).

The fact remains, though, that the negative after-images of Herr Meyer, M. Féré, and the hypnotic subjects stand as an exception to everything we know about nerve currents, assuming they are caused by a returning centrifugal current to the retina. It’s possible that they could be explained in some other way in the future. For now, we can only classify them as a paradox. Sig. Sergi's theory that there is always a returning wave in perception hardly deserves serious consideration (Psychologie Physiologique, pp. 99, 189). Recently, Sergi's theory has been reaffirmed with almost unbelievable simplicity by Lombroso and Ottolenghi in the Revue Philosophique, xxix. 70 (Jan. 1890).

[80] Lotze, Med. Psych. p. 509.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Lotze, Medical Psychology p. 509.

[81] See an important article by Binet in the Revue Philosophique, xxvi. 481 (1888); also Dufour, in Revue Méd. de la Suisse Romande, 1889. No. 8, cited in the Neurologisches Centralblatt, 1890. p. 48.

[81] Check out an important article by Binet in the Revue Philosophique, xxvi. 481 (1888); also Dufour, in Revue Méd. de la Suisse Romande, 1889. No. 8, mentioned in the Neurologisches Centralblatt, 1890. p. 48.

[82] Die Willenshandlung (1888), pp. 129-40.

[82] The Act of Will (1888), pp. 129-40.


CHAPTER XIX.

THE PERCEPTION OF 'THINGS.'

PERCEPTION AND SENSATION COMPARED.

A pure sensation we saw above, p. 7, to be an abstraction never realized in adult life. Any quality of a thing which affects our sense-organs does also more than that: it arouses processes in the hemispheres which are due to the organization of that organ by past experiences, and the result of which in consciousness are commonly described as ideas which the sensation suggests. The first of these ideas is that of the thing to which the sensible quality belongs. The consciousness of particular material things present to sense is nowadays called perception.[83] The consciousness of such things may be more or less complete; it may be of the mere name of the thing and its other essential attributes, or it may be of the thing's various remoter relations. It is impossible to draw any sharp line of distinction between the barer and the richer consciousness, because the moment we get beyond the first crude sensation all our consciousness is a matter of suggestion, and the various suggestions shade gradually into each other, being one and all products of the same psychological machinery of association. In the directer consciousness fewer, in the remoter more, associative processes are brought into play.

A pure sensation we saw above, p. 7, becomes an abstraction that is never realized in adult life. Any quality of a thing that impacts our senses does more than that: it triggers processes in the brain hemispheres influenced by past experiences, resulting in what we commonly refer to in consciousness as ideas suggested by the sensation. The first of these ideas is about the thing to which the sensory quality belongs. The consciousness of specific material things that we perceive is now known as perception.[83] The awareness of such things can vary in completeness; it may only include the name of the thing and its essential attributes, or it may encompass the thing's various distant connections. It's impossible to sharply distinguish between the simpler and the richer consciousness, because once we move beyond the initial basic sensation, all our awareness is a matter of suggestion, with different suggestions gradually blending into one another, all stemming from the same psychological system of association. In more direct awareness, fewer associative processes are activated, while in more indirect awareness, more associations come into play.

Perception thus differs from sensation by the consciousness of farther facts associated with the object of the sensation:

Perception is different from sensation because it involves being aware of additional facts connected to the object of the sensation:

"When I lift my eyes from the paper on which I am writing I see the chairs and tables and walls of my room, each of its proper shape and at its proper distance. I see, from my window, trees and meadows, and horses and oxen, and distant hills. I see each of its proper size, of its proper form, and at its proper distance; and these particulars appear as immediate informations of the eye, as the colors which I see by means of it. Yet philosophy has ascertained that we derive nothing from the eye whatever but sensations of color.... How, then, is it that we receive accurate information, by the eye, of size and shape and distance? By association merely. The colors upon a body are different, according to its figure, its shape, and its size. But the sensations of color and what we may here, for brevity, call the sensations of extension, of figure, of distance, have been so often united, felt in conjunction, that the sensation of the color is never experienced without raising the ideas of the extension, the figure, the distance, in such intimate union with it, that they not only cannot be separated, but are actually supposed to be seen. The sight, as it is called, of figure, or distance, appearing as it does a simple sensation, is in reality a complex state of consciousness—a sequence in which the antecedent, a sensation of color, and the consequent, a number of ideas, are so closely combined by association that they appear not one idea, but one sensation."

"When I look up from the paper I'm writing on, I see the chairs, tables, and walls of my room, each with its own shape and at the right distance. From my window, I can see trees and meadows, horses and oxen, and distant hills. I perceive each in its proper size, shape, and distance; these details come through as immediate visual information, just like the colors I see. Yet philosophy has shown us that we get nothing from our eyes except sensations of color. So how do we gather accurate information about size, shape, and distance through sight? It’s all about association. The colors on an object change based on its shape, form, and size. However, the sensations of color and what we might briefly call the sensations of space, shape, and distance have been so frequently linked together, felt together, that seeing a color always evokes ideas of space, shape, and distance in such a close connection that they can't be separated and are perceived as being seen together. What we refer to as the sight of shape or distance, which might seem like a simple sensation, is actually a complex state of awareness—a process where the first part, a sensation of color, and the second part, a cluster of ideas, are so tightly connected by association that they are experienced as not just one idea, but one sensation."

This passage from James Mill[84] gives a clear statement of the doctrine which Berkeley in his Theory of Vision made for the first time an integral part of Psychology. Berkeley compared our visual sensations to the words of a language, which are but signs or occasions for our intellects to pass to what the speaker means. As the sounds called words have no inward affinity with the ideas they signify, so neither have our visual sensations, according to Berkeley, any inward affinity with the things of whose presence they make us aware. Those things are tangibles; their real properties, such as shape, size, mass, consistency, position, reveal themselves only to touch. But the visible signs and the tangible significates are by long custom so "closely twisted, blended, and incorporated together, and the prejudice is so confirmed and riveted in our thoughts by a long tract of time, by the use of language, and want of reflection,"[85] that we think we see the whole object, tangible and visible alike, in one simple indivisible act.

This passage from James Mill[84] clearly outlines the idea that Berkeley made a key part of Psychology in his Theory of Vision. Berkeley likened our visual experiences to the words of a language, which are merely signals for our minds to interpret what the speaker intends. Just as the sounds we call words have no inherent connection to the concepts they represent, Berkeley argued that our visual sensations also lack any intrinsic link to the objects they inform us about. Those objects are tangibles; their actual properties—like shape, size, mass, consistency, and position—are only revealed through touch. However, over time, the visible signs and the tangible meanings have become so “closely twisted, blended, and incorporated together, and the prejudice is so confirmed and riveted in our thoughts by a long tract of time, by the use of language, and want of reflection,”[85] that we believe we see the entire object, both tangible and visible, in one simple, indivisible experience.

Sensational and reproductive brain-processes combined, then, are what give us the content of our perceptions. Every concrete particular material thing is a conflux of sensible qualities, with which we have become acquainted at various times. Some of these qualities, since they are more constant, interesting, or practically important, we regard as essential constituents of the thing. In a general way, such are the tangible shape, size, mass, etc. Other properties, being more fluctuating, we regard as more or less accidental or inessential. We call the former qualities the reality, the latter its appearances. Thus, I hear a sound, and say 'a horse-car'; but the sound is not the horse-car, it is one of the horse-car's least important manifestations. The real horse-car is a feelable, or at most a feelable and visible, thing which in my imagination the sound calls up. So when I get, as now, a brown eye-picture with lines not parallel, and with angles unlike, and call it my big solid rectangular walnut library-table, that picture is not the table. It is not even like the table as the table is for vision, when rightly seen. It is a distorted perspective view of three of the sides of what I mentally perceive (more or less) in its totality and undistorted shape. The back of the table, its square corners, its size, its heaviness, are features of which I am conscious when I look, almost as I am conscious of its name. The suggestion of the name is of course due to mere custom. But no less is that of the back, the size, weight, squareness, etc.

Sensational and reproductive brain processes combined are what give us the content of our perceptions. Every specific material object is a mix of sensory qualities that we've experienced at different times. Some of these qualities, since they are more consistent, interesting, or practically important, we consider essential parts of the object. Generally, these include its tangible shape, size, mass, etc. Other properties, which are more changeable, we view as more or less accidental or unimportant. We refer to the former qualities as reality and the latter as appearances. So, when I hear a sound and say, 'a horse-car,' the sound isn’t the horse-car; it’s just one of the horse-car's least important manifestations. The real horse-car is a tangible thing, or at most a tangible and visible thing, that the sound evokes in my mind. Likewise, when I get a brown eye-picture with lines that aren’t parallel and with angles that are different, and I call it my big solid rectangular walnut library table, that picture isn’t the table. It’s not even a true representation of the table as it appears when seen properly. It’s a distorted perspective view of three sides of what I mentally perceive (more or less) in its entirety and undistorted shape. The back of the table, its square corners, its size, and its heaviness are aspects I’m aware of when I look, almost as much as I’m aware of its name. The suggestion of the name is, of course, simply due to custom. But so are the suggestions of the back, size, weight, squareness, etc.

Nature, as Reid says, is frugal in her operations, and will not be at the expense of a particular instinct to give us that knowledge which experience and habit will soon produce. Reproduced sights and contacts tied together with the present sensation in the unity of a thing with a name, these are the complex objective stuff out of which my actually perceived table is made. Infants must go through a long education of the eye and ear before they can perceive the realities which adults perceive. Every perception is an acquired perception.[86]

Nature, as Reid points out, is economical in her actions and won’t waste energy on a specific instinct to give us knowledge that experience and habits will quickly develop. The images and sensations we experience are linked with the current feeling in the unity of a thing that has a name; these are the complex objective elements that make up what I actually see as a table. Infants have to undergo a long process of learning to see and hear before they can recognize the realities that adults do. Every perception is an acquired perception.[86]

Perception may then be defined, in Mr. Sully's words, as that process by which the mind

Perception can be defined, in Mr. Sully's words, as that process by which the mind

"supplements a sense-impression by an accompaniment or escort of revived sensations, the whole aggregate of actual and revived sensations being solidified or 'integrated' into the form of a percept, that is, an apparently immediate apprehension or cognition of an object now present in a particular locality or region of space."[87]

"Combines a sensory experience with a variety of refreshed sensations, where the complete set of real and revived sensations merges or 'integrates' into a perception, which is an immediate understanding or awareness of an object situated in a particular area or space."[87]

Every reader's mind will supply abundant examples of the process here described; and to write them down would be therefore both unnecessary and tedious. In the chapter on Space we have already discussed some of the more interesting ones; for in our perceptions of shape and position it is really difficult to decide how much of our sense of the object is due to reproductions of past experience, and how much to the immediate sensations of the eye. I shall accordingly confine myself in the rest of this chapter to certain additional generalities connected with the perceptive process.

Every reader can think of plenty of examples of the process we've described here; writing them down would be unnecessary and boring. In the chapter on Space, we've already talked about some of the more interesting ones. In our perceptions of shape and position, it’s genuinely hard to determine how much of our understanding of the object comes from past experiences and how much comes from the immediate sensations of our eyes. So, I'll focus the rest of this chapter on some additional general points related to the perceptive process.


The first point is relative to that 'solidification' or 'integration,' whereof Mr. Sully speaks, of the present with the absent and merely represented sensations. Cerebrally taken, these words mean no more than this, that the process aroused in the sense-organ has shot into various paths which habit has already organized in the hemispheres, and that instead of our having the sort of consciousness which would be correlated with the simple sensorial process, we have that which is correlated with this more complex process. This, as it turns out, is the consciousness of that more complex 'object,' the whole 'thing,' instead of being the consciousness of that more simple object, the few qualities or attributes which actually impress our peripheral nerves. This consciousness must have the unity which every 'section' of our stream of thought retains so long as its objective content does not sensibly[Pg 80] change. More than this we cannot say; we certainly ought not to say what usually is said by psychologists, and treat the perception as a sum of distinct psychic entities, the present sensation namely, plus a lot of images from the past, all 'integrated' together in a way impossible to describe. The perception is one state of mind or nothing—as I have already so often said.

The first point relates to that 'solidification' or 'integration' that Mr. Sully mentions, connecting present experiences with absent and merely represented sensations. In simpler terms, this means that the process triggered in our senses has branched off into different pathways that our habits have already set up in the brain, and instead of experiencing a type of consciousness linked to a straightforward sensory process, we have one linked to this more complex process. This leads to the consciousness of a more complex 'object,' the whole 'thing,' rather than just the consciousness of a simpler object, which comprises the few qualities or attributes that actually affect our peripheral nerves. This consciousness must have the unity that every 'section' of our thought stream maintains as long as its objective content doesn’t noticeably change. Beyond this, we cannot say much more; we certainly shouldn't say what is often stated by psychologists, treating perception as a collection of separate mental entities — the current sensation, plus a lot of past images, all 'integrated' in a way that's hard to describe. Perception is either one state of mind or nothing — as I have emphasized many times before.

In many cases it is easy to compare the psychic results of the sensational with those of the perceptive process. We then see a marked difference in the way in which the impressed portions of the object are felt, in consequence of being cognized along with the reproduced portion, in the higher state of mind. Their sensible quality changes under our very eye. Take the already-quoted catch, Pas de lieu Rhône que nous: one may read this over and over again without recognizing the sounds to be identical with those of the words paddle your own canoe. As we seize the English meaning the sound itself appears to change. Verbal sounds are usually perceived with their meaning at the moment of being heard. Sometimes, however, the associative irradiations are inhibited for a few moments (the mind being preoccupied with other thoughts) whilst the words linger on the ear as mere echoes of acoustic sensation. Then, usually, their interpretation suddenly occurs. But at that moment one may often surprise a change in the very feel of the word. Our own language would sound very different to us if we heard it without understanding, as we hear a foreign tongue. Rises and falls of voice, odd sibilants and other consonants, would fall on our ear in a way of which we can now form no notion. Frenchmen say that English sounds to them like the gazouillement des oiseaux—an impression which it certainly makes on no native ear. Many of us English would describe the sound of Russian in similar terms. All of us are conscious of the strong inflections of voice and explosives and gutturals of German speech in a way in which no German can be conscious of them.

In many cases, it's straightforward to compare the mental effects of the sensational with those of the perceptive process. We can see a clear difference in how we perceive the different parts of an object because they are recognized along with the reproduced part in an elevated state of mind. Their tangible quality shifts right before our eyes. Take the previously mentioned catch, Pas de lieu Rhône que nous: someone might read this repeatedly without realizing that the sounds are identical to those of the words paddle your own canoe. As we grasp the English meaning, the sound itself seems to change. Verbal sounds are usually understood with their meaning at the moment they are heard. Sometimes, however, the associative connections are blocked for a few moments (with the mind distracted by other thoughts), while the words linger on the ear as mere echoes of sound. Then, typically, their meaning suddenly clicks. But at that moment, one might notice a change in the very feel of the word. Our own language would sound very different to us if we heard it without understanding, similar to how we hear a foreign language. The rises and falls of voice, strange sibilants, and other consonants would strike our ears in a way we can’t currently imagine. French speakers say that English sounds to them like the gazouillement des oiseaux—an impression that definitely doesn't resonate with native speakers. Many of us English speakers would describe the sound of Russian in a similar way. All of us are aware of the strong inflections of voice and the explosive and guttural sounds of German speech in a way that no German speaker can fully appreciate.

This is probably the reason why, if we look at an isolated printed word and repeat it long enough, it ends by assuming an entirely unnatural aspect. Let the reader try this with[Pg 81] any word on this page. He will soon begin to wonder if it can possibly be the word he has been using all his life with that meaning. It stares at him from the paper like a glass eye, with no speculation in it. Its body is indeed there, but its soul is fled. It is reduced, by this new way of attending to it, to its sensational nudity. We never before attended to it in this way, but habitually got it clad with its meaning the moment we caught sight of it, and rapidly passed from it to the other words of the phrase. We apprehended it, in short, with a cloud of associates, and thus perceiving it, we felt it quite otherwise than as we feel it now divested and alone.

This is probably why, if we look at a single printed word and repeat it enough times, it starts to look completely unnatural. Let the reader try this with[Pg 81] any word on this page. They will soon begin to wonder if it can really be the word they have used all their life with that meaning. It stares at them from the paper like a glass eye, with no expression in it. Its form is there, but its essence is gone. By focusing on it this way, it is stripped down to its bare sensation. We never paid attention to it like this before; we usually recognized it along with its meaning the moment we saw it, quickly moving on to the other words in the phrase. We understood it, in short, with a cloud of associations, and because of that, we felt it very differently than we do now, isolated and bare.

Another well-known change is when we look at a landscape with our head upside down. Perception is to a certain extent baffled by this manœuvre; gradations of distance and other space-determinations are made uncertain; the reproductive or associative processes, in short, decline; and, simultaneously with their diminution, the colors grow richer and more varied, and the contrasts of light and shade more marked. The same thing occurs when we turn a painting bottom upward. We lose much of its meaning, but, to compensate for the loss, we feel more freshly the value of the mere tints and shadings, and become aware of any lack of purely sensible harmony or balance which they may show.[88] Just so, if we lie on the floor and look up at the mouth of a person talking behind us. His lower lip here takes the habitual place of the upper one upon our retina, and seems animated by the most extraordinary and unnatural mobility, a mobility which now strikes us because (the associative processes being disturbed by the unaccustomed point of view) we get it as a naked sensation and not as part of a familiar object perceived.

Another well-known change happens when we look at a landscape with our head upside down. Our perception gets quite confused by this maneuver; the sense of distance and other spatial cues become uncertain; our ability to reproduce or associate things declines; and along with that decline, the colors become richer and more varied, and the contrasts of light and shadow stand out more. The same happens when we turn a painting upside down. We lose a lot of its meaning, but in exchange, we keenly feel the value of the colors and shades, and we notice any lack of pure visual harmony or balance they might have.[88] Similarly, if we lie on the floor and look up at someone talking behind us, their lower lip takes the usual position of the upper lip on our retina, appearing to move in an incredibly strange and unnatural way. This unusual mobility catches our attention because, with our perspective changed, we experience it as a raw sensation rather than as part of a familiar object.

On a later page other instances will meet us. For the present these are enough to prove our point. Once more we find ourselves driven to admit that when qualities of an object impress our sense and we thereupon perceive the object, the sensation as such of those qualities does not[Pg 82] still exist inside of the perception and form a constituent thereof. The sensation is one thing and the perception another, and neither can take place at the same time with the other, because their cerebral conditions are not the same. They may resemble each other, but in no respect are they identical states of mind.

On a later page, we will encounter other examples. For now, these are sufficient to support our argument. Once again, we have to acknowledge that when the qualities of an object impress our senses and we then perceive the object, the sensation of those qualities does not[Pg 82] still exist within the perception or form part of it. The sensation and the perception are distinct, and neither can occur simultaneously with the other because their neurological conditions are different. They may resemble each other, but they are not identical mental states.

PERCEPTION IS OF DEFINITE AND PROBABLE THINGS.

The chief cerebral conditions of perception are the paths of association irradiating from the sense-impression, which may have been already formed. If a certain sensation be strongly associated with the attributes of a certain thing, that thing is almost sure to be perceived when we get the sensation. Examples of such things would be familiar people, places, etc., which we recognize and name at a glance. But where the sensation is associated with more than one reality, so that either of two discrepant sets of residual properties may arise, the perception is doubtful and vacillating, and the most that can then be said of it is that it will be of a probable thing, of the thing which would most usually have given us that sensation.

The main brain conditions for perception are the association pathways that come from the sense-impression, which might already be established. If a particular sensation is strongly linked to the characteristics of a specific object, that object is likely to be perceived when we experience the sensation. Examples include familiar people, places, etc., which we recognize and name instantly. However, when the sensation is connected to more than one reality, leading to either of two conflicting sets of residual properties, the perception becomes uncertain and fluctuating, and the best we can say about it is that it will be of a probably thing, the thing that most commonly would have triggered that sensation.

In these ambiguous cases it is interesting to note that perception is rarely abortive; some perception takes place. The two discrepant sets of associates do not neutralize each other or mix and make a blur. What we more commonly get is first one object in its completeness, and then the other in its completeness. In other words, all brain-processes are such as give rise to what we may call figured consciousness. If paths are irradiated at all, they are irradiated in consistent systems, and occasion thoughts of definite objects, not mere hodge-podges of elements. Even where the brain's functions are half thrown out of gear, as in aphasia or dropping asleep, this law of figured consciousness holds good. A person who suddenly gets sleepy whilst reading aloud will read wrong; but instead of emitting a mere broth of syllables, he will make such mistakes as to read 'supper-time' instead of 'sovereign,' 'overthrow' instead of 'opposite,' or indeed utter entirely imaginary phrases, composed of several definite words, instead of phrases of the book. So in aphasia: where the disease is mild the patient's mistakes[Pg 83] consist in using entire wrong words instead of right ones. Only in the gravest lesions does he become quite inarticulate. These facts show how subtle is the associative link; how delicate yet how strong that connection among brain-paths which makes any number of them, once excited together, thereafter tend to vibrate as a systematic whole. A small group of elements, 'this,' common to two systems, A and B, may touch off A or B according as accident decides the next step (see Fig. 47). If it happen that a single point leading from 'this' to B is momentarily a little more pervious than any leading from 'this' to A, then that little advantage will upset the equilibrium in favor of the entire system B. The currents will sweep first through that point and thence into all the paths of B, each increment of advance making A more and more impossible. The thoughts correlated with A and B, in such a case, will have objects different, though similar. The similarity will, however, consist in some very limited feature if the 'this' be small.

In these unclear situations, it's interesting to observe that perception rarely fails completely; some perception happens. The two conflicting sets of associations don’t cancel each other out or blur into confusion. What we generally experience is one complete object first, followed by the other complete object. In other words, all brain processes are such that they lead to what we can call understood consciousness. If pathways are activated at all, they are activated in organized systems that trigger thoughts of specific objects, not random collections of elements. Even when the brain's functions are partially disrupted, as in aphasia or when falling asleep, this principle of figured consciousness still applies. A person who suddenly gets sleepy while reading aloud will misread, but instead of producing a jumble of sounds, they will make specific errors like saying 'supper-time' instead of 'sovereign,' 'overthrow' instead of 'opposite,' or will even say entirely made-up phrases using several real words instead of the text. Similarly, in cases of aphasia: when the condition is mild, the patient’s mistakes involve using completely wrong words instead of the correct ones. Only in the most severe cases does the person become completely unable to speak. These observations highlight how subtle the associative connections are; how delicate yet strong is the link among brain pathways that, once activated together, tend to resonate as a coherent whole. A small group of elements, 'this', that is common to two systems, A and B, can trigger either A or B depending on chance circumstances (see Fig. 47). If it turns out that a specific link from 'this' to B is temporarily a bit easier to access than any link from 'this' to A, then that slight advantage will disturb the balance in favor of the entire system B. The flow of thoughts will start through that point and then spread into all the pathways of B, making A increasingly impossible. The thoughts related to A and B in this scenario will have different but similar objects. However, the similarity will be based on a very limited feature if the 'this' is small.

Fig. 47.

Thus the faintest sensations will give rise to the perception of definite things if only they resemble those which the things are wont to arouse. In fact, a sensation must be strong and distinct in order not to suggest an object and, if it is a nondescript feeling, really to seem one. The auræ of epilepsy, globes of light, fiery vision, roarings in the ears, the sensations which electric currents give rise to when passed through the head, these are unfigured because they are strong. Weaker feelings of the same sort would probably suggest objects. Many years ago, after reading Maury's book, Le Sommeil et les Rêves, I began for the first time to observe those ideas which faintly flit through the mind at all times, words, visions, etc., disconnected with the main stream of thought, but discernible to an attention on the watch for[Pg 84] them. A horse's head, a coil of rope, an anchor, are, for example, ideas which have come to me unsolicited whilst I have been writing these latter lines. They can often be explained by subtle links of association, often not at all. But I have not a few times been surprised, after noting some such idea, to find, on shutting my eyes, an after-image left on the retina by some bright or dark object recently looked at, and which had evidently suggested the idea. 'Evidently,' I say, because the general shape, size, and position of object thought-of and of after-image were the same, although the idea had details which the retinal image lacked. We shall probably never know just what part retinal after-images play in determining the train of our thoughts. Judging by my own experiences I should suspect it of being not insignificant.[89]

So even the faintest sensations can lead to the perception of specific things, as long as they resemble what those things usually provoke. In fact, a sensation needs to be strong and clear to avoid suggesting an object, and if it’s a vague feeling, it might seem real. The auras of epilepsy, glowing light, fiery visions, ringing in the ears, and the sensations caused by electric currents passing through the head—these are undefined because they are intense. Weaker sensations of the same kind would likely suggest objects. Many years ago, after reading Maury's book, Le Sommeil et les Rêves, I started to notice for the first time those fleeting ideas that drift through the mind constantly—words, images, etc.—that are disconnected from the main stream of thought, but can be caught by attention focused on them[Pg 84]. A horse's head, a coil of rope, an anchor, for instance, are ideas that have come to me unexpectedly while writing these lines. They can often be explained by subtle associations, and sometimes not at all. But I’ve often been surprised, after noticing such an idea, to find that when I close my eyes, there's an after-image on my retina from a bright or dark object I recently looked at, which clearly inspired the idea. 'Clearly,' I say, because the general shape, size, and position of the object I thought of and the after-image were the same, even though the idea included details that the retinal image didn’t have. We may never truly understand the role of retinal after-images in shaping our thoughts, but based on my own experience, I suspect it's not insignificant.[89]

ILLUSIONS.

Let us now, for brevity's sake, treat A and B in Fig. 47 as if they stood for objects instead of brain-processes. And let us furthermore suppose that A and B are, both of them, objects which might probably excite the sensation which I have called 'this,' but that on the present occasion A and not B is the one which actually does so. If, then, on this occasion 'this' suggests A and not B, the result is a correct perception. But if, on the contrary, 'this' suggests B and not A, the result is a false perception, or, as it is technically called, an illusion. But the process is the same, whether the perception be true or false.

Let's now, for the sake of simplicity, consider A and B in Fig. 47 as if they represent objects instead of brain processes. And let's also assume that A and B are both objects that could potentially trigger the sensation I've referred to as 'this,' but on this specific occasion, A and not B is the one that actually does. If, in this case, 'this' points to A and not B, the outcome is a correct perception. However, if 'this' instead points to B and not A, the outcome is a false perception, or, as it's technically known, an illusion. But the process remains the same, regardless of whether the perception is true or false.

Note that in every illusion what is false is what is inferred, not what is immediately given. The 'this,' if it were felt by itself alone, would be all right, it only becomes misleading by what it suggests. If it is a sensation of sight, it may suggest a tactile object, for example, which later tactile experiences prove to be not there. The so-called 'fallacy of the senses,' of which the ancient sceptics made so much account, is not fallacy of the senses proper, but rather of the intellect, which interprets wrongly what the senses give.[90]

Note that in every illusion, what's false is what we infer, not what we immediately perceive. The 'this,' if felt in isolation, would be fine; it only becomes misleading based on what it suggests. If it’s a visual sensation, for instance, it might imply a tactile object that later experiences show isn’t actually there. The so-called 'fallacy of the senses,' which ancient skeptics emphasized, is not truly a fallacy of the senses themselves, but rather a misinterpretation by the intellect of what the senses provide.[90]


So much premised, let us look a little closer at these illusions. They are due to two main causes. The wrong object is perceived either because

So with that in mind, let's take a closer look at these illusions. They arise from two main causes. The wrong object is perceived either because

1) Although not on this occasion the real cause, it is yet the habitual, inveterate, or most probable cause of 'this;' or because

1) Even though it isn't the actual reason this time, it is still the usual, ingrained, or most likely cause of 'this;' or because

2) The mind is temporarily full of the thought of that object, and therefore 'this' is peculiarly prone to suggest it at this moment.

2) The mind is currently occupied with the thought of that object, so 'this' is especially likely to bring it to mind right now.

I will give briefly a number of examples under each head. The first head is the more important, because it includes a number of constant illusions to which all men are subject, and which can only be dispelled by much experience.

I will briefly provide several examples under each heading. The first heading is the most important because it includes a number of constant illusions that all people are subject to, and these can only be cleared up through a lot of experience.

Illusions of the First Type.

Fig. 48.

One of the oldest instances dates from Aristotle. Cross two fingers and roll a pea, pen-holder, or other small object between them. It will seem double. Professor Croom Robertson has given the clearest analysis of this illusion. He observes that if the object be brought into contact first with the forefinger and next with the second finger, the two contacts seem to come in at different points of space.[Pg 87] The forefinger-touch seems higher, though the finger is really lower; the second-finger-touch seems lower, though the finger is really higher. "We perceive the contacts as double because we refer them to two distinct parts of space." The touched sides of the two fingers are normally not together in space, and customarily never do touch one thing; the one thing which now touches them, therefore, seems in two places, i.e. seems two things.[91]

One of the oldest examples comes from Aristotle. Cross your fingers and roll a pea, pen holder, or any small object between them. It will appear to be two objects. Professor Croom Robertson provides the clearest explanation of this illusion. He notes that if the object first touches the forefinger and then the second finger, the two touches seem to occur at different points in space.[Pg 87] The touch on the forefinger seems higher, even though the finger is actually lower; the touch on the second finger seems lower, even though that finger is actually higher. "We perceive the touches as double because we refer them to two separate parts of space." The sides of the two fingers that touch are typically not together in space, and they usually never touch the same object; so the one object that now touches them appears to be in two places, meaning it seems like two objects.[91]

There is a whole batch of illusions which come from optical sensations interpreted by us in accordance with our usual rule, although they are now produced by an unusual object. The stereoscope is an example. The eyes see a picture apiece, and the two pictures are a little disparate, the one seen by the right eye being a view of the object taken from a point slightly to the right of that from which the left eye's picture is taken. Pictures thrown on the two eyes by solid objects present this identical disparity. Whence we react on the sensation in our usual way, and perceive a solid. If the pictures be exchanged we perceive a hollow mould of the object, for a hollow mould would cast just such disparate pictures as these. Wheatstone's instrument, the pseudoscope, allows us to look at solid objects and see with each eye the other eye's picture. We then perceive the solid object hollow, if it be an object which might probably be hollow, but not otherwise. A human face, e.g., never appears hollow to the pseudoscope. In this irregularity of reaction on different objects, some seem hollow, others not; the perceptive process is true to its law, which is always to react on the sensation in a determinate and figured fashion if possible, and in as probable a fashion as the case admits. To couple faces and hollowness[Pg 88] violates all our habits of association. For the same reason it is very easy to make an intaglio cast of a face, or the painted inside of a pasteboard mask, look convex, instead of concave as they are.

There are a lot of illusions that come from optical sensations interpreted by us based on our usual understanding, even though they’re created by an unusual object. The stereoscope is one example. Each eye sees a different picture, and the two images are slightly different, with the right eye’s view coming from a point a bit to the right of where the left eye’s image is taken. Solid objects project these same differences onto our two eyes. As a result, we respond to the sensation in our typical way and perceive it as solid. If the images are switched, we see a hollow shape of the object, since a hollow object would produce just such different images. Wheatstone's device, the pseudoscope, lets us look at solid objects and see the other eye's image with each eye. We then perceive the solid object as hollow, if it is something that might likely be hollow, but not if it’s not. A human face, for instance, never appears hollow when viewed through the pseudoscope. In this inconsistency of reaction to different objects, some appear hollow while others don’t; the perception process sticks to its rule, which is always to respond to the sensation in a specific and defined way if possible, and in as likely a way as the situation allows. Associating faces with hollowness[Pg 88] goes against all our established associations. For the same reason, it's really easy to make a flat cast of a face, or the painted inside of a paper mask, look convex instead of concave as they really are.

Our sense of the position of things with respect to our eye consists in suggestions of how we must move our hand to touch them. Certain places of the image on the retina, certain actively-produced positions of the eyeballs, are normally linked with the sense of every determinate position which an outer thing may come to occupy. Hence we perceive the usual position, even if the optical sensation be artificially brought from a different part of space. Prisms warp the light-rays in this way, and throw upon the retina the image of an object situated, say, at spot a of space in the same manner in which (without the prisms) an object situated at spot b would cast its image. Accordingly we feel for the object at b instead of a. If the prism be before one eye only we see the object at b with that eye, and in its right position a with the other—in other words, we see it double. If both eyes be armed with prisms with their angle towards the right, we pass our hand to the right of all objects when we try rapidly to touch them. And this illusory sense of their position lasts until a new association is fixed, when on removing the prisms a contrary illusion at first occurs. Passive or unintentional changes in the position of the eyeballs seem to be no more kept account of by the mind than prisms are; so we spontaneously make no allowance for them in our perception of distance and movements. Press one of the eyeballs into a strained position with the finger, and objects move and are translocated accordingly, just as when prisms are used.

Our understanding of the position of things in relation to our eyes comes from the signals about how we need to move our hands to touch them. Specific areas on the retina and the way our eyeballs are positioned are normally connected to every definite position that an external object might occupy. This is why we can perceive the typical position, even when the optical sensation is artificially shifted from another part of space. Prisms bend light rays in this way, projecting the image of an object located at, say, point a in the same way that (without the prisms) an object at point b would cast its image. As a result, we reach for the object at b instead of a. If the prism is only in front of one eye, we see the object at b with that eye, while seeing it in its correct position a with the other eye—in other words, we see it double. If both eyes are fitted with prisms angled to the right, we instinctively reach our hand to the right of all objects when we try to touch them quickly. This misleading sense of their position continues until a new association is established, and when we remove the prisms, we initially experience a contrary illusion. It seems that passive or unintentional changes in the position of the eyeballs are not processed by the mind any more than prisms are; therefore, we don’t naturally adjust for them in our perception of distance and movement. If you press one of your eyeballs into a strained position with your finger, objects shift and are displaced accordingly, just like when prisms are used.

Curious illusions of movement in objects occur whenever the eyeballs move without our intending it. We shall learn in the following chapter that the original visual feeling of movement is produced by any image passing over the retina. Originally, however, this sensation is definitely referred neither to the object nor to the eyes. Such definite reference grows up later, and obeys certain simple laws. We believe objects to move: 1) whenever we get the retinal movement-feeling, but think our eyes are still; and 2) whenever[Pg 89] we think that our eyes move, but fail to get the retinal movement-feeling. We believe objects to be still, on the contrary, 1) whenever we get the retinal movement-feeling, but think our eyes are moving; and 2) whenever we neither think our eyes are moving, nor get the retinal movement-feeling. Thus the perception of the object's state of motion or rest depends on the notion we frame of our own eye's movement. Now many sorts of stimulation make our eyes move without our knowing it. If we look at a waterfall, river, railroad train, or any body which continuously passes in front of us in the same direction, it carries our eyes with it. This movement can be noticed in our eyes by a bystander. If the object keep passing towards our left, our eyes keep following whatever moving bit of it may have caught their attention at first, until that bit disappears from view. Then they jerk back to the right again, and catch a new bit, which again they follow to the left, and so on indefinitely. This gives them an oscillating demeanor, slow involuntary rotations leftward alternating with rapid voluntary jerks rightward. But the oscillations continue for a while after the object has come to a standstill, or the eyes are carried to a new object, and this produces the illusion that things now move in the opposite direction. For we are unaware of the slow leftward automatic movements of our eyeballs, and think that the retinal movement-sensations thereby aroused must be due to a rightward motion of the object seen; whilst the rapid voluntary rightward movements of our eyeballs we interpret as attempts to pursue and catch again those parts of the object which have been slipping away to the left.

Curious illusions of movement in objects happen whenever our eyes move without us meaning to. We’ll discover in the next chapter that the original feeling of movement we see is created by any image passing over the retina. Initially, though, this sensation isn’t clearly linked to either the object or our eyes. That clear connection develops later and follows some simple rules. We think objects are moving: 1) whenever we feel movement in our retinas but believe our eyes are still; and 2) whenever we think our eyes are moving but don’t feel any retinal movement. Conversely, we think objects are still when: 1) we feel movement in our retinas but believe our eyes are moving; and 2) when we neither believe our eyes are moving nor feel any retinal movement. So, how we perceive whether an object is moving or at rest depends on how we understand our own eye movement. Many types of stimulation can cause our eyes to move without our awareness. If we look at a waterfall, river, train, or any object that continually moves past us in the same direction, our eyes follow along. A bystander can notice this movement in our eyes. If the object keeps moving to our left, our eyes track whichever part first caught their attention until that part disappears. Then they quickly jerk back to the right and catch a new part, which they again follow to the left, and this goes on indefinitely. This creates an oscillating pattern, with slow involuntary movements to the left alternating with quick voluntary jerks to the right. But the oscillations continue for a bit even after the object has stopped or our eyes have moved to a new object, which creates the illusion that things are now moving in the opposite direction. We don’t realize the slow automatic movements of our eyeballs to the left, so we think the sensations from our retinas must come from a rightward movement of the object we’re looking at; meanwhile, the quick voluntary movements of our eyes to the right feel like efforts to chase and catch the parts of the object slipping away to the left.

Exactly similar oscillations of the eyeballs are produced in giddiness, with exactly similar results. Giddiness is easiest produced by whirling on our heels. It is a feeling of the movement of our own head and body through space, and is now pretty well understood to be due to the irritation of the semi-circular canals of the inner ear.[92] When,[Pg 90] after whirling, we stop, we seem to be spinning in the reverse direction for a few seconds, and then objects appear to continue whirling in the same direction in which, a moment previous, our body actually whirled. The reason is that our eyes normally tend to maintain their field of view. If we suddenly turn our head leftwards it is hard to make the eyes follow. They roll in their orbits rightwards, by a sort of compensating inertia. Even though we falsely think our head to be moving leftwards, this consequence occurs, and our eyes move rightwards—as may be observed in any one with vertigo after whirling. As these movements are unconscious, the retinal movement-feelings which they occasion are naturally referred to the objects seen. And the intermittent voluntary twitches of the eyes towards the left, by which we ever and anon recover them from the extreme rightward positions to which the reflex movement brings them, simply confirm and intensify our impression of a leftward-whirling field of view: we seem to ourselves to be periodically pursuing and overtaking the objects in their leftward flight. The whole phenomenon fades out after a few seconds. And it often ceases if we voluntarily fix our eyes upon a given point.[93]

Exactly the same eye movements happen during dizziness, leading to similar effects. Dizziness is most easily triggered by spinning in place. It feels like our head and body are moving through space, and it’s now pretty well understood that this sensation results from the irritation of the semi-circular canals in the inner ear.[92] When we stop spinning,[Pg 90] it seems like we're spinning in the opposite direction for a few seconds, and then objects appear to keep spinning in the same direction our body just was. This happens because our eyes naturally try to hold their view. If we suddenly turn our head to the left, it’s hard to get our eyes to follow. They move to the right due to a sort of compensating inertia. Even though we mistakenly believe our head is moving left, this reaction occurs, and our eyes shift to the right—as you can see in anyone experiencing vertigo after spinning. Since these eye movements are unconscious, the feelings they create on the retina are automatically linked to the objects we see. The occasional voluntary squints of our eyes to the left, which help us bring them back from the far right position caused by the reflex movement, reinforce and heighten our impression of a leftward-spinning view: we feel like we're constantly chasing and catching up to the objects as they move left. This whole experience fades away after a few seconds and often stops if we focus our eyes on a specific point.[93]

Optical vertigo, as these illusions of objective movement are called, results sometimes from brain-trouble, intoxications, paralysis, etc. A man will awaken with a weakness of one of his eye-muscles. An intended orbital rotation will then not produce its expected result in the way of retinal movement-feeling—whence false perceptions, of which one of the most interesting cases will fall to be discussed in later chapters.

Optical vertigo, which is what we call these illusions of objective movement, can sometimes be caused by issues in the brain, intoxication, paralysis, and so on. A person may wake up with weakness in one of their eye muscles. An intended movement of the eye won't create the expected sensation of movement on the retina—leading to false perceptions, one of the most interesting cases of which will be discussed in later chapters.


There is an illusion of movement of the opposite sort, with which every one is familiar at railway stations. Habitually, when we ourselves move forward, our entire field of view glides backward over our retina. When our movement is due to that of the windowed carriage, car, or boat[Pg 91] in which we sit, all stationary objects visible through the window give us a sensation of gliding in the opposite direction. Hence, whenever we get this sensation, of a window with all objects visible through it moving in one direction, we react upon it in our customary way, and perceive a stationary field of view, over which the window, and we ourselves inside of it, are passing by a motion of our own. Consequently when another train comes alongside of ours in a station, and fills the entire window, and, after standing still awhile, begins to glide away, we judge that it is our train which is moving, and that the other train is still. If, however, we catch a glimpse of any part of the station through the windows, or between the cars, of the other train, the illusion of our own movement instantly disappears, and we perceive the other train to be the one in motion. This, again, is but making the usual and probable inference from our sensation.[94]

There’s a familiar illusion of movement that everyone experiences at train stations. Typically, when we move forward, everything in our field of vision seems to slide backward across our eyes. When we’re moving because of the windowed train, car, or boat we’re in, all the stationary objects we see through the window create the feeling that we’re gliding in the opposite direction. So, whenever we feel a window with all the visible objects moving one way, we react normally and perceive a stationary view, as if the window and we inside it are moving past it. As a result, when another train pulls up next to ours at a station, fills the entire window, and then starts to move away after stopping for a moment, we think it’s our train that’s moving, and the other train is just sitting there. However, if we see any part of the station through the windows or between the cars of the other train, the illusion of our own movement disappears immediately, and we realize the other train is the one in motion. Again, this is just us making the usual and likely inference based on our sensations.[Pg 91]

Another illusion due to movement is explained by Helmholtz. Most wayside objects, houses, trees, etc., look small when seen out of the windows of a swift train. This is because we perceive them in the first instance unduly near. And we perceive them unduly near because of their extraordinarily rapid parallactic flight backwards. When we ourselves move forward all objects glide backwards, as aforesaid; but the nearer they are, the more rapid is this apparent translocation. Relative rapidity of passage backwards is thus so familiarly associated with nearness that when we feel it we perceive nearness. But with a given size of retinal image the nearer an object is, the smaller do we judge its actual size to be. Hence in the train, the faster we go, the nearer do the trees and houses seem, and the nearer they seem, the smaller do they look.[95]

Another illusion caused by movement is described by Helmholtz. Most objects alongside the tracks, like houses and trees, appear small when viewed from the windows of a fast train. This happens because we initially perceive them as being too close. We perceive them as being too close due to their incredibly quick backward movement relative to us. As we move forward, all objects seem to glide backward; however, the closer they are, the faster this apparent movement appears. The relative speed of this backward movement is so closely associated with proximity that when we feel it, we perceive things as being closer. But with the same size of image on our retina, the closer an object is, the smaller we judge its actual size to be. So, in the train, the faster we travel, the closer the trees and houses seem, and the closer they seem, the smaller they look.[95]


Other illusions are due to the feeling of convergence being wrongly interpreted. When we converge our eyeballs we perceive an approximation of whatever thing we may be looking at. Whatever things do approach whilst we look[Pg 92] at them oblige us, so long as they are not very distant, to converge our eyes. Hence approach of the thing is the probable objective fact when we feel our eyes converging. Now in most persons the internal recti muscles, to which convergence is due, are weaker than the others; and the entirely passive position of the eyeballs, the position which they assume when covered and looking at nothing in particular, is either that of parallelism or of slight divergence. Make a person look with both eyes at some near object, and then screen the object from one of his eyes by a card or book. The chances are that you will see the eye thus screened turn just a little outwards. Remove the screen, and you will now see it turn in as it catches sight of the object again. The other eye meanwhile keeps as it was at first. To most persons, accordingly, all objects seem to come nearer when, after looking at them with one eye, both eyes are used; and they seem to recede during the opposite change. With persons whose external recti muscles are insufficient, the illusions may be of the contrary kind.

Other illusions occur because the feeling of convergence is misinterpreted. When we converge our eyes, we see an approximation of whatever we are looking at. Things that come closer while we are observing them require us, as long as they are not too far away, to converge our eyes. Therefore, the proximity of an object is the likely objective reality when we sense our eyes converging. In most people, the internal recti muscles responsible for convergence are weaker than the others; and the completely relaxed position of the eyeballs, which they take when covered and looking at nothing in particular, is either parallel or slightly divergent. Ask someone to look with both eyes at a nearby object, then cover the object from one of their eyes with a card or book. Chances are you will notice the covered eye turn slightly outward. Once you remove the cover, you'll see it turn inward as it focuses on the object again. The other eye stays in its original position. For most people, all objects seem to come closer when, after looking at them with one eye, both eyes are used; and they seem to move away during the opposite change. For those whose external recti muscles are not strong enough, the illusions might be the opposite.


The size of the retinal image is a fruitful source of illusions. Normally, the retinal image grows larger as the object draws near. But the sensation yielded by this enlargement is also given by any object which really grows in size without changing its distance. Enlargement of retinal image is therefore an ambiguous sign. An opera-glass enlarges the moon. But most persons will tell you that she looks smaller through it, only a great deal nearer and brighter. They read the enlargement as a sign of approach; and the perception of approach makes them actually reverse the sensation which suggests it—by an exaggeration of our habitual custom of making allowance of the apparent enlargement of whatever object approaches us, and reducing it in imagination to its natural size. Similarly, in the theatre the glass brings the stage near, but hardly seems to magnify the people on it.

The size of the retinal image is a rich source of illusions. Normally, the retinal image gets larger as the object gets closer. But the feeling we get from this enlargement can also come from any object that genuinely grows in size without changing its distance. So, the enlargement of the retinal image is an ambiguous signal. A pair of binoculars makes the moon appear larger. But most people will tell you that it looks smaller through them, just a lot closer and brighter. They interpret the enlargement as a sign of proximity; and the perception of closeness actually causes them to reverse the feeling that suggests it—by amplifying our usual tendency to account for the apparent enlargement of any object that comes closer, and imagining it reduced to its natural size. Similarly, in a theater, the binoculars bring the stage closer, but hardly seem to magnify the people on it.

The well-known increased apparent size of the moon on the horizon is a result of association and probability. It is seen through vaporous air, and looks dimmer and duskier than when it rides on high; and it is seen over fields, trees,[Pg 93] hedges, streams, and the like, which break up the intervening space and make us the better realize the latter's extent. Both these causes make the moon seem more distant from us when it is low; and as its visual angle grows no less, we deem that it must be a larger body, and we so perceive it. It looks particularly enormous when it comes up directly behind some well-known large object, as a house or tree, distant enough to subtend an angle no larger than that of the moon itself.[96]

The well-known increase in the apparent size of the moon on the horizon is due to our perception and context. It's viewed through hazy air, making it appear dimmer and darker compared to when it's high up in the sky; plus, it’s seen over fields, trees,[Pg 93] hedges, streams, and similar features that break up the space between us and the moon, helping us better understand the distance. These factors make the moon seem farther away when it's low in the sky; yet since its visual angle doesn't change, we assume it must be a larger object, and we perceive it that way. It appears especially massive when it rises directly behind a familiar large object, like a house or tree, that is far enough away to create an angle no larger than the moon itself.[96]


The feeling of accommodation also gives rise to false perceptions of size. Usually we accommodate our eyes for an object as it approaches us. Usually under these circumstances the object throws a larger retinal image. But believing the object to remain the same, we make allowance for this and treat the entire eye-feeling which we receive as significant of nothing but approach. When we relax our accommodation and at the same time the retinal image grows smaller, the probable cause is always a receding object. The moment we put on convex glasses, however, the accommodation relaxes, but the retinal image grows larger instead of less. This is what would happen if our object, whilst receding, grew. Such a probable object we accordingly perceive, though with a certain vacillation as to the recession, for the growth in apparent size is also a probable sign of approach, and is at moments interpreted accordingly.—Atropin paralyzes the muscles of accommodation. It is possible to get a dose which will weaken these muscles without laming them altogether. When a known near object is then looked at we have to make the same voluntary strain to accommodate, as if it were a great deal nearer; but as its retinal image is not enlarged in proportion to this suggested approach, we deem that it must have grown smaller than usual. In consequence of this so-called micropsy, Aubert relates that he saw a man apparently no larger than a photograph. But the small size again made the man seem farther off. The real distance[Pg 94] was two or three feet, and he seemed against the wall of the room.[97] Of these vacillations we shall have to speak again in the ensuing chapter.[98]

The feeling of accommodation also leads to incorrect perceptions of size. Typically, we adjust our eyes for an object as it moves closer. In these situations, the object creates a larger image on the retina. However, since we believe the object remains the same, we account for this and interpret the overall eye sensation we experience as indicating nothing but approach. When we relax our accommodation and simultaneously the retinal image decreases, the likely reason is always a receding object. The moment we wear convex glasses, though, the accommodation relaxes, but the retinal image increases instead of decreasing. This would occur if our object, while moving away, actually grew. Consequently, we perceive such a probable object, although we may waver regarding its recession, since the growth in size can also signal approach, and is sometimes interpreted as such.—Atropin paralyzes the muscles of accommodation. It’s possible to get a dosage that weakens these muscles without completely disabling them. When we look at a familiar nearby object in this state, we have to exert the same voluntary effort to focus as if it were much closer; but since its retinal image doesn’t enlarge according to this suggested approach, we conclude that it must have become smaller than usual. Because of this so-called micropsy, Aubert mentions seeing a man appear no larger than a photograph. However, this small size made the man seem farther away. The actual distance[Pg 94] was two or three feet, and he appeared against the wall of the room.[97] We will discuss these fluctuations again in the next chapter.[98]


Fig. 49.

Mrs. C. L. Franklin has recently described and explained with rare acuteness an illusion of which the most curious thing is that it was never noticed before. Take a single pair of crossed lines (Fig. 49), hold them in a horizontal plane before the eyes, and look along them, at such a distance that with the right eye shut, 1, and with the left eye shut, 2, looks like the projection of a vertical line. Look steadily now at the point of intersection of the lines with both eyes open, and you will see a third line sticking up like a pin through the paper at right angles to the plane of the two first lines. The explanation of this illusion is very simple, but so circumstantial that I must refer for it to Mrs. Franklin's own account.[99] Suffice it that images of the two lines fall on 'corresponding' rows of retinal points, and that the illusory vertical line is the only object capable of throwing such images. A variation of the experiment is this:

Mrs. C. L. Franklin recently described and explained an illusion that is particularly interesting because it was never noticed before. Take a pair of crossed lines (Fig. 49), hold them horizontally in front of your eyes, and look along them at a distance so that when you close your right eye, 1, and then close your left eye, 2, it looks like a vertical line. Now, focus on the point where the lines intersect with both eyes open, and you’ll see a third line sticking up like a pin through the paper at a right angle to the other two lines. The explanation for this illusion is straightforward, but quite detailed, so I should direct you to Mrs. Franklin's own account.[99] It's enough to say that the images of the two lines fall on 'corresponding' rows of retinal points, and that the illusory vertical line is the only object capable of creating such images. Here’s a variation of the experiment:

"In Fig. 50 the lines are all drawn so as to pass through a common point. With a little trouble one eye can be put into the position of this point—it is only necessary that the paper be held so that, with one eye shut, the other eye sees all the lines leaning neither to the right nor to the left. After a moment one can fancy the lines to be vertical staffs standing out of the plane of the paper.'... This illusion [says Mrs. Franklin] I take to be of purely mental origin. When a line lies anywhere in a plane passing through the apparent vertical meridian of one eye, and is looked at with that eye only... we have no very good means of knowing how it is directed in that plane.... Now of the lines in nature which lie anywhere within such a plane, by far the[Pg 95] greater number are vertical lines. Hence we are peculiarly inclined to think that a line which we perceive to be in such a plane is a vertical line. But to see a whole lot of lines at once, all ready to throw their images upon the vertical meridian, is a thing that has hardly ever happened to us, except when they all have been vertical lines. Hence when that happens we have a still stronger tendency to think that what we see before us is a group of vertical lines."

"In Fig. 50, all the lines meet at a common point. With a little effort, you can align one eye with this point—it’s just important to hold the paper so that when one eye is closed, the other eye sees all the lines appearing to tilt neither to the right nor to the left. After a moment, you can visualize the lines as vertical poles extending out of the plane of the paper. This illusion, according to Mrs. Franklin, seems to come entirely from our minds. When a line is anywhere in a plane that runs through the apparent vertical line of sight of one eye, and we look at it with that eye only, we don't have very reliable ways to judge its direction in that plane. Now, among the lines in nature that lie within such a plane, most are vertical lines. Because of this, we tend to assume that any line we see in that plane is vertical. However, seeing a large number of lines at once, all ready to cast their images onto the vertical line of sight, is a rare occurrence, unless they are all vertical lines. So when that does happen, we are even more likely to believe that what we see in front of us is a group of vertical lines."

Fig. 50.

In other words, we see, as always, the most probable object.

In other words, we see, as always, the most likely object.


The foregoing may serve as examples of the first type of illusions mentioned on page 86. I could cite of course many others, but it would be tedious to enumerate all the thaumatropes and zoetropes, dioramas, and juggler's tricks in which they are embodied. In the chapter on Sensation we saw that many illusions commonly ranged under this type are, physiologically considered, of another sort altogether, and that associative processes, strictly so called, have nothing to do with their production.

The examples mentioned earlier can illustrate the first type of illusions listed on page 86. I could definitely list many more, but it would be boring to go through all the thaumatropes and zoetropes, dioramas, and juggler's tricks that showcase them. In the chapter on Sensation, we found that many illusions typically classified under this type are, when looked at from a physiological standpoint, entirely different, and that associative processes, in the strictest sense, aren’t involved in their creation.

Illusions of the Second Type.

We may now turn to illusions of the second of the two types discriminated on page 86. In this type we perceive a wrong object because our mind is full of the thought of it at the time, and any sensation which is in the least degree connected with it touches off, as it were, a train already laid, and gives us a sense that the object is really before us. Here is a familiar example:

We can now look at the illusions of the second type mentioned on page 86. In this type, we perceive an incorrect object because our mind is currently focused on it, and any sensation even slightly related to it triggers a preset response, making us feel like the object is actually in front of us. Here's a common example:

"If a sportsman, while shooting woodcock in cover, sees a bird about the size and color of a woodcock get up and fly through the foliage,[Pg 96] not having time to see more than that it is a bird of such a size and color, he immediately supplies by inference the other qualities of a woodcock, and is afterwards disgusted to find that he has shot a thrush. I have done so myself, and could hardly believe that the thrush was the bird I had fired at, so complete was my mental supplement to my visual perception."[100]

"If a hunter, while shooting woodcock in thick cover, sees a bird that looks about the size and color of a woodcock rise and fly through the branches,[Pg 96] without having time to notice more than that it’s a bird of that size and color, he immediately assumes it has the other characteristics of a woodcock, only to be disappointed later when he finds out he shot a thrush. I’ve gone through this myself, and I could hardly believe that the thrush was the bird I aimed at; my mind had filled in what I thought I saw so completely."[100]

As with game, so with enemies, ghosts, and the like. Anyone waiting in a dark place and expecting or fearing strongly a certain object will interpret any abrupt sensation to mean that object's presence. The boy playing 'I spy,' the criminal skulking from his pursuers, the superstitious person hurrying through the woods or past the churchyard at midnight, the man lost in the woods, the girl who tremulously has made an evening appointment with her swain, all are subject to illusions of sight and sound which make their hearts beat till they are dispelled. Twenty times a day the lover, perambulating the streets with his preoccupied fancy, will think he perceives his idol's bonnet before him.

As with games, so it is with enemies, ghosts, and similar things. Anyone waiting in a dark place and either hoping for or fearing a specific object will interpret any sudden sensation as that object's presence. The boy playing 'I spy,' the criminal hiding from his pursuers, the superstitious person rushing through the woods or past the churchyard at midnight, the man lost in the woods, the girl nervously going to an evening meeting with her boyfriend—all of them are prone to illusions of sight and sound that make their hearts race until the feeling goes away. Twenty times a day, the lover wandering the streets with distracted thoughts will think he sees his beloved's hat ahead of him.

The Proof-reader's Illusion. I remember one night in Boston, whilst waiting for a 'Mount Auburn' car to bring me to Cambridge, reading most distinctly that name upon the signboard of a car on which (as I afterwards learned) 'North Avenue' was painted. The illusion was so vivid that I could hardly believe my eyes had deceived me. All reading is more or less performed in this way.

The Proof-reader's Illusion. I remember one night in Boston, while waiting for a 'Mount Auburn' bus to take me to Cambridge, clearly reading that name on the sign of a bus that was actually labeled 'North Avenue.' The illusion was so strong that I could barely convince myself my eyes had tricked me. This is how most reading happens, to some extent.

"Practised novel- or newspaper-readers could not possibly get on so fast if they had to see accurately every single letter of every word in order to perceive the words. More than half of the words come out of their mind, and hardly half from the printed page. Were this not so, did we perceive each letter by itself, typographic errors in well-known words would never be overlooked. Children, whose ideas are not yet ready enough to perceive words at a glance, read them wrong if they are printed wrong, that is, right according to the way of printing. In a foreign language, although it may be printed with the same letters, we read by so much the more slowly as we do not understand, or are unable promptly to perceive the words. But we notice misprints all the more readily. For this reason Latin and Greek and, still better, Hebrew works are more correctly printed, because the proofs are better corrected, than in German works. Of two friends of mine, one knew much Hebrew, the other little; the latter, however, gave instruction in[Pg 97] Hebrew in a gymnasium; and when he called the other to help correct his pupils' exercises, it turned out that he could find out all sorts of little errors better than his friend, because the latter's perception of the words as totals was too swift."[101]

"Experienced readers of novels or newspapers can't read through text quickly if they have to concentrate on each individual letter to understand the words. More than half of the words come from their memory, with only about half coming from the text itself. If this weren't true, we wouldn't miss typographical errors in familiar words. Children, who haven't yet developed the skill to recognize words quickly, read them incorrectly when there are printing mistakes. In a foreign language, even if it uses the same letters, we read much more slowly because we don't understand or can't quickly recognize the words. However, we tend to spot typographical errors more easily. This is why works in Latin, Greek, and especially Hebrew are printed more accurately; the proofs are corrected more carefully than in German texts. Of two friends of mine, one was knowledgeable in Hebrew, while the other had limited knowledge; yet the latter taught Hebrew in a high school. When he asked the former for assistance in correcting his students' work, it turned out that he could identify many minor errors better than his friend because the friend's recognition of the words as whole units was too quick."

Testimony to personal identity is proverbially fallacious for similar reasons. A man has witnessed a rapid crime or accident, and carries away his mental image. Later he is confronted by a prisoner whom he forthwith perceives in the light of that image, and recognizes or 'identifies' as a participant, although he may never have been near the spot. Similarly at the so-called 'materializing séances' which fraudulent mediums give: in a dark room a man sees a gauze-robed figure who in a whisper tells him she is the spirit of his sister, mother, wife, or child, and falls upon his neck. The darkness, the previous forms, and the expectancy have so filled his mind with premonitory images that it is no wonder he perceives what is suggested. These fraudulent 'séances' would furnish most precious documents to the psychology of perception, if they could only be satisfactorily inquired into. In the hypnotic trance any suggested object is sensibly perceived. In certain subjects this happens more or less completely after waking from the trance. It would seem that under favorable conditions a somewhat similar susceptibility to suggestion may exist in certain persons who are not otherwise entranced at all.

Testimony to personal identity is notoriously unreliable for similar reasons. A person witnesses a quick crime or accident and carries away their mental image. Later, they are confronted by a suspect whom they immediately see through that image and recognize or 'identify' as involved, even if they were never near the scene. This also happens at so-called 'materializing séances' conducted by fraudulent mediums: in a dark room, someone sees a figure in a gauzy robe who whispers that she is the spirit of his sister, mother, wife, or child, and then embraces him. The darkness, the previous appearances, and the anticipation have so filled his mind with suggestive images that it’s no surprise he perceives what is implied. These deceptive 'séances' could provide valuable insights into the psychology of perception if they could be thoroughly investigated. In a hypnotic trance, any suggested object is clearly perceived. In some individuals, this can occur more or less completely after they wake from the trance. It seems that under certain conditions, a similar susceptibility to suggestion may exist in some people who are not in any trance at all.

This suggestibility is greater in the lower senses than in the higher. A German observer writes:

This suggestibility is stronger in the lower senses than in the higher. A German observer writes:

"We know that a weak smell or taste may be very diversely interpreted by us, and that the same sensation will now be named as one thing and the next moment as another. Suppose an agreeable smell of flowers in a room: A visitor will notice it, seek to recognize what it is,[Pg 98] and at last perceive more and more distinctly that it is the perfume of roses—until after all he discovers a bouquet of violets. Then suddenly he recognizes the violet-smell, and wonders how he could possibly have hit upon the roses.—Just so it is with taste. Try some meat whose visible characteristics are disguised by the mode of cooking, and you will perhaps begin by taking it for venison, and end by being quite certain that it is venison, until you are told that it is mutton; whereupon you get distinctly the mutton flavor.—In this wise one may make a person taste or smell what one will, if one only makes sure that he shall conceive it beforehand as we wish, by saying to him: 'Doesn't that taste just like, etc.?' or 'Doesn't it smell just like, etc.?' One can cheat whole companies in this way; announce, for instance, at a meal, that the meat tastes 'high,' and almost every one who is not animated by a spirit of opposition will discover a flavor of putrescence which in reality is not there at all.

"We know that a faint smell or taste can be interpreted in various ways, and the same sensation can be described one way one moment and something completely different the next. Picture the pleasant scent of flowers in a room: A visitor notices it, tries to figure out what it is,[Pg 98] and eventually clearly recognizes that it’s the smell of roses—until they discover it’s actually a bouquet of violets. Suddenly, they realize it’s the scent of violets and wonder how they ever thought it was roses. The same applies to taste. Try some meat that looks different based on how it’s cooked, and you might initially think it’s venison, convinced that it is until someone tells you it’s mutton; then you distinctly taste the flavor of mutton. This way, you can influence someone’s taste or smell as long as you guide their thoughts beforehand by saying something like, 'Doesn’t that taste just like, etc.?' or 'Doesn’t it smell just like, etc.?' You can lead entire groups astray this way; for instance, during a meal, if you say that the meat tastes 'off,' almost everyone who doesn’t think otherwise will notice something rotten that isn’t actually there at all."

"In the sense of feeling this phenomenon is less prominent, because we get so close to the object that our sensation of it is never incomplete. Still, examples may be adduced from this sense. On superficially feeling of a cloth, one may confidently declare it for velvet, whilst it is perhaps a long-haired cloth; or a person may perhaps not be able to decide whether he has put on woolen or cotton stockings, and, trying to ascertain this by the feeling on the skin of the feet, he may become aware that he gets the feeling of cotton or wool according as he thinks of the one or the other. When the feeling in our fingers is somewhat blunted by cold, we notice many such phenomena, being then more exposed to confound objects of touch with one another."[102]

"Regarding feeling, this effect is less noticeable because we get so close to the object that our sensation of it is always complete. Still, there are examples to consider from this sense. When touching a piece of cloth, someone might confidently identify it as velvet, even if it’s actually a long-haired fabric; or someone might struggle to tell if they’re wearing wool or cotton socks, and while trying to determine that by feeling them on their feet, they may realize that their perception of cotton or wool changes based on what they think it is. When our fingers are somewhat numb from the cold, we notice many such occurrences and are more likely to confuse different touch sensations." [102]

High authorities have doubted this power of imagination to falsify present impressions of sense.[103] Yet it unquestionably exists. Within the past fortnight I have been annoyed by a smell, faint but unpleasant, in my library. My annoyance began by an escape of gas from the furnace below stairs. This seemed to get lodged in my imagination as a sort of standard of perception; for, several days after the furnace had been rectified, I perceived the 'same smell' again. It was traced this time to a new pair of India rubber shoes which had been brought in from the shop and laid on a table. It persisted in coming to me for several days, however, in spite of the fact that no other member of the family or visitor noticed anything unpleasant. My impression during part of this time was one of uncertainty whether[Pg 99] the smell was imaginary or real; and at last it faded out. Everyone must be able to give instances like this from the smell-sense. When we have paid the faithless plumber for pretending to mend our drains, the intellect inhibits the nose from perceiving the same unaltered odor, until perhaps several days go by. As regards the ventilation or heating of rooms, we are apt to feel for some time as we think we ought to feel. If we believe the ventilator is shut, we feel the room close. On discovering it open, the oppression disappears.

High authorities have questioned the ability of imagination to distort our current sensory perceptions.[103] Yet it clearly exists. Over the past two weeks, I've been bothered by a faint, unpleasant smell in my library. My annoyance started with a gas leak from the furnace downstairs. This seemed to stick in my mind as a benchmark for perception, because several days after the furnace was fixed, I smelled that 'same smell' again. This time, it turned out to be coming from a new pair of rubber shoes that had been brought in from the store and placed on a table. Despite the fact that no one else in the family or any visitors noticed anything strange, the smell kept returning for several days. During some of this time, I felt unsure whether the smell was real or just in my head; eventually, it faded away. Everyone can likely recall similar examples involving their sense of smell. After we’ve paid a dishonest plumber for supposedly fixing our drains, our mind prevents our nose from detecting the same unchanged odor, sometimes for several days. When it comes to the ventilation or heating of rooms, we tend to feel the way we think we should feel for a while. If we believe the vent is closed, we perceive the room as stuffy. Once we discover it’s open, that stuffy feeling disappears.

An extreme instance is given in the following extract:

An extreme example is shown in the following excerpt:

"A patient called at my office one day in a state of great excitement from the effects of an offensive odor in the horse-car she had come in, and which she declared had probably emanated from some very sick person who must have been just carried in it. There could be no doubt that something had affected her seriously, for she was very pale, with nausea, difficulty in breathing, and other evidences of bodily and mental distress. I succeeded, after some difficulty and time, in quieting her, and she left, protesting that the smell was unlike anything she had ever before experienced and was something dreadful. Leaving my office soon after, it so happened that I found her at the street-corner, waiting for a car: we thus entered the car together. She immediately called my attention to the same sickening odor which she had experienced in the other car, and began to be affected the same as before, when I pointed out to her that the smell was simply that which always emanates from the straw which has been in stables. She quickly recognized it as the same, when the unpleasant effects which arose while she was possessed with another perception of its character at once passed away."[104]

One day, a patient called my office, clearly upset by a terrible smell on the streetcar she had taken. She insisted it was probably from someone very sick who had just been there. It was obvious that something had deeply affected her; she looked very pale, felt nauseous, was having trouble breathing, and showed signs of both physical and mental distress. After some effort, I managed to calm her down, and she left, insisting that the smell was unlike anything she had ever experienced and was truly horrific. Shortly after, I found her waiting for another streetcar at the corner, so we ended up riding together. She immediately pointed out the same awful smell from the previous car and started to feel unwell again. I explained that the odor was just the typical smell from straw found in stables. She quickly recognized it, and the unpleasant effects she felt faded away instantly.

It is the same with touch. Everyone must have felt the sensible quality change under his hand, as sudden contact with something moist or hairy, in the dark, awoke a shock of disgust or fear which faded into calm recognition of some familiar object? Even so small a thing as a crumb of potato on the table-cloth, which we pick up, thinking it a crumb of bread, feels horrible for a few moments to our fancy, and different from what it is.

It’s the same with touch. Everyone has experienced how the quality can change under their hand. A sudden encounter with something wet or hairy, in the dark, sparks a jolt of disgust or fear that quickly turns into a calm recognition of something familiar. Even something as tiny as a crumb of potato on the tablecloth, which we pick up thinking it’s a crumb of bread, can feel awful for a moment, different from what it actually is.

Weight or muscular feeling is a sensation; yet who has not heard the anecdote of some one to whom Sir Humphry Davy showed the metal sodium which he had just discovered? "Bless me, how heavy it is!" said the man;[Pg 100] showing that his idea of what metals as a class ought to be had falsified the sensation he derived from a very light substance.

Weight or the feeling of muscle is just a sensation; yet who hasn't heard the story of someone to whom Sir Humphry Davy showed the metal sodium that he had just discovered? "Wow, it's so heavy!" said the man,[Pg 100] showing that his expectations of what metals should be had distorted the feeling he had from a very light material.

In the sense of hearing, similar mistakes abound. I have already mentioned the hallucinatory effect of mental images of very faint sounds, such as distant clock-strokes (above, p. 71). But even when stronger sensations of sound have been present, everyone must recall some experience in which they have altered their acoustic character as soon as the intellect referred them to a different source. The other day a friend was sitting in my room, when the clock, which has a rich low chime, began to strike. "Hollo!" said he, "hear that hand-organ in the garden," and was surprised at finding the real source of the sound. I had myself some years ago a very striking illusion of the sort. Sitting reading late one night, I suddenly heard a most formidable noise proceeding from the upper part of the house, which it seemed to fill. It ceased, and in a moment renewed itself. I went into the hall to listen, but it came no more. Resuming my seat in the room, however, there it was again, low, mighty, alarming, like a rising flood or the avant-courier of an awful gale. It came from all space. Quite startled, I again went into the hall, but it had already ceased once more. On returning a second time to the room, I discovered that it was nothing but the breathing of a little Scotch terrier which lay asleep on the floor. The noteworthy thing is that as soon as I recognized what it was, I was compelled to think it a different sound, and could not then hear it as I had heard it a moment before.

In terms of hearing, there are similar mistakes. I've already pointed out the mind's ability to create imagined sounds from very faint noises, like distant clock chimes (above, p. 71). But even when louder sounds are present, everyone can recall moments when their perception of those sounds changed as soon as their brain identified a different source. The other day, a friend was sitting in my room when the clock, with its deep, rich chime, started to strike. "Hey!" he said, "Do you hear that hand-organ in the garden?" and was shocked to find out the real source of the sound. A few years ago, I had a particularly striking experience like this myself. I was reading late one night when I suddenly heard a loud noise coming from the upper part of the house, which seemed to fill the entire space. It stopped and then started again a moment later. I went into the hall to listen, but it was silent. However, when I returned to my room, the sound was back, low and powerful, like a rising tide or the warning sign of a fierce storm. It seemed to be coming from everywhere. Startled, I went into the hall again, but it had stopped once more. When I went back to my room, I realized it was just the breathing of a little Scottish terrier sleeping on the floor. The interesting thing is that as soon as I recognized the source, I had to think of it as a different sound and couldn’t hear it the same way I had just moments before.

In the anecdotes given by Delbœuf and Reid, this was probably also the case, though it is not so stated. Reid says:

In the stories shared by Delbœuf and Reid, this was likely true as well, although it's not explicitly mentioned. Reid says:

"I remember that once lying abed, and having been put into a fright, I heard my own heart beat; but I took it to be one knocking at the door, and arose and opened the door oftener than once, before I discovered that the sound was in my own breast." (Inquiry, chap. iv. § 1.)

"I remember lying in bed once, feeling scared, and I could hear my own heartbeat; I thought someone was knocking at the door, so I got up and opened the door more than once before I realized the sound was coming from my own chest." (Inquiry, chap. iv. § 1.)

Delbœuf's story is as follows:

Delbœuf's story goes like this:

"The illustrious P. J. van Beneden, senior, was walking one evening with a friend along a woody hill near Chaudfontaine. 'Don't you[Pg 101] hear,' said the friend, 'the noise of a hunt on the mountain?' M. van Beneden listens and distinguishes in fact the giving-tongue of the dogs. They listen some time, expecting from one moment to another to see a deer bound by; but the voice of the dogs seems neither to recede nor approach. At last a countryman comes by, and they ask him who it is that can be hunting at this late hour. But he, pointing to some puddles of water near their feet, replies: 'Yonder little animals are what you hear.' And there there were in fact a number of toads of the species Bombinator igneus.... This batrachian emits at the pairing season a silvery or rather crystalline note.... Sad and pure, it is a voice in nowise resembling that of hounds giving chase."[105]

The notable P. J. van Beneden, senior, was out for a walk one evening with a friend on a wooded hill near Chaudfontaine. "Don't you [Pg 101] hear that?" the friend asked. "It sounds like a hunt on the mountain." Mr. van Beneden listened and recognized the barking of dogs. They waited, expecting to see a deer pass by at any moment, but the sounds of the dogs neither faded nor got closer. Finally, a local man walked by, and they asked him who might be hunting at this late hour. He pointed to some puddles at their feet and replied, "Those little creatures are what you're hearing." And indeed, there were several toads of the species Bombinator igneus.... This amphibian makes a silvery, or rather crystalline, call during mating season.... Sad yet pure, it sounds nothing like hounds chasing a prey."[105]

The sense of sight, as we have seen in studying Space, is pregnant with illusions of both the types considered. No sense gives such fluctuating impressions of the same object as sight does. With no sense are we so apt to treat the sensations immediately given as mere signs; with none is the invocation from memory of a thing, and the consequent perception of the latter, so immediate. The 'thing' which we perceive always resembles, as we have seen, the object of some absent sensation, usually another optical figure which in our mind has come to be the standard of reality; and it is this incessant reduction of our optical objects to more 'real' forms which has led some authors into the mistake of thinking that the sensations which first apprehend them are originally and natively of no form at all.[106]

The sense of sight, as we've seen in our study of Space, is full of illusions of both types we discussed. No other sense gives such varying impressions of the same object as sight does. We're most likely to see the sensations we experience as just signs; and no other sense brings forth a memory of a thing and the resulting perception of it so quickly. The 'thing' we perceive always resembles, as we've noted, the object of some sensation we didn’t experience, usually another visual form that in our minds has become the standard for reality; and it's this constant simplification of our visual objects to more 'real' forms that has led some authors to mistakenly believe that the sensations that first capture them have no form at all.[106]

Of accidental and occasional illusions of sight many amusing examples might be given. Two will suffice. One is a reminiscence of my own. I was lying in my berth in a steamer listening to the sailors holystone the deck outside; when, on turning my eyes to the window, I perceived with perfect distinctness that the chief-engineer of the vessel had entered my state-room, and was standing looking through the window at the men at work upon the guards. Surprised at his intrusion, and also at his intentness and[Pg 102] immobility, I remained watching him and wondering how long he would stand thus. At last I spoke; but getting no reply, sat up in my berth, and then saw that what I had taken for the engineer was my own cap and coat hanging on a peg beside the window. The illusion was complete; the engineer was a peculiar-looking man; and I saw him unmistakably; but after the illusion had vanished I found it hard voluntarily to make the cap and coat look like him at all.

Of accidental and occasional visual illusions, many entertaining examples could be shared. Two will do. One is from my own experience. I was lying in my bunk on a steamer, listening to the sailors scraping the deck outside. When I turned my eyes to the window, I clearly saw that the chief engineer of the ship had entered my cabin and was standing there, looking out at the crew working on the deck. Surprised by his unexpected visit and his intense focus and stillness, I kept watching him, wondering how long he would stay like that. Finally, I spoke up, but when I got no response, I sat up in my bunk and realized that what I thought was the engineer was actually my own cap and coat hanging on a hook by the window. The illusion was convincing; the engineer was a distinct-looking guy, and I had seen him without a doubt. But once the illusion faded, I found it difficult to see the cap and coat as resembling him at all.

The following story, which I owe to my friend Prof. Hyatt, is of a probably not uncommon class:

The following story, which I owe to my friend Prof. Hyatt, is likely a type that's not uncommon:

"During the winter of 1858, while in Venice, I had the somewhat peculiar illusion which you request me to relate. I remember the circumstances very accurately because I have often repeated the story, and have made an effort to keep all the attendant circumstances clear of exaggeration. I was travelling with my mother, and we had taken rooms at a hotel which had been located in an old palace. The room in which I went to bed was large and lofty. The moon was shining brightly, and I remember standing before a draped window, thinking of the romantic nature of the surroundings, remnants of old stories of knights and ladies, and the possibility that even in that room itself love-scenes and sanguinary tragedies might have taken place. The night was so lovely that many of the people were strolling through the narrow lanes or so-called streets, singing as they went, and I laid awake for some time listening to these patrols of serenaders, and of course finally fell asleep. I became aware that some one was leaning over me closely, and that my own breathing was being interfered with; a decided feeling of an unwelcome presence of some sort awakened me. As I opened my eyes I saw, as distinctly as I ever saw any living person, a draped head about a foot or eighteen inches to the right, and just above my bed. The horror which took possession of my young fancy was beyond anything I have ever experienced. The head was covered by a long black veil which floated out into the moonlight, the face itself was pale and beautiful, and the lower part swathed in the white band commonly worn by the nuns of Catholic orders. My hair seemed to rise up, and a profuse perspiration attested the genuineness of the terror which I felt. For a time I lay in this way, and then gradually gaining more command over my superstitious terrors, concluded to try to grapple with the apparition. It remained perfectly distinct until I reached at it sharply with my hand, and then disappeared, to return again, however, as soon as I sank back into the pillow. The second or third grasp which I made at the head was not followed by a reappearance, and I then saw that the ghost was not a real presence, but depended upon the position of my head. If I moved my eyes either to the left or[Pg 103] right of the original position occupied by my head when I awakened, the ghost disappeared, and by returning to about the same position, I could make it reappear with nearly the same intensity as at first. I presently satisfied myself by these experiments that the illusion arose from the effect of the imagination, aided by the actual figure made by a visual section of the moonbeams shining through the lace curtains of the window. If I had given way to the first terror of the situation and covered up my head, I should probably have believed in the reality of the apparition, since I have not by the slightest word, so far as I know, exaggerated the vividness of my feelings."

"During the winter of 1858, while I was in Venice, I had a rather odd experience that I'd like to share. I remember it clearly because I've recounted this story many times, trying to keep all the details accurate. I was traveling with my mother, and we stayed at a hotel in an old palace. The room where I went to sleep was spacious and airy. The moon was shining brightly, and I remember standing in front of a draped window, contemplating the romantic nature of my surroundings—the remnants of ancient tales of knights and ladies, and the possibility that love scenes and tragic events had taken place in that very room. The night was so enchanting that many people were wandering through the narrow alleys, which they called streets, singing as they passed by, and I lay awake for a while, listening to the serenaders before finally dozing off. Suddenly, I felt that someone was leaning over me, interrupting my breathing; a strong feeling of an unwelcome presence jolted me awake. When I opened my eyes, I saw, as clearly as I’ve seen any living person, a draped head about a foot or eighteen inches to my right, just above my bed. The terror that seized my young imagination was unlike anything I had ever experienced. The head was covered by a long black veil that floated into the moonlight; the face was pale and beautiful, and the lower half was wrapped in the white band usually worn by nuns in Catholic orders. My hair felt like it was standing on end, and I was sweating heavily, indicating how real the fear felt. I stayed like that for a while, and then, gradually gaining control over my superstitious fears, I decided to confront the apparition. It remained perfectly clear until I suddenly reached out with my hand, and then it vanished, only to return as soon as I sank back into the pillow. On my second or third attempt to grab the head, it didn’t come back, and I realized that the ghost wasn’t a real presence but depended on my head's position. If I moved my eyes to the left or right of where I had originally been when I woke up, the ghost disappeared, and by returning to almost the same position, I could make it reappear with nearly the same intensity as before. Through these experiments, I soon convinced myself that the illusion stemmed from the power of my imagination, enhanced by the moonlight filtering through the lace curtains of the window. If I had given in to my initial fear and covered my head, I probably would have believed in the reality of the apparition, because as far as I know, I didn't exaggerate the vividness of my feelings by even a single word."

THE PHYSIOLOGICAL PROCESS IN PERCEPTION.

Enough, has now been said to prove the general law of perception, which is this, that whilst part of what we perceive comes through our senses from the object before us, another part (and it may be the larger part) always comes (in Lazarus's phrase) out of our own head.

Enough has now been said to prove the general law of perception, which is this, that while part of what we perceive comes through our senses from the object in front of us, another part (and it may be the larger part) always comes (in Lazarus's words) from our own mind.

At bottom this is only one case (and that the simplest case) of the general fact that our nerve-centres are an organ for reacting on sense-impressions, and that our hemispheres, in particular, are given us in order that records of our private past experience may co-operate in the reaction. Of course such a general way of stating the fact is vague; and all those who follow the current theory of ideas will be prompt to throw this vagueness at it as a reproach. Their way of describing the process goes much more into detail. The sensation, they say, awakens 'images' of other sensations associated with it in the past. These images 'fuse,' or are 'combined' by the Ego with the present sensation into a new product, the percept, etc., etc. Something so indistinguishable from this in practical outcome is what really occurs, that one may seem fastidious in objecting to such a statement, specially if have no rival theory of the elementary processes to propose. And yet, if this notion of images rising and flocking and fusing be mythological (and we have all along so considered it), why should we entertain it unless confessedly as a mere figure of speech? As such, of course, it is convenient and welcome to pass. But if we try to put an exact meaning into it, all we find is that the brain reacts by paths which previous experiences have worn, and makes us usually perceive the probable thing, i.e., the thing by[Pg 104] which on previous occasions the reaction was most frequently aroused.

At its core, this is just one example (and the simplest one) of the broader truth that our nerve centers act as a mechanism for responding to sensory experiences, and that our brain hemispheres are designed so that memories of our past can play a role in that response. Of course, this general statement is vague, and those who support the current theory of ideas will be quick to criticize this vagueness. They describe the process in much more detail. They argue that a sensation triggers 'images' of other past sensations linked to it. These images 'blend' or are 'combined' by the self with the current sensation into a new outcome, the perception, etc., etc. What actually happens is so similar to this that it might seem overly picky to challenge such a statement, especially if there's no competing theory of the fundamental processes to suggest. Still, if we consider this idea of images emerging, gathering, and merging to be fictional (as we have all along regarded it), why should we accept it except as a mere metaphor? As a metaphor, it is certainly useful and acceptable to use. But if we try to give it a precise meaning, we find only that the brain responds through pathways shaped by past experiences, leading us to typically perceive the expected thing, that is, the thing by[Pg 104] which, in previous instances, the response was most often triggered.

But we can, I think, without danger of being too speculative, be a little more exact than this, and conceive of a physiological reason why the felt quality of an object changes when, instead of being apprehended in a mere sensation, the object is perceived as a thing. All consciousness seems to depend on a certain slowness of the process in the cortical cells. The rapider currents are, the less feeling they seem to awaken. If a region A, then, be so connected with another region B that every current which enters A immediately drains off into B, we shall not be very strongly conscious of the sort of object that A can make us feel. If B, on the contrary, has no such copious channel of discharge, the excitement will linger there longer ere it diffuses itself elsewhere, and our consciousness of the sort of object that B makes us feel will be strong. Carrying this to an ideal maximum, we may say that if A offer no resistance to the transmission forward of the current, and if the current terminate in B, then, no matter what causes may initiate the current, we shall get no consciousness of the object peculiar to A, but on the contrary a vivid sensation of the object peculiar to B. And this will be true though at other times the connection between A and B might lie less open, and every current then entering A might give us a strong consciousness of A's peculiar object. In other words, just in proportion as associations are habitual, will the qualities of the suggested thing tend to substitute themselves in consciousness for those of the thing immediately there; or, more briefly, just in proportion as an experience is probable will it tend to be directly felt. In all such experiences the paths lie wide open from the cells first affected to those concerned with the suggested ideas. A circular after-image on the receding wall or ceiling is actually seen as an ellipse, a square after-image of a cross there is seen as slant-legged, etc., because only in the process correlated with the vision of the latter figures do the inward currents find a pause (see the next chapter).

But I think we can be a bit more precise without getting overly speculative and consider a biological reason why the way we perceive an object changes when we see it not just as a sensation but as an actual object. All consciousness seems to rely on a certain slowness in the cortical cells. The faster the currents are, the less feeling they seem to provoke. If region A is connected to another region B in such a way that every current that enters A immediately drains into B, we won't be very aware of the type of object A makes us feel. On the other hand, if B doesn't have such an easy outlet for the current, the excitement will stay there longer before spreading elsewhere, and our awareness of the type of object B makes us feel will be strong. If we take this to an ideal maximum, we could say that if A offers no resistance to the flow of the current and if the current ends in B, then regardless of what starts the current, we won't be aware of the object specific to A but will instead have a vivid sensation of the object specific to B. This holds true even if at other times the connection between A and B may be less direct, and every current then entering A might make us strongly conscious of A's specific object. In other words, the more habitual the associations are, the more the characteristics of the suggested object will replace those of the thing immediately present in our awareness; or, to put it more simply, the more likely an experience is, the more it will be directly felt. In all these experiences, the pathways are wide open from the initially affected cells to those involved with the suggested ideas. A circular after-image on the wall or ceiling is actually seen as an ellipse, a square after-image of a cross is seen as slant-legged, etc., because only in the process linked to the vision of those latter shapes do the inward currents find a pause (see the next chapter).

We must remember this when, in dealing with the eye, we come to point out the erroneousness of the principle laid[Pg 105] down by Reid and Helmholtz that true sensations can never be changed by the suggestions of experience.

We need to keep this in mind when, dealing with the eye, we highlight the flaws in the principle established[Pg 105] by Reid and Helmholtz that true sensations can never be altered by our experiences.


A certain illusion of which I have not yet spoken affords an additional illustration of this. When we will to execute a movement and the movement for some reason does not occur, unless the sensation of the part's not moving is a strong one, we are apt to feel as if the movement had actually taken place. This seems habitually to be the case in anæsthesia of the moving parts. Close the patient's eyes, hold his anæsthetic arm still, and tell him to raise his hand to his head; and when he opens his eyes he will be astonished to find that the movement has not taken place. All reports of anæsthetic cases seem to mention this illusion. Sternberg who wrote on the subject in 1885,[107] lays it down as a law that the intention to move is the same thing as the feeling of the motion. We shall later see that this is false (Chapter XXV); but it certainly may suggest the feeling of the motion with hallucinatory intensity. Sternberg gives the following experiment, which I find succeeds with at least half of those who try it: Rest your palm on the edge of the table with your forefinger hanging over in a position of extreme flexion, and then exert your will to flex it still more. The position of the other fingers makes this impossible, and yet if we do not look to see the finger, we think we feel it move. He quotes from Exner a similar experiment with the jaws: Put some hard rubber or other unindentable obstacle between[Pg 106] your back teeth and bite hard: you think you feel the jaw move and the front teeth approach each other, though in the nature of things no movement can occur.[108]—The visual suggestion of the path traversed by the finger-tip as the locus of the movement-feeling in the joint, which we discussed on page 41, is another example of this semi-hallucinatory power of the suggested thing. Amputated people, as we have learned, still feel their lost feet, etc. This is a necessary consequence of the law of specific energies, for if the central region correlated with the foot give rise to any feeling at all it must give rise to the feeling of a foot.[109] But the curious thing is that many of these patients can will the foot to move, and when they have done so, distinctly feel the movement to occur. They can, to use their own language, 'work' or 'wiggle' their lost toes.[110]

A particular illusion that I haven't mentioned yet provides another example of this. When we intend to make a movement and, for some reason, that movement doesn't happen, unless the sensation of the part not moving is very strong, we tend to feel as if the movement actually occurred. This seems to usually happen in cases of anesthesia in the moving parts. If you close the patient's eyes, keep their anesthetized arm still, and instruct them to raise their hand to their head, when they open their eyes, they will be shocked to discover that the movement never happened. All reports of anesthetic cases seem to mention this illusion. Sternberg, who wrote about the topic in 1885,[107] claims that the intention to move is equivalent to the sensation of the motion. We'll see later that this isn't true (Chapter XXV); however, it can definitely suggest the feeling of motion with hallucinatory intensity. Sternberg describes the following experiment, which I find works for at least half of those who try it: Rest your palm on the edge of the table with your forefinger hanging over in a position of extreme flexion, and then will it to flex even more. The position of the other fingers makes this impossible, yet if we don't look at the finger, we believe we feel it move. He cites a similar experiment from Exner involving the jaw: Place a hard rubber or other unyielding object between[Pg 106] your back teeth and bite down hard: you think you feel the jaw move and the front teeth getting closer, even though no movement can actually happen. [108]—The visual suggestion of the path that the fingertip takes as the locus of the movement feeling in the joint, which we discussed on page 41, is another instance of this semi-hallucinatory effect of suggestion. As we've learned, amputees still feel their lost feet, etc. This results from the law of specific energies, because if the central region connected to the foot produces any sensation at all, it must create the feeling of a foot.[109] But the interesting thing is that many of these patients can will the foot to move, and when they do, they distinctly feel the movement happening. They can, in their own words, 'work' or 'wiggle' their lost toes.[110]

Now in all these various cases we are dealing with data which in normal life are inseparably joined. Of all possible experiences, it is hard to imagine any pair more uniformly and incessantly coupled than the volition to move, on the one hand, and the feeling of the changed position of the parts, on the other. From the earliest ancestors of ours which had feet, down to the present day, the movement of the feet must always have accompanied the will to move them; and here, if anywhere, habit's consequences ought to be found. The process of the willing ought, then, to pour into the process of feeling the command effected, and ought to awaken that feeling in a maximal degree provided no other positively contradictory sensation come in at the same time. In most of us, when the will fails of its effect there is a contradictory sensation. We discern a resistance or the unchanged position of the limb. But neither in anæsthesia nor in amputation can there be any contradictory sensation in the foot to correct us; so imagination has all the force of fact.

Now in all these different situations, we’re dealing with data that are closely linked in everyday life. Among all possible experiences, it’s hard to think of any pair more constantly connected than the desire to move, on one side, and the awareness of the changed position of body parts, on the other. From the earliest ancestors with feet to today, moving our feet has always gone hand in hand with the desire to move them; and this is where we should see the effects of habit. The process of willing should flow into the process of feeling the command being carried out, and it should evoke that feeling to the greatest extent possible, as long as no other conflicting sensation occurs at the same time. For most of us, when the will lacks effect, there’s a conflicting sensation. We feel resistance or that the position of the limb hasn’t changed. However, in cases of anesthesia or amputation, there’s no contradictory sensation in the foot to correct us; thus, the imagination holds all the power of reality.

'APPERCEPTION.'

In Germany since Herbart's time Psychology has always had a great deal to say about a process called Apperception.[111] The incoming ideas or sensations are said to be 'apperceived' by 'masses' of ideas already in the mind. It is plain that the process we have been describing as perception is, at this rate, an apperceptive process. So are all recognition, classing, and naming; and passing beyond these simplest suggestions, all farther thoughts about our percepts are apperceptive processes as well. I have myself not used the word apperception because it has carried very different meanings in the history of philosophy,[112] and 'psychic reaction,' 'interpretation,' 'conception,' 'assimilation,' 'elaboration,' or simply 'thought,' are perfect synonyms for its Herbartian meaning, widely taken. It is, moreover, hardly worth while to pretend to analyze the so-called apperceptive performances beyond the first or perceptive stage, because their variations and degrees are literally innumerable. 'Apperception' is a name for the sum-total of the effects of what we have studied as association; and it is obvious that the things which a given experience will suggest to a man depend on what Mr. Lewes calls his entire psychostatical conditions, his nature and stock of ideas, or, in other words, his character, habits, memory, education, previous experience, and momentary mood. We gain no insight into what really occurs either in the mind or in the brain by calling all these things the 'apperceiving mass,' though of course this may upon occasion be convenient. On the whole I am inclined to think Mr. Lewes's term of 'assimilation' the most fruitful one yet used.[113]

In Germany since Herbart's time, psychology has always talked a lot about a process called Apperception.[111] Incoming ideas or sensations are said to be 'apperceived' by 'masses' of ideas already in the mind. It’s clear that the process we've been describing as perception is, in this sense, an apperceptive process. So are recognition, classification, and naming; and going beyond these simplest suggestions, all further thoughts about our percepts are also apperceptive processes. I have not used the word apperception myself because it has varied meanings throughout the history of philosophy,[112] and terms like 'psychic reaction,' 'interpretation,' 'conception,' 'assimilation,' 'elaboration,' or simply 'thought' are perfect synonyms for its Herbartian meaning in general use. Moreover, it's hardly worthwhile to try to analyze the so-called apperceptive performances beyond the initial or perceptive stage, because their variations and degrees are literally countless. 'Apperception' is simply a name for the total effects of what we've studied as association; and it's clear that what a particular experience suggests to someone depends on what Mr. Lewes refers to as his complete psychostatical conditions, his nature and stock of ideas, or in other words, his character, habits, memory, education, past experiences, and current mood. We don't gain any real understanding of what happens in the mind or the brain by calling all these factors the 'apperceiving mass,' although this may be convenient at times. Overall, I tend to think Mr. Lewes's term 'assimilation' is the most useful one we've encountered.[113]

Professor H. Steinthal has analyzed apperceptive processes with a sort of detail which is simply burdensome.[114][Pg 108] His introduction of the matter may, however, be quoted. He begins with an anecdote from a comic paper.

Professor H. Steinthal has examined apperceptive processes in such detail that it feels overwhelming.[114][Pg 108] He starts by sharing a story from a humorous publication.

"In the compartment of a railway-carriage six persons unknown to each other sit in lively conversation. It becomes a matter of regret that one of the company must alight at the next station. One of the others says that he of all things prefers such a meeting with entirely unknown persons, and that on such occasions he is accustomed neither to ask who or what his companions may be nor to tell who or what he is. Another thereupon says that he will undertake to decide this question, if they each and all will answer him an entirely disconnected question. They began. He drew five leaves from his note-book, wrote a question on each, and gave one to each of his companions with the request that he write the answer below. When the leaves were returned to him, he turned, after reading them, without hesitation to the others, and said to the first, 'You are a man of science'; to the second, 'You are a soldier'; to the third, 'You are a philologer'; to the fourth, 'You are a journalist'; to the fifth, 'You are a farmer.' All admitted that he was right, whereupon he got out and left the five behind. Each wished to know what question the others had received; and behold, he had given the same question to each. It ran thus:

In a train carriage, six strangers are chatting excitedly. It’s unfortunate that one of them has to get off at the next stop. One person mentions how much he enjoys these encounters with complete strangers, noting that during these moments, he doesn’t ask about his companions’ identities or share his own. Another person then suggests that they can figure this out if everyone agrees to answer a completely random question. They all agree. He takes five slips of paper from his notebook, writes a question on each, and hands one to each of his fellow passengers, asking them to write their answers underneath. Once he gets the slips back, he looks at them and confidently tells the first person, “You’re a scientist”; to the second, “You’re a soldier”; to the third, “You’re a linguist”; to the fourth, “You’re a journalist”; and to the fifth, “You’re a farmer.” They all confirm he’s right, and then he gets off, leaving the other five behind. Each person is curious about what question the others received, and it turns out he had given the same question to everyone. It was:

"'What being destroys what it has itself brought forth?'

"'What being destroys what it has created itself?'"

"To this the naturalist had answered, 'vital force'; the soldier, 'war'; the philologist, 'Kronos'; the publicist, 'revolution'; the farmer, 'a boar'. This anecdote, methinks, if not true, is at least splendidly well invented. Its narrator makes the journalist go on to say: 'Therein consists the joke. Each one answers the first thing that occurs to him,[115] and that is whatever is most newly related to his pursuit in life. Every question is a hole-drilling experiment, and the answer is an opening through which one sees into our interiors.'... So do we all. We are all able to recognize the clergyman, the soldier, the scholar, the business man, not only by the cut of their garments and the attitude of their body, but by what they say and how they express it. We guess the place in life of men by the interest which they show and the way in which they show it, by the objects of which they speak, by the point of view from which they regard things, judge them, conceive them, in short by their mode of apperceiving....

"In response, the naturalist said, 'vital force'; the soldier, 'war'; the philologist, 'Kronos'; the publicist, 'revolution'; the farmer, 'a boar'. This anecdote, I think, if it’s not true, is at least wonderfully crafted. The storyteller continues with the journalist saying: 'That’s the punchline. Each person answers with the first thing that comes to mind, which is whatever relates most directly to their work in life. Every question is like drilling a hole, and the answer is an opening through which we see into our inner selves.'... We all do this. We can recognize the clergyman, the soldier, the scholar, and the businessman, not just by their clothing or posture, but by their speech and manner of speaking. We can deduce people's status in life from their interests and how they express them, from the topics they discuss, and from their perspectives on things, how they judge them, how they envision them, in short, by their way of apperceiving...."

"Every man has one group of ideas which relate to his own person and interests, and another which is connected with society. Each has his group of ideas about plants, religion, law, art, etc., and more especially about the rose, epic poetry, sermons, free trade, and the like. Thus the mental content of every individual, even of the uneducated[Pg 109] and of children, consists of masses or circles of knowledge of which each lies within some larger circle, alongside of others similarly included, and of which each includes smaller circles within itself.... The perception of a thing like a horse... is a process between the present horse's picture before our eyes, on the one hand, and those fused or interwoven pictures and ideas of all the horses we have ever seen, on the other;... a process between two factors or momenta, of which one existed before the process and was an old possession of the mind (the group of ideas, or concept, namely), whilst the other is but just presented to the mind, and is the immediately supervening factor (the sense-impression). The former apperceives the latter; the latter is apperceived by the former. Out of their combination an apperception-product arises: the knowledge of the perceived being as a horse. The earlier factor is relatively to the later one active and a priori; the supervening factor is given, a posteriori, passive.... We may then define Apperception as the movement of two masses of consciousness (Vorstellungsmassen) against each other so as to produce a cognition.

"Every person has one set of ideas related to themselves and their interests, and another set connected to society. Each of us holds our own concepts about nature, religion, law, art, and especially about things like roses, epic poetry, sermons, free trade, and so on. The mental content of each individual, even those uneducated or children, consists of clusters or circles of knowledge, each fitting within a larger circle, alongside other similar ones, and containing smaller circles inside it. The way we perceive something like a horse involves the current image of the horse in front of us on one side and the blended memories and ideas of all the horses we've ever seen on the other. It’s a process between two elements: one existed before this moment and is an established part of our mind (the set of ideas or concept), while the other is being presented to the mind right now (the sense-impression). The first perceives the second; the second is perceived by the first. Their combination produces a new understanding: the recognition of the creature as a horse. The earlier factor is, in relation to the later one, active and a priori; the supervening factor is given, a posteriori, and passive. Thus, we can define apperception as the interaction of two masses of consciousness with one another that results in knowledge."

"The a priori factor we called active, the a posteriori factor passive, but this is only relatively true.... Although the a priori moment commonly shows itself to be the more powerful, apperception-processes can perfectly well occur in which the new observation transforms or enriches the apperceiving group of ideas. A child who hitherto has seen none but four-cornered tables apperceives a round one as a table; but by this the apperceiving mass ('table') is enriched. To his previous knowledge of tables comes this new feature that they need not be four-cornered, but may be round. In the history of science it has happened often enough that some discovery, at the same time that it was apperceived, i.e. brought into connection with the system of our knowledge, transformed the whole system. In principle, however, we must maintain that, although either factor is both active and passive, the a priori factor is almost always the more active of the two."[116]

The a priori factor is considered active while the a posteriori factor is seen as passive, but this is only relatively true.... Although the a priori aspect usually seems stronger, apperception processes can certainly occur where new observations change or enhance the ideas we already hold. For example, a child who has only seen square tables recognizes a round one as a table; this enriches the idea of 'table' in their mind. Now, along with their earlier understanding of tables, they learn that a table doesn’t have to be square; it can also be round. Throughout the history of science, there have been many cases where a discovery, once understood, transformed the entire system of knowledge. However, we must insist that, even though either factor can be both active and passive, the a priori factor is almost always the more active one.[116]

This account of Steinthal's brings out very clearly the difference between our psychological conceptions and what are called concepts in logic. In logic a concept is unalterable; but what are popularly called our 'conceptions of things' alter by being used. The aim of 'Science' is to attain conceptions so adequate and exact that we shall never need to change them. There is an everlasting struggle in every mind between the tendency to keep unchanged, and the tendency to renovate, its ideas. Our education is a ceaseless compromise between the conservative and the progressive factors. Every new experience must be disposed[Pg 110] of under some old head. The great point is to find the head which has to be least altered to take it in. Certain Polynesian natives, seeing horses for the first time, called them pigs, that being the nearest head. My child of two played for a week with the first orange that was given him, calling it a 'ball.' He called the first whole eggs he saw 'potatoes,' having been accustomed to see his 'eggs' broken into a glass, and his potatoes without the skin. A folding pocket-corkscrew he unhesitatingly called 'bad-scissors.' Hardly any one of us can make new heads easily when fresh experiences come. Most of us grow more and more enslaved to the stock conceptions with which we have once become familiar, and less and less capable of assimilating impressions in any but the old ways. Old-fogyism, in short, is the inevitable terminus to which life sweeps us on. Objects which violate our established habits of 'apperception' are simply not taken account of at all; or, if on some occasion we are forced by dint of argument to admit their existence, twenty-four hours later the admission is as if it were not, and every trace of the unassimilable truth has vanished from our thought. Genius, in truth, means little more than the faculty of perceiving in an unhabitual way.

This account from Steinthal makes it very clear the difference between our psychological ideas and what are known as concepts in logic. In logic, a concept is fixed; but what we commonly refer to as our 'understanding of things' changes through usage. The goal of 'Science' is to develop ideas that are so accurate and precise that we won’t need to modify them. There’s a constant struggle in every mind between the desire to keep ideas the same and the urge to renew them. Our education is an ongoing balance between conservative and progressive elements. Every new experience must fit [Pg 110] under some existing category. The key is to find the category that requires the least alteration to accommodate it. Certain Polynesian natives, seeing horses for the first time, referred to them as pigs since that was the closest category they had. My two-year-old played for a week with the first orange he was given, calling it a 'ball.' He called the first whole eggs he saw 'potatoes' because he was used to seeing his 'eggs' broken into a glass and his potatoes peeled. He confidently referred to a folding pocket corkscrew as 'bad-scissors.' Hardly any of us can easily create new categories when faced with new experiences. Most of us become more and more trapped by the familiar concepts we’ve once adopted, becoming less and less capable of processing impressions in any new way. In short, old-fashioned thinking is the inevitable endpoint that life leads us toward. Objects that challenge our established ways of 'apperception' are simply ignored; or, if we’re forced to acknowledge them through argument, within twenty-four hours that acknowledgment feels like it never happened, and every trace of the difficult truth disappears from our minds. Genius, in reality, is little more than the ability to see things in a new way.

On the other hand, nothing is more congenial, from babyhood to the end of life, than to be able to assimilate the new to the old, to meet each threatening violator or burster of our well-known series of concepts, as it comes in, see through its unwontedness, and ticket it off as an old friend in disguise. This victorious assimilation of the new is in fact the type of all intellectual pleasure. The lust for it is curiosity. The relation of the new to the old, before the assimilation is performed, is wonder. We feel neither curiosity nor wonder concerning things so far beyond us that we have no concepts to refer them to or standards by which to measure them.[117] The Fuegians, in Darwin's voyage,[Pg 111] wondered at the small boats, but took the big ship as a 'matter of course.' Only what we partly know already inspires us with a desire to know more. The more elaborate textile fabrics, the vaster works in metal, to most of us are like the air, the water, and the ground, absolute existences which awaken no ideas. It is a matter of course that an engraving or a copper-plate inscription should possess that degree of beauty. But if we are shown a pen-drawing of equal perfection, our personal sympathy with the difficulty of the task makes us immediately wonder at the skill. The old lady admiring the Academician's picture, says to him: "And is it really all done by hand?"

On the other hand, there's nothing more satisfying, from childhood to the end of life, than being able to connect the new with the old, to confront each new challenge or disruption to our familiar ideas as it arises, understand its strangeness, and recognize it as an old friend in disguise. This successful integration of the new is actually the essence of all intellectual enjoyment. The desire for it is curiosity. The relationship between the new and the old, before integration happens, is wonder. We feel neither curiosity nor wonder about things that are so far beyond our understanding that we have no concepts to relate them to or standards by which to evaluate them.[117] The Fuegians, during Darwin's voyage,[Pg 111] were amazed by the small boats but accepted the large ship as something ordinary. Only what we partially understand ignites our desire to learn more. To most of us, more intricate textiles and larger metalworks are like air, water, and land—just things that exist without sparking any thoughts. It seems normal for an engraving or a copper-plate inscription to have a certain level of beauty. But if we see a pen drawing of the same quality, our personal connection to the difficulty of the task makes us immediately appreciate the skill. The elderly lady admiring the Academician's painting asks him, “Is it really all done by hand?”

IS PERCEPTION UNCONSCIOUS INFERENCE?

A widely-spread opinion (which has been held by such men as Schopenhauer, Spencer, Hartmann, Wundt, Helmholtz, and lately interestingly pleaded for by M. Binet)[118] will have it that perception should be called a sort of reasoning operation, more or less unconsciously and automatically performed. The question seems at first a verbal one, depending on how broadly the term reasoning is to be taken. If, every time a present sign suggests an absent reality to our mind, we make an inference; and if every time we make an inference we reason; then perception is indubitably reasoning. Only one sees no room in it for any unconscious part. Both associates, the present sign and the contiguous things which it suggests, are above-board, and no intermediary[Pg 112] ideas are required. Most of those who have upheld the thesis in question have, however, made a more complex supposition. What they have meant is that perception is a mediate inference, and that the middle term is unconscious. When the sensation which I have called 'this' (p. 83, supra) is felt, they think that some process like the following runs through the mind:

A common belief (held by figures like Schopenhauer, Spencer, Hartmann, Wundt, Helmholtz, and more recently championed by M. Binet)[118] is that perception can be considered a type of reasoning operation, carried out somewhat unconsciously and automatically. At first glance, the question seems to be just a matter of wording, depending on how broadly we define reasoning. If every time a current sign evokes a non-present reality in our minds we make an inference, and if every inference we make involves reasoning, then perception is definitely reasoning. However, it seems there's no room for any unconscious component in that interpretation. Both elements—the current sign and the associated objects it brings to mind—are clear, and no intermediary[Pg 112] ideas are necessary. Yet, most supporters of this thesis have proposed a more intricate assumption. They argue that perception is a mediate inference, where the middle term is unconscious. When I perceive the sensation I refer to as 'this' (p. 83, supra), they believe a process like the following occurs in the mind:

'This' is M;
but M is A;
therefore 'this' is A.[119]

'This' is M;
but M is A;
so 'this' is A.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Now there seem no good grounds for supposing this additional wheelwork in the mind. The classification of 'this' as M is itself an act of perception, and should, if all perception were inference, require a still earlier syllogism for its performance, and so backwards in infinitum. The only extrication from this coil would be to represent the process in altered guise, thus:

Now there don't seem to be any solid reasons to believe in this extra mechanism in the mind. Categorizing 'this' as M is an act of perception in itself, and if all perception were based on inference, it would need an even earlier logical argument to explain it, and so on infinitum. The only way to untangle this knot would be to represent the process differently, like this:

'This' is like those;
Those are A;
Therefore 'this' is A.

'This' is like those;
Those are A;
So, 'this' is A.

The major premise here involves no association by contiguity, no naming of those as M, but only a suggestion of unnamed similar images, a recall of analogous past sensations with which the characters that make up A were habitually conjoined. But here again, what grounds of fact are there for admitting this recall? We are quite unconscious of any such images of the past. And the conception of all the forms of association as resultants of the elementary fact of habit-worn paths in the brain makes such images entirely superfluous for explaining the phenomena in point. Since the brain-process of 'this,' the sign of A, has repeatedly been aroused in company with the process of the full object A, direct paths of irradiation from the one to the other must be already established. And although roundabout paths may also be possible, as from 'this' to 'those,' and then[Pg 113] from 'those' to 'A' (paths which would lead to practically the same conclusion as the straighter ones), yet there is no ground whatever for assuming them to be traversed now, especially since appearances point the other way. In explicit reasoning, such paths are doubtless traversed; in perception they are in all probability closed. So far, then, from perception being a species of reasoning properly so called, both it and reasoning are co-ordinate varieties of that deeper sort of process known psychologically as the association of ideas, and physiologically as the law of habit in the brain. To call perception unconscious reasoning is thus either a useless metaphor, or a positively misleading confusion between two different things.

The main idea here is that there’s no connection by proximity, no labeling of those as M, but just a hint of unnamed similar images, a recall of related past feelings that the characters making up A were usually linked to. But again, what evidence do we have for accepting this recall? We are completely unaware of any such past images. The idea that all forms of association come from the basic fact of well-trodden paths in the brain makes these images completely unnecessary for explaining the phenomena in question. Since the brain process of 'this,' the sign of A, has repeatedly been triggered alongside the full object A, direct connections between the two must already be established. And while indirect connections may also exist, like from 'this' to 'those,' and then from 'those' to 'A' (connections that would lead to practically the same result as the more direct ones), there’s no reason to believe they are being followed now, especially since evidence suggests otherwise. In explicit reasoning, such paths may be followed; in perception, they are probably blocked. So far, from perception being a type of reasoning in the strict sense, both it and reasoning are related aspects of the deeper process known in psychology as the association of ideas, and in physiology as the law of habit in the brain. To say perception is unconscious reasoning is thus either an unnecessary metaphor or a misleading mix-up of two different concepts.


One more point and we may leave the subject of Perception. Sir Wm. Hamilton thought that he had discovered a 'great law' which had been wholly overlooked by psychologists, and which, 'simple and universal,' is this: "Knowledge and Feeling,—Perception and Sensation, though always coexistent, are always in the inverse ratio of each other." Hamilton wrote as if perception and sensation were two coexistent elements entering into a single state of consciousness. Spencer refines upon him by contending that they are two mutually exclusive states of consciousness, not two elements of a single state. If sensation be taken, as both Hamilton and Spencer mainly take it in this discussion, to mean the feeling of pleasure or pain, there is no doubt that the law, however expressed, is true; and that the mind which is strongly conscious of the pleasantness or painfulness of an experience is ipso facto less fitted to observe and analyze its outward cause.[120] Apart from pleasure and pain, however, the law seems but a corollary of the fact that the more concentrated a state of consciousness is, the more vivid it is. When feeling a color, or listening to a tone per se, we get it more intensely, notice it better, than when we are aware of it merely as one among many other properties of a total object. The more diffused cerebral excitement of the perceptive state is probably incompatible[Pg 114] with quite as strong an excitement of separate parts as the sensational state comports. So we come back here to our own earlier discrimination between the perceptive and the sensational processes, and to the examples which we gave on pp. 80, 81.[121]

One more thing, and we can move on from the topic of Perception. Sir Wm. Hamilton believed he had found a 'great law' that psychologists had completely missed, which, 'simple and universal,' is: "Knowledge and Feeling—Perception and Sensation, although always coexisting, are always inversely related." Hamilton wrote as if perception and sensation were two coexisting elements in a single state of consciousness. Spencer refines this by arguing that they are two mutually exclusive states of consciousness, not just elements of one state. If we take sensation, as both Hamilton and Spencer primarily do in this discussion, to mean the experience of pleasure or pain, it's clear that the law, in any form, holds true; the mind that is intensely aware of the pleasantness or painfulness of an experience is ipso facto less capable of observing and analyzing its external cause.[120] However, when we look beyond pleasure and pain, the law seems like just a corollary of the fact that the more focused a state of consciousness is, the more vivid it is. When we experience a color or hear a tone per se, we perceive it more intensely and notice it better than when we're simply aware of it as one among many other properties of a whole object. The more widespread cerebral excitement of the perceptive state likely doesn't align with as strong an excitement of separate parts as the sensational state does. So we return to our earlier distinction between perceptive and sensational processes and to the examples we provided on pp. 80, 81.[121]

HALLUCINATIONS.

Between normal perception and illusion we have seen that there is no break, the process being identically the same in both. The last illusions we considered might fairly be called hallucinations. We must now consider the false perceptions more commonly called by that name.[122] In[Pg 115] ordinary parlance hallucination is held to differ from illusion in that, whilst there is an object really there in illusion, in hallucination there is no objective stimulus at all. We shall presently see that this supposed absence of objective stimulus in hallucination is a mistake, and that hallucinations are often only extremes of the perception process, in which the secondary cerebral reaction is out of all normal proportion to the peripheral stimulus which occasions the activity. Hallucinations usually appear abruptly and have the character of being forced upon the subject. But they possess various degrees of apparent objectivity. One mistake in limine must be guarded against. They are often talked of as mental images projected outwards by mistake. But where an hallucination is complete, it is much more than a mental image. An hallucination is a strictly sensational form of consciousness, as good and true a sensation as if there were a real object there. The object happens not to be there, that is all.

Between normal perception and illusion, we see that there’s no break; the process is exactly the same in both. The last illusions we discussed could rightly be called hallucinations. Now we need to look at the false perceptions more commonly referred to by that name.[122] In[Pg 115] common terms, hallucination is understood to be different from illusion in that, while there is a real object present in illusion, in hallucination there is no objective stimulus at all. We will soon see that this supposed absence of an objective stimulus in hallucination is a misconception, and that hallucinations are often just extremes of the perception process, where the secondary cerebral reaction is vastly out of proportion to the peripheral stimulus that triggers the activity. Hallucinations typically occur suddenly and have the feeling of being forced upon the person. However, they can vary in degrees of apparent objectivity. One mistake in limine we should avoid is treating them as mental images mistakenly projected outward. But when a hallucination is complete, it is much more than a mental image. A hallucination is a fully sensational form of consciousness, as real and genuine a sensation as if there were a real object present. The object just happens not to be there; that’s all.

The milder degrees of hallucination have been designated as pseudo-hallucinations. Pseudo-hallucinations and hallucinations have been sharply distinguished from each[Pg 116] other only within a few years. Dr. Kandinsky writes of their difference as follows:

The less intense types of hallucinations are called pseudo-hallucinations. Pseudo-hallucinations and hallucinations have only recently been clearly differentiated from each[Pg 116] other. Dr. Kandinsky describes their difference like this:

"In carelessly questioning a patient we may confound his pseudo-hallucinatory perceptions with hallucinations. But to the unconfused consciousness of the patient himself, even though he be imbecile, the identification of the two phenomena is impossible, at least in the sphere of vision. At the moment of having a pseudo-hallucination of sight, the patient feels himself in an entirely different relation to this subjective sensible appearance, from that in which he finds himself whilst subject to a true visual hallucination. The latter is reality itself; the former, on the contrary, remains always a subjective phenomenon which the individual commonly regards either as sent to him as a sign of God's grace, or as artificially induced by his secret persecutors.... If he knows by his own experience what a genuine hallucination is, it is quite impossible for him to mistake the pseudo-hallucination for it.... A concrete example will make the difference clear:

"When casually talking to a patient, we might confuse their pseudo-hallucinations with real hallucinations. However, for the patient’s clear awareness, even if they have cognitive challenges, telling the two experiences apart is impossible, at least regarding visions. In a pseudo-hallucination, the patient feels a completely different connection to what they're seeing compared to a true visual hallucination. The latter feels like real life, while the former remains a subjective experience that the individual typically views either as a sign of divine favor or as something fabricated by their hidden oppressors... If the patient knows from personal experience what a real hallucination is, they can't confuse a pseudo-hallucination with it... A specific example will clarify the distinction:

"Dr. N. L.... heard one day suddenly amongst the voices of his persecutors ('coming from a hollow space in the midst of the wall') a rather loud voice impressively saying to him: 'Change your national allegiance.' Understanding this to mean that his only hope consisted in ceasing to be subject to the Czar of Russia, he reflected a moment what allegiance would be better, and resolved to become an English subject. At the same moment he saw a pseudo-hallucinatory lion of natural size, which appeared and quickly laid its fore-paws on his shoulders. He had a lively feeling of these paws as a tolerably painful local pressure (complete hallucination of touch). Then the same voice from the wall said: 'Now you have a lion—now you will rule,' whereupon the patient recollected that the lion was the national emblem of England. The lion appeared to L. very distinct and vivid, but he nevertheless remained conscious, as he afterwards expressed it, that he saw the animal, not with his bodily but with his mental eyes. (After his recovery he called analogous apparitions by the name of 'expressive-plastic ideas.') Accordingly he felt no terror, even though he felt the contact of the claws.... Had the lion been a complete hallucination, the patient, as he himself remarked after recovery, would have felt great fear, and very likely screamed or taken to flight. Had it been a simple image of the fancy he would not have connected it with the voices, of whose objective reality he was at the time quite convinced."[123]

"Dr. N. L.... suddenly heard, among the voices of his tormentors (coming from a hollow space in the wall), a loud voice commanding him: 'Change your national allegiance.' Believing this was his only chance to escape being subject to the Czar of Russia, he thought for a moment about which allegiance would be better and decided to become a British subject. At the same time, he saw a lifelike, pseudo-hallucinatory lion that quickly placed its forepaws on his shoulders. He vividly felt these paws as a somewhat painful pressure (a complete touch hallucination). Then the same voice from the wall said: 'Now you have a lion—now you will rule,' and the patient remembered that the lion was England's national emblem. The lion appeared very clear and vivid to L., but he remained aware, as he later described it, that he was seeing the animal not with his physical eyes, but with his mental ones. (After he recovered, he referred to similar visions as 'expressive-plastic ideas.') So, he felt no fear, even though he felt the lion's claws touching him.... If the lion had been a complete hallucination, the patient, as he noted after his recovery, would have felt intense fear and likely would have either screamed or run away. If it had just been a figment of his imagination, he wouldn't have connected it to the voices, the reality of which he was convinced of at that moment."

From ordinary images of memory and fancy, pseudo-hallucinations differ in being much more vivid, minute,[Pg 117] detailed, steady, abrupt, and spontaneous, in the sense that all feeling of our own activity in producing them is lacking. Dr. Kandinsky had a patient who, after taking opium or haschisch, had abundant pseudo-hallucinations and hallucinations. As he also had strong visualizing power and was an educated physician, the three sorts of phenomena could be easily compared. Although projected outwards (usually not farther than the limit of distinctest vision, a foot or so) the pseudo-hallucinations lacked the character of objective reality which the hallucinations possessed, but, unlike the pictures of imagination, it was almost impossible to produce them at will. Most of the 'voices' which people hear (whether they give rise to delusions or not) are pseudo-hallucinations. They are described as 'inner' voices, although their character is entirely unlike the inner speech of the subject with himself. I know two persons who hear such inner voices making unforeseen remarks whenever they grow quiet and listen for them. They are a very common incident of delusional insanity, and at last grow into vivid hallucinations. The latter are comparatively frequent occurrences in sporadic form; and certain individuals are liable to have them often. From the results of the 'Census of Hallucinations,' which was begun by Edmund Gurney, it would appear that, roughly speaking, one person at least in every ten is likely to have had a vivid hallucination at some time in his life.[124] The following cases from healthy people will give an idea of what these hallucinations are:

From typical images of memory and imagination, pseudo-hallucinations stand out because they are much more vivid, detailed, steady, sudden, and spontaneous, lacking any sense of our own effort in creating them. Dr. Kandinsky had a patient who, after using opium or hashish, experienced many pseudo-hallucinations and hallucinations. Since this patient also had a strong ability to visualize and was a well-educated physician, it was easy to compare the three types of phenomena. Although they are projected outward (usually not beyond the limit of distinct vision, about a foot or so), pseudo-hallucinations lack the characteristic of objective reality that hallucinations have. However, unlike the images produced by imagination, it is nearly impossible to create them at will. Most of the 'voices' that people report hearing (regardless of whether they lead to delusions) are pseudo-hallucinations. They are often described as 'inner' voices, although they are completely different from the inner dialogue one has with oneself. I know two people who hear these inner voices making unexpected comments whenever they become quiet and listen for them. They are a very common occurrence in delusional insanity and eventually develop into vivid hallucinations. The latter occur quite frequently in sporadic instances, and certain individuals are more prone to having them often. According to the results of the 'Census of Hallucinations,' initiated by Edmund Gurney, it seems that roughly one in ten people is likely to have experienced a vivid hallucination at some point in their life.[124] The following cases from healthy individuals will provide insight into what these hallucinations are:

"When a girl of eighteen, I was one evening engaged in a very painful discussion with an elderly person. My distress was so great that I took up a thick ivory knitting-needle that was lying on the mantelpiece of the parlor and broke it into small pieces as I talked. In the midst of the discussion I was very wishful to know the opinion of a brother with whom I had an unusually close relationship. I turned round and saw him sitting at the further side of a centre-table, with his arms folded (an unusual position with him), but, to my dismay, I perceived[Pg 118] from the sarcastic expression of his mouth that he was not in sympathy with me, was not 'taking my side,' as I should then have expressed it. The surprise cooled me, and the discussion was dropped.

"When I was eighteen, one evening I had a really tough conversation with an older person. I was so upset that I grabbed a thick ivory knitting needle from the mantel in the living room and broke it into small pieces while I talked. During the discussion, I really wanted to hear what my brother—who I was especially close to—thought. I looked over and saw him sitting on the other side of the coffee table with his arms crossed (which was unusual for him), but to my disappointment, I could tell from the sarcastic look on his face that he wasn’t on my side, as I would have said back then. The surprise made me lose my enthusiasm, and we dropped the topic."

"Some minutes after, having occasion to speak to my brother, I turned towards him, but he was gone. I inquired when he left the room, and was told that he had not been in it, which I did not believe, thinking that he had come in for a minute and had gone out without being noticed. About an hour and a half afterwards he appeared, and convinced me, with some trouble, that he had never been near the house that evening. He is still alive and well."

"A few minutes later, I wanted to talk to my brother, so I looked for him, but he was gone. I asked when he left the room and was told he hadn’t been there at all, which I didn’t believe, thinking he must have come in for a minute and slipped out without me noticing. About an hour and a half later, he showed up and, after some convincing, made me believe that he had never been near the house that evening. He’s still alive and well."

Here is another case:

Here’s another instance:

"One night in March 1873 or '74, I cannot recollect which year, I was attending on the sick-bed of my mother. About eight o'clock in the evening I went into the dining-room to fix a cup of tea, and on turning from the sideboard to the table, on the other side of the table before the fire, which was burning brightly, as was also the gas, I saw standing with his hand clasped to his side in true military fashion a soldier of about thirty years of age, with dark, piercing eyes looking directly into mine. He wore a small cap with standing feather; his costume was also of a soldierly style. He did not strike me as being a spirit, ghost, or anything uncanny, only a living man; but after gazing for fully a minute I realized that it was nothing of earth, for he neither moved his eyes nor his body, and in looking closely I could see the fire beyond. I was of course startled, and yet did not run out of the room. I felt stunned. I walked out rapidly, however, and turning to the servant in the hall asked her if she saw anything. She said not. I went into my mother's room and remained talking for about an hour, but never mentioned the above subject for fear of exciting her, and finally forgot it altogether, returning to the dining-room, still in forgetfulness of what had occurred, but repeating, as above, the turning from sideboard to table in act of preparing more tea. I looked casually towards the fire, and there I saw the soldier again. This time I was entirely alarmed, and fled from the room in haste. I called to my father, but when he came he saw nothing."

"One night in March 1873 or '74, I can't remember which year, I was taking care of my sick mother. Around eight in the evening, I went into the dining room to make a cup of tea. When I turned from the sideboard to the table across from the fire, which was blazing brightly along with the gas lights, I saw a soldier standing there. He looked about thirty, with dark, intense eyes staring directly at me. He wore a small cap with a feather, and his outfit had a military style. He didn’t seem like a spirit or ghost—just a real person. But after watching him for about a minute, I realized he wasn’t from this world because he didn’t move his eyes or body, and I could see the fire behind him. I was startled but didn’t run out of the room. I felt shocked. I quickly walked out, though, and asked the servant in the hallway if she saw anything. She said no. I went into my mother’s room and talked for about an hour, but I didn’t mention what happened for fear of upsetting her, and I eventually forgot about it. When I returned to the dining room, still unaware of what had occurred, I went through the same motion of turning from the sideboard to the table to make more tea. I glanced casually at the fire and saw the soldier again. This time I was completely frightened and rushed out of the room. I called for my father, but when he came, he didn’t see anything."

Sometimes more than one sense is affected. The following is a case:

Sometimes, multiple senses can be affected. Here’s an example:

"In response to your request to write out my experience of Oct. 30, 1886, I will inflict on you a letter.

"In response to your request to share my experience from October 30, 1886, I’m going to write you a letter."

"On the day above mentioned, Oct. 30, 1886, I was in ——, where I was teaching. I had performed my regular routine work for the day, and was sitting in my room working out trigonometrical formulæ.[Pg 119] I was expecting every day to hear of the confinement of my wife, and naturally my thoughts for some time had been more or less with her. She was, by the way, in B——, some fifty miles from me.

"On that day, October 30, 1886, I was in ——, where I was teaching. I had finished my usual tasks for the day and was sitting in my room working on trigonometric formulas.[Pg 119] I was expecting news about my wife's labor any day, so I had been thinking about her for a while. By the way, she was in B——, about fifty miles away from me."

"At the time, however, neither she nor the expected event was in my mind; as I said, I was working out trigonometrical formulæ, and I had been working on trigonometry the entire evening. About eleven o'clock, as I sat there buried in sines, cosines, tangents, cotangents, secants, and cosecants, I felt very distinctly upon my left shoulder a touch, and a slight shake, as if somebody had tried to attract my attention by other means and had failed. Without rising I turned my head, and there between me and the door stood my wife, dressed exactly as I last saw her, some five weeks before. As I turned she said: 'It is a little Herman; he has come.' Something more was said, but this is the only sentence I can recall. To make sure that I was not asleep and dreaming, I rose from the chair, pinched myself and walked toward the figure, which disappeared immediately as I rose. I can give no information as to the length of time occupied by this episode, but I know I was awake, in my usual good health. The touch was very distinct, the figure was absolutely perfect, stood about three feet from the door, which was closed, and had not been opened during the evening. The sound of the voice was unmistakable, and I should have recognized it as my wife's voice even if I had not turned and had not seen the figure at all. The tone was conversational, just as if she would have said the same words had she been actually standing there.

"At that moment, though, neither she nor the event I was expecting was on my mind; as I mentioned, I was focused on trigonometric formulas and had been working on them all evening. Around eleven o'clock, while I was deeply engrossed in sines, cosines, tangents, cotangents, secants, and cosecants, I distinctly felt a touch and a slight shake on my left shoulder, as if someone had been trying to get my attention in another way and had failed. Without getting up, I turned my head, and there between me and the door stood my wife, dressed just as I had seen her about five weeks earlier. As I turned, she said, 'It's a little Herman; he has come.' A bit more was said, but that’s the only sentence I can recall. To make sure I wasn’t asleep and dreaming, I got up from the chair, pinched myself, and walked toward the figure, which vanished immediately as I rose. I can't say how long this lasted, but I know I was awake and in my usual good health. The touch was very clear, the figure was perfectly defined, and it stood about three feet from the closed door, which hadn’t been opened that evening. The sound of her voice was unmistakable—I would have recognized it as my wife's even if I hadn’t turned around and hadn’t seen the figure at all. The tone was casual, just as if she would have said the same words if she had actually been there."

"In regard to myself, I would say, as I have already intimated, I was in my usual good health; I had not been sick before, nor was I after the occurrence, not so much as a headache having afflicted me.

"In terms of my own health, I can say, as I’ve already mentioned, that I was in my usual good shape; I hadn’t been sick before, and I wasn’t sick after the incident—not even a headache bothered me."

"Shortly after the experience above described, I retired for the night and, as I usually do, slept quietly until morning. I did not speculate particularly about the strange appearance of the night before, and though I thought of it some, I did not tell anybody. The following morning I rose, not conscious of having dreamed anything, but I was very firmly impressed with the idea that there was something for me at the telegraph-office. I tried to throw off the impression, for so far as I knew there was no reason for it. Having nothing to do, I went out for a walk; and to help throw off the impression above noted, I walked away from the telegraph-office. As I proceeded, however, the impression became a conviction, and I actually turned about and went to the very place I had resolved not to visit, the telegraph-office. The first person I saw on arriving at said office was the telegraph-operator, who being on terms of intimacy with me, remarked: 'Hello, papa, I've got a telegram for you.' The telegram announced the birth of a boy, weighing nine pounds, and that all were doing well. Now, then, I have no theory at all about the events narrated above; I never had any such experience before nor since; I am no believer in spiritualism, am not in the least superstitious, know very little about 'thought-transference,'[Pg 120] 'unconscious cerebration,' etc., etc., but I am absolutely certain about what I have tried to relate.

"Shortly after the experience I just described, I went to bed for the night and, as I usually do, slept peacefully until morning. I didn’t dwell on the strange sight from the night before, and while I thought about it a little, I didn’t mention it to anyone. The next morning, I woke up not remembering any dreams, but I was strongly convinced that there was something waiting for me at the telegraph office. I tried to shake off that feeling because, as far as I knew, there was no reason for it. With nothing else to do, I decided to go for a walk; to help dispel that feeling, I walked away from the telegraph office. However, as I continued walking, the feeling turned into a certainty, and I actually turned around and went to the very place I had decided not to visit, the telegraph office. The first person I saw when I arrived there was the telegraph operator, who, being friendly with me, said, 'Hello, papa, I’ve got a telegram for you.' The telegram announced the birth of a boy, weighing nine pounds, and that everyone was doing well. Now, I have no explanation for the events I just shared; I’ve never had an experience like this before or since; I don’t believe in spiritualism, I’m not superstitious at all, I know very little about 'thought-transference,' 'unconscious cerebration,' etc., but I am completely sure about what I’ve just tried to convey."

"In regard to the remark which I heard, 'It is a little Herman,' etc.; I would add that we had previously decided to call the child, if a boy, Herman—my own name, by the way."[125]

"In response to the comment I heard, 'It's a little Herman,' etc.; I want to add that we had already agreed to name the child, if it’s a boy, Herman—which happens to be my name, by the way."[125]

The hallucination sometimes carries a change of the general consciousness with it, so as to appear more like a sudden lapse into a dream. The following case was given me by a man of 43, who had never anything resembling it before:

The hallucination often brings a shift in overall consciousness, making it feel more like a sudden fall into a dream. The following case was shared with me by a 43-year-old man who had never experienced anything like it before:

"While sitting at my desk this a. m. reading a circular of the Loyal Legion a very curious thing happened to me, such as I have never experienced. It was perfectly real, so real that it took some minutes to recover from. It seems to me like a direct intromission into some other world. I never had anything approaching it before save when dreaming at night. I was wide awake, of course. But this was the feeling. I had only just sat down and become interested in the circular, when I seemed to lose myself for a minute and then found myself in the top story of a high building very white and shining and clean, with a noble window immediately at the right of where I sat. Through this window I looked out upon a marvellous reach of landscape entirely new. I never had before such a sense of infinity in nature, such superb stretches of light and color and cleanness. I know that for the space of three minutes I was entirely lost, for when I began to come to, so to speak,—sitting in that other world, I debated for three or four minutes more as to which was dream and which was reality. Sitting there I got a faint sense of C.... [the town in which the writer was], away off and dim at first. Then I remember thinking 'Why, I used to live in C....; perhaps I am going back.' Slowly C.... did come back, and I found myself at my desk again. For a few minutes the process of determining where I was was very funny. But the whole experience was perfectly delightful, there was such a sense of brilliancy and clearness and lightness about it. I suppose it lasted in all about seven minutes or ten minutes."

"While I was at my desk this morning reading a newsletter from the Loyal Legion, something very strange happened to me that I’ve never experienced before. It felt completely real—so real that it took me several minutes to recover. It was like I was suddenly pulled into another world. I’ve never had anything similar, except maybe in my dreams at night. I was wide awake, of course, but that was the feeling. I had just sat down and started getting into the newsletter when I seemed to lose myself for a moment and found myself on the top floor of a very bright, shiny, and clean building, with a beautiful window right beside me. Looking out of this window, I saw an amazing landscape that was totally new to me. I had never felt such a sense of infinity in nature before, with such incredible expanses of light, color, and cleanliness. I realized I was completely lost for about three minutes because when I started coming back, I was trying to figure out what was a dream and what was reality. As I sat there in that other world, I faintly remembered C.... [the town where I lived], which was initially distant and unclear. Then I thought, 'Hey, I used to live in C....; maybe I'm going back.' Gradually, C.... came back into focus, and I found myself at my desk again. For a few minutes, trying to determine where I was was pretty funny. But the whole experience was absolutely delightful, full of brilliance, clarity, and lightness. I think it lasted about seven to ten minutes in total."

The hallucinations of fever-delirium are a mixture of pseudo-hallucination, true hallucination, and illusion. Those of opium, hasheesh, and belladonna resemble them[Pg 121] in this respect. The following vivid account of a fit of hasheesh-delirium has been given me by a friend:

The hallucinations from fever-delirium are a mix of pseudo-hallucinations, true hallucinations, and illusions. Those caused by opium, hasheesh, and belladonna are similar in this way[Pg 121]. A friend shared the following vivid description of an episode of hasheesh-delirium with me:

"I was reading a newspaper, and the indication of the approaching delirium was an inability to keep my mind fixed on the narrative. Directly I lay down upon a sofa there appeared before my eyes several rows of human hands, which oscillated for a moment, revolved and then changed to spoons. The same motions were repeated, the objects changing to wheels, tin soldiers, lamp-posts, brooms, and countless other absurdities. This stage lasted about ten minutes, and during that time it is safe to say that I saw at least a thousand different objects. These whirling images did not appear like the realities of life, but had the character of the secondary images seen in the eye after looking at some brightly-illuminated object. A mere suggestion from the person who was with me in the room was sufficient to call up an image of the thing suggested, while without suggestion there appeared all the common objects of life and many unreal monstrosities, which it is absolutely impossible to describe, and which seemed to be creations of the brain.

"I was reading a newspaper and started feeling a bit out of it because I couldn’t focus on the article. As soon as I lay down on the sofa, I saw several rows of human hands that moved for a moment, spun around, and then turned into spoons. The same things happened again, and the objects changed into wheels, toy soldiers, lamp-posts, brooms, and countless other silly things. This continued for about ten minutes, and during that time, I must have seen at least a thousand different objects. These swirling images didn’t look real; they resembled the afterimages you see when you look at something bright. Just a suggestion from the person in the room with me was enough to conjure an image of whatever they mentioned, while without any prompts, I saw everyday objects and many bizarre monsters that I couldn’t fully describe, which felt like products of my imagination."

"The character of the symptoms changed rapidly. A sort of wave seemed to pass over me, and I became aware of the fact that my pulse was beating rapidly. I took out my watch, and by exercising considerable will-power managed to time the heart-beats, 135 to the minute.

"The symptoms changed quickly. It felt like a wave washed over me, and I noticed my heart was racing. I pulled out my watch and, with a lot of effort, managed to time my heartbeats at 135 beats per minute."

"I could feel each pulsation through my whole system, and a curious twitching commenced, which no effort of the mind could stop.

"I could feel every pulse throughout my body, and a strange twitching started that no amount of mental effort could control."

"There were moments of apparent lucidity, when it seemed as if I could see within myself, and watch the pumping of my heart. A strange fear came over me, a certainty that I should never recover from the effects of the opiate, which was as quickly followed by a feeling of great interest in the experiment, a certainty that the experience was the most novel and exciting that I had ever been through.

"There were moments of clear awareness when it felt like I could look inside myself and see my heart beating. A strange fear washed over me, a certainty that I would never recover from the effects of the drug, which was quickly followed by a strong curiosity about the experiment, a belief that this experience was the most unique and thrilling I had ever had."

"My mind was in an exceedingly impressionable state. Any place thought of or suggested appeared with all the distinctness of the reality. I thought of the Giant's Causeway in Staffa, and instantly I stood within the portals of Fingal's Cave. Great basaltic columns rose on all sides, while huge waves rolled through the chasm and broke in silence upon the rocky shore. Suddenly there was a roar and blast of sound, and the word 'Ishmaral' was echoing up the cave. At the enunciation of this remarkable word the great columns of basalt changed into whirling clothes pins and I laughed aloud at the absurdity.

"My mind was highly impressionable. Any place I thought of or that was suggested seemed as real as reality itself. I imagined the Giant's Causeway in Staffa, and suddenly I found myself standing inside Fingal's Cave. Tall basalt columns surrounded me, while massive waves surged through the chasm and crashed silently on the rocky shore. Then, there was a roar and a blast of sound, and the word 'Ishmaral' echoed through the cave. As soon as I heard that strange word, the towering basalt columns turned into whirling clothespins, and I couldn't help but laugh at the absurdity."

"(I may here state that the word 'Ishmaral' seemed to haunt my other hallucinations, for I remember that I heard it frequently thereafter.) I next enjoyed a sort of metempsychosis. Any animal or thing that I thought of could be made the being which held my mind. I thought of a fox, and instantly I was transformed into that animal. I could distinctly feel myself a fox, could see my long ears and bushy[Pg 122] tail, and by a sort of introvision felt that my complete anatomy was that of a fox. Suddenly the point of vision changed. My eyes seemed to be located at the back of my mouth; I looked out between the parted lips, saw the two rows of pointed teeth, and, closing my mouth with a snap, saw—nothing.

"(I can say that the word 'Ishmaral' seemed to linger in my other hallucinations, as I remember hearing it often afterward.) Next, I experienced a kind of metempsychosis. Any animal or thing I thought of could become the being that occupied my mind. I thought of a fox, and instantly I was transformed into that animal. I could clearly feel myself as a fox, see my long ears and bushy[Pg 122] tail, and through some internal perception, I felt that my entire anatomy was that of a fox. Suddenly, the perspective shifted. My eyes felt like they were positioned at the back of my mouth; I looked out between my parted lips, saw the two rows of sharp teeth, and, snapping my mouth shut, saw—nothing."

"I was next transformed into a bombshell, felt my size, weight, and thickness, and experienced the sensation of being shot up out of a giant mortar, looking down upon the earth, bursting and falling back in a shower of iron fragments.

"I was then transformed into a knockout, felt my size, weight, and thickness, and experienced the sensation of being shot out of a giant cannon, looking down at the earth, exploding and falling back in a shower of metal fragments."

"Into countless other objects was I transformed, many of them so absurd that I am unable to conceive what suggested them. For example, I was a little china doll, deep down in a bottle of olive oil, next moment a stick of twisted candy, then a skeleton inclosed in a whirling coffin, and so on ad infinitum.

"I was transformed into countless other objects, many of them so ridiculous that I can’t even imagine what made them come to mind. For instance, I was a little china doll, deep inside a bottle of olive oil, then I was a twisted piece of candy, and then a skeleton stuck in a spinning coffin, and so on ad infinitum.

"Towards the end of the delirium the whirling images appeared again, and I was haunted by a singular creation of the brain, which reappeared every few moments. It was an image of a double-faced doll, with a cylindrical body running down to a point like a peg-top.

"Towards the end of the delirium, the swirling images returned, and I was troubled by a strange mental creation that appeared every few moments. It was an image of a double-faced doll, with a cylindrical body tapering down to a point like a top."

"It was always the same, having a sort of crown on its head, and painted in two colors, green and brown, on a background of blue. The expression of the Janus-like profiles was always the same, as were the adornments of the body. After recovering from the effects of the drug I could not picture to myself exactly how this singular monstrosity appeared, but in subsequent experiences I was always visited by this phantom, and always recognized every detail of its composition. It was like visiting some long-forgotten spot and seeing some sight that had faded from the memory, but which appeared perfectly familiar as soon as looked upon.

"It was always the same, with a kind of crown on its head, and painted in two colors, green and brown, against a blue background. The expression of its Janus-like faces was always unchanged, as were the decorations on its body. After I shook off the effects of the drug, I couldn't quite visualize how this strange creature looked, but during later experiences, I was always visited by this apparition and recognized every detail of its form. It felt like revisiting a long-lost place and seeing something that had faded from memory but felt completely familiar as soon as I looked at it."

"The effects of the drug lasted about an hour and a half, leaving me a trifle tipsy and dizzy; but after a ten-hour sleep I was myself again, save for a slight inability to keep my mind fixed on any piece of work for any length of time, which remained with me during most of the next day."

"The effects of the drug lasted for about an hour and a half, leaving me a bit tipsy and dizzy; but after a ten-hour sleep, I was back to normal, except for a slight difficulty concentrating on any task for too long, which lingered for most of the next day."

THE NEURAL PROCESS IN HALLUCINATION.

Examples of these singular perversions of perception might be multiplied indefinitely, but I have no more space. Let us turn to the question of what the physiological process may be to which they are due. It must, of course, consist of an excitement from within of those centres which are active in normal perception, identical in kind and degree with that which real external objects are usually needed to induce. The particular process which currents[Pg 123] from the sense-organs arouse would seem under normal circumstances to be arousable in no other way. On p. 72 ff. above, we saw that the centres aroused by incoming peripheral currents are probably identical with the centres used in mere imagination; and that the vividness of the sensational kind of consciousness is probably correlated with a discrete degree of intensity in the process therein aroused. Referring the reader back to that passage and to what was more lately said on p. 103 ff., I now proceed to complete my theory of the perceptive process by an analysis of what may most probably be believed to take place in hallucination strictly so called.

Examples of these unique distortions of perception could go on forever, but I don't have the room. Let's shift to the question of what the physiological process behind them might be. It must involve an internal excitement of those centers that are active in normal perception, similar in kind and intensity to what real external objects usually provoke. The specific process that currents from the sense organs stimulate would seem, under normal circumstances, to be capable of being activated in no other way. On p. 72 ff. above, we saw that the centers stimulated by incoming peripheral currents are likely identical to the centers used in simple imagination; and that the vividness of sensational consciousness is probably linked to a specific level of intensity in the process being triggered. Referring the reader back to that section and to what was recently discussed on p. 103 ff., I will now continue to develop my theory of the perceptive process by analyzing what is most likely to occur in hallucination in the strict sense.

We have seen (p. 75) that the free discharge of cells into each other through associative paths is a likely reason why the maximum intensity of function is not reached when the cells are excited by their neighbors in the cortex. At the end of Chapter XXV we shall return to this conception, and whilst making it still more precise, use it for explaining certain phenomena connected with the will. The idea is that the leakage forward along these paths is too rapid for the inner tension in any centre to accumulate to the maximal explosion-point, unless the exciting currents are greater than those which the various portions of the cortex supply to each other. Currents from the periphery are (as it seems) the only currents whose energy can vanquish the supra-ideational resistance (so to call it) of the cells, and cause the peculiarly intense sort of disintegration with which the sensational quality is linked. If, however, the leakage forward were to stop, the tension inside certain cells might reach the explosion-point, even though the influence which excited them came only from neighboring cortical parts. Let an empty pail with a leak in its bottom, tipped up against a support so that if it ever became full of water it would upset, represent the resting condition of the centre for a certain sort of feeling. Let water poured into it stand for the currents which are its natural stimulus; then the hole in its bottom will, of course, represent the 'paths' by which it transmits its excitement to other associated cells. Now let two other vessels have the function[Pg 124] of supplying it with water. One of these vessels stands for the neighboring cortical cells, and can pour in hardly any more water than goes out by the leak. The pail consequently never upsets in consequence of the supply from this source. A current of water passes through it and does work elsewhere, but in the pail itself nothing but what stands for ideational activity is aroused. The other vessel, however, stands for the peripheral sense-organs, and supplies a stream of water so copious that the pail promptly fills up in spite of the leak, and presently upsets; in other words, sensational activity is aroused. But it is obvious that if the leak were plugged, the slower stream of supply would also end by upsetting the pail.

We have seen (p. 75) that the unrestricted flow of cells into each other via associative pathways is probably why the maximum intensity of function isn’t achieved when the cells are stimulated by their neighboring cells in the cortex. At the end of Chapter XXV, we’ll revisit this idea and refine it further, using it to explain certain phenomena related to willpower. The concept is that the flow along these pathways is too fast for the internal tension in any center to build up to the maximum explosion-point, unless the stimulating currents are stronger than what different areas of the cortex provide to each other. It seems that currents from the periphery are the only ones whose energy can overcome the supra-ideational resistance (as I’ll call it) of the cells, leading to the intense disintegration linked to the sensational quality. If, however, the flow were to stop, the tension inside certain cells could reach the explosion-point, even if the influence that excited them came only from nearby cortical areas. Imagine an empty bucket with a leak in the bottom, tilted against a support so that if it ever filled up with water, it would tip over, representing the resting condition of a center for a particular kind of feeling. Water poured into it represents the currents that naturally stimulate it; therefore, the hole in the bottom represents the 'paths' through which it transmits excitement to other associated cells. Now let two other containers serve to supply it with water. One of these represents the neighboring cortical cells and can barely add more water than what leaks out. As a result, the bucket never tips over due to this source of supply. A current of water flows through it and does work elsewhere, but in the bucket itself, only what stands for ideational activity is triggered. The other container, however, represents the peripheral sense organs and provides such a large stream of water that the bucket quickly fills up despite the leak, and soon tips over; in other words, sensational activity is triggered. But it’s clear that if the leak were fixed, the slower supply of water would eventually lead to tipping over the bucket as well.

To apply this to the brain and to thought, if we take a series of processes A B C D E, associated together in that order, and suppose that the current through them is very fluent, there will be little intensity anywhere until, perhaps, a pause occurs at E. But the moment the current is blocked anywhere, say between C and D, the process in C must grow more intense, and might even be conceived to explode so as to produce a sensation in the mind instead of an idea.

To relate this to the brain and thought, if we consider a series of processes A B C D E, linked together in that sequence, and assume that the flow through them is very smooth, there won’t be much intensity at any point until, maybe, there’s a pause at E. However, the moment the flow is interrupted anywhere, for example between C and D, the process in C must intensify, and it might even be imagined to explode, creating a sensation in the mind instead of just an idea.

It would seem that some hallucinations are best to be explained in this way. We have in fact a regular series of facts which can all be formulated under the single law that the substantive strength of a state of consciousness bears an inverse proportion to its suggestiveness. It is the halting-places of our thought which are occupied with distinct imagery. Most of the words we utter have no time to awaken images at all; they simply awaken the following words. But when the sentence stops, an image dwells for awhile before the mental eye (see Vol. I. p. 243). Again, whenever the associative processes are reduced and impeded by the approach of unconsciousness, as in falling asleep, or growing faint, or becoming narcotized, we find a concomitant increase in the intensity of whatever partial consciousness may survive. In some people what M. Maury has called 'hypnagogic' hallucinations[126] are the regular concomitant of the process of[Pg 125] falling asleep. Trains of faces, landscapes, etc., pass before the mental eye, first as fancies, then as pseudo-hallucinations, finally as full-fledged hallucinations forming dreams. If we regard association-paths as paths of drainage, then the shutting off of one after another of them as the encroaching cerebral paralysis advances ought to act like the plugging of the hole in the bottom of the pail, and make the activity more intense in those systems of cells that retain any activity at all. The level rises because the currents are not drained away, until at last the full sensational explosion may occur.

It seems that some hallucinations are best explained this way. We actually have a consistent series of facts that can all be summed up by the rule that the strength of a state of consciousness decreases as its suggestiveness increases. The pauses in our thoughts are filled with clear images. Most of the words we say don't have time to trigger images at all; they just lead to the next words. But when a sentence stops, an image lingers for a moment in our mind (see Vol. I. p. 243). Also, whenever the processes of association slow down and are interrupted by nearing unconsciousness, like when falling asleep, feeling faint, or becoming sedated, we notice a corresponding increase in the intensity of whatever partial consciousness remains. For some individuals, what M. Maury referred to as 'hypnagogic' hallucinations[126] are a common part of the process of[Pg 125] falling asleep. Images of faces, landscapes, etc., appear before our mental eye, first as thoughts, then as pseudo-hallucinations, and finally as fully developed hallucinations that form dreams. If we think of association paths as drainage routes, then the closing off of one after another of these as cerebral paralysis progresses should act like plugging a hole in the bottom of a bucket, causing activity to intensify in the remaining active cell systems. The level rises because the currents aren’t drained away, until eventually, a full-blown sensational explosion may take place.

The usual explanation of hypnagogic hallucinations is that they are ideas deprived of their ordinary reductives. In somnolescence, sensations being extinct, the mind, it is said, then having no stronger things to compare its ideas with, ascribes to these the fulness of reality. At ordinary times the objects of our imagination are reduced to the status of subjective facts by the ever-present contrast of our sensations with them. Eliminate the sensations, however, this view supposes, and the 'images' are forthwith 'projected' into the outer world and appear as realities. Thus is the illusion of dreams also explained. This, indeed, after a fashion gives an account of the facts.[127] And yet it certainly fails to explain the extraordinary vivacity and completeness of so many of our dream-fantasms. The process of 'imagining' must (in these cases at least[128]) be not merely relatively, but absolutely and in itself more intense than at other times. The fact is, it is not a process of imagining, but a genuine sensational process; and the theory in question is therefore false as far as that point is concerned.

The common explanation for hypnagogic hallucinations is that they are ideas stripped of their usual reductives. In a semi-sleep state, when sensations fade, the mind, it’s said, has nothing stronger to compare its ideas to, so it attributes realness to them. Normally, the objects of our imagination are reduced to being mere status subjective facts by the constant contrast with our sensations. However, if we remove the sensations, this view suggests that the 'images' are immediately 'projected' into the outside world and seem to be real. This also explains the illusion of dreams. This does account for the facts, to some extent.[127] Yet, it certainly doesn’t explain the intense vividness and completeness of many of our dream fantasies. The process of 'imagining' must (at least in these instances[128]) be not just relatively, but absolutely and inherently more intense than at other times. In reality, it is not a process of imagining, but a true sensational experience; therefore, the theory in question is incorrect regarding that aspect.

Dr. Hughlings Jackson's explanation of the epileptic seizure is acknowledged to be masterly. It involves[Pg 126] principles exactly like those which I am bringing forward here. The 'loss of consciousness' in epilepsy is due to the most highly organized brain-processes being exhausted and thrown out of gear. The less organized (more instinctive) processes, ordinarily inhibited by the others, are then exalted, so that we get as a mere consequence of relief from the inhibition, the meaningless or maniacal action which so often follows the attack.[129]

Dr. Hughlings Jackson's explanation of epileptic seizures is widely regarded as brilliant. It involves principles that are exactly like those I'm discussing here. The 'loss of consciousness' in epilepsy occurs when the most complex brain processes become exhausted and go out of sync. The less complex (more instinctive) processes, which are usually held back by the other processes, are then amplified, resulting in the meaningless or frantic actions that often follow the seizure.[129]

Similarly the subsultus tendinorum or jerking of the muscles which so often startles us when we are on the point[Pg 127] of falling asleep, may be interpreted as due to the rise (in certain lower motor centres) of the ordinary 'tonic' tension to the explosion-point, when the inhibition commonly exerted by the higher centres falls too suddenly away.

Similarly, the subsultus tendinorum or muscle jerks that often surprise us just as we're about to fall asleep can be understood as a result of the increase (in certain lower motor centers) of normal 'tonic' tension reaching a tipping point, when the usual inhibition from the higher centers suddenly decreases.


One possible condition of hallucination then stands revealed, whatever other conditions there may be. When the normal paths of association between a centre and other centres are thrown out of gear, any activity which may exist in the first centre tends to increase in intensity until finally the point may be reached at which the last inward resistance is overcome, and the full sensational process explodes.[130] Thus it will happen that causes of an amount of activity in brain-cells which would ordinarily result in a weak consciousness may produce a very strong consciousness when the overflow of these cells is stopped by the torpor of the rest of the brain. A slight peripheral irritation, then, if it reaches the centres of consciousness at all during sleep, will give rise to the dream of a violent sensation. All the books about dreaming are full of anecdotes which illustrate this. For example, M. Maury's nose and lips are tickled with a feather while he sleeps. He dreams he is being tortured by having a pitch-plaster applied to his face, torn off, lacerating the skin of nose and lips. Descartes, on being bitten by a flea, dreams of being run through by a sword. A friend tells me, as I write this, of his hair changing its position in his forehead just as he 'dozed off' in his chair a few days since. Instantly he dreamed that some one had struck him a blow. Examples can be quoted ad libitum, but these are enough.[131]

One possible condition of hallucination is now revealed, regardless of what other conditions may exist. When the normal connections between a center and other centers are disrupted, any activity in the first center tends to increase in intensity until it finally reaches a point where the last internal resistance is overcome, and the full sensory experience erupts.[130] This means that the level of activity in brain cells that would normally lead to a weak consciousness can result in a very strong consciousness when the overflow from these cells is blocked by the inactivity of the rest of the brain. A slight irritation on the edges, then, if it reaches the consciousness centers at all during sleep, will cause a dream of intense sensation. All the literature on dreaming is filled with stories that illustrate this. For instance, M. Maury feels a tickle on his nose and lips from a feather while he sleeps. He dreams that he is being tortured by having a pitch-plaster applied to his face, torn off, and tearing the skin on his nose and lips. Descartes, after being bitten by a flea, dreams he is being stabbed by a sword. A friend tells me, as I write this, that his hair shifted on his forehead just as he fell asleep in his chair a few days ago. Immediately, he dreamed that someone had hit him. Numerous examples can be given ad libitum, but these are sufficient.[131]

We seem herewith to have an explanation for a certain number of hallucinations. Whenever the normal forward irradiation of intra-cortical excitement through association-paths is checked, any accidental spontaneous activity or any peripheral stimulation (however inadequate at other times) by which a brain-centre may be visited, sets up a process of full sensational intensity therein.

We now have an explanation for several hallucinations. Whenever the usual forward spread of brain activity through connection pathways is interrupted, any random spontaneous activity or any outside stimulation (even if it wouldn’t normally have an effect) that reaches a brain center creates a process of full sensory intensity there.


In the hallucinations artificially produced in hypnotic subjects, some degree of peripheral excitement seems usually to be required. The brain is asleep as far as its own spontaneous thinking goes, and the words of the 'magnetizer' then awaken a cortical process which drafts off into itself any currents of a related sort which may come in from the periphery, resulting in a vivid objective perception of the suggested thing. Thus, point to a dot on a sheet of paper, and call it 'General Grant's photograph,' and your subject will see a photograph of the General there instead of the dot. The dot gives objectivity to the appearance, and the suggested notion of the General gives it form. Then magnify the dot by a lens; double it by a prism or by nudging the eyeball; reflect it in a mirror; turn it upside down; or wipe it out; and the subject will tell you that the 'photograph' has been enlarged, doubled, reflected, turned about, or made to disappear. In M. Binet's language,[132] the dot is the outward point de repère which is needed to give objectivity to your suggestion, and without which the latter will only produce a conception in the subject's mind.[133] M. Binet has shown that such a peripheral[Pg 129] point de repère is used in an enormous number, not only of hypnotic hallucinations, but of hallucinations of the insane. These latter are often unilateral; that is, the patient hears the voices always on one side of him, or sees the figure only when a certain one of his eyes is open. In many of these cases it has been distinctly proved that a morbid irritation in the internal ear, or an opacity in the humors of the eye, was the starting point of the current which the patient's diseased acoustic or optical centres clothed with their peculiar products in the way of ideas. Hallucinations produced in this way are 'illusions' and M. Binet's theory, that all hallucinations must start in the periphery, may be called an attempt to reduce hallucination and illusion to one physiological type, the type, namely, to which normal perception belongs. In every case, according to M. Binet, whether of perception, of hallucination, or of illusion, we get the sensational vividness by means of a current from the peripheral nerves. It may be a mere trace of a current. But that trace is enough to kindle the maximal or supra-ideational process so that the object perceived will have the character of externality. What the nature of the object shall be will depend wholly on the particular system of paths in which the process is kindled. Part of the thing in all cases comes from the sense-organ, the rest is furnished by the mind. But we cannot by introspection distinguish between these parts; and our only formula for the result is that the brain has reacted on the impression in the normal way. Just so in the dreams which we have considered, and in the hallucinations of which M. Binet tells, we can only say that the brain has reacted in an abnormal way.

In the hallucinations created in hypnotized subjects, some level of peripheral stimulation seems to be necessary. The brain is inactive when it comes to its own spontaneous thoughts, and the words of the "magnetizer" then trigger a brain process that draws in any related signals from the outside, resulting in a vivid perception of the suggested idea. For example, point to a dot on a piece of paper and say it's "General Grant's photograph," and your subject will see a photograph of the General instead of just the dot. The dot provides a tangible reference for the suggestion, while the idea of the General gives it form. If you magnify the dot with a lens, double it with a prism or by nudging the eyeball, reflect it in a mirror, turn it upside down, or erase it, the subject will claim the "photograph" has been enlarged, duplicated, reflected, flipped, or made to vanish. In M. Binet's words, the dot serves as the outward point de repère necessary to give reality to your suggestion; without it, the suggestion would only create a conception in the subject's mind. M. Binet has shown that such a peripheral [Pg 129] point de repère is present in many instances, not just in hypnotic hallucinations but also in those experienced by the insane. These hallucinations are often unilateral; that is, the patient hears voices always on one side or sees the figure only when a specific eye is open. In many cases, it has been clearly established that a pathological irritation in the inner ear, or a cloudiness in the eye's fluids, initiated the signal that the patient’s damaged auditory or visual centers interpreted in terms of certain ideas. Hallucinations produced this way are 'illusions' and M. Binet's theory, that all hallucinations must originate in the periphery, attempts to classify both hallucination and illusion as one physiological type, the same type to which normal perception belongs. In every instance, according to M. Binet, whether it's perception, hallucination, or illusion, we achieve the sensation's vividness through activity from the peripheral nerves. It might just be a faint signal, but that trace is enough to activate the maximum or supra-ideational process in a way that the perceived object feels external. The nature of the object depends entirely on the specific neural pathways involved in the process. Some of the input comes from the sense organ, while the rest is contributed by the mind. However, we can't distinguish between these components through introspection; our only way to explain the outcome is that the brain has reacted to the impression in a typical manner. Similarly, in the dreams we've discussed and the hallucinations described by M. Binet, we can only conclude that the brain has reacted in an unusual way.

M. Binet's theory accounts indeed for a multitude of cases, but certainly not for all. The prism does not always double[Pg 130] the false appearance,[134] nor does the latter always disappear when the eyes are closed. Dr. Hack Tuke[135] gives several examples in sane people of well-exteriorized hallucinations which did not respond to Binet's tests; and Mr. Edmund Gurney[136] gives a number of reasons why intensity in a cortical process may be expected to result from local pathological activity just as much as its peculiar nature does. For Binet, an abnormally or exclusively active part of the cortex gives the nature of what shall appear, whilst a peripheral sense-organ alone can give the intensity sufficient to make it appear projected into real space. But since this intensity is after all but a matter of degree, one does not see why, under rare conditions, the degree in question might not be attained by inner causes exclusively. In that case we should have certain hallucinations centrally initiated alongside of the peripherally initiated hallucinations, which are the only sort that M. Binet's theory allows. It seems probable on the whole, therefore, that centrally initiated hallucinations can exist. How often they do exist is another question. The existence of hallucinations which affect more than one sense is an argument for central initiation. For grant that the thing seen may have its starting point in the outer world, the voice which it is heard to utter must be due to an influence from the visual region, i.e. must be of central origin.

M. Binet's theory explains a lot of cases, but definitely not all of them. The prism doesn’t always double[Pg 130] the false appearance,[134] and the false appearance doesn’t always disappear when the eyes are closed. Dr. Hack Tuke[135] provides several examples of sane individuals experiencing well-defined hallucinations that didn't fit Binet's tests; and Mr. Edmund Gurney[136] outlines a number of reasons why intensity in a cortical process can result from local pathological activity just like its specific nature can. According to Binet, an unusually or exclusively active part of the cortex determines the nature of what appears, while a peripheral sense organ alone can provide the intensity needed to make it seem like it’s actually in real space. But since this intensity is really just a matter of degree, it's not clear why, in rare circumstances, that degree might not be reached by purely internal causes. In that case, we could have certain hallucinations that originate in the central nervous system alongside the peripherally initiated hallucinations, which are the only type M. Binet's theory accounts for. It seems likely, therefore, that centrally initiated hallucinations can exist. How often they do exist is a different question. The existence of hallucinations that affect more than one sense suggests they originate from the central nervous system. Because even if the thing that's seen comes from the outer world, the voice it’s heard making must stem from an influence in the visual area, meaning it must have central origins.

Sporadic cases of hallucination, visiting people only once in a lifetime (which seem to be by far the most frequent type), are on any theory hard to understand in detail. They are often extraordinarily complete; and the fact that many of them are reported as veridical, that is, as coinciding with real events, such as accidents, deaths, etc., of the persons seen, is an additional complication of the phenomenon. The first really scientific study of hallucination[Pg 131] in all its possible bearings, on the basis of a large mass of empirical material, was begun by Mr. Edmund Gurney and is continued by other members of the Society for Psychical Research; and the 'Census' is now being applied to several countries under the auspices of the International Congress of Experimental Psychology. It is to be hoped that out of these combined labors something solid will eventually grow. The facts shade off into the phenomena of motor automatism, trance, etc.; and nothing but a wide comparative study can give really instructive results.[137]

Sporadic cases of hallucination, which occur when people see someone only once in their lifetime (and seem to be the most common type), are difficult to fully understand in detail, regardless of the theory. These experiences are often incredibly vivid; additionally, many are reported as veridical, meaning they align with real events, such as accidents or deaths of the individuals seen, which adds to the complexity of the phenomenon. The first true scientific examination of hallucination[Pg 131] in all its possible aspects, based on a significant amount of empirical data, was initiated by Mr. Edmund Gurney and is being pursued by other members of the Society for Psychical Research. The 'Census' is currently being conducted in several countries under the direction of the International Congress of Experimental Psychology. It is hoped that through these collaborative efforts, something substantial will eventually emerge. The facts blend into phenomena like motor automatism, trance, etc.; and only a comprehensive comparative study can yield genuinely informative results.[137]

The part played by the peripheral sense-organ in hallucination is just as obscure as we found it in the case of imagination. The things seen often seem opaque and hide the background upon which they are projected. It does not follow from this, however, that the retina is actually involved in the vision. A contrary process going on in the visual centres would prevent the retinal impression made by the outer realities from being felt, and this would in mental terms be equivalent to the hiding of them by the imaginary figure. The negative after-images of mental pictures reported by Meyer and Féré, and the negative after-images of hypnotic hallucinations reported by Binet and others so far constitute the only evidence there is for the retina being involved. But until these after-images are explained in some other way we must admit the possibility of a centrifugal current from the optical centres downwards into the peripheral organ of sight, paradoxical as the course of such a current may appear.

The role of the peripheral sense-organ in hallucination is just as unclear as we found it to be in the case of imagination. The things we see often appear solid and obscure the background on which they are projected. However, this doesn’t mean that the retina is actually involved in the vision. A conflicting process occurring in the visual centers could prevent the retinal impression created by the external realities from being perceived, which would in mental terms be similar to concealing them with the imaginary figure. The negative after-images of mental pictures reported by Meyer and Féré, along with the negative after-images of hypnotic hallucinations noted by Binet and others, currently provide the only evidence for the retina being involved. But until these after-images are explained in some other way, we must consider the possibility of a centrifugal current from the optical centers moving downward into the peripheral organ of sight, no matter how paradoxical such a current may seem.

'PERCEPTION-TIME.'

The time which the perceptive process occupies has been inquired into by various experimenters. Some call it perception-time, some choice-time, some discrimination-time. The results have been already given in Chapter XIII (vol. I, p. 523 ff.), to which the reader is consequently referred.

The time that the perceptive process takes has been studied by various researchers. Some refer to it as perception-time, some as choice-time, and others as discrimination-time. The results have already been presented in Chapter XIII (vol. I, p. 523 ff.), so the reader is referred to that section.

Dr. Romanes gives an interesting variation of these time-measurements. He found[138]

Dr. Romanes presents an interesting take on these time measurements. He discovered[138]

"an astonishing difference between different individuals with respect to the rate at which they are able to read. Of course reading implies enormously intricate processes of perception both of the sensuous and of the intellectual order; but if we choose for these observations persons who have been accustomed to read much, we may consider that they are all very much on a par with respect to the amount of practice which they have had, so that the differences in their rates of reading may fairly be attributed to real differences in their rates of forming complex perceptions in rapid succession, and not to any merely accidental differences arising from greater or less facility acquired by special practice.

"There's a significant difference among people regarding how quickly they can read. Reading involves complex sensory and intellectual processes; however, if we look at those who are experienced readers, we can assume they share similar levels of familiarity. This implies that the differences in their reading speeds are due to actual variations in how quickly they create complex perceptions, rather than random differences based on varying levels of practice."

"My experiments consisted in marking a brief printed paragraph in a book which had never been read by any of the persons to whom it was to be presented. The paragraph, which contained simple statements of simple facts, was marked on the margin with pencil. The book was then placed before the reader open, the page, however, being covered with a sheet of paper. Having pointed out to the reader upon this sheet of paper what part of the underlying page the marked paragraph occupied, I suddenly removed the sheet of paper with one hand, while I started a chronograph with the other. Twenty seconds being allowed for reading the paragraph (ten lines octavo), as soon as the time was up I again suddenly placed the sheet of paper over the printed page, passed the book on to the next reader, and repeated the experiment as before. Meanwhile, the first reader, the moment after the book had been removed, wrote down all that he or she could remember having read. And so on with all the other readers.

"In my experiments, I used a short printed paragraph from a book that none of the participants had ever seen before. The paragraph, which contained simple statements about basic facts, was marked in the margin with a pencil. The book was placed in front of the reader, open, but the page was covered with a sheet of paper. I showed the reader where the marked paragraph was located on the underlying page, then quickly removed the sheet of paper with one hand while starting a stopwatch with the other. The reader had twenty seconds to read the paragraph (which was ten lines long). Once time was up, I quickly covered the printed page again with the sheet of paper, passed the book to the next reader, and repeated the process. Meanwhile, as soon as the book was taken away, the first reader wrote down everything they could remember. This process continued with all the other readers."

"Now the results of a number of experiments conducted on this method were to show, as I have said, astonishing differences in the maximum rate of reading which is possible to different individuals, all of whom have been accustomed to extensive reading. That is to say, the difference may amount to 4 to 1; or, otherwise stated, in a given time one individual may be able to read four times as much as another. Moreover, it appeared that there was no relationship between slowness of reading and power of assimilation; on the contrary, when all the efforts are directed to assimilating as much as possible in a given time, the rapid readers (as shown by their written notes) usually give a better account of the portions of the paragraph which have been compassed by the slow readers than the latter are able to give; and the most rapid reader I have found is also the best at assimilating. I should further say that there is no relationship between rapidity of perception as thus tested and intellectual activity as tested by the general results of intellectual work; for I have tried the experiment with[Pg 133] several highly distinguished men in science and literature, most of whom I found to be slow readers."[139]

"The results from several experiments using this method revealed, as I noted, surprising differences in the maximum reading speed that different individuals can achieve, even among regular readers. In fact, the difference can be as much as 4 to 1; in other words, one person may read four times as much as another in the same time frame. Additionally, there appeared to be no connection between slow reading and comprehension; in fact, when everyone aims to absorb as much information as possible in a limited time, fast readers (based on their written notes) often provide better summaries of the paragraph parts tackled by the slow readers than the slow readers themselves can offer. Moreover, the fastest reader I encountered was also the best at retaining information. I should also mention that there is no correlation between reading speed as tested and overall intellectual performance; I conducted the experiment with[Pg 133] several highly respected individuals in science and literature, most of whom were slow readers."[139]


[83] The word Perception, however, has been variously used. For historical notices, see Hamilton's Lectures on Metaphysics, ii. 96. For Hamilton perception is 'the consciousness of external objects' (ib. 28). Spencer defines it oddly enough as "a discerning of the relation or relations between states of consciousness partly presentative and partly representative; which states of consciousness must be themselves known to the extent involved in the knowledge of their relations" (Psychol., § 355).

[83] The term Perception has been used in various ways. For historical references, see Hamilton's Lectures on Metaphysics, ii. 96. According to Hamilton, perception is 'the awareness of external objects' (ib. 28). Spencer defines it in a rather strange way as "a recognition of the relationship or relationships between states of consciousness that are partly presentative and partly representative; these states of consciousness must be understood to the extent necessary to know their relationships" (Psychol., § 355).

[84] Analysis, i. 97.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Analysis, p. 97.

[85] Theory of Vision, 51.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Vision Theory, 51.

[86] The educative process is particularly obvious in the case of the ear, for all sudden sounds seem alarming to babies. The familiar noises of house and street keep them in constant trepidation until such time as they have either learned the objects which emit them, or have become blunted to them by frequent experience of their innocuity.

[86] The learning process is especially clear when it comes to the ear, as all sudden sounds seem frightening to babies. The familiar noises from the home and street keep them in a constant state of fear until they either learn what causes these sounds or become desensitized to them after hearing them often enough to realize they’re harmless.

[87] Outlines, p. 153.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Outlines, p. 153.

[88] Cf. Helmholtz, Optik, pp. 433, 723, 728, 772; and Spencer, Psychology, vol. ii. p. 249, note.

[88] See Helmholtz, Optics, pp. 433, 723, 728, 772; and Spencer, Psychology, vol. ii. p. 249, note.

[89] The more or less geometrically regular phantasms which are produced by pressure on the eyeballs, congestion of the head, inhalation of anæsthetics, etc., might again be cited to prove that faint and vague excitements of sense-organs are transformed into figured objects by the brain, only the facts are not quite clearly interpretable; and the figuring may possibly be due to some retinal peculiarity, as yet unexplored. Beautiful patterns, which would do for wall-papers, succeed each other when the eyeballs are long pressed. Goethe's account of his own phantasm of a flower is well known. It came in the middle of his visual field whenever he closed his eyes and depressed his head, "unfolding itself and developing from its interior new flowers, formed of colored or sometimes green leaves, not natural but of fantastic forms, and symmetrical as the rosettes of sculptors," etc. (quoted in Müller's Physiology, Baly's tr., p. 1397). The fortification- and zigzag-patterns, which are well-known appearances in the field of view in certain functional disorders, have characteristics (steadiness, coerciveness, blotting out of other objects) suggestive of a retinal origin—this is why the entire class of phenomena treated of in this note seem to me still doubtfully connected with the cerebral factor in perception of which the text treats.—I copy from Taine's book on Intelligence (vol. i. p. 61) the translation of an interesting observation by Prof. M. Lazarus, in which the same effect of an after-image is seen. Lazarus himself proposes the name of 'visionary illusions' for such modifications of ideal pictures by peripheral stimulations (Lehre von den Sinnestäuschungen, 1867, p. 19). "I was on the Kaltbad terrace at Rigi, on a very clear afternoon, and attempting to make out the Waldbruder, a rock which stands out from the midst of the gigantic wall of mountains surrounding it, on whose summits we see like a crown the glaciers of Titlis, Uri-Rothsdock, etc. I was looking alternately with the naked eye and with a spy-glass; but could not distinguish it with the naked eye. For the space of six to ten minutes I had gazed steadfastly upon the mountains, whose color varied according to their several altitudes or declivities between violet, brown, and dark green, and I had fatigued myself to no purpose, when I ceased looking and turned away. At that moment I saw before me (I cannot recollect whether my eyes were shut or open) the figure of an absent friend, like a corpse.... I asked myself at once how I had come to think of my absent friend.—In a few seconds I regained the thread of my thoughts, which my looking for the Waldbruder had interrupted, and readily found that the idea of my friend had by a very simple necessity introduced itself among them. My recollecting him was thus naturally accounted for.—But in addition to this, he had appeared as a corpse. How was this?—At this moment, whether through fatigue or in order to think, I closed my eyes, and found at once the whole field of sight, over a considerable extent, covered with the same corpse-like hue, a greenish-yellow gray. I thought at once that I had here the principle of the desired explanation, and attempted to recall to memory the forms of other persons. And, in fact, these forms too appeared like corpses; standing or sitting, as I wished, all had a corpse-like tint. The persons whom I wished to see did not all appear to me as sensible phantoms; and again, when my eyes were open. I did not see phantoms, or at all events only saw them faintly, of no determined color.—I then inquired how it was that phantoms of persons were affected by and colored like the visual field surrounding them, how their outlines were traced, and if their faces and clothes were of the same color. But it was then too late, or perhaps the influence of reflection and examination had been too powerful. All grew suddenly pale, and the subjective phenomenon, which might have lasted some minutes longer, had disappeared.—It is plain that here an inward reminiscence, arising in accordance with the laws of association, had combined with an optical after-image. The excessive excitation of the periphery of the optic nerve, I mean the long-continued preceding sensation of my eyes when contemplating the color of the mountain, had indirectly provoked a subjective and durable sensation, that of the complementary color; and my reminiscence, incorporating itself with this subjective sensation, became the corpse-like phantom I have described."

[89] The more or less geometrically regular visuals produced by pressing on the eyeballs, congestion in the head, inhaling anesthetics, etc., could be cited to show that faint and vague sensations from our sense organs are transformed into distinct shapes by the brain—though the facts aren't entirely clear; the formations could possibly come from some unexplored properties of the retina. Beautiful patterns, which would make great wallpaper, appear one after another when the eyeballs are pressed for a long time. Goethe's own experience with a phantasm of a flower is well-known. It appeared in his line of sight whenever he closed his eyes and bent his head, "unfolding and generating new flowers from its center, made of colored or sometimes green leaves, not natural but fantastical shapes, symmetrical like sculptors' rosettes," etc. (quoted in Müller's Physiology, Baly's tr., p. 1397). The fortification and zigzag patterns, which are familiar appearances in the visual field in certain functional disorders, possess traits (like consistency, insistence, obscuring other objects) that hint at a retinal origin—this is why the entire class of phenomena addressed in this note still seems uncertainly related to the brain's role in perception discussed in the text.—I’m quoting from Taine's book on Intelligence (vol. i. p. 61) the translation of an intriguing observation by Prof. M. Lazarus, showcasing the same effect of an after-image. Lazarus himself suggests the term 'visionary illusions' for such modifications of ideal images caused by peripheral stimuli (Lehre von den Sinnestäuschungen, 1867, p. 19). "I was on the Kaltbad terrace at Rigi, on a very clear afternoon, trying to identify the Waldbruder, a rock that juts out from the immense surrounding mountains, topped by what looks like a crown of Titlis, Uri-Rothsdock glaciers, etc. I was looking back and forth between my naked eye and a spy-glass; but I couldn't identify it with my naked eye. For about six to ten minutes, I stared at the mountains, whose colors shifted from violet to brown and dark green depending on their heights or slopes, and I had worn myself out to no avail, when I finally stopped looking and turned away. At that moment I saw the image of a deceased friend in front of me (I can't remember if my eyes were closed or open).... I immediately wondered how I had thought of my deceased friend.—In a few seconds, I managed to pick up my train of thought, which looking for the Waldbruder had interrupted, and realized that the idea of my friend had naturally slipped into my mind. My recollection of him made sense.—But then, he appeared like a corpse. How was that?—At that moment, whether from fatigue or to think, I closed my eyes, and suddenly the whole visual field over a large area was filled with the same corpse-like hue, a greenish-yellow gray. I immediately thought I might have found the principle behind my explanation and tried to recall the shapes of other people. Indeed, those forms also appeared like corpses; standing or sitting, as I wished, all had a corpse-like tint. The people I wanted to see didn’t all show up as clear figures; and again, when my eyes were open, I didn't see figures, or at least only saw them faintly, without any distinct color.—I then questioned how it was that the images of people were influenced by and colored like the visual field around them, how their outlines were defined, and whether their faces and clothes shared the same color. But then it was too late, or maybe the impact of reflection and analysis had been too strong. Everything suddenly became pale, and the subjective phenomenon, which might have lasted a few more minutes, vanished.—It’s clear that an internal memory, arising according to the principles of association, had combined with an optical after-image. The excessive stimulation of the edges of the optic nerve, specifically the long-lasting sensation in my eyes from looking at the mountain's color, had indirectly triggered a subjective and lasting sensation of the complementary color; and my memory, merging with this subjective sensation, materialized into the corpse-like figure I described."

[90] Cf. Th. Reid's Intellectual Powers, essay ii. chap. xxii, and A. Binet, in Mind, ix. 206. M. Binet points out the fact that what is fallaciously inferred is always an object of some other sense than the 'this.' 'Optical illusions' are generally errors of touch and muscular sensibility, and the fallaciously perceived object and the experiences which correct it are both tactile in these cases.

[90] See Th. Reid's Intellectual Powers, essay ii, chap. xxii, and A. Binet, in Mind, ix. 206. M. Binet highlights that what is incorrectly inferred is always linked to a different sense than the 'this.' 'Optical illusions' are usually mistakes in touch and muscle sensitivity, and both the misperceived object and the experiences that correct it are tactile in these situations.

[91] The converse illusion is hard to bring about. The points a and b, being normally in contact, mean to us the same space, and hence it might be supposed that when simultaneously touched, as by a pair of callipers, we should feel but one object, whilst us a matter of fact we feel two. It should be remarked in explanation of this that an object placed between the two fingers in their normal uncrossed position always awakens the sense of two contacts. When the fingers are pressed together we feel one object to be between them. And when the fingers are crossed, and their corresponding points a and b simultaneously pressed, we do get something like the illusion of singleness—that is, we get a very doubtful doubleness.

[91] The converse illusion is tricky to create. The points a and b, being normally in contact, represent the same space for us, and so we might think that when touched at the same time, like with a pair of calipers, we would feel just one object. However, in reality, we feel two. It's important to note that an object placed between two fingers in their normal uncrossed position always produces the sensation of two contacts. When the fingers are pressed together, we sense one object between them. And when the fingers are crossed, and their corresponding points a and b are simultaneously pressed, we experience something like the illusion of being single—that is, we perceive a very uncertain doubleness.

[92] Purkinje, Mach, and Breuer are the authors to whom we mainly owe the explanation of the feeling of vertigo. I have found (American Journal of Otology, Oct. 1882) that in deaf-mutes (whose semi-circular canals or entire auditory nerves must often be disorganized) there very frequently exists no susceptibility to giddiness or whirling.

[92] Purkinje, Mach, and Breuer are the main authors behind the explanation of the sensation of vertigo. I found (American Journal of Otology, Oct. 1882) that in deaf-mutes (whose semicircular canals or entire auditory nerves are often disorganized), there is often no sensitivity to dizziness or spinning.

[93] The involuntary continuance of the eye's motions is not the only cause of the false perception in these cases. There is also a true negative after-image of the original retinal movement-sensations, as we shall see in Chapter XX.

[93] The eye’s involuntary movements aren’t the only reason for the misleading perception in these situations. There’s also a genuine negative after-image from the original sensations of retinal movement, as we’ll explore in Chapter XX.

[94] We never, so far as I know, get the converse illusion at a railroad station and believe the other train to move when it is still.

[94] As far as I know, we never have the opposite illusion at a train station, thinking that the other train is moving when it’s actually standing still.

[95] Helmholtz: Physiol. Optik, 365.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Helmholtz: Physiology of Optics, 365.

[96] Cf. Berkeley's Theory of Vision, §§ 67-79; Helmholtz: Physiologische Optik, pp. 630-1; Lechalas in Revue Philosophique, xxvi. 49.

[96] See Berkeley's Theory of Vision, §§ 67-79; Helmholtz: Physiological Optics, pp. 630-1; Lechalas in Philosophical Review, xxvi. 49.

[97] Physiol. Optik, p. 602.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Physiol. Optics, p. 602.

[98] It seems likely that the strains in the recti muscles have something to do with the vacillating judgment in these atropin cases. The internal recti contract whenever we accommodate. They squint and produce double vision when the innervation for accommodation is excessive. To see singly, when straining the atropinized accommodation, the contraction of our internal recti must be neutralized by a correspondingly excessive contraction of the external recti. But this is a sign of the object's recession, etc.

[98] It seems likely that the strain in the recti muscles is related to the inconsistent judgment seen in these atropine cases. The internal recti muscles contract whenever we focus. They cause squinting and double vision when the nerve signals for focusing are too strong. To see clearly when straining under atropinized conditions, the contraction of our internal recti must be balanced by an equally strong contraction of the external recti. However, this indicates that the object is moving away, etc.

[99] American Journal of Psychology, i. 101 ff.

[99] American Journal of Psychology, i. 101 ff.

[100] Romanes, Mental Evolution in Animals, p. 324.

[100] Romanes, Mental Evolution in Animals, p. 324.

[101] M. Lazarus: Das Leben d. Seele, ii (1857), p. 32. In the ordinary hearing of speech half the words we seem to hear are supplied out of our own head. A language with which we are perfectly familiar is understood, even when spoken in low tones and far off. An unfamiliar language is unintelligible under these conditions. If we do not get a very good seat at a foreign theatre, we fail to follow the dialogue; and what gives trouble to most of us when abroad is not only that the natives speak so fast, but that they speak so indistinctly and so low. The verbal objects for interpreting the sounds by are not alert and ready made in our minds, as they are in our familiar mother-tongue, and do not start up at so faint a cue.

[101] M. Lazarus: Das Leben d. Seele, ii (1857), p. 32. When we usually listen to speech, we fill in half the words ourselves. We understand a language we're completely familiar with, even when it's spoken softly and from a distance. An unfamiliar language doesn't make sense under those circumstances. If we don’t get a good seat at a foreign theater, we miss most of the dialogue; and what complicates things for many of us abroad is not just that the locals talk so fast but also that they speak so unclearly and quietly. The words we use to make sense of the sounds aren’t readily available in our minds like they are in our native language, and they don’t come to mind with such faint hints.

[102] G. H. Meyer, Untersuchungen, etc., pp. 242-8.

[102] G. H. Meyer, Studies, etc., pp. 242-8.

[103] Helmholtz, P. O. 438. The question will soon come before us again in the chapter on the Perception of Space.

[103] Helmholtz, P. O. 438. The question will soon be brought up again in the chapter on the Perception of Space.

[104] C. F. Taylor, Sensation and Pain, p. 37 (N. Y., 1882).

[104] C. F. Taylor, Sensation and Pain, p. 37 (N. Y., 1882).

[105] Examen Critique de la Loi Psychophysique (1883), p. 61.

[105] Critical Examination of Psychophysical Law (1883), p. 61.

[106] Compare A. W Volkmann's essay 'Ueber Ursprüngliches und Erworbenes in den Raumanschauungen,' on p. 139 of his Untersuchungen im Gebiete der Optik; and Chapter xiii of Hering's contribution to Hermann's Handbuch der Physiologie, vol. iii.

[106] Look at A. W. Volkmann's essay 'On Original and Acquired in Spatial Perception,' on p. 139 of his Studies in the Field of Optics; and Chapter 13 of Hering's part in Hermann's Handbook of Physiology, vol. iii.

[107] In the Proceedings of the American Society for Psychical Research, pp. 253-4, I have tried to account for some of the variations in this consciousness. Out of 140 persons whom I found to feel their lost foot, some did so dubiously. "Either they only feel it occasionally, or only when it pains them, or only when they try to move it; or they only feel it when they 'think a good deal about it' and make an effort to conjure it up. When they 'grow inattentive,' the feeling 'flies back' or 'jumps back,' to the stump. Every degree of consciousness, from complete and permanent hallucination down to something hardly distinguishable from ordinary fancy, seems represented in the sense of the missing extremity which these patients say they have. Indeed I have seldom seen a more plausible lot of evidence for the view that imagination and sensation are but differences of vividness in an identical process than these confessions, taking them altogether, contain. Many patients say they can hardly tell whether they feel or fancy the limb."

[107] In the Proceedings of the American Society for Psychical Research, pp. 253-4, I've attempted to explain some of the variations in this awareness. Out of 140 people I found who felt their lost foot, some experienced it doubtfully. "They either feel it only sometimes, or only when it hurts, or only when they try to move it; or they can only sense it when they 'think a lot about it' and make an effort to bring it to mind. When they 'stop paying attention,' the feeling 'flies back' or 'jumps back' to the stump. Every level of awareness, from complete and lasting hallucination to something that hardly differs from ordinary imagination, seems to be reflected in the perception of the missing limb that these patients report. In fact, I've rarely seen stronger evidence for the idea that imagination and sensation are just variations in intensity of the same process than what these accounts collectively show. Many patients say they can barely distinguish whether they are really feeling the limb or just imagining it."

[108] Pflüger's Archiv, xxxvii. 1.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Pflüger's Archive, xxxvii. 1.

[109] Not all patients have this additional illusion.

[109] Not all patients experience this extra illusion.

[110] I ought to say that in almost all cases the volition is followed by actual contraction of muscles in the stump.

[110] I should mention that in almost every case, the intention is followed by actual muscle contraction in the stump.

[111] Cf. Herbart, Psychol. als. Wissenschaft, § 125.

[111] See Herbart, Psychology as Science, § 125.

[112] Compare the historical reviews by K. Lange: Ueber Apperception (Plauen, 1879), pp. 12-14; by Staude in Wundt's Philosophische Studien, i. 149; and by Marty in Vierteljsch. f. wiss. Phil., x. 347 ff.

[112] Check out the historical reviews by K. Lange: Ueber Apperception (Plauen, 1879), pp. 12-14; by Staude in Wundt's Philosophische Studien, i. 149; and by Marty in Vierteljahrschrift für wissenschaftliche Philosophie, x. 347 ff.

[113] Problems, vol. i. p. 118 ff.

[113] Issues, vol. i. p. 118 ff.

[114] See his Einleitung in die Psychologie u. Sprachwissenschaft (1881) p. 166 ff.

[114] See his Introduction to Psychology and Linguistics (1881) p. 166 ff.

[115] One of my colleagues, asking himself the question after reading the anecdote, tells me that he replied 'Harvard College,' the faculty of that body having voted, a few days previously, to keep back the degrees of members of the graduating class who might be disorderly on class-day night. W. J.

[115] One of my colleagues, reflecting on the question after reading the anecdote, told me that he answered 'Harvard College,' since the faculty had recently voted to withhold the degrees of any graduating class members who might misbehave on class-day night. W. J.

[116] Op. cit. pp. 166-171.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same source pp. 166-171.

[117] The great maxim in pedagogy is to knit every new piece of knowledge on to a pre-existing curiosity—i.e., to assimilate its matter in some way to what is already known. Hence the advantage of "comparing all that is far off and foreign to something that is near home, of making the unknown plain by the example of the known, and of connecting all the instruction with the personal experience of the pupil.... If the teacher is to explain the distance of the sun from the earth, let him ask.... 'If anyone there in the sun fired off a cannon straight at you, what should you do?' 'Get out of the way' would be the answer. 'No need of that,' the teacher might reply. 'You may quietly go to sleep in your room, and get up again, you may wait till your confirmation-day, you may learn a trade, and grow as old as I am,—then only will the cannon-ball be getting near, then you may jump to one side! See, so great as that is the sun's distance!'" (K. Lange, Ueber Apperception, 1879, p. 76—a charming though prolix little work.)

[117] The key principle in teaching is to connect every new piece of knowledge to an existing curiosity—essentially, to relate it in some way to what the learner already knows. This is why it's beneficial to "compare everything that's distant and foreign to something familiar, to make the unknown clear by using examples from the known, and to tie all lessons to the personal experiences of the student.... If the teacher needs to explain how far the sun is from the earth, they might ask.... 'If someone up there in the sun shot a cannon straight at you, what would you do?' 'Get out of the way' would be the response. 'No need for that,' the teacher could say. 'You could just sleep in your room, then wake up, wait until your confirmation day, learn a trade, and grow as old as I am—only then would the cannonball get close, then you might want to jump aside! Look, that’s how far away the sun is!'" (K. Lange, Ueber Apperception, 1879, p. 76—a charming though lengthy little work.)

[118] A. Schopenhauer, Satz vom Grunde, chap. iv. H. Spencer, Psychol., part vi. chaps. ix, x. E. v. Hartmann, Phil. of the Unconscious (B), chaps. vii, viii. W. Wundt, Beiträge, pp. 422 ff.; Vorlesungen, iv, xiii. H. Helmholtz, Physiol. Optik, pp. 430, 447. A. Binet, Psychol. du Raisonnement, chaps. iii, v. Wundt and Helmholtz have more recently 'recanted.' See above, vol i. p. 169 note.

[118] A. Schopenhauer, Principle of Sufficient Reason, chap. iv. H. Spencer, Psychology, part vi, chaps. ix, x. E. v. Hartmann, Philosophy of the Unconscious (B), chaps. vii, viii. W. Wundt, Contributions, pp. 422 ff.; Lectures, iv, xiii. H. Helmholtz, Physiological Optics, pp. 430, 447. A. Binet, Psychology of Reasoning, chaps. iii, v. Wundt and Helmholtz have more recently 'recanted.' See above, vol i. p. 169 note.

[119] When not all M, but only some M, is A, when, in other words, M is 'undistributed' the conclusion is liable to error. Illusions would thus be logical fallacies, if true perceptions were valid syllogisms. They would draw false conclusions from undistributed middle terms.

[119] When not all M, but only some M, is A, meaning that M is 'undistributed', the conclusion can be mistaken. Illusions would therefore be logical fallacies if valid observations were accurate syllogisms. They would make incorrect conclusions from undistributed middle terms.

[120] See Spencer, Psychol., ii. p. 250, note, for a physiological hypothesis to account for this fact.

[120] See Spencer, Psychol., ii. p. 250, note, for a physiological theory to explain this fact.

[121] Here is another good example, taken from Helmholtz's Optics, p. 435: "The sight of a man walking is a familiar spectacle to us. We perceive it as a connected whole, and at most notice the most striking of its peculiarities. Strong attention is required, and a special choice of the point of view, in order to feel the perpendicular and lateral oscillations of such a walking figure. We must choose fitting points or lines in the background with which to compare the positions of its head, but if a distant walking man be looked at through an astronomical telescope (which inverts the object), what a singular hopping and rocking appearance he presents! No difficulty now in seeing the body's oscillations, and many other details of the gait.... But, on the other hand, its total character, whether light or clumsy, dignified or graceful, is harder to perceive than in the upright position."

[121] Here is another good example, taken from Helmholtz's Optics, p. 435: "The sight of a man walking is something we see all the time. We view it as a whole and usually only notice the most prominent features. It takes strong focus and a specific angle to truly notice the up-and-down and side-to-side movements of someone walking. We need to choose the right points or lines in the background to compare against the position of their head, but if we observe a man walking from a distance through a telescope (which flips the image), he appears to bounce and sway in a strange way! It's no longer difficult to see the body's movements and other details of the walk... However, the overall impression, whether it seems light or heavy, dignified or graceful, becomes harder to grasp than when viewed upright."

[122] Illusions and hallucinations must both be distinguished from delusions. A delusion is a false opinion about a matter of fact, which need not necessarily involve, though it often does involve, false perceptions of sensible things. We may, for example, have religious delusions, medical delusions, delusions about our own importance, about other peoples' characters, etc., ad libitum. The delusions of the insane are apt to affect certain typical forms, often very hard to explain. But in many cases they are certainly theories which the patients invent to account for their abnormal bodily sensations. In other cases they are due to hallucinations of hearing and of sight. Dr. Clouston (Clinical Lectures on Mental Disease, lecture iii ad fin.) gives the following special delusions as having been found in about a hundred melancholy female patients who were afflicted in this way. There were delusions of

[122] Illusions and hallucinations need to be distinguished from delusions. A delusion is a mistaken belief about a fact that doesn't necessarily require, although it often does include, misinterpretations of sensory experiences. For instance, we can have religious delusions, medical delusions, delusions about our own significance, about the character of others, etc., ad libitum. The delusions seen in those with mental illness often follow certain typical patterns that can be difficult to explain. In many cases, they are certainly theories patients create to make sense of their unusual physical sensations. In other instances, they arise from auditory and visual hallucinations. Dr. Clouston (Clinical Lectures on Mental Disease, lecture iii ad fin.) presents the following specific delusions observed in around a hundred melancholy female patients who experienced this issue. There were delusions of

general persecution;being destitute;
general suspicion;being followed by the police;
being poisoned;being very wicked;
being killed;impending death;
being conspired against;impending calamity;
being defrauded;the soul being lost;
being preached against in church;having no stomach;
being pregnant;having no inside;
having a bone in the throat;having neither stomach nor brains;
having lost much money;being covered with vermin;
being unfit to live;letters being written about her;
that she will not recover;property being stolen;
that she is to be murdered;her children being killed;
that she is to be boiled alive;having committed theft;
that she is to be starved;the legs being made of glass;
that the flesh is boiling;having horns on the head;
that the head is severedbeing chloroformed;
from the body;having committed murder;
that children are burning;fear of being hanged;
that murders take place around;being called names by person;
that it is wrong to take food;being acted on by spirits;
being in hell;being a man;
being tempted of the devil;the body being transformed;
being possessed of the devil;insects coming from the body;
having committed anrape being practised on her;
unforgivable sin;having a venereal disease;
unseen agencies working;being a fish;
her own identity;being dead;
being on fire;having committed suicide of the soul.

[123] V. Kandinsky: Kritische u. Klinische Betrachtungen im Gebiete d. Sinnestäuschungen (1886), p. 42.

[123] V. Kandinsky: Critical and Clinical Observations in the Field of Sensory Illusions (1886), p. 42.

[124] See Proceedings of Soc. for Psych. Research, Dec. 1889, pp. 7, 183. The International Congress for Experimental Psychology has now charge of the Census, and the present writer is its agent for America.

[124] See Proceedings of Soc. for Psych. Research, Dec. 1889, pp. 7, 183. The International Congress for Experimental Psychology is currently in charge of the Census, and I am its representative for America.

[125] This case is of the class which Mr. Myers terms 'veridical.' In a subsequent letter the writer informs me that his vision occurred some five hours before the child was born.

[125] This case falls under what Mr. Myers calls 'veridical.' In a later letter, the writer tells me that his vision happened about five hours before the child was born.

[126] Le Sommeil et les Rêves (1865), chaps. iii, iv.

[126] Sleep and Dreams (1865), chaps. iii, iv.

[127] This theory of incomplete rectification of the inner images by their usual reductives is most brilliantly stated by M. Taine in his work on Intelligence, book ii. chap. i.

[127] M. Taine expresses this theory about the incomplete correction of inner images by their typical reducers exceptionally well in his book on Intelligence, book ii, chapter i.

[128] Not, of course, in all cases, because the cells remaining active are themselves on the way to be overpowered by the general (unknown) condition to which sleep is due.

[128] Not in every instance, since the cells that stay active are themselves being affected by the general (unknown) condition that causes sleep.

[129] For a full account of Jackson's theories, see his 'Croonian Lectures' published in the Brit. Med. Journ. for 1884. Cf. also his remarks in the Discussion of Dr. Mercier's paper on Inhibition in 'Brain,' xi. 361.

[129] For a complete overview of Jackson's theories, check out his 'Croonian Lectures' published in the British Medical Journal for 1884. Also, refer to his comments in the Discussion of Dr. Mercier's paper on Inhibition in 'Brain,' xi. 361.

The loss of vivacity in the images in the process of waking, as well as the gain of it in falling asleep, are both well described by M. Taine, who writes (on Intelligence, i. 50, 58) that often in the daytime, when fatigued and seated in a chair, it is sufficient for him to close one eye with a handkerchief, when, "by degrees, the sight of the other eye becomes vague, and it closes. All external sensations are gradually effaced, or cease, at all events, to be remarked; the internal images, on the other hand, feeble and rapid during the state of complete wakefulness, become intense, distinct, colored, steady, and lasting: there is a sort of ecstasy, accompanied by a feeling of expansion and of comfort. Warned by frequent experience, I know that sleep is coming on, and that I must not disturb the rising vision; I remain passive, and in a few minutes it is complete. Architecture, landscapes, moving figures, pass slowly by, and sometimes remain, with incomparable clearness of form and fulness of being; sleep comes on, and I know no more of the real world I am in. Many times, like M. Maury, I have caused myself to be gently roused at different moments of this state, and have thus been able to mark its characters.—The intense image which seems an external object is but a more forcible continuation of the feeble image which an instant before I recognized as internal; some scrap of a forest, some house, some person which I vaguely imagined on closing my eyes, has in a minute become present to me with full bodily details, so as to change into a complete hallucination. Then, waking up on a hand touching me, I feel the figure decay, lose color, and evaporate: what had appeared a substance is reduced to a shadow.... In such a case, I have often seen, for a passing moment, the image grow pale, waste away, and evaporate; sometimes, on opening the eyes, a fragment of landscape or the skirt of a dress appears still to float over the fire-irons or on the black hearth." This persistence of dream-objects for a few moments after the eyes are opened seems to be no extremely rare experience. Many cases of it have been reported to me directly. Compare Müller's Physiology, Baly's tr., p. 945.

The loss of brightness in the images while waking up, as well as the increase of it when falling asleep, is well expressed by M. Taine, who mentions (on Intelligence, i. 50, 58) that often during the day, when he feels tired and is sitting in a chair, it’s enough for him to cover one eye with a handkerchief. He observes that "gradually, the vision in the other eye becomes blurry, and it closes. All external sensations gradually fade away or stop being noticed; meanwhile, the internal images, which are weak and fleeting during full wakefulness, become intense, clear, colorful, stable, and lasting: there’s a kind of ecstasy that comes with a feeling of expansion and comfort. Having learned from experience, I know that sleep is approaching, and I should not interrupt the emerging vision; I stay passive, and in a few minutes, it’s complete. Architecture, landscapes, moving figures slowly pass by, and sometimes linger, with incredible clarity and fullness; sleep takes over, and I lose connection with the real world I’m in. Many times, like M. Maury, I have had myself gently awakened at different moments during this state, allowing me to note its characteristics. The intense image that seems like an external object is merely a stronger continuation of the weak image I had just recognized as internal; some fragment of a forest, a house, or a person that I vaguely pictured when closing my eyes has, within a minute, become vividly present to me with full physical details, transforming into a complete hallucination. Then, when I wake up after someone touches me, I see the figure fade, lose color, and disappear: what had seemed substantial shrinks to a shadow... In such cases, I have often noticed, for a brief moment, the image grow pale, fade away, and dissipate; sometimes, upon opening my eyes, a piece of landscape or the edge of a dress seems to still hover over the fire-irons or on the dark hearth." This lingering presence of dream images for a few moments after opening the eyes doesn’t seem to be an extremely rare experience. I’ve been directly reported many cases of it. See Müller's Physiology, Baly's tr., p. 945.

[130] I say the 'normal' paths, because hallucinations are not incompatible with some paths of association being left. Some hypnotic patients will not only have hallucinations of objects suggested to them, but will amplify them and act out the situation. But the paths here seem excessively narrow, and the reflections which ought to make the hallucination incredible do not occur to the subject's mind. In general, the narrower a train of 'ideas' is, the vivider the consciousness is of each. Under ordinary circumstances, the entire brain probably plays a part in draining any centre which may be ideationally active. When the drainage is reduced in any way it probably makes the active process more intense.

[130] I refer to the 'normal' paths because hallucinations can coexist with some possible associations being left. Some patients under hypnosis not only hallucinate objects that are suggested to them but also amplify these hallucinations and even act out what they see. However, the pathways in this case seem too limited, and the thoughts that should make the hallucination seem unbelievable do not come to the person's mind. Generally, the more restricted a flow of 'ideas' is, the clearer the consciousness of each one tends to be. Normally, the whole brain likely contributes to diminishing any center that might be ideationally active. When this diminishment is lessened in any way, it probably enhances the intensity of the active process.

[131] M. A. Maury gives a number: op. cit. pp. 126-8.

[131] M. A. Maury provides a reference: op. cit. pp. 126-8.

[132] M. Binet's highly important experiments, which were first published in vol. XVII of the Revue Philosophique (1884), are also given in full in chapter ix of his and Féré's work on 'Animal Magnetism' in the International Scientific Series. Where there is no dot on the paper, nor any other visible mark, the subject's judgment about the 'portrait' would seem to be guided by what he sees happening to the entire sheet.

[132] M. Binet's significant experiments, which were first published in volume XVII of the Revue Philosophique (1884), are also presented in full in chapter ix of his and Féré's book on 'Animal Magnetism' in the International Scientific Series. When there is no dot on the paper or any other visible mark, the subject's perception of the 'portrait' appears to be influenced by what he observes happening on the whole sheet.

[133] It is a difficult thing to distinguish in a hypnotic patient between a genuine sensorial hallucination of something suggested and a conception of it merely, coupled with belief that it is there. I have been surprised at the vagueness with which such subjects will often trace upon blank paper the outlines of the pictures which they say they 'see' thereupon. On the other hand, you will hear them say that they find no difference between a real flower which you show them and an imaginary flower which you tell them is beside it. When told that one is imaginary and that they must pick out the real one, they sometimes say the choice is impossible, and sometimes they point to the imaginary flower.

[133] It's challenging to tell the difference in a hypnotized person between a real sensory hallucination of something suggested and just a mental image of it, along with the belief that it’s there. I've been surprised by how vaguely these individuals can sketch the outlines of the images they claim to 'see' on a blank piece of paper. On the flip side, they often say they can't tell the difference between a real flower you show them and an imaginary flower you say is next to it. When asked to identify which one is real and which one is imaginary, they sometimes say it’s impossible to choose, and other times they point to the imaginary flower.

[134] Only the other day, to three hypnotized girls, I failed to double a hallucination with a prism. Of course it may not have been a fully-developed hallucination.

[134] Just the other day, in front of three mesmerized girls, I couldn't enhance a hallucination with a prism. It’s possible that it wasn’t a fully-formed hallucination, though.

[135] Brain, xi. 441.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Brain, xi. 441.

[136] Mind, x. 161, 316; and Phantasms of the Living (1886), i. 470-488.

[136] Mind, x. 161, 316; and Phantasms of the Living (1886), i. 470-488.

[137] In Mr. Gurney's work, just cited, a very large number of veridical cases are critically discussed.

[137] In Mr. Gurney's previously mentioned work, a significant number of true cases are analyzed in detail.

[138] Mental Evolution in Animals, p. 186.

[138] Mental Evolution in Animals, p. 186.

[139] Literature. The best treatment of perception with which I am acquainted is that in Mr. James Sully's book on 'Illusions' in the International Scientific Series. On hallucinations the literature is large. Gurney, Kandinsky (as already cited), and some articles by Kraepelin in the Vierteljahrschrift für Wissenschaftliche Philosophie, vol. v (1881), are the most systematic studies recently made. All works on Insanity treat of them. Dr. W. W. Ireland's works, 'The Blot upon the Brain' (1886) and 'Through the Ivory Gate' (1890) have much information on the subject. Gurney gives pretty complete references to older literature. The most important thing on the subject from the point of view of theory is the article by Mr. Myers on the Demon of Socrates in the Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research for 1889, p. 522.

[139] Literature. The best discussion of perception that I'm familiar with is found in Mr. James Sully's book 'Illusions' in the International Scientific Series. There's a lot of literature on hallucinations. Gurney, Kandinsky (as mentioned earlier), and some articles by Kraepelin in the Vierteljahrschrift für Wissenschaftliche Philosophie, vol. v (1881), are the most systematic recent studies. All works on Insanity address these topics. Dr. W. W. Ireland's books, 'The Blot upon the Brain' (1886) and 'Through the Ivory Gate' (1890), contain a lot of information on this subject. Gurney provides fairly complete references to older literature. The most significant theoretical work on the subject is Mr. Myers' article on the Demon of Socrates in the Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research from 1889, p. 522.


CHAPTER XX.

THE PERCEPTION OF SPACE.[140]

THE FEELING OF CRUDE EXTENSITY.

In the sensations of hearing, touch, sight, and pain we are accustomed to distinguish from among the other elements the element of voluminousness. We call the reverberations of a thunderstorm more voluminous than the squeaking of a slate-pencil; the entrance into a warm bath gives our skin a more massive feeling than the prick of a pin; a little neuralgic pain, fine as a cobweb, in the face, seems less extensive than the heavy soreness of a boil or the vast discomfort of a colic or a lumbago; and a solitary star looks smaller than the noonday sky. In the sensation of dizziness or subjective motion, which recent investigation has proved to be connected with stimulation of the semi-circular canals of the ear, the spatial character is very prominent. Whether the 'muscular sense' directly yields us knowledge of space is still a matter of litigation among psychologists. Whilst some go so far as to ascribe our entire cognition of extension to its exclusive aid, others deny to it all extensive quality whatever. Under these circumstances we shall do better to adjourn its consideration; admitting, however, that it seems at first sight as if we felt something decidedly more voluminous when we contract our thigh-muscles than when we twitch an eyelid or some small muscle in the face. It seems, moreover, as if this difference lay in the feeling of the thigh-muscles themselves.

In the sensations of hearing, touch, sight, and pain, we often notice the element of volume. We say that the sounds of a thunderstorm are more intense than the squeak of a pencil; stepping into a warm bath feels more substantial on our skin compared to the prick of a pin; a slight, cobweb-like nerve pain in the face seems less widespread than the heavy ache of a boil or the broader discomfort of colic or lower back pain; and one solitary star appears smaller than the sky at noon. In the sensation of dizziness or a feeling of movement, which recent studies have shown to be linked to the stimulation of the ear's semi-circular canals, the spatial aspect is very noticeable. Whether the 'muscular sense' directly provides us with an understanding of space is still debated among psychologists. While some argue that our entire perception of space relies solely on this sense, others deny it any substantial spatial quality. Given this uncertainty, it might be better to set aside this issue for now; however, it seems at first glance that we feel something significantly more volumetric when we contract our thigh muscles compared to twitching an eyelid or a small muscle in the face. It also appears that this difference originates in the sensation of the thigh muscles themselves.

In the sensations of smell and taste this element of varying vastness seems less prominent but not altogether absent. Some tastes and smells appear less extensive than complex flavors, like that of roast meat or plum pudding, on the one hand, or heavy odors like musk or tuberose, on[Pg 135] the other. The epithet sharp given to the acid class would seem to show that to the popular mind there is something narrow and, as it were, streaky, in the impression they make, other flavors and odors being bigger and rounder.

In the sensations of smell and taste, this element of varying vastness seems less noticeable but not completely absent. Some tastes and smells seem less expansive than complex flavors, like roast meat or plum pudding on one hand, or strong scents like musk or tuberose on the other. The term sharp used for the acidic category suggests that people generally perceive them as narrow and somewhat streaky in their impact, while other flavors and odors feel larger and rounder.[Pg 135]

The sensations derived from the inward organs are also distinctly more or less voluminous. Repletion and emptiness, suffocation, palpitation, headache, are examples of this, and certainly not less spatial is the consciousness we have of our general bodily condition in nausea, fever, heavy drowsiness, and fatigue. Our entire cubic content seems then sensibly manifest to us as such, and feels much larger than any local pulsation, pressure, or discomfort. Skin and retina are, however, the organs in which the space-element plays the most active part. Not only does the maximal vastness yielded by the retina surpass that yielded by any other organ, but the intricacy with which our attention can subdivide this vastness and perceive it to be composed of lesser portions simultaneously coexisting alongside of each other is without a parallel elsewhere.[141] The ear gives a greater vastness than the skin, but is considerably less able to subdivide it.[142]

The sensations coming from our internal organs are also clearly more or less extensive. Feelings of fullness and emptiness, suffocation, racing heartbeat, and headaches are examples of this, and our awareness of our overall physical state in nausea, fever, heavy sleepiness, and fatigue is definitely not less spatial. Our entire physical presence feels significantly tangible to us, appearing much larger than local throbs, pressure, or discomfort. However, the skin and retina are the organs where the element of space is most influential. The maximum expanse provided by the retina exceeds that of any other organ, and the way we can divide this vastness in our attention and recognize it as made up of smaller, concurrently existing parts is unmatched elsewhere. The ear offers greater expanse than the skin, but it's much less capable of dividing it.


Now my first thesis is that this element, discernible in each and every sensation, though more developed in some than in others, is the original sensation of space, out of which all the exact knowledge about space that we afterwards come to have is woven by processes of discrimination, association, and selection. 'Extensity,' as Mr. James Ward calls it,[143][Pg 136] on this view, becomes an element in each sensation just as intensity is. The latter every one will admit to be a distinguishable though not separable ingredient of the sensible quality. In like manner extensity, being an entirely peculiar kind of feeling indescribable except in terms of itself, and inseparable in actual experience from some sensational quality which it must accompany, can itself receive no other name than that of sensational element.

My first point is that this element, present in every sensation, though more pronounced in some than in others, is the initial sensation of space, from which all the precise knowledge about space that we later acquire is formed through processes of discrimination, association, and selection. 'Extensity,' as Mr. James Ward puts it,[143][Pg 136] in this perspective, becomes a component of each sensation just like intensity does. Everyone agrees that intensity is a recognizable but inseparable part of the sensory quality. Similarly, extensity, being a completely unique kind of feeling that can only be described using its own terms and is inseparable in real experience from a sensory quality it must accompany, can only be labeled as a sensational element.

It must now be noted that the vastness hitherto spoken of is as great in one direction as in another. Its dimensions are so vague that in it there is no question as yet of surface as opposed to depth; 'volume' being the best short name for the sensation in question. Sensations of different orders are roughly comparable, inter se, with respect to their volumes. This shows that the spatial quality in each is identical wherever found, for different qualitative elements, e.g. warmth and odor, are incommensurate. Persons born blind are reported surprised at the largeness with which objects appear to them when their sight is restored. Franz says of his patient cured of cataract: "He saw everything much larger than he had supposed from the idea obtained by his sense of touch. Moving, and especially living, objects appeared very large."[144] Loud sounds have a certain enormousness of feeling. It is impossible to conceive of the explosion of a cannon as filling a small space. In general, sounds seem to occupy all the room between us and their source; and in the case of certain ones, the cricket's song, the whistling of the wind, the roaring of the surf, or a distant railway train, to have no definite starting point.

It should now be noted that the vastness previously mentioned is equally vast in every direction. Its dimensions are so unclear that there is no distinction yet between surface and depth; 'volume' is the best short term for the sensation we’re discussing. Different types of sensations can be roughly compared in terms of their volumes. This indicates that the spatial quality in each is the same no matter where it is found, as different qualitative elements, like warmth and odor, cannot be measured against each other. People who are born blind often express surprise at how large objects seem to them when their sight is restored. Franz remarks about his patient who was cured of cataracts: "He saw everything much larger than he had imagined from the idea he formed through touch. Moving, and especially living, objects appeared very large."[144] Loud sounds have a certain sense of enormousness. It’s impossible to imagine a cannon's explosion filling a small area. Generally, sounds seem to fill all the space between us and their source; in some cases, like the cricket's song, the whistling wind, the crashing surf, or a distant train, they seem to have no clear starting point.

In the sphere of vision we have facts of the same order. 'Glowing' bodies, as Hering says, give us a perception "which seems roomy (raumhaft) in comparison with that of strictly surface color. A glowing iron looks luminous through and through, and so does a flame."[145] A luminous fog, a band of sunshine, affect us in the same way. As Hering urges:

In the realm of vision, we encounter facts that are similar. 'Glowing' objects, as Hering describes, provide us with a perception that feels spacious (raumhaft) compared to the perception of pure surface color. A glowing piece of iron appears bright throughout, just like a flame.[145] A bright fog or a ray of sunlight affects us in the same manner. As Hering emphasizes:

"We must distinguish roomy from superficial, as well as distinctly from indistinctly bounded, sensations. The dark which with closed eyes one sees before one is, for example, a roomy sensation. We do not see a black surface like a wall in front of us, but a space filled with darkness, and even when we succeed in seeing this darkness as terminated by a black wall there still remains in front of this wall the dark space. The same thing happens when we find ourselves with open eyes in an absolutely dark room. This sensation of darkness is also vaguely bounded. An example of a distinctly bounded roomy sensation is that of a clear and colored fluid seen in a glass; the yellow of the wine is seen not only on the bounding surface of the glass; the yellow sensation fills the whole interior of the glass. By day the so-called empty space between us and objects seen appears very different from what it is by night. The increasing darkness settles not only upon the things but also between us and the things, so as at last to cover them completely and fill the space alone. If I look into a dark box I find it filled with darkness, and this is seen not merely as the dark-colored sides or walls of the box. A shady corner in an otherwise well-lighted room is full of a darkness which is not only on the walls and floor but between them in the space they include. Every sensation is there where I experience it, and if I have it at once at every point of a certain roomy space, it is then a voluminous sensation. A cube of transparent green glass gives us a spatial sensation; an opaque cube painted green, on the contrary, only sensations of surface."[146]

"We need to distinguish roomy from superficial, and also differentiate clearly defined feelings from vaguely defined ones. For example, the darkness we perceive with our eyes closed is a roomy sensation. We're not looking at a black surface like a wall; rather, we're experiencing a space filled with darkness. Even if we see this darkness as bordered by a black wall, there is still dark space in front of that wall. This is similar to being in a completely dark room with our eyes open. This sensation of darkness is also vaguely defined. A clear colored liquid in a glass represents a distinctly bounded roomy sensation; the yellow of the wine is visible not just on the surface of the glass but fills the entire interior. During the day, the so-called empty space between us and visible objects looks very different than at night. The deepening darkness impacts both the objects and the space between us and the objects, eventually covering them and filling that space on its own. When I look into a dark box, I perceive it filled with darkness, not just as the dark-colored sides or walls of the box. A shaded corner in a brightly lit room holds a darkness that exists not just on the walls and floor but between them in the space contained. Every sensation exists wherever I experience it, and if I perceive it across every point of a particular roomy space simultaneously, it becomes a voluminous sensation. A cube of transparent green glass gives us a spatial sensation; in contrast, an opaque cube painted green only provides surface sensations." [146]

There are certain quasi-motor sensations in the head when we change the direction of the attention, which equally seem to involve three dimensions. If with closed eyes we think of the top of the house and then of the cellar, of the distance in front of us and then of that behind us, of space far to the right and then far to the left, we have something far stronger than an idea,—an actual feeling, namely, as if something in the head moved into another direction. Fechner was, I believe, the first to publish any remarks on these feelings. He writes as follows:

There are certain almost-motor sensations in the head when we shift our focus, which also seem to involve three dimensions. If we close our eyes and think about the top of the house and then the basement, the distance in front of us and then behind us, space far to the right and then far to the left, we experience something much stronger than just an idea—an actual feeling, as if something in our head has moved in a different direction. I believe Fechner was the first to publish comments on these sensations. He writes as follows:

"When we transfer the attention from objects of one sense to those of another we have an indescribable feeling (though at the same time one perfectly determinate and reproducible at pleasure) of altered direction, or differently localized tension (Spannung). We feel a strain forward in the eyes, one directed sideways in the ears, increasing with the degree of our attention, and changing according as we look at an object carefully, or listen to something attentively; wherefore we speak of straining the attention. The difference is most plainly felt when[Pg 138] the attention vibrates rapidly between eye and ear. This feeling localizes itself with most decided difference in regard to the various sense-organs according as we wish to discriminate a thing delicately by touch, taste, or smell.

"When we switch our focus from one sense to another, we feel an indescribable sensation (yet one that is completely clear and can be reproduced on demand) of a shift in direction or tension that feels different (Spannung). We feel a pull forward with our eyes, a sideways movement in our ears, which intensifies with our level of attention and changes depending on whether we are closely watching an object or listening carefully; this is why we call it straining the attention. The difference is most apparent when[Pg 138] we quickly switch our attention between sight and sound. This sensation is distinctly localized to the different sense organs when we are trying to carefully differentiate something by touch, taste, or smell."

"But now I have, when I try to vividly recall a picture of memory or fancy, a feeling perfectly analogous to that which I experience when I seek to grasp a thing keenly by eye or ear; and this analogous feeling is very differently localized. While in sharpest possible attention to real objects (as well as to after-images) the strain is plainly forwards, and, when the attention changes from one sense to another, only alters its direction between the sense-organs, leaving the rest of the head free from strain, the case is different in memory or fancy; for here the feeling withdraws entirely from the external sense-organs, and seems rather to take refuge in that part of the head which the brain fills. If I wish, for example, to recall a place or person, it will arise before me with vividness, not according as I strain my attention forwards, but rather in proportion as I, so to speak, retract it backwards."[147]

"However, I've noticed that when I try to vividly recall an image or an idea, I feel something quite similar to what I feel when I try to see or hear something clearly; but this similar sensation occurs in a very different manner. When I’m intensely focused on real objects (or even after-images), the tension is directed clearly forward. As I shift my focus from one sense to another, the direction only changes among the senses, while the rest of my head remains relaxed. In contrast, when it comes to memory or imagination, the feeling completely moves away from my external senses and seems to settle in the part of my head where the brain is located. For example, if I want to recall a place or a person, it comes to mind vividly, not because I push my attention forward, but rather as if I'm pulling it back." [147]

It appears probable that the feelings which Fechner describes are in part constituted by imaginary semi-circular canal sensations.[148] These undoubtedly convey the most delicate perception of change in direction; and when, as here, the changes are not perceived as taking place in the external world, they occupy a vague internal space located within the head.[149]

It seems likely that the feelings Fechner talks about are partly made up of imagined sensations from the semi-circular canals.[148] These definitely provide the subtlest awareness of changes in direction; and when, as in this case, these changes aren’t perceived in the outside world, they exist in a vague internal space within the head.[149]

In the skin itself there is a vague form of projection into the third dimension to which Hering has called attention.

In the skin, there’s a subtle projection into the third dimension that Hering has pointed out.

"Heat is not felt only against the cutaneous surface, but when communicated through the air may appear extending more or less out from the surface into the third dimension of surrounding space.... We can determine in the dark the place of a radiant body by moving the hand to and fro, and attending to the fluctuation of our feeling of warmth. The feeling itself, however, is not projected fully into the spot at which we localize the hot body, but always remains in the neighborhood of the hand."

"Heat isn't only felt on the skin; as it moves through the air, it appears to extend into the space around it. In the dark, we can locate a heat source by moving our hand back and forth and noticing how our sense of warmth shifts. However, that sensation isn’t solely concentrated on the specific spot where we believe the hot object is; it remains close to our hand."

The interior of one's mouth-cavity feels larger when explored by the tongue than when looked at. The crater of a newly-extracted tooth, and the movements of a loose tooth in its socket, feel quite monstrous. A midge buzzing against the drum of the ear will often seem as big as a butterfly. The spatial sensibility of the tympanic membrane has hitherto been very little studied, though the subject will well repay much trouble. If we approach it by introducing into the outer ear some small object like the tip of a rolled-up tissue-paper lamplighter, we are surprised at the large radiating sensation which its presence gives us, and at the sense of clearness and openness which comes when it is removed. It is immaterial to inquire whether the far-reaching sensation here be due to actual irradiation upon distant nerves or not. We are considering now, not the objective causes of the spatial feeling, but its subjective varieties, and the experiment shows that the same object gives more of it to the inner than to the outer cuticle of the ear. The pressure of the air in the tympanic cavity upon the membrane gives an astonishingly large sensation. We can increase the pressure by holding our nostrils and closing our mouth and forcing air through our Eustachian tubes by an expiratory effort; and we can diminish it by either inspiring or swallowing under the same conditions of closed mouth and nose. In either case we get a large round tridimensional sensation inside of the head, which seems as if it must come from the affection of an organ much larger than the tympanic membrane, whose surface hardly exceeds that of one's little-finger-nail.

The inside of your mouth feels bigger when your tongue explores it than when you just look at it. The hole left by a newly-extracted tooth and the movements of a loose tooth in its socket feel pretty strange. A tiny bug buzzing against your eardrum can often seem as big as a butterfly. The way we perceive space with our eardrum hasn’t been studied much, but it definitely deserves more attention. If we approach it by putting something small, like the tip of a rolled-up tissue, into the outer ear, we're surprised by the strong radiating sensation it creates, and the sense of clarity and openness we feel when it’s removed. It doesn’t really matter if this wide-reaching sensation is because of actual stimulation of distant nerves or not. Right now, we're looking at the subjective variations of spatial feeling, and the experiment shows that the same object creates a stronger sensation for the inner part of the ear than for the outer part. The pressure of the air in the eardrum area on the membrane creates a surprisingly intense feeling. We can increase the pressure by pinching our nostrils and closing our mouths, then forcing air through our Eustachian tubes with a strong exhale; we can decrease it by either inhaling or swallowing while keeping our mouth and nose closed. In both cases, we experience a large, rounded, three-dimensional sensation inside our heads, which feels like it must originate from an organ much bigger than the eardrum, whose surface is barely larger than a fingernail.

The tympanic membrane is furthermore able to render sensible differences in the pressure of the external atmosphere, too slight to be felt either as noise or in this more violent way. If the reader will sit with closed eyes and let a friend approximate some solid object, like a large book, noiselessly to his face, he will immediately become aware of the object's presence and position—likewise of its departure. A friend of the writer, making the experiment for the first time, discriminated unhesitatingly between the three degrees of solidity of a board, a lattice-frame, and a sieve, held close to his ear. Now as this sensation is never used by ordinary persons as a means of perception, we may fairly assume that its felt quality, in those whose attention is called to it for the first time, belongs to it quâ sensation, and owes nothing to educational suggestions. But this felt quality is most distinctly and unmistakably one of vague spatial vastness in three dimensions—quite as much so as is the felt quality of the retinal sensation when we lie on our back and fill the entire field of vision with the empty blue sky. When an object is brought near the ear we immediately feel shut in, contracted; when the object is removed, we suddenly feel as if a transparency, clearness, openness, had been made outside of us. And the feeling will, by any one who will take the pains to observe it, be acknowledged to involve the third dimension in a vague, unmeasured state.[150]

The eardrum can also detect slight differences in external air pressure that we can’t really feel as sound or in a more intense way. If you sit with your eyes closed and have a friend quietly bring a solid object, like a large book, close to your face, you’ll instantly notice its presence and position—just as you’ll notice when it moves away. A friend of the writer, trying this for the first time, could easily tell the difference between a solid board, a lattice frame, and a sieve when held close to his ear. Since most people don’t usually use this sensation for perception, we can reasonably assume that what they feel, when first focused on it, is simply a sensation in itself and isn’t influenced by learned suggestions. This felt sensation is very distinctly one of vague spatial vastness in three dimensions—just as much as the experience of seeing a wide expanse of the blue sky when lying on our back. When an object comes near to our ear, we feel constricted and closed off; when the object is removed, we suddenly feel a sense of transparency and openness around us. Anyone who takes the time to notice it will recognize that this feeling involves a vague, unmeasured aspect of the third dimension.[150]

The reader will have noticed, in this enumeration of facts, that voluminousness of the feeling seems to bear very little relation to the size of the organ that yields it. The ear and eye are comparatively minute organs, yet they give us feelings of great volume. The same lack of exact proportion between size of feeling and size of organ affected obtains within the limits of particular sensory organs. An object appears smaller on the lateral portions of the retina than it does on the fovea, as may be easily verified by holding the[Pg 141] two forefingers parallel and a couple of inches apart, and transferring the gaze of one eye from one to the other. Then the finger not directly looked at will appear to shrink, and this whatever be the direction of the fingers. On the tongue a crumb, or the calibre of a small tube, appears larger than between the fingers. If two points kept equidistant (blunted compass- or scissors-points, for example) be drawn across the skin so as really to describe a pair of parallel lines, the lines will appear farther apart in some spots than in others. If, for example, we draw them horizontally across the face, so that the mouth falls between them, the person experimented upon will feel as if they began to diverge near the mouth and to include it in a well-marked ellipse. In like manner, if we keep the compass-points one or two centimetres apart, and draw them down the forearm over the wrist and palm, finally drawing one along one finger, the other along its neighbor, the appearance will be that of a single line, soon breaking into two, which become more widely separated below the wrist, to contract again in the palm, and finally diverge rapidly again towards the finger-tips. The dotted lines in Figs. 51 and 52 represent the true path of the compass-points; the full lines their apparent path.

The reader may have noticed in this list of facts that the intensity of a feeling doesn’t really relate to the size of the organ that produces it. The ear and eye are relatively small organs, yet they give us strong feelings. This mismatch between the feeling's intensity and the size of the stimulated organ is also true within specific sensory organs. An object looks smaller on the outer parts of the retina than on the fovea; this can be easily checked by holding the[Pg 141] two index fingers parallel and a few inches apart, then shifting the gaze of one eye from one finger to the other. The finger that's not being looked at will seem to shrink, regardless of their direction. On the tongue, a crumb or the width of a small tube seems larger than it does between the fingers. If two points, like blunted compass or scissors points, are drawn across the skin to make a pair of parallel lines, those lines will appear to be farther apart in some spots than in others. For instance, if we draw them horizontally across the face with the mouth in between, the person being tested will feel as if the lines start to diverge near the mouth, forming a noticeable ellipse around it. Similarly, if we keep the compass points one or two centimeters apart and move them down the forearm over the wrist and palm, then draw one along one finger and the other along the one next to it, it will look like a single line that soon splits into two, which become more separated below the wrist, narrow again in the palm, and finally spread apart quickly again toward the fingertips. The dotted lines in Figs. 51 and 52 show the actual path of the compass points; the solid lines represent their perceived path.

Fig. 51 (after Weber).

The same length of skin, moreover, will convey a more extensive sensation according to the manner of stimulation. If the edge of a card be pressed against the skin, the distance between its extremities will seem shorter than that between two compass-tips touching the same terminal points.[151]

The same amount of skin will feel more or less sensitive depending on how it’s stimulated. For example, if the edge of a card presses against the skin, the distance between its ends will feel shorter than the distance between two compass points touching the same spots.[151]

Fig. 52 (after Weber).

In the eye, intensity of nerve-stimulation seems to increase the volume of the feeling as well as its brilliancy. If we raise and lower the gas alternately, the whole room and all the objects in it seem alternately to enlarge and contract. If we cover half a page of small print with a gray glass, the print seen through the glass appears decidedly smaller than that seen outside of it, and the darker the glass the greater the difference. When a circumscribed opacity in front of the retina keeps off part of the light from the portion which it covers, objects projected on that portion may seem but half as large as when their image falls outside of it.[152] The inverse effect seems produced by certain drugs and anæsthetics. Morphine, atropine, daturine, and cold blunt the sensibility of the skin, so that distances upon it seem less. Haschish produces strange perversions of the general sensibility. Under its influence one's body may seem either enormously enlarged or strangely contracted. Sometimes a single member will alter its proportion to the rest; or one's back, for instance, will appear entirely absent, as if one were hollow behind. Objects comparatively near will recede to a vast distance, a short street assume to the eye an immeasurable perspective. Ether and chloroform[Pg 143] occasionally produce not wholly dissimilar results. Panum, the German physiologist, relates that when, as a boy, he was etherized for neuralgia, the objects in the room grew extremely small and distant, before his field of vision darkened over and the roaring in his ears began. He also mentions that a friend of his in church, struggling in vain to keep awake, saw the preacher grow smaller and smaller and more and more distant. I myself on one occasion observed the same recession of objects during the beginning of chloroformization. In various cerebral diseases we find analogous disturbances.

In the eye, the intensity of nerve stimulation seems to amplify the volume of the sensation as well as its brightness. If we alternate raising and lowering the gas, everything in the room seems to expand and contract. If we cover half a page of small print with a gray glass, the text seen through the glass appears noticeably smaller than what’s seen outside of it, and the darker the glass, the greater the difference. When a localized opacity in front of the retina blocks part of the light, objects projected onto that area may appear only half as large as when their image is outside of it.[152] The opposite effect seems to be produced by certain drugs and anesthetics. Morphine, atropine, daturine, and cold numb the sensitivity of the skin, making distances on it seem shorter. Hashish creates strange distortions of overall sensitivity. Under its influence, one's body may feel either massively enlarged or oddly contracted. Sometimes a single limb will change its size compared to the rest; for instance, one's back may feel completely absent, as if hollow. Objects that are relatively close can seem to retreat to a vast distance, with a short street appearing to have an endless perspective. Ether and chloroform[Pg 143] can sometimes produce results that aren’t too different. Panum, the German physiologist, recalls that when he was a boy and was etherized for neuralgia, the objects in the room became extremely small and distant before his vision darkened and he started hearing a roaring in his ears. He also notes that a friend of his in church, struggling to stay awake, saw the preacher getting smaller and more distant. I myself noticed the same effect with objects receding during the onset of chloroformization. We find similar disturbances in various brain diseases.

Can we assign the physiological conditions which make the elementary sensible largeness of one sensation vary so much from that of another? Only imperfectly. One factor in the result undoubtedly is the number of nerve-terminations simultaneously excited by the outward agent that awakens the sensation. When many skin-nerves are warmed, or much retinal surface illuminated, our feeling is larger than when a lesser nervous surface is excited. The single sensation yielded by two compass-points, although it seems simple, is yet felt to be much bigger and blunter than that yielded by one. The touch of a single point may always be recognized by its quality of sharpness. This page looks much smaller to the reader if he closes one eye than if both eyes are open. So does the moon, which latter fact shows that the phenomenon has nothing to do with parallax. The celebrated boy couched for the cataract by Chesselden thought, after his first eye was operated, "all things he saw extremely large," but being couched of his second eye, said "that objects at first appeared large to this eye, but not so large as they did at first to the other; and looking upon the same object with both eyes, he thought it looked about twice as large as with the first couched eye only, but not double, that we can anyways discover."

Can we determine the physiological conditions that cause the basic perception of size in one sensation to differ greatly from another? Only somewhat. One contributing factor is definitely the number of nerve endings that are simultaneously activated by the external agent triggering the sensation. When many skin nerves are warmed, or a larger area of the retina is illuminated, our perception feels larger than when a smaller area is stimulated. The single sensation produced by two compass points, although it seems straightforward, feels noticeably bigger and less precise than that produced by one. The touch of a single point can always be recognized by its sharpness. This page appears much smaller to the reader if they close one eye compared to when both eyes are open. The same goes for the moon; this indicates that the phenomenon isn't related to parallax. The famous boy operated on for cataracts by Chesselden thought, after his first eye surgery, that "everything he saw was extremely large," but after having his second eye done, he noted "that objects initially appeared large to this eye, but not as large as they did at first to the other; and when looking at the same object with both eyes, he thought it looked about twice as large as with just the first eye, but not double in any way we can detect."

The greater extensiveness that the feeling of certain parts of the same surface has over other parts, and that one order of surface has over another (retina over skin, for example), may also to a certain extent be explained by the operation of the same factor. It is an anatomical fact that the most spatially sensitive surfaces (retina, tongue, finger-tips,[Pg 144] etc.) are supplied by nerve-trunks of unusual thickness, which must supply to every unit of surface-area an unusually large number of terminal fibres. But the variations of felt extension obey probably only a very rough law of numerical proportion to the number of fibres. A sound is not twice as voluminous to two ears as to one; and the above-cited variations of feeling, when the same surface is excited under different conditions, show that the feeling is a resultant of several factors of which the anatomical one is only the principal. Many ingenious hypotheses have been brought forward to assign the co-operating factors where different conditions give conflicting amounts of felt space. Later we shall analyze some of these cases in detail, but it must be confessed here in advance that many of them resist analysis altogether.[153]

The greater sensitivity that certain parts of the same surface have compared to others, and that one type of surface has over another (like the retina compared to the skin), can also be partly explained by the same factor. It’s a known fact that the most sensitive surfaces (retina, tongue, fingertips, [Pg 144] etc.) are connected by nerve fibers that are unusually thick, which means that a single unit of surface area is supplied with a much higher number of nerve endings. However, the differences in perceived extension likely follow only a rough relationship to the number of nerve fibers. A sound is not necessarily twice as loud when heard by two ears compared to one; and the variations in perception when the same surface is stimulated under different conditions demonstrate that the feeling is a result of several factors, with the anatomical one being the most significant. Many clever theories have been proposed to identify the factors at play when varying conditions lead to different perceived spaces. We will examine some of these cases in detail later, but it should be acknowledged now that many of them elude thorough analysis altogether.[153]

THE PERCEPTION OF SPATIAL ORDER.

So far, all we have established or sought to establish is the existence of the vague form or quale of spatiality as an inseparable element bound up with the other peculiarities of each and every one of our sensations. The numerous examples we have adduced of the variations of this extensive element have only been meant to make clear its strictly sensational character. In very few of them will the reader have been able to explain the variation by an added intellectual element, such as the suggestion of a recollected experience. In almost all it has seemed to be the immediate psychic effect of a peculiar sort of nerve-process excited; and all the nerve-processes in question agree in yielding what space they do yield, to the mind, in the shape of a simple total vastness, in which, primitively at least, no order of parts or of subdivisions reigns.

So far, all we've established or tried to establish is the existence of the vague form or quale of spatiality as an inseparable part connected to the other characteristics of all our sensations. The many examples we've provided of the variations of this broad element were meant to highlight its purely sensational nature. In very few of these examples will the reader have been able to explain the variation through an added intellectual element, like the suggestion of a remembered experience. In almost all cases, it seems to be the immediate psychological effect of a specific type of nerve process being triggered; and all the relevant nerve processes agree in providing whatever sense of space they do provide to the mind as a simple total vastness, in which, primitively at least, no order of parts or subdivisions exists.

Let no one be surprised at this notion of a space without order. There may be a space without order just as there may be an order without space.[154] And the primitive perceptions of space are certainly of an unordered kind. The order which the spaces first perceived potentially include must, before being distinctly apprehended by the mind, be woven into those spaces by a rather complicated set of intellectual acts. The primordial largenesses which the sensations yield must be measured and subdivided by consciousness, and added together, before they can form by their synthesis what we know as the real Space of the objective world. In these operations, imagination, association, attention, and selection play a decisive part; and although they nowhere add any new material to the space-data of sense, they so shuffle and manipulate these data and hide[Pg 146] present ones behind imagined ones that it is no wonder if some authors have gone so far as to think that the sense-data have no spatial worth at all, and that the intellect, since it makes the subdivisions, also gives the spatial quality to them out of resources of its own.

Let no one be surprised by the idea of a space without order. There can be a space without order just as there can be an order without space.[154] The basic perceptions of space are definitely unordered. The order that our initial perceptions of space potentially include has to be woven into those spaces through a complex set of mental processes before the mind can fully grasp it. The vastness that our sensations provide must be measured and subdivided by our consciousness and then added together before they can create what we understand as the real Space of the objective world. In these processes, imagination, association, attention, and selection play a crucial role; and even though they don't add any new material to the sensory data of space, they rearrange and manipulate this data so much and obscure current perceptions with imagined ones that it’s no surprise some authors have suggested that sensory data have no spatial value at all, and that the intellect, by making the distinctions, also provides the spatial quality using its own resources.


As for ourselves, having found that all our sensations (however as yet unconnected and undiscriminated) are of extensive objects, our next problem, is: How do we arrange these at first chaotically given spaces into the one regular and orderly 'world of space' which we now know?

As for us, after discovering that all our sensations—no matter how unconnected and indistinct they may be—come from larger objects, our next question is: How do we organize these initially chaotic spaces into the single regular and orderly 'world of space' that we understand today?

To begin with, there is no reason to suppose that the several sense-spaces of which a sentient creature may become conscious, each filled with its own peculiar content, should tend, simply because they are many, to enter into any definite spatial intercourse with each other, or lie in any particular order of positions. Even in ourselves we can recognize this. Different feelings may coexist in us without assuming any particular spatial order. The sound of the brook near which I write, the odor of the cedars, the comfort with which my breakfast has filled me, and my interest in this paragraph, all lie distinct in my consciousness, but in no sense outside or alongside of each other. Their spaces are interfused and at most fill the same vaguely objective world. Even where the qualities are far less disparate, we may have something similar. If we take our subjective and corporeal sensations alone, there are moments when, as we lie or sit motionless, we find it very difficult to feel distinctly the length of our back or the direction of our feet from our shoulders. By a strong effort we can succeed in dispersing our attention impartially over our whole person, and then we feel the real shape of our body in a sort of unitary way. But in general a few parts are strongly emphasized to consciousness and the rest sink out of notice; and it is then remarkable how vague and ambiguous our perception of their relative order of location is. Obviously, for the orderly arrangement of a multitude of sense-spaces in consciousness, something more than their mere separate existence is required. What is this further condition?

To start with, there's no reason to think that the various sense-spaces a sentient being might be aware of, each filled with its own unique content, should naturally connect in any specific spatial way just because there are many of them. We can see this even in ourselves. Different feelings can exist in us without following any particular order. The sound of the brook nearby, the scent of the cedars, the comfort I feel from my breakfast, and my interest in this paragraph all exist distinctly in my consciousness but don’t occupy any defined position relative to each other. Their spaces blend together and at most fill the same vaguely objective world. Even when the qualities are much less different, we can experience something similar. If we focus only on our subjective and physical sensations, there are times when, while lying or sitting still, it becomes really hard to clearly feel the length of our back or the direction of our feet from our shoulders. With a strong effort, we can distribute our attention evenly across our whole body, and then we perceive the true shape of our body in a sort of unified way. However, generally, only a few parts stand out strongly in our consciousness, while the rest fade from notice; and it's striking how vague and unclear our perception of their relative locations becomes. Clearly, to arrange a multitude of sense-spaces in consciousness in an orderly way, something more than just their separate existence is needed. What is this additional requirement?

If a number of sensible extents are to be perceived alongside[Pg 147] of each other and in definite order they must appear as parts in a vaster sensible extent which can enter the mind simply and all at once. I think it will be seen that the difficulty of estimating correctly the form of one's body by pure feeling arises from the fact that it is very hard to feel its totality as a unit at all. The trouble is similar to that of thinking forwards and backwards simultaneously. When conscious of our head we tend to grow unconscious of our feet, and there enters thus an element of time-succession into our perception of ourselves which transforms the latter from an act of intuition to one of construction. This element of constructiveness is present in a still higher degree, and carries with it the same consequences, when we deal with objective spaces too great to be grasped by a single look. The relative positions of the shops in a town, separated by many tortuous streets, have to be thus constructed from data apprehended in succession, and the result is a greater or less degree of vagueness.

If a number of sensible extents are to be perceived alongside[Pg 147] each other and in a specific order, they must appear as parts of a larger sensible extent that can be comprehended easily and all at once. I think it will be clear that the challenge of accurately estimating the shape of one's body by pure feeling comes from the fact that it’s really hard to perceive its entirety as a single unit. The issue is similar to trying to think both forwards and backwards at the same time. When we focus on our head, we tend to lose awareness of our feet, which introduces an element of time-lag into our self-perception, turning it from an act of intuition into one of construction. This aspect of constructiveness is even more pronounced when we deal with objective spaces that are too vast to be captured in a single glance. The relative positions of shops in a town, separated by winding streets, have to be pieced together from information gathered in succession, resulting in a degree of vagueness.

That a sensation be discriminated as a part from out of a larger enveloping space is then the conditio sine quâ non of its being apprehended in a definite spatial order. The problem of ordering our feelings in space is then, in the first instance, a problem of discrimination, but not of discrimination pure and simple; for then not only coexistent sights but coexistent sounds would necessarily assume such order, which they notoriously do not. Whatever is discriminated will appear as a small space within a larger space, it is true, but this is but the very rudiment of order. For the location of it within that space to become precise, other conditions still must supervene; and the best way to study what they are will be to pause for a little and analyze what the expression 'spatial order' means.

That a sensation is recognized as a part of a larger surrounding space is essential for it to be understood in a clear spatial order. The challenge of organizing our feelings in space is primarily a challenge of discrimination, but not just any kind of discrimination; otherwise, coexisting sights would also have to be ordered, which they clearly do not. Whatever is distinguished will seem like a small area within a larger one, but this is just the basic foundation of order. For its precise location within that space to become clear, additional conditions must come into play; and the best way to figure out what they are is to take a moment and analyze what the term "spatial order" actually means.


Spatial order is an abstract term. The concrete perceptions which it covers are figures, directions, positions, magnitudes, and distances. To single out any one of these things from a total vastness is partially to introduce order into the vastness. To subdivide the vastness into a multitude of these things is to apprehend it in a completely orderly way. Now what are these things severally? To[Pg 148] begin with, no one can for an instant hesitate to say that some of them are qualities of sensation, just as the total vastness is in which they lie. Take figure: a square, a circle, and a triangle appear in the first instance to the eye simply as three different kinds of impressions, each so peculiar that we should recognize it if it were to return. When Nunnely's patient had his cataracts removed, and a cube and a sphere were presented to his notice, he could at once perceive a difference in their shapes; and though he could not say which was the cube and which the sphere, he saw they were not of the same figure. So of lines: if we can notice lines at all in our field of vision, it is inconceivable that a vertical one should not affect us differently from an horizontal one, and should not be recognized as affecting us similarly when presented again, although we might not yet know the name 'vertical,' or any of its connotations, beyond this peculiar affection of our sensibility. So of angles: an obtuse one affects our feeling immediately in a different way from an acute one. Distance-apart, too, is a simple sensation—the sensation of a line joining the two distant points: lengthen the line, you alter the feeling and with it the distance felt.

Spatial order is an abstract concept. The tangible aspects it includes are shapes, directions, positions, sizes, and distances. To select any one of these elements from a vast whole is to start creating order within that vastness. Dividing that vastness into a variety of these elements helps us understand it in a fully organized way. Now, what are these elements individually? To[Pg 148] begin with, it's clear that some of them are sensory qualities, just like the vastness they exist within. Take shapes: a square, a circle, and a triangle initially appear to the eye as three distinct impressions, each so unique that we'd recognize it if it returned. When Nunnely's patient had his cataracts removed, and he was shown a cube and a sphere, he instantly noticed the difference in their shapes; even though he couldn't identify which was the cube and which was the sphere, he saw they were different shapes. The same goes for lines: if we can see lines at all in our field of vision, it’s unimaginable that a vertical line wouldn’t affect us differently than a horizontal one, and we wouldn’t recognize that difference when we see it again, even if we didn’t yet know the term 'vertical' or any of its meanings, apart from this unique impact on our sensitivity. The same applies to angles: an obtuse angle immediately affects our feelings differently than an acute one. Distance, too, is a straightforward sensation—the feeling of a line connecting two distant points: stretch the line, and you change both the feeling and the perceived distance.

Space-relations.

But with distance and direction we pass to the category of space-relations, and are immediately confronted by an opinion which makes of all relations something toto cœlo different from all facts of feeling or imagination whatsoever. A relation, for the Platonizing school in psychology, is an energy of pure thought, and, as such, is quite incommensurable with the data of sensibility between which it may be perceived to obtain.

But when we talk about distance and direction, we move into the category of space-relations, and we quickly come up against a viewpoint that regards all relations as something toto cœlo entirely different from any feelings or imagination. For the Platonic school of psychology, a relation is an energy of pure thought and, as such, it is completely incommensurable with the sensory data that it might be observed to exist between.

We may consequently imagine a disciple of this school to say to us at this point: "Suppose you have made a separate specific sensation of each line and each angle, what boots it? You have still the order of directions and of distances to account for; you have still the relative magnitudes of all these felt figures to state; you have their respective positions to define before you can be said to have brought order into your space. And not one of these[Pg 149] determinations can be effected except through an act of relating thought, so that your attempt to give an account of space in terms of pure sensibility breaks down almost at the very outset. Position, for example, can never be a sensation, for it has nothing intrinsic about it; it can only obtain between a spot, line, or other figure and extraneous co-ordinates, and can never be an element of the sensible datum, the line or the spot, in itself. Let us then confess that Thought alone can unlock the riddle of space, and that Thought is an adorable but unfathomable mystery."

We can imagine a student from this school saying to us at this point: "Let’s say you’ve created a separate specific sensation for every line and every angle, so what? You still need to figure out the order of directions and distances; you still have to describe the relative sizes of all these perceived shapes; you have to define their respective positions before you can really say you’ve organized your space. None of these determinations can happen without some sort of relational thinking, so your attempt to explain space in terms of pure sensation falls apart right from the start. For instance, position can never be a sensation because it has no intrinsic quality; it can only exist between a point, line, or other shape and external coordinates, and it can’t be an element of the perceived data, like the line or point itself. Let’s admit that only Thought can solve the puzzle of space, and that Thought is a beautiful but unfathomable mystery."

Such a method of dealing with the problem has the merit of shortness. Let us, however, be in no such hurry, but see whether we cannot get a little deeper by patiently considering what these space-relations are.

Such a way of handling the issue has the advantage of being brief. However, let's not rush into it; instead, let's take a moment to explore what these space relationships really are.

'Relation' is a very slippery word. It has so many different concrete meanings that the use of it as an abstract universal may easily introduce bewilderment into our thought. We must therefore be careful to avoid ambiguity by making sure, wherever we have to employ it, what its precise meaning is in that particular sphere of application. At present we have to do with space-relations, and no others. Most 'relations' are feelings of an entirely different order from the terms they relate. The relation of similarity, e.g., may equally obtain between jasmine and tuberose, or between Mr. Browning's verses and Mr. Story's; it is itself neither odorous nor poetical, and those may well be pardoned who have denied to it all sensational content whatever. But just as, in the field of quantity, the relation between two numbers is another number, so in the field of space the relations are facts of the same order with the facts they relate. If these latter be patches in the circle of vision, the former are certain other patches between them. When we speak of the relation of direction of two points toward each other, we mean simply the sensation of the line that joins the two points together. The line is the relation; feel it and you feel the relation, see it and you see the relation; nor can you in any conceivable way think the latter except by imagining the former (however vaguely), or describe or indicate the one except by pointing to the other. And the moment you have imagined the line, the relation stands[Pg 150] before you in all its completeness, with nothing further to be done. Just so the relation of direction between two lines is identical with the peculiar sensation of shape of the space enclosed between them. This is commonly called an angular relation.

'Relation' is a very slippery word. It has so many different concrete meanings that using it as an abstract universal can easily confuse our thoughts. We must therefore be careful to avoid ambiguity by ensuring we know its precise meaning in each specific context. Right now, we're dealing with spatial relations and nothing else. Most 'relations' are feelings that are completely different from the terms they connect. The relation of similarity, for example, can exist between jasmine and tuberose, or between Mr. Browning's poems and Mr. Story's; it is neither fragrant nor poetic, and those who have denied it any sensory content are easily forgiven. But just as, in the realm of quantity, the relation between two numbers is represented by another number, so in the realm of space, the relations are facts that align with the facts they relate to. If the latter are areas within the field of vision, the former are certain other areas in between them. When we talk about the relation of direction between two points, we simply mean the sensation of the line connecting the two points. The line is the relation; feel it and you feel the relation, see it and you see the relation; you can't possibly think about the latter without imagining the former (even if only vaguely), nor can you describe or indicate one without pointing to the other. And the moment you imagine the line, the relation stands before you in all its completeness, needing nothing more. Similarly, the relation of direction between two lines is the same as the unique sensation of the shape of the space enclosed between them. This is commonly referred to as an angular relation.

If these relations are sensations, no less so are the relations of position. The relation of position between the top and bottom points of a vertical line is that line, and nothing else. The relations of position between a point and a horizontal line below it are potentially numerous. There is one more important than the rest, called its distance. This is the sensation, ideal or actual, of a perpendicular drawn from the point to the line.[155] Two lines, one from each extremity of the horizontal to the point, give us a peculiar sensation of triangularity. This feeling may be said to constitute the locus of all the relations of position of the elements in question. Rightness and leftness, upness and downness, are again pure sensations differing specifically from each other, and generically from everything else. Like all sensations, they can only be indicated, not described. If we take a cube and label one side top, another bottom, a third front, and a fourth back, there remains no form of words by which we can describe to another person which of the remaining sides is right and which left. We can only point and say here is right and there is left, just as we should say this is red and that blue. Of two points seen beside each other at all, one is always affected by one of these feelings, and the other by the opposite; the same is true of the extremities of any line.[156]

If these relationships are sensations, so are the positional relationships. The position relationship between the top and bottom points of a vertical line is that line, and nothing more. The positional relationships between a point and a horizontal line below it can be numerous. One is more important than the others, known as distance. This is the sensation, whether ideal or actual, of a perpendicular line drawn from the point to the line.[155] Two lines, one from each end of the horizontal to the point, create a unique sensation of triangularity. This feeling can be said to form the locus of all the positional relationships of the elements in question. Right and left, up and down, are also pure sensations that differ specifically from each other and generically from everything else. Like all sensations, they can only be indicated, not described. If we take a cube and label one side top, another bottom, a third front, and a fourth back, there are no words we can use to describe to another person which of the remaining sides is right and which is left. We can only point and say here is right and there is left, just as we would say this is red and that is blue. Of two points seen next to each other, one is always associated with one of these feelings, and the other with the opposite; the same is true for the ends of any line.[156]

Thus it appears indubitable that all space-relations except those of magnitude are nothing more or less than pure sensational objects. But magnitude appears to outstep this narrow sphere. We have relations of muchness and littleness between times, numbers, intensities, and qualities, as well as spaces. It is impossible, then, that such relations should form a particular kind of simply spatial feeling. This we must admit: the relation of quantity is generic and occurs in many categories of consciousness, whilst the other relations we have considered are specific and occur in space alone. When our attention passes from a shorter line to a longer, from a smaller spot to a larger, from a feebler light to a stronger, from a paler blue to a richer, from a march tune to a galop, the transition is accompanied in the synthetic field of consciousness by a peculiar feeling of difference which is what we call the sensation of more,—more length, more expanse, more light, more blue, more motion. This transitional sensation of more must be identical with itself under all these different accompaniments, or we should not give it the same name in every case. We get it when we pass from a short vertical line to a long horizontal one, from a small square to a large circle, as well as when we pass between those figures whose shapes are congruous. But when the shapes are congruous our consciousness of the relation is a good deal more distinct, and it is most distinct of all when, in the exercise of our analytic attention, we notice, first, a part, and then the whole, of a single line or shape. Then the more of the whole actually sticks out, as a separate piece of space, and is so envisaged. The same exact sensation of it is given when we are able to superpose one line or figure on another. This indispensable condition of exact measurement of the more has led some to think that the feeling itself arose in every case from original experiences of superposition. This is[Pg 152] probably not an absolutely true opinion, but for our present purpose that is immaterial. So far as the subdivisions of a sense-space are to be measured exactly against each other, objective forms occupying one subdivision must directly or indirectly be superposed upon the other, and the mind must get the immediate feeling of an outstanding plus. And even where we only feel one subdivision to be vaguely larger or less, the mind must pass rapidly between it and the other subdivision, and receive the immediate sensible shock of the more.

It seems clear that all spatial relationships, except for those related to size, are nothing more than pure sensory objects. However, magnitude seems to step beyond this limited sphere. We have relationships of more and less between time, numbers, intensities, and qualities, as well as space. It's impossible for such relationships to create a specific type of purely spatial feeling. We have to acknowledge that the relationship of quantity is general and appears across various categories of awareness, while the other relationships we've examined are specific and only exist in space. When we shift our focus from a shorter line to a longer one, from a smaller spot to a larger one, from a dim light to a brighter one, from a lighter blue to a deeper one, or from a march to a gallop, this transition in our consciousness comes with a unique feeling of difference, which we refer to as the sensation of more—more length, more area, more light, more blue, more movement. This feeling of more must be the same in all these different contexts, or we wouldn't use the same term for every instance. We experience this when we move from a short vertical line to a long horizontal one, from a small square to a large circle, as well as when transitioning between figures of similar shapes. However, when the shapes are similar, our awareness of the relationship is much clearer, especially when we first notice a part and then the whole of a single line or shape. In this case, the more of the whole stands out as a separate piece of space and is perceived as such. The same precise sensation occurs when we can overlay one line or figure onto another. This essential condition for accurately measuring the more has led some to believe that the feeling itself originated from initial experiences of superposition. This is[Pg 152] probably not completely accurate, but for our current discussion, that doesn't matter. As long as the divisions of a sense-space are to be measured accurately against each other, the objective forms in one division must directly or indirectly be superimposed onto the other, allowing the mind to experience the immediate sensation of an outstanding plus. Even when we only perceive one division as vaguely larger or smaller, the mind must quickly switch back and forth between it and the other division, receiving the immediate sensory impact of the more.


We seem thus to have accounted for all space-relations, and made them clear to our understanding. They are nothing but sensations of particular lines, particular angles, particular forms of transition, or (in the case of a distinct more) of particular outstanding portions of space after two figures have been superposed. These relation-sensations may actually be produced as such, as when a geometer draws new lines across a figure with his pencil to demonstrate the relations of its parts, or they may be ideal representations of lines, not really drawn. But in either case their entrance into the mind is equivalent to a more detailed subdivision, cognizance, and measurement of the space considered. The bringing of subdivisions to consciousness constitutes, then, the entire process by which we pass from our first vague feeling of a total vastness to a cognition of the vastness in detail. The more numerous the subdivisions are, the more elaborate and perfect the cognition becomes. But inasmuch as all the subdivisions are themselves sensations, and even the feeling of 'more' or 'less' is, where not itself a figure, at least a sensation of transition between two sensations of figure, it follows, for aught we can as yet see to the contrary, that all spatial knowledge is sensational at bottom, and that, as the sensations lie together in the unity of consciousness, no new material element whatever comes to them from a supra-sensible source.[157]

It seems we've figured out all the spatial relationships and made them clear for us. They are simply sensations of specific lines, angles, and forms of transition, or (in the case of a distinct more) of specific highlighted parts of space when two shapes are layered over each other. These sensation-based relations can actually be created, like when a mathematician draws new lines on a shape with a pencil to show the relationships between its parts, or they can be ideal representations of lines that aren't actually drawn. But in both situations, their introduction into our minds is equivalent to a more detailed breakdown, awareness, and measurement of the space being considered. Bringing these subdivisions into awareness represents the entire process by which we move from our initial vague feeling of a vast expanse to a detailed understanding of that expanse. The more subdivisions there are, the more intricate and refined our understanding becomes. However, since all the subdivisions are sensations themselves, and even the feeling of 'more' or 'less' is, whenever it isn’t a figure, at least a sensation of transition between two sensations of figures, it follows, as far as we can tell, that all spatial knowledge is fundamentally based on sensation, and that, as the sensations coexist within the unity of consciousness, no new material element comes to them from a supersensible source.[157]

The bringing of subdivisions to consciousness! This, then, is our next topic. They may be brought to consciousness under three aspects in respect of their locality, in respect of their size, in respect of their shape.

The awareness of subdivisions! This, then, is our next topic. They can be made aware under three aspects regarding their location, their size, and their shape.

The Meaning of Localization.

Confining ourselves to the problem of locality for the present, let us begin with the simple case of a sensitive surface, only two points of which receive stimulation from without. How, first, are these two points felt as alongside of each other with an interval of space between them? We must be conscious of two things for this: of the duality of the excited points, and of the extensiveness of the unexcited interval. The duality alone, although a necessary, is not a sufficient condition of the spatial separation. We may, for instance, discern two sounds in the same place, sweet and sour in the same lemonade, warm and cold, round and pointed contact in the same place on the skin, etc.[158] In all discrimination the recognition of the duality of two feelings by the mind is the easier the more strongly the feelings are[Pg 154] contrasted in quality. If our two excited points awaken identical qualities of sensation, they must, perforce, appear to the mind as one; and, not distinguished at all, they are, a fortiori, not localized apart. Spots four centimetres distant on the back have no qualitative contrast at all, and fuse into a single sensation. Points less than three thousandths of a millimetre apart awaken on the retina sensations so contrasted that we apprehend them immediately as two. Now these unlikenesses which arise so slowly when we pass from one point to another in the back, so much faster on the tongue and finger-tips, but with such inconceivable rapidity on the retina, what are they? Can we discover anything about their intrinsic nature?

Focusing on the issue of locality for now, let's start with the straightforward case of a sensitive surface, where only two points are stimulated from the outside. How do we perceive these two points as being next to each other with space in between them? We need to be aware of two things for this: the duality of the excited points and the expanse of the unexcited space in between. The duality alone, while necessary, is not enough to create a feeling of spatial separation. For example, we might hear two sounds at the same location, taste sweet and sour in the same lemonade, or feel warm and cold, or round and pointed sensations in the same spot on the skin, etc.[158] In any differentiation, it's easier for the mind to recognize the duality of two feelings when the qualities are strongly contrasted. If our two excited points evoke identical sensations, they will inevitably seem like one to the mind; and since they cannot be distinguished, they are, a fortiori, not localized separately. Spots four centimeters apart on the back show no qualitative contrast and blend into a single sensation. Points less than three thousandths of a millimeter apart trigger sensations on the retina that are so distinct that we immediately perceive them as two. Now, these differences that arise slowly as we move from one point to another on the back, much quicker on the tongue and fingertips, and with astonishing speed on the retina—what are they? Can we find out anything about their fundamental nature?

The most natural and immediate answer to make is that they are unlikeness of place pure and simple. In the words of a German physiologist,[159] to whom psychophysics owes much:

The most straightforward answer is that they are simply different in terms of place. As a German physiologist,[159] who has greatly contributed to psychophysics stated:

"The sensations are from the outset (von vornherein) localized.... Every sensation as such is from the very beginning affected with the spatial quality, so that this quality is nothing like an external attribute coming to the sensation from a higher faculty, but must be regarded as something immanently residing in the sensation itself."

"From the very start, sensations are localized.... Every sensation has a spatial quality, which means this quality isn't just an external characteristic added by a higher ability; it should be understood as something that is fundamentally part of the sensation itself."

And yet the moment we reflect on this answer an insuperable logical difficulty seems to present itself. No single quale of sensation can, by itself, amount to a consciousness of position. Suppose no feeling but that of a single point ever to be awakened. Could that possibly be the feeling of any special whereness or thereness? Certainly not. Only when a second point is felt to arise can the first one acquire a determination of up, down, right or left, and these determinations are all relative to that second point. Each point, so far as it is placed, is then only by virtue of what it is not, namely, by virtue of another point. This is as much as to say that position has nothing intrinsic about it; and that, although a feeling of absolute bigness may, a feeling of place cannot, possibly form an immanent element in any single isolated sensation. The very writer we have quoted has given heed to this objection, for he continues (p. 335) by saying that the[Pg 155] sensations thus originally localized "are only so in themselves, but not in the representation of consciousness, which is not yet present.... They are, in the first instance, devoid of all mutual relations with each other." But such a localization of the sensation 'in itself' would seem to mean nothing more than the susceptibility or potentiality of being distinctly localized when the time came and other conditions became fulfilled. Can we now discover anything about such susceptibility in itself before it has borne its ulterior fruits in the developed consciousness?

And yet, as soon as we think about this answer, a major logical issue seems to come up. No single quale of sensation can, on its own, create a sense of position. Imagine if only the feeling of a single point was ever triggered. Could that possibly feel like any specific whereness or thereness? Definitely not. Only when a second point is sensed does the first point gain a sense of up, down, right, or left, and these directions are all relative to that second point. Each point, as far as it is placed, is defined only by what it is not, specifically, by another point. This means that position has nothing intrinsic about it; and although a feeling of absolute size may, a feeling of place cannot possibly be an inherent part of any single isolated sensation. The very author we quoted has acknowledged this concern, as he goes on (p. 335) to say that the[Pg 155] sensations initially localized "are only so in themselves, but not in the representation of consciousness, which is not yet present.... They are, at first, without any mutual relations to each other." However, this localization of the sensation 'in itself' seems to imply nothing more than the capacity or potentiality of being distinctly localized when the right moment comes and other conditions are met. Can we now find anything about such susceptibility in itself before it has produced its further results in developed consciousness?

'Local Signs.'

To begin with, every sensation of the skin and every visceral sensation seems to derive from its topographic seat a peculiar shade of feeling, which it would not have in another place. And this feeling per se seems quite another thing from the perception of the place. Says Wundt[160]:

To start, every sensation on the skin and every gut feeling appears to come from its specific location, giving it a unique shade of feeling that it wouldn’t have anywhere else. And this feeling itself seems to be something entirely different from the perception of the place. Wundt says[160]:

"If with the finger we touch first the cheek and then the palm, exerting each time precisely the same pressure, the sensation shows notwithstanding a distinctly marked difference in the two cases. Similarly, when we compare the palm with the back of the hand, the nape of the neck with its anterior surface, the breast with the back; in short, any two distant parts of the skin with each other. And moreover, we easily remark, by attentively observing, that spots even tolerably close together differ in respect of the quality of their feeling. If we pass from one point of our cutaneous surface to another, we find a perfectly gradual and continuous alteration in our feeling, notwithstanding the objective nature of the contact has remained the same. Even the sensations of corresponding points on opposite sides of the body, though similar, are not identical. If, for instance, we touch first the back of one hand and then of the other, we remark a qualitative unlikeness of sensation. It must not be thought that such differences are mere matters of imagination, and that we take the sensations to be different because we represent each of them to ourselves as occupying a different place. With sufficient sharpening of the attention, we may, confining ourselves to the quality of the feelings alone, entirely abstract from their locality, and yet notice the differences quite as markedly."

"If we first touch the cheek and then the palm with our finger, using the same amount of pressure each time, the sensation feels noticeably different in each case. Likewise, when we compare the palm to the back of the hand, the nape of the neck to its front, or the chest to the back, any two distant areas of skin show this effect. Moreover, if we pay close attention, we can easily see that even spots that are fairly close together can feel different. As we move from one point on our skin to another, we experience a smooth and gradual change in sensation, even though the actual nature of the contact remains the same. Even sensations from corresponding points on opposite sides of the body, while they feel similar, are not identical. For instance, if we touch the back of one hand and then the other, we notice a difference in sensation. It's important not to think that these differences are just in our imagination or that we perceive them as different simply because they're in different locations. With enough focus, we can concentrate solely on the quality of the feelings without considering where they are, and we can still clearly notice the differences.

Whether these local contrasts shade into each other with absolutely continuous gradations, we cannot say. But we know (continues Wundt) that

Whether these local contrasts blend into each other with completely continuous transitions, we can’t say. But we know (Wundt continues) that

"they change, when we pass from one point of the skin to its neighbor, with very different degrees of rapidity. On delicately-feeling parts, used principally for touching, such as the finger-tips, the difference of sensation between two closely approximate points is already strongly pronounced; whilst in parts of lesser delicacy, as the arm, the back, the legs, the disparities of sensation are observable only between distant spots."

"They vary when we shift from one part of the skin to another nearby one, at very different rates. In sensitive areas mainly used for touch, such as the fingertips, the difference in sensation between two closely spaced points is very clear; while in less sensitive areas, like the arm, back, and legs, differences in sensation can only be detected between points that are farther apart."

The internal organs, too, have their specific qualia of sensation. An inflammation of the kidney is different from one of the liver; pains in joints and muscular insertions are distinguished. Pain in the dental nerves is wholly unlike the pain of a burn. But very important and curious similarities prevail throughout these differences. Internal pains, whose seat we cannot see, and have no means of knowing unless the character of the pain itself reveal it, are felt where they belong. Diseases of the stomach, kidney, liver, rectum, prostate, etc., of the bones, of the brain and its membranes, are referred to their proper position. Nerve-pains describe the length of the nerve. Such localizations as those of vertical, frontal, or occipital headache of intracranial origin force us to conclude that parts which are neighbors, whether inner or outer, may possess by mere virtue of that fact a common peculiarity of feeling, a respect in which their sensations agree, and which serves as a token of their proximity. These local colorings are, moreover, so strong that we cognize them as the same, throughout all contrasts of sensible quality in the accompanying perception. Cold and heat are wide as the poles asunder; yet if both fall on the cheek, there mixes with them something that makes them in that respect identical; just as, contrariwise, despite the identity of cold with itself wherever found, when we get it first on the palm and then on the cheek, some difference comes, which keeps the two experiences for ever asunder.[161]

The internal organs have their own specific sensations. An inflammation of the kidney feels different from one of the liver; pains in joints and muscles can be distinguished. Pain in the dental nerves is completely different from the pain of a burn. However, interesting and important similarities exist among these differences. Internal pains, which we cannot see and can only identify based on the nature of the pain itself, are felt in their appropriate locations. Diseases affecting the stomach, kidney, liver, rectum, prostate, bones, brain, and its membranes are recognized in the areas they originate from. Nerve pains travel along the nerve. Headaches that are vertical, frontal, or occipital in nature indicate that neighboring areas, whether inside or outside, may share a common way of feeling simply because of their proximity. These local sensations are so strong that we perceive them as the same, despite the variations in other sensory qualities accompanying the experience. Cold and heat are as different as night and day; yet when both are felt on the cheek, they mix in a way that makes them similar in that context. Conversely, even though cold is uniform wherever experienced, feeling it first on the palm and then on the cheek introduces some difference that keeps those experiences distinctly separate.[161]

And now let us revert to the query propounded a moment since: Can these differences of mere quality in feeling, varying according to locality yet having each sensibly and intrinsically and by itself nothing to do with position, constitute the 'susceptibilities' we mentioned, the conditions of being perceived in position, of the localities to which they belong? The numbers on a row of houses, the initial letters of a set of words, have no intrinsic kinship with points of space, and yet they are the conditions of our knowledge of where any house is in the row, or any word in the dictionary. Can the modifications of feeling in question be tags or labels of this kind which in no wise originally reveal the position of the spot to which they are attached, but guide us to it by what Berkeley would call a 'customary tie'? Many authors have unhesitatingly replied in the affirmative; Lotze, who in his Medizinische Psychologie[162] first described the sensations in this way, designating them, thus conceived, as local-signs. This term has obtained wide currency in Germany, and in speaking of the 'local-sign theory' hereafter, I shall always mean the theory which denies that there can be in a sensation any element of actual locality, of inherent spatial order, any tone as[Pg 158] it were which cries to us immediately and without further ado, 'I am here,' or 'I am there.'

And now let’s go back to the question we raised a moment ago: Can these differences in feelings, which change based on location but are not inherently tied to a specific position, be the 'susceptibilities' we mentioned, the factors that allow us to perceive their location within their respective settings? The numbers on a row of houses and the first letters of a list of words have no real connection to physical places, yet they help us know where any house is in the row or where any word is located in the dictionary. Could the variations in feelings we’re discussing be similar to these tags or labels that don’t directly reveal where they are attached but lead us there through what Berkeley would call a 'customary tie'? Many writers have confidently answered yes; Lotze, who first described these sensations in his Medizinische Psychologie[162], referred to them as local-signs. This term has gained widespread use in Germany, and when I refer to the 'local-sign theory' going forward, I will always mean the theory that denies any sensation can contain actual locality, any inherent spatial order, or any tone that immediately shouts out, 'I am here,' or 'I am there.'

If, as may well be the case, we by this time find ourselves tempted to accept the Local-sign theory in a general way, we have to clear up several farther matters. If a sign is to lead us to the thing it means, we must have some other source of knowledge of that thing. Either the thing has been given in a previous experience of which the sign also formed part—they are associated; or it is what Reid calls a 'natural' sign, that is, a feeling which, the first time it enters the mind, evokes from the native powers thereof a cognition of the thing that hitherto had lain dormant. In both cases, however, the sign is one thing, and the thing another. In the instance that now concerns us, the sign is a quality of feeling and the thing is a position. Now we have seen that the position of a point is not only revealed, but created, by the existence of other points to which it stands in determinate relations. If the sign can by any machinery which it sets in motion evoke a consciousness either of the other points, or of the relations, or of both, it would seem to fulfil its function, and reveal to us the position we seek.

If we find ourselves tempted to accept the Local-sign theory in a general sense, we need to clarify a few more things. For a sign to lead us to the thing it represents, we must have some other way of knowing that thing. Either the thing has been part of a previous experience that also included the sign—they are associated; or it's what Reid calls a 'natural' sign, meaning a feeling that, when it first enters the mind, triggers an understanding of the thing that has been previously dormant. In both cases, however, the sign is one thing, and the thing is another. In this situation, the sign is a quality of feeling and the thing is a position. We have seen that the position of a point is not only revealed but also created by the existence of other points that it has specific relations to. If the sign can, through some mechanism it activates, bring to mind either the other points, the relations, or both, it seems to accomplish its purpose and reveal the position we are looking for.

But such a machinery is already familiar to us. It is neither more nor less than the law of habit in the nervous system. When any point of the sensitive surface has been frequently excited simultaneously with, or immediately before or after, other points, and afterwards comes to be excited alone, there will be a tendency for its perceptive nerve-centre to irradiate into the nerve-centres of the other points. Subjectively considered, this is the same as if we said that the peculiar feeling of the first point suggests the feeling of the entire region with whose stimulation its own excitement has been habitually associated.

But this kind of mechanism is already familiar to us. It is simply the law of habit in the nervous system. When any area of the sensitive surface has been frequently stimulated at the same time as, or just before or after, other areas, and is later stimulated alone, there will be a tendency for its perceptive nerve center to spread into the nerve centers of the other areas. Subjectively, this means that the unique feeling of the first area suggests the feeling of the whole region that its own stimulation has been habitually related.

Take the case of the stomach. When the epigastrium is heavily pressed, when certain muscles contract, etc., the stomach is squeezed, and its peculiar local sign awakes in consciousness simultaneously with the local signs of the other squeezed parts. There is also a sensation of total vastness aroused by the combined irritation, and somewhere in this the stomach-feeling seems to lie. Suppose that later a pain arises in the stomach from some non-mechanical[Pg 159] cause. It will be tinged by the gastric local sign, and the nerve-centre supporting this latter feeling will excite the centre supporting the dermal and muscular feelings habitually associated with it when the excitement was mechanical. From the combination the same peculiar vastness will again arise. In a word, 'something' in the stomach-sensation 'reminds' us of a total space, of which the diaphragmatic and epigastric sensations also form a part, or, to express it more briefly still, suggests the neighborhood of these latter organs.[163]

Take the case of the stomach. When the upper abdomen is pressed hard, when certain muscles contract, etc., the stomach gets squeezed, and its unique local sensation becomes conscious at the same time as the local sensations of the other squeezed areas. There’s also a feeling of overall vastness stirred by the combined irritation, and somewhere in this, the stomach feeling seems to exist. Suppose that later a pain occurs in the stomach due to some non-mechanical[Pg 159] cause. It will carry the gastric local sensation, and the nerve center responsible for this feeling will activate the center related to the skin and muscle sensations that are usually linked with it when the stimulation was mechanical. From this combination, the same distinctive vastness will arise again. In short, 'something' in the stomach sensation 'reminds' us of a total space, which includes the sensations from the diaphragm and upper abdomen, or, to put it even more simply, suggests the proximity of these latter organs.[163]

Revert to the case of two excited points on a surface with an unexcited space between them. The general result of previous experience has been that when either point was impressed by an outward object, the same object also touched the immediately neighboring parts. Each point, together with its local sign, is thus associated with a circle of surrounding points, the association fading in strength as the circle grows larger. Each will revive its own circle; but when both are excited together, the strongest revival will be that due to the combined irradiation. Now the tract joining the two excited points is the only part common to the two circles. And the feelings of this whole tract will therefore awaken with considerable vividness in the imagination when its extremities are touched by an outward irritant. The mind receives with the impression of the two distinct points the vague idea of a line. The twoness of the points comes from the contrast of their local signs: the line comes from the associations into which experience has wrought these latter. If no ideal line arises we have duality without sense of interval; if the line be excited actually rather[Pg 160] than ideally, we have the interval given with its ends, in the form of a single extended object felt. E. H. Weber, in the famous article in which he laid the foundations of all our accurate knowledge of these subjects, laid it down as the logical requisite for the perception of two separated points, that the mind should, along with its consciousness of them, become aware of an unexcited interval as such. I have only tried to show how the known laws of experience may cause this requisite to be fulfilled. Of course, if the local signs of the entire region offer but little qualitative contrast inter se, the line suggested will be but dimly defined or discriminated in length or direction from other possible lines in its neighborhood. This is what happens in the back, where consciousness can sunder two spots, whilst only vaguely apprehending their distance and direction apart.

Revisit the scenario of two excited points on a surface with an unexcited space between them. Generally, past experiences show that when either point is affected by an external object, that same object also influences the nearby areas. Each point, along with its local signal, is linked to a circle of surrounding points, with the connection weakening as the circle expands. Each point can activate its own circle; however, when both points are excited together, the strongest activation comes from their combined influence. The area connecting the two excited points is the only section shared by the two circles. Therefore, the sensations of this entire area will awaken vividly in the imagination when its ends are stimulated by an external trigger. The mind interprets the impression of the two distinct points as a vague idea of a line. The distinction between the points arises from the contrast of their local signals: the line derives from the associations formed through experience regarding these signals. If no conceptual line emerges, we have duality without a sense of distance; if the line is excited in reality, rather than conceptually, we perceive the distance with its endpoints as a single extended object. E. H. Weber, in the renowned article that laid the groundwork for our precise understanding of these topics, stated that for the perception of two separated points, the mind must, along with its awareness of them, recognize the unexcited distance as such. I've only aimed to demonstrate how the established laws of experience can fulfill this requirement. Naturally, if the local signals of the entire area show minimal qualitative contrast with each other, the line suggested will be vaguely defined and indistinct in length or direction compared to other potential lines in its vicinity. This occurs in the back, where consciousness can separate two spots while only vaguely perceiving their distance and direction apart.

The relation of position of the two points is the suggested interval or line. Turn now to the simplest case, that of a single excited spot. How can it suggest its position? Not by recalling any particular line unless experience have constantly been in the habit of marking or tracing some one line from it towards some one neighboring point. Now on the back, belly, viscera, etc., no such tracing habitually occurs. The consequence is that the only suggestion is that of the whole neighboring circle; i.e., the spot simply recalls the general region in which it happens to lie. By a process of successive construction, it is quite true that we can also get the feeling of distance between the spot and some other particular spot. Attention, by reinforcing the local sign of one part of the circle, can awaken a new circle round this part, and so de proche en proche we may slide our feeling down from our cheek, say, to our foot. But when we first touched our cheek we had no consciousness of the foot at all.[164] In the extremities, the lips, the tongue and other mobile parts, the case is different. We there have an instinctive tendency, when a part of lesser discriminative[Pg 161] sensibility is touched, to move the member so that the touching object glides along it to the place where sensibility is greatest. If a body touches our hand we move the hand over it till the finger-tips are able to explore it. If the sole of our foot touches anything we bring it towards the toes, and so forth. There thus arise lines of habitual passage from all points of a member to its sensitive tip. These are the lines most readily recalled when any point is touched, and their recall is identical with the consciousness of the distance of the touched point from the 'tip.' I think anyone must be aware when he touches a point of his hand or wrist that it is the relation to the finger-tips of which he is usually most conscious. Points on the forearm suggest either the finger-tips or the elbow (the latter being a spot of greater sensibility[165]). In the foot it is the toes, and so on. A point can only be cognized in its relations to the entire body at once by awakening a visual image of the whole body. Such awakening is even more obviously than the previously considered cases a matter of pure association.

The relationship between the two points is the suggested interval or line. Let’s consider the simplest case, that of a single excited spot. How can it suggest its position? It doesn’t do so by recalling any particular line unless experience has consistently marked or traced a specific line from it to a neighboring point. Normally, on the back, belly, viscera, etc., there’s no such tracing habitually occurring. As a result, the only suggestion we get is from the entire surrounding area; that is, the spot simply brings to mind the general region in which it is located. Through a process of successive construction, we can indeed develop a sense of distance between the spot and another specific location. By focusing on one part of the circle, we can create a new circle around that part, and thus de proche en proche we can move our sensation from, say, our cheek down to our foot. However, when we first touched our cheek, we weren’t aware of our foot at all.[164] In the extremities—like the lips, tongue, and other movable parts—the situation is different. There, we instinctively try to move the part with less sensitivity when something touches it, guiding the touching object along to where we feel the most sensitivity. If something touches our hand, we move our hand over it until our fingertips can explore it. If the sole of our foot touches something, we bring it toward our toes, and so on. This creates paths of habitual movement from all points of a limb to its most sensitive tip. These paths are the ones that come to mind most easily when any point is touched, and recalling them is linked to our awareness of the distance from the touched point to the 'tip.' I believe anyone is aware that when they touch a point on their hand or wrist, they are usually most aware of its relation to their fingertips. Points on the forearm suggest either the fingertips or the elbow (the latter being a spot of greater sensitivity[165]). In the foot, it’s the toes, and so forth. A point can only be recognized in relation to the entire body by triggering a visual image of the whole body. This triggering is, even more clearly than in the previously discussed cases, a matter of pure association.


This leads us to the eye. On the retina the fovea and the yellow spot about it form a focus of exquisite sensibility, towards which every impression falling on an outlying portion of the field is moved by an instinctive action of the muscles of the eyeball. Few persons, until their attention is called to the fact, are aware how almost impossible it is to keep a conspicuous visible object in the margin of the field of view. The moment volition is relaxed we find that without our knowing it our eyes have turned so as to bring it to the centre. This is why most persons are unable to keep the eyes steadily converged upon a point in space with nothing in it. The objects against the walls of the room[Pg 162] invincibly attract the foveæ to themselves. If we contemplate a blank wall or sheet of paper, we always observe in a moment that we are directly looking at some speck upon it which, unnoticed at first, ended by 'catching our eye.' Thus whenever an image falling on the point P of the retina excites attention, it more habitually moves from that point towards the fovea than in any one other direction. The line traced thus by the image is not always a straight line. When the direction of the point from the fovea is neither vertical nor horizontal but oblique, the line traced is often a curve, with its concavity directed upwards if the direction is upwards, downwards if the direction is downwards. This may be verified by anyone who will take the trouble to make a simple experiment with a luminous body like a candle-flame in a dark enclosure, or a star. Gazing first at some point remote from the source of light, let the eye be suddenly turned full upon the latter. The luminous image will necessarily fall in succession upon a continuous series of points, reaching from the one first affected to the fovea. But by virtue of the slowness with which retinal excitements die away, the entire series of points will for an instant be visible as an after-image, displaying the above peculiarity of form according to its situation.[166] These radiating lines are neither regular nor invariable in the same person, nor, probably, equally curved in different individuals. We are incessantly drawing them between the fovea and every point of the field of view. Objects remain in their peripheral indistinctness only so long as they are unnoticed. The moment we attend to them they grow distinct through one of these motions—which leads to the idea prevalent among uninstructed persons that we see distinctly all parts of the field of view at once. The result of this incessant tracing of radii is that whenever a local sign P is awakened by a spot of light falling upon it, it recalls forthwith, even though the eyeball be unmoved, the local signs of all the other points which lie between P and the fovea. It recalls them in imaginary form, just as the normal reflex movement would recall them in vivid form; and with their recall is given a consciousness more or less[Pg 163] faint of the whole line on which they lie. In other words, no ray of light can fall on any retinal spot without the local sign of that spot revealing to us, by recalling the line of its most habitual associates, its direction and distance from the centre of the field. The fovea acts thus as the origin of a system of polar co-ordinates, in relation to which each and every retinal point has through an incessantly-repeated process of association its distance and direction determined. Were P alone illumined and all the rest of the field dark we should still, even with motionless eyes, know whether P lay high or low, right or left, through the ideal streak, different from all other streaks, which P alone has the power of awakening.[167]

This leads us to the eye. On the retina, the fovea and the yellow spot surrounding it create a focus of incredible sensitivity, toward which every impression that falls on the outer parts of our field of vision is instinctively directed by the muscles of the eyeball. Most people, until they are made aware of it, don’t realize how nearly impossible it is to keep a noticeable visible object at the edges of their field of view. The moment we relax our will, we find that our eyes have adjusted themselves to bring that object to the center. This explains why many people cannot maintain steady focus on a point in space that has nothing in it. Objects against the walls of the room [Pg 162] irresistibly draw our fovea toward them. When we look at a blank wall or a sheet of paper, we often find ourselves staring at a speck, which we initially overlooked but eventually ends up ‘catching our eye.’ Thus, whenever an image hits point P on the retina and grabs our attention, it typically moves from that point toward the fovea more often than in any other direction. The path traced by the image isn’t always a straight line. When the angle from the fovea is neither vertical nor horizontal but diagonal, the path traced is often a curve, curving upward when the direction is upward, and downward when it’s downward. Anyone can verify this by conducting a simple experiment with a light source, like a candle flame in a dark room, or a star. By first gazing at a point far from the light source and then quickly turning the gaze to the light, the luminous image will hit a continuous series of points, starting from the first point affected to the fovea. But because of how slowly retinal excitements fade, all those points will briefly be visible as an after-image, showing the mentioned unique shape based on their location.[166] These radiating lines are neither uniform nor consistent in the same person, and probably aren’t equally curved in different individuals. We are constantly creating them between the fovea and every point in our field of view. Objects remain vague and indistinct only as long as we don’t notice them. As soon as we focus on them, they become clearer through one of these movements—which leads to the common belief among those not informed that we see all parts of our field of view distinctly at once. The result of this constant tracing of lines is that whenever a specific point P is activated by a spot of light hitting it, it immediately brings to mind, even if the eyeball isn’t moving, the local signs of all the other points between P and the fovea. It recalls them in an imagined form, just as the normal reflex would bring them back in a vivid way; along with this recall comes a more or less [Pg 163] faint awareness of the entire line they lie along. In other words, no ray of light can hit any retinal spot without the local sign of that spot revealing, by bringing to mind the line of its most usual associates, its direction and distance from the center of the field. The fovea acts as the starting point of a system of polar coordinates, relative to which every single retinal point has its distance and direction determined through a constantly repeated process of association. If P were the only spot lit and everything else was dark, we would still, even with motionless eyes, know whether P was high or low, right or left, due to the ideal streak, which is different from all other streaks, that P alone can activate.[167]

And with this we can close the first great division of our subject. We have shown that, within the range of[Pg 165] every sense, experience takes ab initio the spatial form. We have also shown that in the cases of the retina and skin[Pg 166] every sensible total may be subdivided by discriminative attention into sensible parts, which are also spaces, and into relations between the parts, these being sensible spaces too. Furthermore, we have seen (in note 167) that different parts, once discriminated, necessarily fall into a determinate order, both by reason of definite gradations in their quality, and by reason of the fixed order of time-succession in which movements arouse them. But in all this nothing has been said of the comparative measurement of one sensible space-total against another, or of the way in which, by summing our divers simple sensible space-experiences together, we end by constructing what we regard as the unitary, continuous, and infinite objective Space of the real world. To this more difficult inquiry we next pass.

And with this, we can wrap up the first major section of our topic. We’ve demonstrated that, in every sense, experience initially takes on a spatial form. We’ve also shown that in the cases of the retina and skin, every complete sensory experience can be broken down through focused attention into individual parts, which are also spaces, and into the relationships between those parts, which are also sensory spaces. Furthermore, we've observed (in note 167) that once different parts are distinguished, they naturally fall into a specific order due to the definite variations in their qualities and the fixed sequence of time in which movements trigger them. However, throughout all of this, we haven’t discussed the comparative measurement of one sensory space total against another, or how, by combining our various simple sensory space experiences, we ultimately construct what we perceive as the unified, continuous, and infinite objective Space of the real world. We will now move on to this more complex investigation.

THE CONSTRUCTION OF 'REAL' SPACE.

The problem breaks into two subordinate problems.

The issue splits into two smaller problems.

(1) How is the subdivision and measurement of the several sensorial spaces completely effected? and

(1) How is the division and measurement of the different sensory areas fully accomplished? and

(2) How do their mutual addition and fusion and reduction to the same scale, in a word, how does their synthesis, occur?

(2) How do they combine and merge and reduce to the same scale? In other words, how does their synthesis happen?

I think that, as in the investigation just finished, we found ourselves able to get along without invoking any data but those that pure sensibility on the one hand, and the ordinary intellectual powers of discrimination and recollection[Pg 167] on the other, were able to yield; so here we shall emerge from our more complicated quest with the conviction that all the facts can be accounted for on the supposition that no other mental forces have been at work save those we find everywhere else in psychology: sensibility, namely, for the data; and discrimination, association, memory, and choice for the rearrangements and combinations which they undergo.

I believe that, like in the investigation we just wrapped up, we were able to get by without using any data except for what our pure feelings could provide, along with our regular intellectual skills of discrimination and memory[Pg 167]. So, as we move away from our more complex search, we’ll come to the conclusion that all the facts can be explained on the basis that no other mental forces were involved besides those we see everywhere in psychology: feelings for the data, and discrimination, association, memory, and choice for the rearrangements and combinations that occur.

1. The Subdivision of the Original Sense-spaces.

How are spatial subdivisions brought to consciousness? in other words, How does spatial discrimination occur? The general subject of discrimination has been treated in a previous chapter. Here we need only inquire what are the conditions that make spatial discrimination so much finer in sight than in touch, and in touch than in hearing, smell, or taste.

How do we become aware of spatial divisions? In other words, how does spatial discrimination happen? The broader topic of discrimination was discussed in a previous chapter. Here, we just need to explore what conditions make spatial discrimination much better in sight compared to touch, and in touch compared to hearing, smell, or taste.

The first great condition is, that different points of the surface shall differ in the quality of their immanent sensibility, that is, that each shall carry its special local-sign. If the skin felt everywhere exactly alike, a foot-bath could be distinguished from a total immersion, as being smaller, but never distinguished from a wet face. The local-signs are indispensable; two points which have the same local-sign will always be felt as the same point. We do not judge them two unless we have discerned their sensations to be different.[168] Granted none but homogeneous irritants, that organ would then distinguish the greatest multiplicity of irritants—would count most stars or compass-points, or best compare the size of two wet surfaces—whose local sensibility was the least even. A skin whose sensibility shaded rapidly off from a focus, like the apex of a boil, would be better than a homogeneous integument for spatial perception. The retina, with its exquisitely sensitive fovea, has this peculiarity, and undoubtedly owes to it a great part[Pg 168] of the minuteness with which we are able to subdivide the total bigness of the sensation it yields. On its periphery the local differences do not shade off very rapidly, and we can count there fewer subdivisions.

The first important condition is that different areas of the skin must have varying degrees of sensitivity, meaning that each area should have its unique local-sign. If the skin felt the same everywhere, you could differentiate a foot-bath from a total immersion since one is smaller, but you wouldn't be able to tell it apart from a wet face. Local-signs are crucial; two points with the same local-sign will always feel like the same point. We only recognize them as separate when we notice their sensations are different.[168] If only uniform irritants are present, that area would then be able to detect the widest variety of irritants—counting more stars or compass points, or comparing the sizes of two wet spots—where the local sensitivity was the least consistent. A skin that sharply decreases in sensitivity from a focus, like the peak of a boil, would be better than a uniform covering for spatial perception. The retina, with its incredibly sensitive center, has this characteristic, which undoubtedly contributes significantly to our ability to distinguish the fine details of the sensations it produces. On its edges, the local differences don’t fade quickly, and we can perceive fewer subdivisions there.

But these local differences of feeling, so long as the surface is unexcited from without, are almost null. I cannot feel them by a pure mental act of attention unless they belong to quite distinct parts of the body, as the nose and the lip, the finger-tip and the ear; their contrast needs the reinforcement of outward excitement to be felt. In the spatial muchness of a colic—or, to call it by the more spacious-sounding vernacular, of a 'bellyache'—one can with difficulty distinguish the north-east from the south-west corner, but can do so much more easily if, by pressing one's finger against the former region, one is able to make the pain there more intense.

But these local differences in feeling, as long as there’s no external stimulus, are almost nonexistent. I can't perceive them just by focusing my mind unless they relate to quite distinct parts of the body, like the nose and the lip, or the fingertip and the ear; their contrast needs some outside stimulation to be noticeable. In the vast space of a colic—or, to put it in more familiar terms, a 'bellyache'—it's hard to tell the northeast from the southwest corner, but it becomes much easier if, by pressing my finger against the northeast area, I can intensify the pain there.

The local differences require then an adventitious sensation, superinduced upon them, to awaken the attention. After the attention has once been awakened in this way, it may continue to be conscious of the unaided difference; just as a sail on the horizon may be too faint for us to notice until someone's finger, placed against the spot, has pointed it out to us, but may then remain visible after the finger has been withdrawn. But all this is true only on condition that separate points of the surface may be exclusively stimulated. If the whole surface at once be excited from without, and homogeneously, as, for example, by immersing the body in salt water, local discrimination is not furthered. The local-signs, it is true, all awaken at once; but in such multitude that no one of them, with its specific quality, stands out in contrast with the rest. If, however, a single extremity be immersed, the contrast between the wet and dry parts is strong, and, at the surface of the water especially, the local-signs attract the attention, giving the feeling of a ring surrounding the member. Similarly, two or three wet spots separated by dry spots, or two or three hard points against the skin, will help to break up our consciousness of the latter's bigness. In cases of this sort, where points receiving an identical kind of excitement are, nevertheless, felt to be locally distinct, and the objective irritants are also[Pg 169] judged multiple,—e.g., compass-points on skin or stars on retina,—the ordinary explanation is no doubt just, and we judge the outward causes to be multiple because we have discerned the local feelings of their sensations to be different.

The local differences require an additional sensation, added to them, to grab our attention. Once the attention is drawn this way, it can remain aware of the difference on its own; just like a sail on the horizon might be too faint for us to see until someone points it out, but then it stays visible even after their finger is gone. However, this is only true if separate points on the surface can be exclusively stimulated. If the entire surface is excited all at once and uniformly, like when you immerse your body in salt water, local discrimination doesn't improve. All the local signals respond at once, but there are so many that none of them stands out with its specific quality. On the other hand, if just one part is immersed, the contrast between the wet and dry areas is strong, especially at the water's surface, where the local signals catch our attention, creating the feeling of a ring around that part. Likewise, having a few wet spots separated by dry areas, or two or three hard points against the skin, can help break up our awareness of the overall size. In situations like this, where points receiving the same type of stimulation are still felt to be locally distinct, and the objective irritants are also [Pg 169] perceived as multiple—like compass points on skin or stars on the retina—the usual explanation is probably correct, and we perceive the external causes as multiple because we've recognized that the local sensations feel different.

Capacity for partial stimulation is thus the second condition favoring discrimination. A sensitive surface which has to be excited in all its parts at once can yield nothing but a sense of undivided largeness. This appears to be the case with the olfactory, and to all intents and purposes with the gustatory, surfaces. Of many tastes and flavors, even simultaneously presented, each affects the totality of its respective organ, each appears with the whole vastness given by that organ, and appears interpenetrated by the rest.[169]

The ability to partially stimulate is the second factor that helps with discrimination. A sensitive surface that needs to be activated all at once can only produce a sense of overwhelming vastness. This seems to be true for our sense of smell and, for all practical purposes, for our sense of taste as well. With many tastes and flavors, even when experienced at the same time, each one impacts the entirety of its corresponding organ, each one emerges with the complete expansiveness provided by that organ, and each one seems to blend with the others.[169]

I should have been willing some years ago to name without hesitation a third condition of discrimination—saying it would be most developed in that organ which is susceptible of the most various qualities of feeling. The retina is unquestionably such an organ. The colors and shades it perceives are infinitely more numerous than the diversities of skin-sensation. And it can feel at once white and black, whilst the ear can in nowise so feel sound and silence. But the late researches of Donaldson, Blix, and Goldscheider,[170] on specific points for heat, cold, pressure, and pain in the skin; the older ones of Czermak (repeated later by Klug in Ludwig's laboratory), showing that a hot and a cold compass-point are no more easily discriminated as two than two of equal temperature; and some unpublished experiments of my own—all disincline me to make much of this condition now.[171] There is, however, one quality of sensation[Pg 171] which is particularly exciting, and that is the feeling of motion over any of our surfaces. The erection of this into a separate elementary quality of sensibility is one of the most recent of psychological achievements, and is worthy of detaining us a while at this point.

I should have been willing years ago to identify without hesitation a third condition of discrimination—saying it would be most developed in the organ that is capable of experiencing the most various qualities of feeling. The retina is undoubtedly such an organ. The colors and shades it detects are incredibly more numerous than the variations of skin sensation. It can perceive both white and black simultaneously, while the ear cannot perceive sound and silence in the same way. However, the recent studies by Donaldson, Blix, and Goldscheider,[170] regarding specific points for heat, cold, pressure, and pain in the skin; the earlier studies by Czermak (later reiterated by Klug in Ludwig's lab), showing that a hot and a cold compass point are no more easily distinguished from each other than two points of the same temperature; and some unpublished experiments of my own—have led me to be less convinced of this condition now.[171] However, there is one quality of sensation[Pg 171] that is particularly intriguing, and that is the feeling of motion over any of our surfaces. Recognizing this as a distinct elementary quality of sensitivity is one of the most recent achievements in psychology, and it deserves our attention at this point.

The Sensation of Motion over Surfaces.

The feeling of motion has generally been assumed by physiologists to be impossible until the positions of terminus a quo and terminus ad quem are severally cognized, and the successive occupancies of these positions by the moving body are perceived to be separated by a distinct interval of time.[172] As a matter of fact, however, we cognize only the very slowest motions in this way. Seeing the hand of a clock at XII and afterwards at VI, we judge that it has moved through the interval. Seeing the sun now in the east and again in the west, I infer it to have passed over my head. But we can only infer that which we already generically know in some more direct fashion, and it is experimentally certain that we have the feeling of motion given us as a direct and simple sensation. Czermak long ago pointed out the difference between seeing the motion of the second-hand of a watch, when we look directly at it, and noticing the fact of its having altered its position when we fix our gaze upon some other point of the dial-plate. In the first case we have a specific quality of sensation which is absent in the second. If the reader will find a portion of his skin—the arm, for example—where a pair of compass-points an inch apart are felt as one impression, and if he will then trace lines a tenth of an inch long on that spot with a pencil-point, he will be distinctly aware of the point's motion and vaguely aware of the direction of the motion. The perception of the motion here is certainly not derived from a pre-existing knowledge that its starting and ending points are separate positions in space, because positions in space ten times wider apart fail to be discriminated as such[Pg 172] when excited by the dividers. It is the same with the retina. One's fingers when cast upon its peripheral portions cannot be counted—that is to say, the five retinal tracts which they occupy are not distinctly apprehended by the mind as five separate positions in space—and yet the slightest movement of the fingers is most vividly perceived as movement and nothing else. It is thus certain that our sense of movement, being so much more delicate than our sense of position, cannot possibly be derived from it. A curious observation by Exner[173] completes the proof that movement is a primitive form of sensibility, by showing it to be much more delicate than our sense of succession in time. This very able physiologist caused two electric sparks to appear in rapid succession, one beside the other. The observer had to state whether the right-hand one or the left-hand one appeared first. When the interval was reduced to as short a time as 0.044'' the discrimination of temporal order in the sparks became impossible. But Exner found that if the sparks were brought so close together in space that their irradiation-circles overlapped, the eye then felt their flashing as if it were the motion of a single spark from the point occupied by the first to the point occupied by the second, and the time-interval might then be made as small as 0.015'' before the mind began to be in doubt as to whether the apparent motion started from the right or from the left. On the skin similar experiments gave similar results.

The feeling of motion has generally been thought by physiologists to be impossible until we recognize the starting point, terminus a quo, and the ending point, terminus ad quem, and perceive the time interval between the moving body’s successive positions.[172] However, we actually only perceive the slowest motions this way. When we see the hand of a clock at XII and then at VI, we conclude that it has moved through that interval. When we see the sun in the east and then in the west, we infer it has passed overhead. But we can only infer what we already know in a more direct way, and it’s experimentally clear that the feeling of motion comes to us as a direct and simple sensation. Czermak pointed out long ago the difference between watching the second hand of a watch directly and noticing that it has changed position when we look at another part of the dial. In the first case, we have a specific quality of sensation that is missing in the second. If you find a spot on your skin, like your arm, where two compass points an inch apart feel like one impression, and then trace lines a tenth of an inch long on that area with a pencil tip, you'll distinctly feel the pencil’s motion and vaguely sense its direction. The perception of motion here doesn’t come from already knowing that its starting and ending points are different positions in space, because with positions ten times further apart, we don’t distinguish them as separate[Pg 172] when stimulated by the dividers. The same applies to the retina. You can't count your fingers when placed on its peripheral parts—meaning the five retinal regions they cover aren't distinctly recognized as five separate positions in space—yet the slightest movement of the fingers is perceived very clearly as motion and nothing else. Therefore, it’s clear that our sense of movement, being much more sensitive than our sense of position, cannot come from it. A curious observation by Exner[173] further proves that movement is a basic form of sensitivity by showing it's much more delicate than our sense of temporal succession. This skilled physiologist caused two electric sparks to appear one after the other very quickly, right next to each other. The observer had to say whether the spark on the right or the left appeared first. When the interval was reduced to as short as 0.044'', it became impossible to tell the order of the sparks. However, Exner found that if the sparks were so close together in space that their radiating circles overlapped, the eye then perceived their flashes as if it were the motion of a single spark moving from the first spot to the second, and the time interval could be made as small as 0.015'' before the mind began to hesitate about whether the apparent motion started from the right or the left. Similar experiments on the skin yielded similar results.

Vierordt, at almost the same time,[174] called attention to certain persistent illusions, amongst which are these: If another person gently trace a line across our wrist or finger, the latter being stationary, it will feel to us as if the member were moving in the opposite direction to the tracing point. If, on the contrary, we move our limb across a fixed point, it will be seen as if the point were moving as well. If the reader will touch his forehead with his forefinger kept motionless, and then rotate the head so that the skin of the forehead passes beneath the finger's tip, he will have[Pg 173] an irresistible sensation of the latter being itself in motion in the opposite direction to the head. So in abducting the fingers from each other; some may move and the rest be still still, but the still ones will feel as if they were actively separating from the rest. These illusions, according to Vierordt, are survivals of a primitive form of perception, when motion was felt as such, but ascribed to the whole content of consciousness, and not yet distinguished as belonging exclusively to one of its parts. When our perception is fully developed we go beyond the mere relative motion of thing and ground, and can ascribe absolute motion to one of these components of our total object, and absolute rest to another. When, in vision for example, the whole background moves together, we think that it is ourselves or our eyes which are moving; and any object in the foreground which may move relatively to the background is judged by us to be still. But primitively this discrimination cannot be perfectly made. The sensation of the motion spreads over all that we see and infects it. Any relative motion of object and retina both makes the object seem to move, and makes us feel ourselves in motion. Even now when our whole object moves we still get giddy; and we still see an apparent motion of the entire field of view, whenever we suddenly jerk our head and eyes or shake them quickly to and fro. Pushing our eyeballs gives the same illusion. We know in all these cases what really happens, but the conditions are unusual, so our primitive sensation persists unchecked. So it does when clouds float by the moon. We know the moon is still; but we see it move even faster than the clouds. Even when we slowly move our eyes the primitive sensation persists under the victorious conception. If we notice closely the experience, we find that any object towards which we look appears moving to meet our eye.

Vierordt, around the same time,[174] pointed out some persistent illusions, including these: If someone gently traces a line across our wrist or finger while the latter stays still, it feels like the finger is moving in the opposite direction of the tracing. Conversely, if we move our limb over a fixed point, it seems like that point is moving too. If you touch your forehead with a stationary forefinger and then turn your head so that the skin of your forehead moves beneath your finger, you'll feel an undeniable sensation that your finger is moving in the opposite direction of your head. Similarly, when separating your fingers from each other, some may move while others remain still, yet the still ones will feel like they are actively separating from the others. According to Vierordt, these illusions are leftovers from a more primitive form of perception when motion was felt overall but not distinguished as belonging specifically to one part of our consciousness. As our perception matures, we move beyond just relative motion of things and background, allowing us to attribute absolute motion to one part and absolute stillness to another. For instance, when the entire background moves together, we assume it's ourselves or our eyes that are moving, and any object in the foreground that appears to move relative to the background is judged to be still. However, in primitive perception, we can't make this distinction perfectly. The sensation of motion spreads across everything we see and influences it. Any relative motion between an object and our retina makes the object seem to move and gives us a sense of motion ourselves. Even now, when our entire field of view moves, we still feel dizzy; and we perceive an apparent motion in our entire visual field whenever we suddenly jerk our head or shake our eyes quickly. Pushing our eyeballs creates the same illusion. We know what's really happening in all these cases, but because the conditions are unusual, our primitive sensation remains unchallenged. This happens just like when clouds drift by the moon. We know the moon is still, but we see it moving even faster than the clouds. Even when we slowly move our eyes, this primitive sensation continues to persist alongside our understanding. If we pay close attention to our experience, we find that any object we look at appears to move toward our eye.

But the most valuable contribution to the subject is the paper of G. H. Schneider,[175] who takes up the matter zoologically, and shows by examples from every branch of the animal kingdom that movement is the quality by which animals most easily attract each other's attention. The instinct[Pg 174] of 'shamming death' is no shamming of death at all, but rather a paralysis through fear, which saves the insect, crustacean, or other creature from being noticed at all by his enemy. It is parallelled in the human race by the breath-holding stillness of the boy playing 'I spy,' to whom the seeker is near; and its obverse side is shown in our involuntary waving of arms, jumping up and down, and so forth, when we wish to attract someone's attention at a distance. Creatures 'stalking' their prey and creatures hiding from their pursuers alike show how immobility diminishes conspicuity. In the woods, if we are quiet, the squirrels and birds will actually touch us. Flies will light on stuffed birds and stationary frogs.[176] On the other hand, the tremendous shock of feeling the thing we are sitting on begin to move, the exaggerated start it gives us to have an insect unexpectedly pass over our skin, or a cat noiselessly come and snuffle about our hand, the excessive reflex effects of tickling, etc., show how exciting the sensation of motion is per se. A kitten cannot help pursuing a moving ball. Impressions too faint to be cognized at all are immediately felt if they move. A fly sitting is unnoticed,—we feel it the moment it crawls. A shadow may be too faint to be perceived. As soon as it moves, however, we see it. Schneider found that a shadow, with distinct outline, and directly fixated, could still be perceived when moving, although its objective strength might be but half as great as that of a stationary shadow so faint as just to disappear. With a blurred shadow in indirect vision the difference in favor of motion was much greater—namely, 13.3:40.7. If we hold a finger between our closed eyelid and the sunshine we shall not notice its presence. The moment we move it to and fro, however, we discern it. Such visual perception as this reproduces the conditions of sight among the radiates.[177]

But the most valuable contribution to the subject is the paper by G. H. Schneider,[175] who approaches the topic from a zoological perspective and demonstrates, through examples from every branch of the animal kingdom, that movement is the quality that most easily attracts animals' attention to one another. The instinct of 'playing dead' isn't really 'playing dead' at all; it's more like a paralysis caused by fear, which helps the insect, crustacean, or other creature avoid being noticed at all by its predator. It's similar to a boy playing 'I spy' holding his breath and staying still when the seeker is nearby, and the opposite is illustrated by our instinctive gestures of waving our arms, jumping up and down, etc., when we want to catch someone's attention from a distance. Creatures that 'stalk' their prey and those that hide from predators both demonstrate how staying still makes them less visible. In the woods, if we remain quiet, squirrels and birds might actually come close to us. Flies will land on stuffed birds and still frogs.[176] On the other hand, the shocking feeling of whatever we are sitting on starting to move, the sudden jolt we get when an insect unexpectedly crawls across our skin, or when a cat quietly approaches and sniffs our hand, as well as the intense reflex reactions to tickling, highlight how thrilling the sensation of motion is per se. A kitten can't resist chasing a moving ball. Impressions that are too faint to be recognized at all are instantly felt if they move. A stationary fly goes unnoticed; we feel it the moment it starts to crawl. A shadow might be too faint to see, but as soon as it moves, we see it. Schneider found that a shadow with a clear outline, when directly looked at, could still be perceived while moving, even if its actual strength is only half that of a stationary shadow that’s so faint it’s just about invisible. With a blurred shadow in indirect vision, the difference favoring motion was much greater—13.3:40.7. If we hold a finger between our closed eyelid and the sunlight, we won’t notice it. However, as soon as we move it back and forth, we can see it. This kind of visual perception mimics the conditions of sight among the radiates.[177]

Enough has now been said to show that in the education of spatial discrimination the motions of impressions across sensory surfaces must have been the principal agent in breaking up our consciousness of the surfaces into a consciousness of their parts. Even to-day the main function of the peripheral regions of our retina is that of sentinels, which, when beams of light move over them, cry 'Who goes there?' and call the fovea to the spot. Most parts of the skin do but perform the same office for the finger-tips. Of course finger-tips and fovea leave some power of direct perception to marginal retina and skin respectively. But it is worthy of note that such perception is best developed on the skin of the most movable parts (the labors of Vierordt and his pupils have well shown this); and that in the blind, whose skin is exceptionally discriminative, it seems to have become so through the inveterate habit which most of them possess of twitching and moving it under whatever object may touch them, so as to become better acquainted with the conformation of the same. Czermak was the first to notice this. It may be easily verified. Of course movement of surface under object is (for purposes of stimulation) equivalent to movement of object over surface. In exploring the shapes and[Pg 176] sizes of things by either eye or skin the movements of these organs are incessant and unrestrainable. Every such movement draws the points and lines of the object across the surface, imprints them a hundred times more sharply, and drives them home to the attention. The immense part thus played by movements in our perceptive activity is held by many psychologists[178] to prove that the muscles are themselves the space-perceiving organ. Not surface-sensibility, but 'the muscular sense,' is for these writers the original and only revealer of objective extension. But they have all failed to notice with what peculiar intensity muscular contractions call surface-sensibilities into play, and that the mere discrimination of impressions (quite apart from any question of measuring the space between them) largely depends on the mobility of the surface upon which they fall.[179]

Enough has now been said to show that in the education of spatial awareness, the movement of impressions across sensory surfaces has been the main factor in breaking our awareness of surfaces into an understanding of their individual parts. Even today, the primary role of the outer areas of our retina is similar to that of sentinels, which, when light beams move across them, shout 'Who goes there?' and alert the fovea to the area. Most areas of the skin serve the same purpose for our fingertips. Of course, fingertips and the fovea retain some ability for direct perception for the outer retina and skin, respectively. However, it's worth noting that this type of perception is best developed on the skin of the most movable parts (the work of Vierordt and his students has shown this well); and in the blind, whose skin is particularly sensitive, it seems to have developed through their habitual tendency to twitch and move it when anything touches them, helping them to understand the shape of the object. Czermak was the first to observe this. It can be easily confirmed. Of course, movement of the surface under an object is equivalent to the movement of an object over a surface for stimulation purposes. In exploring the shapes and[Pg 176] sizes of things using either our eyes or skin, the movements of these organs are constant and uncontrollable. Every such movement draws the points and lines of the object across the surface, marking them much more clearly, and emphasizes them to our attention. The huge role that movement plays in our perception is seen by many psychologists[178] as evidence that the muscles themselves are the organs of spatial perception. According to these writers, not surface sensitivity, but 'the muscular sense' is the original and only way to reveal objective extension. However, they have all overlooked how significantly muscular contractions stimulate surface sensitivities, and that just the ability to distinguish between impressions (independently of measuring the space between them) largely depends on the mobility of the surface they fall on.[179]

2. The Measurement of the sense-spaces against each other.

What precedes is all we can say in answer to the problem of discrimination. Turn now to that of measurement of the several spaces against each other, that being the first step in our constructing out of our diverse space-experiences the one space we believe in as that of the real world.

What comes before is all we can offer in response to the issue of discrimination. Now, let's look at measuring the various spaces against one another, as this is the first step in shaping our different space experiences into the single space we believe represents the real world.

The first thing that seems evident is that we have no immediate power of comparing together with any accuracy the extents revealed by different sensations. Our mouth-cavity feels indeed to itself smaller, and to the tongue larger, than it feels to the finger or eye, our tympanic membrane feels larger than our finger-tip, our lips feel larger than a surface equal to them on our thigh. So much comparison is immediate; but it is vague; and for anything exact we must resort to other help.

The first thing that stands out is that we can't accurately compare the sizes revealed by different sensations right away. Our mouth feels smaller to itself but larger to our tongue than it does to our finger or eye; our eardrum feels bigger than our fingertip, and our lips feel bigger than a surface of the same size on our thigh. This kind of comparison is immediate, but it's vague, and to get anything precise, we need to rely on other tools.

The great agent in comparing the extent felt by one sensory surface with that felt by another, is superposition—superposition of one surface upon another, and superposition of one outer thing upon many surfaces. Thus are exact equivalencies and common measures introduced, and the way prepared for numerical results.

The key factor in comparing the sensations experienced by one sensory surface with those experienced by another is superposition—layering one surface on top of another, and layering one external object on multiple surfaces. This is how precise equivalencies and common measures are established, paving the way for numerical results.

Could we not superpose one part of our skin upon another, or one object on both parts, we should hardly succeed in coming to that knowledge of our own form which we possess. The original differences of bigness of our different parts would remain vaguely operative, and we should have no certainty as to how much lip was equivalent to so much forehead, how much finger to so much back.

Could we not layer one part of our skin over another, or one object on both parts, we would barely manage to understand our own shape as we do. The inherent size differences of our various parts would still be somewhat in play, and we wouldn't be sure how much of our lip equals a certain amount of our forehead, or how much of a finger corresponds to so much of our back.

But with the power of exploring one part of the surface by another we get a direct perception of cutaneous equivalencies. The primitive differences of bigness are overpowered when we feel by an immediate sensation that a certain length of thigh-surface is in contact with the entire palm and fingers. And when a motion of the opposite finger-tips draws a line first along this same length of thigh and[Pg 178] then along the whole of the hand in question, we get a new manner of measurement, less direct but confirming the equivalencies established by the first. In these ways, by superpositions of parts and by tracing lines on different parts by identical movements, a person deprived of sight can soon learn to reduce all the dimensions of his body to a homogeneous scale. By applying the same methods to objects of his own size or smaller, he can with equal ease make himself acquainted with their extension stated in terms derived from his own bulk, palms, feet, cubits, spans, paces, fathoms (armspreads), etc. In these reductions it is to be noticed that when the resident sensations of largeness of two opposed surfaces conflict, one of the sensations is chosen as the true standard and the other treated as illusory. Thus an empty tooth-socket is believed to be really smaller than the finger-tip which it will not admit, although it may feel larger; and in general it may be said that the hand, as the almost exclusive organ of palpation, gives its own magnitude to the other parts, instead of having its size determined by them. In general, it is, as Fechner says, the extent felt by the more sensitive part to which the other extents are reduced.[180]

But by exploring one area of the surface through another, we gain a direct understanding of skin equivalencies. The basic differences in size fade away when we feel—through immediate sensation—that a certain length of thigh is touching the entire palm and fingers. And when the opposing fingertips trace a line first along the same length of thigh and then along the whole hand, we create a new way of measuring, which is less direct but confirms the equivalencies established earlier. In these ways, by layering parts and tracing lines on different areas using the same movements, a person who cannot see can quickly learn to reduce all the dimensions of their body to a uniform scale. By applying these same methods to objects of their own size or smaller, they can easily understand their size using terms derived from their own body, such as palms, feet, cubits, spans, paces, fathoms (armspreads), etc. It’s worth noting that when the sensations of size from two opposing surfaces clash, one sensation is accepted as the true standard while the other is seen as misleading. So, an empty tooth socket might be thought to be smaller than the fingertip that won't fit in it, even if it feels larger; generally, the hand, being the primary organ of touch, defines its own size in relation to other parts, rather than having its size influenced by them. Overall, as Fechner says, it’s the area felt by the most sensitive part that determines the size of the other areas.

But even though exploration of one surface by another were impossible, we could always measure our various surfaces against each other by applying the same extended object first to one and then to another. We should of course have the alternative of supposing that the object itself waxed and waned as it glided from one place to another (cf. above, p. 141); but the principle of simplifying as much as possible our world would soon drive us out of that assumption into the easier one that objects as a rule[Pg 179] keep their sizes, and that most of our sensations are affected by errors for which a constant allowance must be made.

But even if exploring one surface via another was impossible, we could still compare our different surfaces against each other by using the same extended object first on one and then on another. We could, of course, assume that the object itself changed size as it moved from one place to another (see above, p. 141); however, the principle of simplifying our understanding of the world would quickly push us away from that assumption and lead us to the simpler conclusion that objects usually maintain their sizes, and that most of our sensations are influenced by errors for which we need to make constant adjustments. [Pg 179]

In the retina there is no reason to suppose that the bignesses of two impressions (lines or blotches) falling on different regions are primitively felt to stand in any exact mutual ratio. It is only when the impressions come from the same object that we judge their sizes to be the same. And this, too, only when the relation of the object to the eye is believed to be on the whole unchanged. When the object by moving changes its relations to the eye the sensation excited by its image even on the same retinal region becomes so fluctuating that we end by ascribing no absolute import whatever to the retinal space-feeling which at any moment we may receive. So complete does this overlooking of retinal magnitude become that it is next to impossible to compare the visual magnitudes of objects at different distances without making the experiment of superposition. We cannot say beforehand how much of a distant house or tree our finger will cover. The various answers to the familiar question, How large is the moon?—answers which vary from a cartwheel to a wafer—illustrate this most strikingly. The hardest part of the training of a young draughtsman is his learning to feel directly the retinal (i.e. primitively sensible) magnitudes which the different objects in the field of view subtend. To do this he must recover what Ruskin calls the 'innocence of the eye'—that is, a sort of childish perception of stains of color merely as such, without consciousness of what they mean.

In the retina, there's no reason to think that the sizes of two impressions (lines or spots) hitting different areas are initially perceived to have any exact relationship. We only judge their sizes to be the same when the impressions come from the same object. And this only happens when we believe the relationship of the object to the eye is mostly unchanged. When an object moves and alters its relation to the eye, the sensation triggered by its image, even on the same retinal area, becomes so variable that we end up attributing no absolute meaning to the retinal space-feeling we might experience at any moment. This disregard for retinal size becomes so pronounced that it's nearly impossible to compare the visual sizes of objects at different distances without actually overlapping them. We can’t predict how much of a distant house or tree our finger will cover. The various responses to the common question, How big is the moon?—answers ranging from a cartwheel to a wafer—highlight this vividly. The toughest part of training for a young draftsman is learning to directly sense the retinal (i.e., primitive) sizes that different objects occupy in his field of vision. To achieve this, he must regain what Ruskin calls the 'innocence of the eye'—a sort of childlike perception of patches of color just for what they are, without awareness of what they represent.

With the rest of us this innocence is lost. Out of all the visual magnitudes of each known object we have selected one as the real one to think of, and degraded all the others to serve as its signs. This 'real' magnitude is determined by æsthetic and practical interests. It is that which we get when the object is at the distance most propitious for exact visual discrimination of its details. This is the distance at which we hold anything we are examining. Farther than this we see it too small, nearer too large. And the larger and the smaller feeling vanish in the act of suggesting this one, their more important meaning. As I look along the dining-table[Pg 180] I overlook the fact that the farther plates and glasses feel so much smaller than my own, for I know that they are all equal in size; and the feeling of them, which is a present sensation, is eclipsed in the glare of the knowledge, which is a merely imagined one.

With the rest of us, this innocence is gone. Out of all the visual sizes of each known object, we have chosen one as the genuine one to focus on, and downgraded all the others to serve as its signs. This 'real' size is determined by aesthetic and practical interests. It’s what we get when the object is at the perfect distance for clearly seeing its details. This is the distance at which we hold anything we are examining. If it’s farther away, it looks too small; if it’s too close, it looks too large. The feelings of larger and smaller fade away when we focus on this one, their more important meaning. As I look along the dining table[Pg 180], I overlook the fact that the plates and glasses farther away feel so much smaller than mine because I know they are all the same size; and that feeling, which is a current sensation, gets overshadowed by the knowledge, which is just an imagined one.

If the inconsistencies of sight-spaces inter se can thus be reduced, of course there can be no difficulty in equating sight-spaces with spaces given to touch. In this equation it is probably the touch-feeling which prevails as real and the sight which serves as sign—a reduction made necessary not only by the far greater constancy of felt over seen magnitudes, but by the greater practical interest which the sense of touch possesses for our lives. As a rule, things only benefit or harm us by coming into direct contact with our skin: sight is only a sort of anticipatory touch; the latter is, in Mr. Spencer's phrase, the 'mother-tongue of thought,' and the handmaid's idiom must be translated into the language of the mistress before it can speak clearly to the mind.[181]

If the inconsistencies between sight and touch can be minimized, then it should be easy to equate visual spaces with tactile ones. In this comparison, it's likely that the feeling of touch is what we consider real, while sight acts as a signal—this reduction is necessary not only because felt sizes are generally more consistent than seen ones, but also because the sense of touch is more practically important in our lives. Typically, things only affect us positively or negatively when they make direct contact with our skin: sight is merely a form of anticipatory touch; the touch is, as Mr. Spencer puts it, the 'mother-tongue of thought,' and the language of the hand must be translated into the language of the mind before it can be clearly understood.[181]

Later on we shall see that the feelings excited in the joints when a limb moves are used as signs of the path traversed by the extremity. But of this more anon. As for the equating of sound-, smell-, and taste-volumes with those yielded by the more discriminative senses, they are too vague to need any remark. It may be observed of pain, however, that its size has to be reduced to that of the normal tactile size of the organ which is its seat. A finger with a felon on it, and the pulses of the arteries therein, both 'feel' larger than we believe they really 'are.'

Later on, we'll see that the sensations triggered in the joints when a limb moves serve as indicators of the path taken by the extremity. But we'll discuss that more later. Regarding the comparison of sound, smell, and taste with the more refined senses, they are too vague to comment on. However, it’s worth noting that pain needs to be sized down to match the normal tactile size of the organ where it occurs. A finger with an infection and the pulses of the arteries in it both 'feel' larger than we actually believe they 'are.'

It will have been noticed in the account given that when two sensorial space-impressions, believed to come from the same object, differ, then the one most interesting, practically or æsthetically, is judged to be the true one. This law of interest holds throughout—though a permanent interest, like that of touch, may resist a strong but fleeting one like that of pain, as in the case just given of the felon.

It should be clear from the account provided that when two sensory impressions perceived as coming from the same object are different, then the one that's more interesting, either practically or aesthetically, is seen as the real one. This principle of interest applies consistently—although a lasting interest, such as that from touch, can withstand a strong but temporary one, like that from pain, as shown in the previous example of the felon.

3. The Summation of the Sense-spaces.

Now for the next step in our construction of real space: How are the various sense-spaces added together into a consolidated and unitary continuum? For they are, in man at all events, incoherent at the start.

Now for the next step in our construction of real space: How are the different sensory spaces combined into a unified and cohesive continuum? Because they are, at least in humans, disjointed at the beginning.


Here again the first fact that appears is that primitively our space-experiences form a chaos, out of which we have no immediate faculty for extricating them. Objects of different sense-organs, experienced together, do not in the first instance appear either inside or alongside or far outside of each other, neither spatially continuous nor discontinuous, in any definite sense of these words. The same thing is almost as true of objects felt by different parts of the same organ before discrimination has done its finished work. The most we can say is that all our space-experiences together form an objective total and that this objective total is vast.

Here again, the first thing that stands out is that initially our experiences of space are chaotic, and we have no immediate ability to separate them. Objects perceived through different senses, when experienced together, don't seem to be either inside, next to, or far away from one another; they aren't clearly continuous or separate in any specific way. The same is nearly true for objects felt by different parts of the same sense before we have fully distinguished them. All we can say is that all our space experiences combined form an objective total, and this objective total is immense.

Even now the space inside our mouth, which is so intimately known and accurately measured by its inhabitant the tongue, can hardly be said to have its internal directions and dimensions known in any exact relation to those of the larger world outside. It forms almost a little world by itself. Again, when the dentist excavates a small cavity in one of our teeth, we feel the hard point of his instrument scraping, in distinctly differing directions, a surface which seems to our sensibility vaguely larger than the subsequent use of the mirror tells us it 'really' is. And though the directions of the scraping differ so completely inter se, not one of them can be identified with the particular direction in the outer world to which it corresponds. The space of the tooth-sensibility is thus really a little world by itself, which can only become congruent with the outer space-world[Pg 182] by farther experiences which shall alter its bulk, identify its directions, fuse its margins, and finally imbed it as a definite part within a definite whole. And even though every joint's rotations should be felt to vary inter se as so many differences of direction in a common room; even though the same were true of diverse tracings on the skin, and of diverse tracings on the retina respectively, it would still not follow that feelings of direction, on these different surfaces, are intuitively comparable among each other, or with the other directions yielded by the feelings of the semi-circular canals. It would not follow that we should immediately judge the relations of them all to each other in one space-world.

Even now, the space inside our mouth, which is so familiar and precisely measured by its resident, the tongue, can hardly be said to have its internal directions and dimensions understood in any exact way in relation to the larger world outside. It creates almost a little world of its own. Similarly, when the dentist drills a small cavity in one of our teeth, we feel the hard point of his tool scraping in distinctly different directions over a surface that seems to our sense to be vaguely larger than what the mirror later shows us it 'really' is. And although the directions of the scraping vary completely from one another, none of them can be matched up with the specific direction in the outside world that corresponds to it. The space of tooth sensitivity is thus a little world in itself, which can only align with the outer world through further experiences that will change its volume, identify its directions, blend its edges, and eventually embed it as a distinct part within a definite whole. Even if every joint's movements are felt to vary among themselves as different directions in a shared space; even if the same applies to various sensations on the skin and different sensations on the retina, it still doesn't mean that feelings of direction on these different surfaces can be intuitively compared with each other or with the other directions provided by the sensations from the semi-circular canals. It wouldn’t lead to us automatically judging the relationships among them all within a single spatial world[Pg 182].

If with the arms in an unnatural attitude we 'feel' things, we are perplexed about their shape, size, and position. Let the reader lie on his back with his arms stretched above his head, and it will astonish him to find how ill able he is to recognize the geometrical relations of objects placed within reach of his hands. But the geometrical relations here spoken of are nothing but identities recognized between the directions and sizes perceived in this way and those perceived in the more usual ways. The two ways do not fit each other intuitively.

If we 'feel' things with our arms in an awkward position, we struggle to understand their shape, size, and location. If the reader lies on their back with their arms stretched above their head, they would be surprised at how poorly they can identify the geometric relationships of objects within reach. However, the geometric relationships mentioned here are simply the connections made between the directions and sizes perceived this way and those recognized in more familiar ways. The two methods don't intuitively match.

How lax the connection between the system of visual and the system of tactile directions is in man, appears from the facility with which microscopists learn to reverse the movements of their hand in manipulating things on the stage of the instrument. To move the slide to the seen left they must draw it to the felt right. But in a very few days the habit becomes a second nature. So in tying our cravat, shaving before a mirror, etc., the right and left sides are inverted, and the directions of our hand movements are the opposite of what they seem. Yet this never annoys us. Only when by accident we try to tie the cravat of another person do we learn that there are two ways of combining sight and touch perceptions. Let any one try for the first time to write or draw while looking at the image of his hand and paper in a mirror, and he will be utterly bewildered. But a very short training will teach him to undo in this respect the associations of his previous lifetime.

How loose the link between our visual and tactile directions is can be seen in how easily microscopists learn to reverse their hand movements while working with things on their instrument's stage. To move the slide to the seen left, they have to pull it to the felt right. But after just a few days, it becomes second nature. Similarly, when we tie our tie, shave in front of a mirror, etc., the right and left sides get flipped, and the directions of our hand movements are the opposite of what they appear to be. Yet, this never bothers us. It's only when we accidentally try to tie someone else's tie that we realize there are two ways to combine sight and touch perceptions. Let anyone try to write or draw for the first time while looking at the reflection of their hand and paper in a mirror, and they'll be completely confused. However, with just a little practice, they'll learn to break the associations formed over their lifetime.

Prisms show this in an even more striking way. If the eyes be armed with spectacles containing slightly prismatic glasses with their bases turned, for example, towards the right, every object looked at will be apparently translocated to the left; and the hand put forth to grasp any such object will make the mistake of passing beyond it on the left side. But less than an hour of practice in wearing such spectacles rectifies the judgment so that no more mistakes are made. In fact the new-formed associations are already so strong, that when the prisms are first laid aside again the opposite error is committed, the habits of a lifetime violated, and the hand now passed to the right of every object which it seeks to touch.

Prisms illustrate this even more clearly. If someone wears glasses with slightly prismatic lenses that have their bases tilted to the right, every object they look at will seem to shift to the left; and if they reach out to grab one of those objects, they’ll mistakenly reach past it on the left side. However, after less than an hour of practice with those glasses, their judgment corrects itself, and they no longer make mistakes. In fact, the new associations become so strong that when they take off the prisms, they make the opposite mistake, disregarding habits formed over their lifetime, and their hand now reaches to the right of every object they want to touch.

The primitive chaos thus subsists to a great degree through life so far as our immediate sensibility goes. We feel our various objects and their bignesses, together or in succession; but so soon as it is a question of the order and relations of many of them at once our intuitive apprehension remains to the very end most vague and incomplete. Whilst we are attending to one, or at most to two or three objects, all the others lapse, and the most we feel of them is that they still linger on the outskirts and can be caught again by turning in a certain way. Nevertheless throughout all this confusion we conceive of a world spread out in a perfectly fixed and orderly fashion, and we believe in its existence. The question is: How do this conception and this belief arise? How is the chaos smoothed and straightened out?

The primitive chaos continues to exist to a large extent in our lives as far as our immediate feelings go. We perceive our various objects and their sizes, either together or one after the other; however, as soon as it comes to understanding the order and relationships of many of them at once, our intuitive grasp remains very vague and incomplete until the very end. While we focus on one, or maybe two or three objects, all the others fade away, and the most we notice is that they still linger on the edges and can be brought back into focus by shifting our attention in a certain way. Still, throughout all this confusion, we envision a world laid out in a perfectly structured and orderly manner, and we believe in its existence. The question is: How do this conception and this belief come to be? How do we smooth and organize the chaos?


Mainly by two operations: Some of the experiences are apprehended to exist out- and alongside of each other, and others are apprehended to interpenetrate each other, and to occupy the same room. In this way what was incoherent and irrelative ends by being coherent and definitely related; nor is it hard to trace the principles, by which the mind is guided in this arrangement of its perceptions, in detail.

Mainly through two processes: Some experiences are understood to exist separately and alongside one another, while others are seen to overlap and share the same space. In this way, what was once disjointed and unrelated becomes coherent and clearly connected; it's not difficult to identify the principles that guide the mind in organizing its perceptions in this way.

In the first place, following the great intellectual law of economy, we simplify, unify, and identify as much as we possibly can. Whatever sensible data can be attended to together we locate together. Their several extents seem one extent. The place at which each appears is held to be the same with the place[Pg 184] at which the others appear. They become, in short, so many properties of one and the same real thing. This is the first and great commandment, the fundamental 'act' by which our world gets spatially arranged.

In the beginning, following the basic principle of simplicity, we simplify, unify, and identify as much as possible. Any sensible data that can be grouped together is located together. Their individual ranges appear as one range. The place where each appears is considered the same as the place[Pg 184] where the others appear. They ultimately become, in short, a number of properties of the same real thing. This is the first and fundamental commandment, the essential 'act' that organizes our world spatially.

In this coalescence in a 'thing,' one of the coalescing sensations is held to be the thing, the other sensations are taken for its more or less accidental properties, or modes of appearance.[182] The sensation chosen to be the thing essentially is the most constant and practically important of the lot; most often it is hardness or weight. But the hardness or weight is never without tactile bulk; and as we can always see something in our hand when we feel something there, we equate the bulk felt with the bulk seen, and thenceforward this common bulk is also apt to figure as of the essence of the 'thing.' Frequently a shape so figures, sometimes a temperature, a taste, etc.; but for the most part temperature, smell, sound, color, or whatever other phenomena may vividly impress us simultaneously with the bulk felt or seen, figure among the accidents. Smell and sound impress us, it is true, when we neither see nor touch the thing; but they are strongest when we see or touch, so we locate the source of these properties within the touched or seen space, whilst the properties themselves we regard as overflowing in a weakened form into the spaces filled by other things. In all this, it will be observed, the sense-data whose spaces coalesce into one are yielded by different sense-organs. Such data have no tendency to displace each other from consciousness, but can be attended to together all at once. Often indeed they vary concomitantly and reach a maximum together. We may be sure, therefore, that the general rule of our mind is to locate in each other all sensations which are associated in simultaneous experience, and do not interfere with each other's perception.[183]

In this coming together in a 'thing', one of the combined sensations is considered to be the thing itself, while the other sensations are viewed as its more or less accidental properties or modes of appearance.[182] The sensation chosen to represent the thing is usually the most consistent and practically significant among them; it’s often hardness or weight. However, hardness or weight never exists without a tactile bulk; and since we can always see something in our hand when we feel it there, we connect the bulk we feel with the bulk we see, and from that point on, this common bulk is likely to be considered part of the 'essence' of the 'thing.' Often, a shape also plays this role, sometimes a temperature, a taste, etc.; but mostly temperature, smell, sound, color, or any other phenomena that might vividly impact us at the same time as the bulk felt or seen are regarded as accidents. It's true that smell and sound can impress us even when we don’t see or touch the thing; yet, they are strongest when we do see or touch, leading us to locate the source of these properties within the touched or seen space, while regarding the properties themselves as spilling over into the spaces occupied by other things in a diminished form. In all this, it should be noted that the sense data merging into one come from different sense-organs. Such data do not tend to push each other out of consciousness but can be focused on together all at once. In fact, they often vary together and reach their peak simultaneously. We can therefore be confident that the general tendency of our mind is to locate in each other all sensations that are associated in simultaneous experience and do not interfere with each other's perception.[183]

Different impressions on the same sense-organ do interfere with each other's perception, and cannot well be attended to at once. Hence we do not locate them in each other's spaces, but arrange them in a serial order of exteriority, each alongside of the rest, in a space larger than that which any one sensation brings. This larger space, however, is an object of conception rather than of direct intuition, and bears all the marks of being constructed piecemeal by the mind. The blind man forms it out of tactile, locomotor, and auditory experiences, the seeing man out of visual ones almost exclusively. As the visual construction is the easiest to understand, let us consider that first.

Different impressions from the same sense organ interfere with each other's perception and can't really be focused on at the same time. So we don’t place them in each other’s areas, but arrange them in a sequence of externals, each next to the others, in a space larger than what any one sensation provides. This larger space, however, is something we think about rather than directly perceive, and shows all the signs of being built up bit by bit by the mind. A blind person creates it from touch, movement, and sound experiences, while a sighted person relies almost exclusively on visual experiences. Since the visual construction is the easiest to grasp, let’s look at that first.


Every single visual sensation or 'field of view' is limited. To get a new field of view for our object the old one must disappear. But the disappearance may be only partial. Let the first field of view be A B C. If we carry our attention to the limit C, it ceases to be the limit, and becomes the centre of the field, and beyond it appear fresh parts where there were none before:[184] A B C changes, in short, to C D E. But although the parts A B are lost to sight, yet their image abides in the memory; and if we think of our first object A B C as having existed or as still existing at all, we must think of it as it was originally presented, namely, as spread out from C in one direction just as C D E is spread out in another. A B and D E can never coalesce in one place (as they could were they objects of different senses) because they can never be perceived at once: we must lose one to see the other. So (the letters standing now for 'things') we get to conceive of the successive fields of things after the analogy of the several things which we perceive in a single field. They must be out- and alongside of each other, and we conceive that their juxtaposed spaces must make a larger space. A B C + C D E must, in short, be imagined to exist in the form of A B C D E or not imagined at all.

Every single visual experience or 'field of view' is limited. To gain a new perspective on our object, the old one has to fade away. But this disappearance might only be partial. Let the first field of view be A B C. If we direct our attention to limit C, it stops being the limit and becomes the center of the field, revealing new parts that weren't visible before: [184] A B C shifts to C D E. Although the parts A B are out of sight, their image remains in our memory; and if we think of our initial object A B C as having existed or still existing at all, we have to envision it as it was originally shown, that is, as extending from C in one direction just like C D E extends in another. A B and D E can never overlap in one place (as they could if they were sensed differently) because they can never be perceived at the same time: we have to lose one to see the other. So (with the letters now representing 'things') we come to imagine the successive fields of things in the same way we perceive various things in a single field. They must be separate and next to each other, and we picture their combined spaces creating a larger space. A B C + C D E must, in summary, be imagined as existing in the form of A B C D E or not imagined at all.

We can usually recover anything lost from sight by moving our attention and our eyes back in its direction; and[Pg 186] through these constant changes every field of seen things comes at last to be thought of as always having a fringe of other things possible to be seen spreading in all directions round about it. Meanwhile the movements concomitantly with which the various fields alternate are also felt and remembered; and gradually (through association) this and that movement come in our thought to suggest this or that extent of fresh objects introduced. Gradually, too, since the objects vary indefinitely in kind, we abstract from their several natures and think separately of their mere extents, of which extents the various movements remain as the only constant introducers and associates. More and more, therefore, do we think of movement and seen extent as mutually involving each other, until at last (with Bain and J. S. Mill) we may get to regard them as synonymous, and say, "What is the meaning of the word extent, unless it be possible movement?"[185] We forget in this conclusion that (whatever intrinsic extensiveness the movements may appear endowed with), that seen spreadoutness which is the pattern of the abstract extensiveness which we imagine came to us originally from the retinal sensation.

We can usually find anything we've lost from sight by shifting our focus and our gaze back in that direction; and[Pg 186] through these constant adjustments, every field of visible things eventually starts to be viewed as always having a range of other things that could be seen spreading out in all directions around it. At the same time, the movements that accompany these different fields are also felt and remembered; and gradually (through association), this and that movement start to suggest to us various new objects that are introduced. Over time, since the objects differ endlessly in type, we abstract their distinct qualities and think independently about their mere sizes, with these sizes being introduced and associated only by the various movements. Thus, we increasingly consider movement and visible size as interconnected, until we ultimately may come to see them as synonymous (like Bain and J. S. Mill did) and say, "What does the meaning of the word size even imply if not potential movement?"[185] We overlook in this conclusion that (regardless of the inherent extent that the movements may seem to possess), that visible spread we associate with the abstract size we imagine originally came to us from the sensations on our retinas.

The muscular sensations of the eyeball signify this sort of visible spreadoutness, just as this visible spreadoutness may come in later experience to signify the 'real' bulks, distances, lengths and breadths known to touch and locomotion.[186] To the very end, however, in us seeing men, the quality, the nature, the sort of thing we mean by extensiveness, would seem to be the sort of feeling which our retinal stimulations bring.

The physical sensations of the eyeball indicate this kind of visible expansiveness, just as this visible expansiveness may later represent the 'real' sizes, distances, lengths, and widths experienced through touch and movement.[186] However, for us, the seeing individuals, the quality, the nature, the kind of thing we refer to by extensiveness seems to be the type of feeling that our retinal stimuli produce.


In one deprived of sight the principles by which the notion of real space is constructed are the same. Skin-feelings take in him the place of retinal feelings in giving[Pg 187] the quality of lateral spreadoutness, as our attention passes from one extent of them to another, awakened by an object sliding along. Usually the moving object is our hand; and feelings of movement in our joints invariably accompany the feelings in the skin. But the feeling of the skin is what the blind man means by his skin; so the size of the skin-feelings stands as the absolute or real size, and the size of the joint-feelings becomes a sign of these. Suppose, for example, a blind baby with (to make the description shorter) a blister on his toe, exploring his leg with his finger-tip and feeling a pain shoot up sharply the instant the blister is touched. The experiment gives him four different kinds of sensation—two of them protracted, two sudden. The first pair are the movement-feeling in the joints of the upper limb, and the movement-feeling on the skin of the leg and foot. These, attended to together, have their extents identified as one objective space—the hand moves through the same space in which the leg lies. The second pair of objects are the pain in the blister, and the peculiar feeling the blister gives to the finger. Their spaces also fuse; and as each marks the end of a peculiar movement-series (arm moved, leg stroked), the movement-spaces are emphatically identified with each other at that end. Were there other small blisters distributed down the leg, there would be a number of these emphatic points; the movement-spaces would be identified, not only as totals, but point for point.[187]

In a person who can’t see, the principles that create the idea of real space are still the same. Skin sensations replace visual sensations in providing the feeling of lateral spread when our attention shifts from one area to another, triggered by an object moving through space. Usually, the moving object is our hand, and feelings of movement in our joints always accompany the sensations in the skin. However, the feeling in the skin is what a blind person identifies with their own skin; therefore, the size of the skin sensations represents the absolute or real size, while the size of the joint sensations serves as a sign of these. For example, picture a blind baby with (to keep it brief) a blister on their toe, exploring their leg with their fingertip and experiencing a sharp pain as soon as the blister is touched. This situation gives the child four different types of sensations—two prolonged and two sudden. The first pair consists of the movement sensation in the joints of the arm and the movement sensation on the skin of the leg and foot. When these are focused on together, their areas combine to form a single objective space—the hand moves through the same space where the leg is located. The second pair includes the pain from the blister and the unique sensation that the blister creates on the finger. Their spaces also merge; and since each one marks the end of a specific movement sequence (arm moved, leg stroked), the movement spaces are clearly associated with each other at that point. If there were other small blisters along the leg, there would be several of these strong points; the movement spaces would be connected not just as totals but point by point.[Pg 187]

Just so with spaces beyond the body's limits. Continuing the joint-feeling beyond the toe, the baby hits another object, which he can still think of when he brings his hand back to its blister again. That object at the end of that joint-feeling means a new place for him, and the more such objects multiply in his experience the wider does the space of his conception grow. If, wandering through the woods to-day by a new path, I find myself suddenly in a glade which affects my senses exactly as did another I reached last week at the end of a different walk, I believe the two identical affections to present the same persisting glade, and infer that I have attained it by two differing roads. The spaces walked over grow congruent by their extremities; though apart from the common sensation which those extremities give me, I should be under no necessity of connecting one walk with another at all. The case in no whit differs when shorter movements are concerned. If, moving first one arm and then another, the blind child gets the same kind of sensation upon the hand, and gets it again as often as he repeats either process, he judges that he has touched the same object by both motions, and concludes that the motions terminate in a common place. From place to place marked in this way he moves, and adding the places moved through, one to another, he builds up his notion of the extent of the outer world. The seeing man's process is identical; only his units, which may be successive bird's-eye views, are much larger than in the case of the blind.

Just like with spaces beyond the body's limits. When the baby bumps into something beyond their toe, they can still remember that object when they bring their hand back to where it feels sore. That object, connected to that feeling, represents a new place for them, and as they encounter more of these objects, their understanding of space expands. If today I take a new path through the woods and suddenly find myself in a clearing that feels exactly the same as another one I visited last week along a different route, I believe these two similar feelings represent the same lasting clearing and conclude that I've arrived there by two different paths. The distances I've traveled start to feel connected at their ends; however, without the shared sensation that those ends provide, I wouldn’t have to link one walk to another at all. The same goes for shorter movements. If a blind child moves one arm and then the other, receiving the same sensation in their hand, and experiences it every time they repeat either motion, they assume they’ve touched the same object with both movements and conclude that both movements end in a common place. They navigate from place to place in this way, and by adding the places they’ve traveled, they build their understanding of the size of the outside world. A sighted person’s process is the same; however, their units, which might be successive aerial views, are much larger compared to those of the blind.

FEELINGS IN JOINTS AND FEELINGS IN MUSCLES.

1. Feelings of Movement in Joints.

I have been led to speak of feelings which arise in joints. As these feelings have been too much neglected in Psychology hitherto, in entering now somewhat minutely into their study I shall probably at the same time freshen the interest of the reader, which under the rather dry abstractions of the previous pages may presumably have flagged.

I’ve been prompted to talk about feelings that come up in our joints. Since these feelings have been largely overlooked in Psychology up until now, as I go into more detail about them, I hope to also rekindle the reader's interest, which may have waned under the rather dry concepts discussed in the previous pages.

When, by simply flexing my right forefinger on its metacarpal joint, I trace with its tip an inch on the palm of my left hand, is my feeling of the size of the inch purely and simply a feeling in the skin of the palm, or have the muscular contractions of the right hand and forearm anything to do with it? In the preceding pages I have constantly assumed spatial sensibility to be an affair of surfaces. At first starting, the consideration of the 'muscular sense' as a space-measurer was postponed to a later stage. Many writers, of whom the foremost was Thomas Brown, in his Lectures on the Philosophy of the Human Mind, and of whom the latest is no less a Psychologist than Prof. Delbœuf,[188] hold that the consciousness of active muscular motion, aware of its own amount, is the fons et origo of all spatial measurement. It would seem to follow, if this theory were true, that two skin-feelings, one of a large patch, one of a small one, possess their difference of spatiality, not as an immediate element, but solely by virtue of the fact that the large one, to get its points successively excited, demands more muscular contraction than the small one does. Fixed associations with the several amounts of muscular contraction required in this particular experience would thus explain[Pg 190] the apparent sizes of the skin-patches, which sizes would consequently not be primitive data but derivative results.

When I flex my right forefinger at its metacarpal joint and trace an inch on the palm of my left hand, is my perception of the inch just a sensation in the skin of my palm, or do the muscle contractions in my right hand and forearm play a role in it? In the earlier sections, I have always assumed that spatial awareness is about surfaces. Initially, I set aside the idea of the 'muscular sense' as a way to measure space for later discussion. Many writers, including Thomas Brown in his Lectures on the Philosophy of the Human Mind and more recently, the psychologist Prof. Delbœuf,[188] argue that being aware of one's own muscle movements and their intensity is the fons et origo of all spatial measurement. If this theory is correct, it suggests that the difference in spatial awareness between two skin sensations—one from a large area and one from a small area—comes not from an immediate quality but from the reality that the larger sensation requires more muscle contraction to stimulate its points successively compared to the smaller one. Established connections with the levels of muscle contraction involved in this experience would then explain the perceived sizes of the skin areas, making those sizes not fundamental data but instead derived results.

It seems to me that no evidence of the muscular measurements in question exists; but that all the facts may be explained by surface-sensibility, provided we take that of the joint-surfaces also into account.

It looks to me like there's no evidence for the muscular measurements being discussed; but that all the facts can be explained by surface sensitivity, as long as we also consider that of the joint surfaces.

The most striking argument, and the most obvious one, which an upholder of the muscular theory is likely to produce is undoubtedly this fact: if, with closed eyes, we trace figures in the air with the extended forefinger (the motions may occur from the metacarpal-, the wrist-, the elbow-, or the shoulder-joint indifferently), what we are conscious of in each case, and indeed most acutely conscious of, is the geometric path described by the finger-tip. Its angles, its subdivisions, are all as distinctly felt as if seen by the eye; and yet the surface of the finger-tip receives no impression at all.[189] But with each variation of the figure, the muscular contractions vary, and so do the feelings which these yield. Are not these latter the sensible data that make us aware of the lengths and directions we discern in the traced line?

The most striking argument, and the most obvious one, that someone supporting the muscular theory is likely to present is definitely this fact: if we close our eyes and trace shapes in the air with our outstretched forefinger (the movements can come from the metacarpal, wrist, elbow, or shoulder joint without distinction), what we are aware of in each case, and indeed most vividly aware of, is the geometric path drawn by the fingertip. Its angles and subdivisions are all felt as clearly as if they were seen; and yet the fingertip itself receives no feedback at all.[189] But with each change in the shape, the muscular contractions change, and so do the sensations those create. Aren't these sensations the tangible data that make us aware of the lengths and directions we perceive in the traced line?

Should we be tempted to object to this supposition of the advocate of perception by muscular feelings, that we have learned the spatial significance of these feelings by reiterated experiences of seeing what figure is drawn when each special muscular grouping is felt, so that in the last resort the muscular space feelings would be derived from retinal-surface feelings, our opponent might immediately hush us by pointing to the fact that in persons born blind the phenomenon in question is even more perfect than in ourselves.

If we feel tempted to challenge the idea put forth by the supporter of perception through muscle sensations—that we have learned the spatial meaning of these sensations through repeated experiences of seeing what shapes are formed when each specific muscle group is engaged, suggesting that ultimately muscle sensations are based on visual sensations—our opponent could quickly silence us by highlighting that this phenomenon is even more pronounced in people who were born blind.

If we suggest that the blind may have originally traced the figures on the cutaneous surface of cheek, thigh, or palm, and may now remember the specific figure which each present movement formerly caused the skin-surface to perceive, he may reply that the delicacy of the motor perception[Pg 191] far exceeds that of most of the cutaneous surfaces; that, in fact, we can feel a figure traced only in its differentials, so to speak,—a figure which we merely start to trace by our finger-tip, a figure which, traced in the same way on our finger-tip by the hand of another, is almost if not wholly unrecognizable.

If we suggest that blind individuals may have originally traced shapes on their cheek, thigh, or palm and can now remember the specific shape that each movement used to make them feel, they might argue that the sensitivity of their motor perception far surpasses that of most skin areas. In fact, we can feel a shape traced only in its differentials, so to speak—a shape that we merely start to trace with our fingertip, a shape that, when traced in the same way on our fingertip by someone else's hand, is almost unrecognizable, if not completely unrecognizable.[Pg 191]


The champion of the muscular sense seems likely to be triumphant until we invoke the articular cartilages, as internal surfaces whose sensibility is called in play by every movement we make, however delicate the latter may be.

The champion of the muscular sense seems likely to be triumphant until we consider the articular cartilages, as internal surfaces whose sensitivity is engaged by every movement we make, no matter how delicate.

To establish the part they play in our geometrizing, it is necessary to review a few facts. It has long been known by medical practitioners that, in patients with cutaneous anæsthesia of a limb, whose muscles also are insensible to the thrill of the faradic current, a very accurate sense of the way in which the limb may be flexed or extended by the hand of another may be preserved.[190] On the other hand, we may have this sense of movement impaired when the tactile sensibility is well preserved. That the pretended feeling of outgoing innervation can play in these cases no part, is obvious from the fact that the movements by which the limb changes its position are passive ones, imprinted on it by the experimenting physician. The writers who have sought a rationale of the matter have consequently been driven by way of exclusion to assume the articular surfaces to be the seat of the perception in question.[191]

To understand the role they play in our understanding of geometry, we need to look at a few facts. Medical practitioners have long known that in patients with skin numbness in a limb, whose muscles also cannot feel the stimulation from an electric current, there can still be a very accurate sense of how the limb can be bent or straightened by someone else's hand. On the other hand, this sense of movement can be affected even when their sense of touch is intact. It's clear that the supposed feeling of outgoing signals is not involved in these cases because the limb’s movement is passive, caused by the actions of the examining physician. Consequently, writers who have tried to make sense of the matter have ended up concluding that the joint surfaces are where this perception actually occurs.

That the joint-surfaces are sensitive appears evident from the fact that in inflammation they become the seat of excruciating pains, and from the perception by everyone who lifts weights or presses against resistance, that every increase of the force opposing him betrays itself to his consciousness principally by the starting-out of new feelings or the increase of old ones, in or about the joints. If the structure and mode of mutual application of two articular surfaces be taken into account, it will appear that, granting the surfaces to be sensitive, no more favorable mechanical[Pg 192] conditions could be possible for the delicate calling of the sensibility into play than are realized in the minutely graduated rotations and firmly resisted variations of pressure involved in every act of extension or flexion. Nevertheless it is a great pity that we have as yet no direct testimony, no expressions from patients with healthy joints accidentally laid open, of the impressions they experience when the cartilage is pressed or rubbed.

It’s clear that the joint surfaces are sensitive because in cases of inflammation, they become the source of intense pain. Anyone who lifts weights or pushes against resistance can notice that any increase in opposing force mainly brings about new feelings or intensifies existing ones in or around the joints. Considering the structure and interaction of two joint surfaces, if we assume that the surfaces are sensitive, then there couldn't be more favorable mechanical conditions for activating sensitivity than what happens during the precise rotations and strongly resisted changes in pressure that occur with every act of extending or flexing. Still, it's unfortunate that we don’t have direct accounts or feedback from patients with healthy joints that have been accidentally exposed, sharing their sensations when the cartilage is pressed or rubbed.

The first approach to direct evidence, so far as I know, is contained in the paper of Lewinski,[192] published in 1879. This observer had a patient the inner half of whose leg was anæsthetic. When this patient stood up, he had a curious illusion about the position of his limb, which disappeared the moment he lay down again: he thought himself knock-kneed. If, as Lewinski says, we assume the inner half of the joint to share the insensibility of the corresponding part of the skin, then he ought to feel, when the joint-surfaces pressed against each other in the act of standing, the outer half of the joint most strongly. But this is the feeling he would also get whenever it was by any chance sought to force his leg into a knock-kneed attitude. Lewinski was led by this case to examine the feet of certain ataxic patients with imperfect sense of position. He found in every instance that when the toes were flexed and drawn upon at the same time (the joint-surfaces drawn asunder) all sense of the amount of flexion disappeared. On the contrary, when he pressed a toe in, whilst flexing it, the patient's appreciation of the amount of flexion was much improved, evidently because the artificial increase of articular pressure made up for the pathological insensibility of the parts.

The first approach to direct evidence, as far as I know, is found in Lewinski’s paper,[192] published in 1879. This observer had a patient whose inner leg was numb. When this patient stood up, he experienced a strange illusion about the position of his limb, which went away the moment he lay down again: he thought he was knock-kneed. If, as Lewinski suggests, we assume the inner part of the joint shares the numbness of the corresponding area of skin, then he should feel, when the joint surfaces pressed against each other while standing, the outer part of the joint the most intensely. But this is the same feeling he would get whenever someone tried to force his leg into a knock-kneed position. This case prompted Lewinski to examine the feet of certain ataxic patients with poor positional sense. He found that whenever the toes were flexed and pulled at the same time (the joint surfaces pulled apart), the sense of how much they were flexed disappeared completely. On the other hand, when he pressed a toe in while flexing it, the patient’s ability to sense the amount of flexion improved significantly, clearly because the artificial increase in joint pressure compensated for the pathological numbness in the area.

Since Lewinski's paper an important experimental research by A. Goldscheider[193] has appeared, which completely establishes our point. This patient observer caused his fingers, arms, and legs to be passively rotated upon their various joints in a mechanical apparatus which registered both the velocity of movement impressed and the amount[Pg 193] of angular rotation. No active muscular contraction took place. The minimal felt amounts of rotation were in all cases surprisingly small, being much less than a single angular degree in all the joints except those of the fingers. Such displacements as these, the author says (p. 490), can hardly be detected by the eye. The point of application of the force which rotated the limb made no difference in the result. Rotations round the hip-joint, for example, were as delicately felt when the leg was hung by the heel as when it was hung by the thigh whilst the movements were performed. Anæsthesia of the skin produced by induction-currents also had no disturbing effect on the perception, nor did the various degrees of pressure of the moving force upon the skin affect it. It became, in fact, all the more distinct in proportion as the concomitant pressure-feelings were eliminated by artificial anæsthesia. When the joints themselves, however, were made artificially anæsthetic the perception of the movement grew obtuse and the angular rotations had to be much increased before they were perceptible. All these facts prove according to Herr Goldscheider, that the joint surfaces and these alone are the starting point of the impressions by which the movements of our members are immediately perceived.

Since Lewinski's paper, an important experimental study by A. Goldscheider[193] has come out, which completely supports our argument. This careful observer had his fingers, arms, and legs passively rotated at their various joints in a mechanical device that recorded both the speed of movement applied and the amount[Pg 193] of angular rotation. No active muscle contraction took place. The smallest amounts of rotation felt were surprisingly minimal, being much less than a single angular degree in all joints except those of the fingers. Such small movements, the author notes (p. 490), can hardly be seen with the eye. The point where the force applied to rotate the limb made no difference in the outcome. For example, rotations around the hip joint were equally felt whether the leg was suspended by the heel or by the thigh during the movements. Anesthesia of the skin induced by electric currents did not disrupt perception, nor did various levels of pressure from the moving force on the skin affect it. In fact, perception became clearer as the accompanying pressure sensations were removed by artificial anesthesia. However, when the joints themselves were made artificially anesthetic, the perception of movement became dull, and the angular rotations needed to be significantly greater before they were detectable. All these findings demonstrate, according to Herr Goldscheider, that the joint surfaces and these alone are the starting point of the impressions by which the movements of our limbs are immediately perceived.

Applying this result, which seems invulnerable, to the case of the tracing finger-tip, we see that our perception of the latter gives no countenance to the theory of the muscular sense. We indubitably localize the finger-tip at the successive points of its path by means of the sensations which we receive from our joints. But if this is so, it may be asked, why do we feel the figure to be traced, not within the joint itself, but in such an altogether different place? And why do we feel it so much larger than it really is?

Applying this result, which seems unassailable, to the case of the tracing fingertip, we find that our awareness of it doesn't support the theory of muscular sense. We definitely pinpoint the fingertip at the different spots along its path through the sensations we get from our joints. But if that's the case, one might wonder, why do we perceive the figure being traced, not at the joint itself, but in a completely different location? And why does it seem so much larger than it actually is?

I will answer these questions by asking another: Why do we move our joints at all? Surely to gain something more valuable than the insipid joint-feelings themselves. And these more interesting feelings are in the main produced upon the skin of the moving part, or of some other part over which it passes, or upon the eye. With movements of the fingers we explore the configuration of all real objects with which we have to deal, our own body as well as[Pg 194] foreign things. Nothing that interests us is located in the joint; everything that interests us either is some part of our skin, or is something that we see as we handle it. The cutaneously felt and the seen extents come thus to figure as the important things for us to concern ourselves with. Every time the joint moves, even though we neither see, nor feel cutaneously, the reminiscence of skin-events and sights which formerly coincided with that extent of movement, ideally awaken as the movement's import, and the mind drops the present sign to attend to the import alone. The joint-sensation itself, as such, does not disappear in the process. A little attention easily detects it, with all its fine peculiarities, hidden beneath its vaster suggestions; so that really the mind has two space-perceptions before it, congruent in form but different in scale and place, either of which exclusively it may notice, or both at once,—the joint-space which it feels and the real space which it means.

I’ll answer these questions by posing another: Why do we move our joints at all? It must be to gain something more valuable than the bland sensations themselves. These more engaging feelings mainly arise from the skin of the moving part, or from another part that it touches, or from what we see. With our finger movements, we explore the shape of all real objects we encounter, not just our own bodies but also[Pg 194] foreign objects. No matter what interests us, it’s not found in the joint; everything that matters is either part of our skin or something we see as we interact with it. The sensations we feel on our skin and those we see become the key elements for us to focus on. Every time the joint moves, even if we neither see nor feel it directly, the memories of skin sensations and sights that previously coincided with that range of movement come to mind, and the mind shifts its focus from the present sign to the underlying meaning. The joint sensation itself doesn’t vanish during this process. A little attention can easily reveal it, with all its subtle details, hidden beneath its broader implications; in reality, the mind has two spatial perceptions in front of it, similar in form but different in scale and context, either of which it can choose to notice exclusively, or both at once — the joint space it feels and the real space it means.

The joint-spaces serve so admirably as signs because of their capacity for parallel variation to all the peculiarities of external motion. There is not a direction in the real world nor a ratio of distance which cannot be matched by some direction or extent of joint-rotation. Joint-feelings, like all feelings, are roomy. Specific ones are contrasted inter se as different directions are contrasted within the same extent. If I extend my arm straight out at the shoulder, the rotation of the shoulder-joint will give me one feeling of movement; if then I sweep the arm forward, the same joint will give me another feeling of movement. Both these movements are felt to happen in space, and differ in specific quality. Why shall not the specificness of the quality just consist in the feeling of a peculiar direction?[194] Why may not the several joint-feelings be so many perceptions of movement in so many different directions? That we cannot explain why they should is no presumption that they do not, for we never can explain why any sense-organ should awaken the sensation it does.

The joints are excellent indicators because they can change in parallel with all the unique aspects of external movement. There isn't a direction in the real world or a ratio of distance that can't be matched by some direction or degree of joint rotation. The feelings from joints, like all feelings, are spacious. Specific feelings contrast with each other just like different directions are compared within the same range. If I extend my arm straight out at the shoulder, the rotation of the shoulder joint gives me one sensation of movement; if I then move my arm forward, the same joint provides another sensation of movement. Both movements are experienced as happening in space and differ in their specific qualities. Why can't this specificity be simply the feeling of a unique direction? Why can't the various joint sensations represent different perceptions of movement in different directions? Just because we can’t explain why they should doesn’t mean they don’t; we can never explain why any sense organ causes the sensations it does.

But if the joint-feelings are directions and extents, standing in relation to each other, the task of association in interpreting their import in eye- or skin-terms is a good deal simplified. Let the movement bc, of a certain joint, derive its absolute space-value from the cutaneous feeling it is always capable of engendering; then the longer movement abcd of the same joint will be judged to have a greater space-value, even though it may never have wholly merged with a skin-experience. So of differences of direction: so much joint-difference = so much skin-difference; therefore, more joint-difference = more skin-difference. In fact, the joint-feeling can excellently serve as a map on a reduced scale, of a reality which the imagination can identify at its pleasure with this or that sensible extension simultaneously known in some other way.

But if the sensations from our joints indicate directions and distances and relate to one another, then figuring out their meaning in terms of touch or sight becomes much easier. Let the movement bc of a specific joint have its absolute space value based on the tactile sensation it can always create; then the longer movement abcd of the same joint will be seen as having a greater space value, even if it has never completely merged with a skin experience. The same goes for differences in direction: a certain amount of joint difference equals a certain amount of skin difference; therefore, more joint difference means more skin difference. In fact, joint sensations can serve as an excellent scaled-down map of a reality that the imagination can connect to this or that sensory experience known in other ways.

When the joint-feeling in itself acquires an emotional interest,—which happens whenever the joint is inflamed and painful,—the secondary suggestions fail to arise, and the movement is felt where it is, and in its intrinsic scale of magnitude.[195]

When the feeling in the joint becomes emotionally significant—like when the joint is swollen and painful—the usual thoughts don’t come up, and the movement is experienced as it is, along with its actual intensity.[195]

The localization of the joint-feeling in a space simultaneously known otherwise (i.e. to eye or skin), is what is commonly called the extradition or eccentric projection of the feeling. In the preceding chapter I said a good deal on this subject; but we must now see a little more closely just what happens in this instance of it. The content of the joint-feeling, to begin with, is an object, and is in itself a place. For it to be placed, say in the elbow, the elbow as seen or handled must already have become another object for the mind,[Pg 196] and with its place as thus known, the place which the joint-feeling fills must coalesce. That the latter should be felt 'in the elbow' is therefore a 'projection' of it into the place of another object as much as its being felt in the finger-tip or at the end of a cane can be. But when we say 'projection' we generally have in our mind the notion of a there as contrasted with a here. What is the here when we say that the joint-feeling is there? The 'here' seems to be the spot which the mind has chosen for its own post of observation, usually some place within the head, but sometimes within the throat or breast—not a rigorously fixed spot, but a region from any portion of which it may send forth its various acts of attention. Extradition from either of these regions is the common law under which we perceive the whereabouts of the north star, of our own voice, of the contact of our teeth with each other, of the tip of our finger, of the point of our cane on the ground, or of a movement in our elbow-joint.

The localization of the joint-feeling in a space that is also perceived through other senses (like sight or touch) is what we usually refer to as the extradition or eccentric projection of the feeling. In the previous chapter, I discussed this topic in detail; now, we need to take a closer look at what happens in this situation. The essence of the joint-feeling, to start with, is an object, and is itself a location. For it to be placed, for example, in the elbow, the elbow as perceived through sight or touch must already have become a different object in the mind,[Pg 196] and with its known location, the area that the joint-feeling occupies must merge with it. The fact that we feel it 'in the elbow' is thus a 'projection' into the space of another object, just like feeling it in the fingertip or at the end of a cane. However, when we use the term 'projection,' we typically think of a there as opposed to a here. What does here mean when we say that the joint-feeling is there? The 'here' seems to be the place that the mind has designated as its observation point, usually somewhere inside the head, but sometimes in the throat or chest—not a strictly defined location, but an area from which it can direct various acts of attention. Extradition from either of these areas is the general principle under which we perceive the position of the north star, our own voice, the contact of our teeth with each other, the tip of our finger, the point of our cane on the ground, or a movement in our elbow joint.

But for the distance between the 'here' and the 'there' to be felt, the entire intervening space must be itself an object of perception. The consciousness of this intervening space is the sine quâ non of the joint-feeling's projection to the farther end of it. When it is filled by our own bodily tissues (as where the projection only goes as far as the elbow or finger-tip) we are sensible of its extent alike by our eye, by our exploring movements, and by the resident sensations which fill its length. When it reaches beyond the limits of our body, the resident sensations are lacking, but limbs and hand and eye suffice to make it known. Let me, for example, locate a feeling of motion coming from my elbow-joint in the point of my cane a yard beyond my hand. Either I see this yard as I flourish the cane, and the seen end of it then absorbs my sensation just as my seen elbow might absorb it, or I am blind and imagine the cane as an object continuing my arm, either because I have explored both arm and cane with the other hand, or because I have pressed them both along my body and leg. If I project my joint-feeling farther still, it is by a conception rather than a distinct imagination of the space. I think: 'farther,' 'thrice as far,' etc.; and thus get a symbolic image of a distant[Pg 197] path at which I point.[196] But the 'absorption' of the joint-feeling by the distant spot, in whatever terms the latter may be apprehended, is never anything but that coalescence into one 'thing' already spoken of on page 184, of whatever different sensible objects interest our attention at once.

But to truly feel the distance between 'here' and 'there', we must perceive the entire space in between. Being aware of this intervening space is the sine quâ non for projecting our shared feeling to the far end of it. When it’s filled with our own body (like when our projection only reaches to our elbow or fingertips), we can feel its extent with our eyes, our movements, and the sensations that come from it. When it stretches beyond our body’s limits, we lose those sensations, but our limbs, hands, and eyes can still communicate its presence. For instance, if I sense motion from my elbow-joint at the tip of my cane a yard away from my hand, I either see that yard as I swing the cane, and it absorbs my sensation just like my elbow does, or if I can't see, I imagine the cane as an extension of my arm, either because I've explored both the arm and the cane with my other hand or by pressing them along my body and leg. If I project my sensation even further, it becomes more of a concept than a distinct image of the space. I think: 'farther,' 'three times as far,' etc.; and this helps me create a symbolic image of a distant[Pg 197] path where I’m pointing.[196] But the 'absorption' of that sensation by the distant point, regardless of how we perceive it, is always just that merging into one 'thing' mentioned previously on page 184, regardless of the different sensory objects that capture our attention at the same time.

2. Feelings of Muscular Contraction.

Readers versed in psychological literature will have missed, in our account thus far, the usual invocation of 'the muscular sense.' This word is used with extreme vagueness to cover all resident sensations, whether of motion or position, in our members, and even to designate the supposed feeling of efferent discharge from the brain. We shall later see good reason to deny the existence of the latter feeling. We have accounted for the better part at least of the resident feelings of motion in limbs by the sensibility of the articular surfaces. The skin and ligaments also must have feelings awakened as they are stretched or squeezed in flexion or extension. And I am inclined to think that the sensations of our contracting muscles themselves probably play as small a part in building up our exact knowledge of space as any class of sensations which we possess. The muscles, indeed, play an all-important part, but it is through the remote effect of their contractions on other sensitive parts, not through their own resident sensations being aroused. In other words, muscular contraction is only indirectly instrumental, in giving us space-perceptions, by its effects on surfaces. In skin and retina it produces a motion of the stimulus upon the surface; in joints it produces a motion of the surfaces upon each other—such motion being by far the[Pg 198] most delicate manner of exciting the surfaces in question. One is tempted to doubt whether the muscular sensibility as such plays even a subordinate part as sign of these more immediately geometrical perceptions which are so uniformly associated with it as effects of the contraction objectively viewed.

Readers familiar with psychological literature may have noticed that we haven't mentioned 'the muscular sense' so far. This term is often used vaguely to refer to all sensations related to movement or position in our limbs, and even to describe the supposed feeling of signals sent from the brain. We will later argue that this latter feeling does not actually exist. We have explained most of the sensations of movement in our limbs through the sensitivity of the joint surfaces. The skin and ligaments also likely have sensations triggered when they are stretched or compressed during bending or straightening. I believe that the sensations from our contracting muscles themselves probably play a minimal role in shaping our precise awareness of space compared to other types of sensations. While the muscles are essential, their impact is indirect, affecting other sensitive areas rather than creating strong sensations themselves. In other words, muscular contraction only indirectly contributes to our sense of space through its effects on surface sensations. In the skin and retina, it causes the stimulus to move across the surface; in the joints, it causes the surfaces to move against each other—this type of movement is the[Pg 198] most sensitive way to stimulate those surfaces. One might even question whether muscular sensitivity really plays even a minor role as a sign of these more directly geometric perceptions, which are consistently linked to the effects of contraction when viewed objectively.

For this opinion many reasons can be assigned. First, it seems a priori improbable that such organs as muscles should give us feelings whose variations bear any exact proportion to the spaces traversed when they contract. As G. E. Müller says,[197] their sensory nerves must be excited either chemically or by mechanical compression whilst the contractions last, and in neither case can the excitement be proportionate to the position into which the limb is thrown. The chemical state of the muscle depends on the previous work more than on the actually present contraction; and the internal pressure of it depends on the resistance offered more than on the shortening attained. The intrinsic muscular sensations are likely therefore to be merely those of massive strain or fatigue, and to carry no accurate discrimination with them of lengths of path moved through.

Many reasons can be given for this opinion. First, it seems unlikely from the start that organs like muscles would provide us with sensations that accurately reflect the distances traveled when they contract. As G. E. Müller points out,[197] their sensory nerves must be activated either chemically or through mechanical pressure while the contractions occur, and in either case, the activation can't be related to the position the limb is in. The chemical state of the muscle relies more on the previous work done than on the current contraction, and the internal pressure of the muscle is influenced more by the resistance it faces than by the degree of shortening. Therefore, the sensations from the muscles are likely just feelings of significant strain or fatigue, without any precise awareness of the lengths of the path traveled.

Empirically we find this probability confirmed by many facts. The judicious A. W. Volkmann observes[198] that:

Empirically, we see this probability confirmed by many facts. The wise A. W. Volkmann observes[198] that:

"Muscular feeling gives tolerably fine evidence as to the existence of movement, but hardly any direct information about its extent or direction. We are not aware that the contractions of a supinator longus have a wider range than those of a supinator brevis; and that the fibres of a bipenniform muscle contract in opposite directions is a fact of which the muscular feeling itself gives not the slightest intimation. Muscle-feeling belongs to that class of general sensations which tell us of our inner states, but not of outer relations; it does not belong among the space-perceiving senses."

"Muscle sensation gives us reasonably good evidence of movement, but not much direct information about how much movement there is or in what direction. We don’t realize that the contractions of a supinator longus have a wider range than those of a supinator brevis; and the fact that the fibers of a bipenniform muscle contract in opposite directions is something that muscle sensation doesn’t indicate at all. Muscle sensation is part of the general sensations that inform us about our internal states, but not about our external surroundings; it isn’t considered one of the senses that perceive space."

E. H. Weber in his article Tastsinn called attention to the fact that muscular movements as large and strong as those of the diaphragm go on continually without our perceiving them as motion.

E. H. Weber, in his article "Tastsinn," pointed out that muscle movements as big and powerful as those of the diaphragm happen continuously without us noticing them as motion.

G. H. Lewes makes the same remark. When we think of our muscular sensations as movements in space, it is[Pg 199] because we have ingrained with them in our imagination a movement on a surface simultaneously felt.

G. H. Lewes makes the same point. When we perceive our muscle sensations as movements in space, it's[Pg 199] because we have ingrained in our minds a movement on a surface that we feel at the same time.

"Thus whenever we breathe there is a contraction of the muscles of the ribs and the diaphragm. Since we see the chest expanding, we know it as a movement and can only think of it as such. But the diaphragm itself is not seen, and consequently by no one who is not physiologically enlightened on the point is this diaphragm thought of in movement. Nay, even when told by a physiologist that the diaphragm moves at each breathing, every one who has not seen it moving downward pictures it as an upward movement, because the chest moves upward."[199]

"Whenever we breathe, our rib and diaphragm muscles contract. Since we see the chest expanding, we perceive it as a movement and can only think of it that way. However, the diaphragm itself isn't visible, so people who aren't familiar with physiology often don't consider it as moving. In fact, even when a physiologist explains that the diaphragm moves with each breath, anyone who hasn't seen it move downward tends to imagine it moving upward because the chest moves upward." [199]

A personal experience of my own seems strongly to corroborate this view. For years I have been familiar, during the act of gaping, with a large, round, smooth sensation in the region of the throat, a sensation characteristic of gaping and nothing else, but which, although I had often wondered about it, never suggested to my mind the motion of anything. The reader probably knows from his own experience exactly what feeling I mean. It was not till one of my students told me, that I learned its objective cause. If we look into the mirror while gaping, we see that at the moment we have this feeling the hanging palate rises by the contraction of its intrinsic muscles. The contraction of these muscles and the compression of the palatine mucous membrane are what occasion the feeling; and I was at first astonished that, coming from so small an organ, it could appear so voluminous. Now the curious point is this—that no sooner had I learned by the eye its objective space-significance, than I found myself enabled mentally to feel it as a movement upwards of a body in the situation of the uvula. When I now have it, my fancy injects it, so to speak, with the image of the rising uvula; and it absorbs the image easily and naturally. In a word, a muscular contraction gave me a sensation whereof I was unable during forty years to interpret a motor meaning, of which two glances of the eye made me permanently the master. To my mind no further proof is needed of the fact that muscular contraction, merely as such, need not be perceived directly as so much motion through space.

A personal experience of mine strongly supports this idea. For years, whenever I yawned, I felt a large, round, smooth sensation in my throat, a feeling that's unique to yawning and nothing else. Although I often wondered about it, it never made me think of any movement. You probably know exactly what feeling I’m talking about from your own experience. It wasn't until one of my students told me that I learned what caused it. If we look in the mirror while yawning, we can see that at the moment we feel this sensation, the hanging palate rises due to the contraction of its intrinsic muscles. The contraction of these muscles and the pressure on the palatine mucous membrane are what create this feeling; I was initially surprised that such a small organ could produce such a big sensation. Now, here’s the interesting part: as soon as I learned visually what this sensation indicated about space, I found I could mentally recognize it as an upward movement of something in the position of the uvula. Now, when I experience it, my imagination inserts the image of the rising uvula, and it absorbs the image easily and naturally. In short, a muscular contraction gave me a sensation that I couldn’t interpret as any movement for forty years, but two quick looks made me understand it completely. To me, this is proof that muscular contraction, simply as it is, does not need to be perceived directly as motion through space.

Take again the contractions of the muscles which make the eyeball rotate. The feeling of these is supposed by many writers to play the chief part in our perceptions of extent. The space seen between two things means, according to these authors, nothing but the amount of contraction which is needed to carry the fovea from the first thing to the second. But close the eyes and note the contractions in themselves (even when coupled as they still are with the delicate surface sensations of the eyeball rolling under the lids), and we are surprised at finding how vague their space-import appears. Shut the eyes and roll them, and you can with no approach to accuracy tell the outer object which shall first be seen when you open them again.[200] Moreover, if our eye-muscle-contractions had much to do with giving us our sense of seen extent, we ought to have a natural illusion of which we find no trace. Since the feeling in the muscles grows disproportionately intense as the eyeball is rolled into an extreme eccentric position, all places on the extreme margin of the field of view ought to appear farther from the centre than they really are, for the fovea cannot get to them without an amount of this feeling altogether in excess of the amount of actual rotation.[201] When we turn to the[Pg 201] muscles of the body at large we find the same vagueness. Goldscheider found that the minimal perceived rotation of[Pg 202] a limb about a joint was no less when the movement was 'active' or produced by muscular contraction than when it was 'passively' impressed.[202] The consciousness of active movement became so blunt when the joint (alone!) was made anæsthetic by faradization, that it became evident that the feeling of contraction could never be used for fine discrimination of extents. And that it was not used for coarse discriminations appeared clear to Goldscheider from certain other results which are too circumstantial for me to quote in detail.[203] His general conclusion is that we feel our movements exclusively in our articular surfaces, and that our muscular contractions in all probability hardly occasion this sort of perception at all.[204]

Take again the contractions of the muscles that make the eyeball move. Many writers believe that these sensations play a major role in how we perceive distance. The space we see between two objects, according to them, is nothing more than the amount of muscle contraction needed to move the fovea from the first object to the second. But if you close your eyes and focus on the contractions themselves (even when combined with the subtle sensations of the eyeball moving under your eyelids), you'll be surprised by how vague their sense of space seems. Close your eyes and roll them around, and you won't be able to accurately guess which outside object will be seen first when you open your eyes again.[200] Moreover, if the contractions of our eye muscles were really significant in giving us a sense of visual distance, we should experience a natural illusion, which we don’t find. Since the sensations in the muscles become disproportionately intense when the eyeball is rolled to an extreme position, all places on the far edges of our field of view should seem farther from the center than they actually are, because the fovea can't reach them without experiencing more intensity than the actual movement requires.[201] When we look at the muscles throughout the body, we see the same lack of clarity. Goldscheider discovered that the minimal perceived rotation of a limb around a joint was the same whether the movement was 'active' (caused by muscle contraction) or 'passively' influenced.[202] The awareness of active movement became quite dull when the joint (alone!) was numbed through faradization, showing that the feeling of contraction can't be relied upon for precise discrimination of distances. It was also clear to Goldscheider that it wasn't used for rough distinctions either, based on certain other findings that are too detailed to explain here.[203] His overall conclusion is that we primarily feel our movements through our joint surfaces, and that our muscle contractions probably don’t contribute to this kind of perception at all.[204]

My conclusion is that the 'muscular sense' must fall back to the humble position from which Charles Bell raised it, and no longer figure in Psychology as the leading organ in space-perception which it has been so long 'cracked up' to be.

My conclusion is that the 'muscular sense' should return to the modest role it once had before Charles Bell promoted it, and it should no longer be considered the main organ in space perception that it has been overly celebrated for.


Before making a minuter study of Space as apprehended by the eye, we must turn to see what we can discover of space as known to the blind. But as we do so, let us cast a glance upon the results of the last pages, and ask ourselves once more whether the building up of orderly space-perceptions out of primitive incoherency requires any mental powers beyond those displayed in ordinary intellectual operations. I think it is obvious—granting the spacial quale to exist in the primitive sensations—that discrimination, association, addition, multiplication, and division, blending into generic images, substitution of similars, selective emphasis, and abstraction from uninteresting details, are quite capable of giving us all the space-perceptions[Pg 203] we have so far studied, without the aid of any mysterious 'mental chemistry' or power of 'synthesis' to create elements absent from the original data of feeling. It cannot be too strongly urged in the face of mystical attempts, however learned, that there is not a landmark, not a length, not a point of the compass in real space which is not some one of our feelings, either experienced directly as a presentation or ideally suggested by another feeling which has come to serve as its sign. In degrading some sensations to the rank of signs and exalting others to that of realities signified, we smooth out the wrinkles of our first chaotic impressions and make a continuous order of what was a rather incoherent multiplicity. But the content of the order remains identical with that of the multiplicity—sensational both, through and through.

Before taking a closer look at Space as perceived by the eye, we need to explore what we can learn about space as understood by the blind. But before we do that, let’s review the conclusions from the previous pages and ask ourselves again whether constructing organized space perceptions from primitive confusion requires any mental abilities beyond those involved in regular intellectual tasks. I believe it's clear—assuming the spatial quale exists in the basic sensations—that discrimination, association, addition, multiplication, and division, combined into general images, substituting similarities, selective emphasis, and filtering out unimportant details, can provide us with all the space perceptions[Pg 203] we've studied so far, without needing any mysterious 'mental chemistry' or power of 'synthesis' to create elements missing from our original feelings. It must be emphasized, despite any mystical claims, no matter how learned, that there is not a marker, not a distance, not a direction in real space that is not one of our feelings, either directly experienced as a presentation or ideally suggested by another feeling that has come to represent it. By reducing some sensations to mere signs and elevating others to the status of represented realities, we smooth out the chaos of our initial impressions and create a continuous order from what was a fairly disorganized multitude. However, the content of that order remains identical to that of the multitude—both are sensational through and through.

HOW THE BLIND PERCEIVE SPACE.

The blind man's construction of real space differs from that of the seeing man most obviously in the larger part which synthesis plays in it, and the relative subordination of analysis. The seeing baby's eyes take in the whole room at once, and discriminative attention must arise in him before single objects are visually discerned. The blind child, on the contrary, must form his mental image of the room by the addition, piece to piece, of parts which he learns to know successively. With our eyes we may apprehend instantly, in an enormous bird's-eye view, a landscape which the blind man is condemned to build up bit by bit after weeks perhaps of exploration. We are exactly in his predicament, however, for spaces which exceed our visual range. We think the ocean as a whole by multiplying mentally the impression we get at any moment when at sea. The distance between New York and San Francisco is computed in days' journeys; that from earth to sun is so many times the earth's diameter, etc.; and of longer distances still we may be said to have no adequate mental image whatever, but only numerical verbal symbols.

The blind man's understanding of physical space is clearly different from that of a sighted person, mainly because synthesis plays a much bigger role for him, while analysis is relatively less important. A sighted baby can see the whole room at once, and then learns to focus on individual objects. In contrast, a blind child has to build a mental picture of the room piece by piece, learning about each part one at a time. With our sight, we can instantly grasp a vast landscape from above, while a blind person must slowly piece it together over weeks of exploration. However, we find ourselves in a similar situation when thinking about spaces that are beyond what we can see. We conceptualize the ocean as a whole by mentally multiplying the impressions we have when we are at sea. The distance from New York to San Francisco is measured in days of travel; the distance from Earth to the sun is calculated as several times the Earth's diameter, and for even greater distances, we often lack a clear mental image and rely on numerical labels instead.

But the symbol will often give us the emotional effect of the perception. Such expressions as the abysmal vault of heaven, the endless expanse of ocean, etc., summarize[Pg 204] many computations to the imagination, and give the sense of an enormous horizon. So it seems with the blind. They multiply mentally the amount of a distinctly felt freedom to move, and gain the immediate sense of a vaster freedom still. Thus it is that blind men are never without the consciousness of their horizon. They all enjoy travelling, especially with a companion who can describe to them the objects they pass. On the prairies they feel the great openness; in valleys they feel closed in; and one has told me that he thought few seeing people could enjoy the view from a mountain-top more than he. A blind person on entering a house or room immediately receives, from the reverberations of his voice and steps, an impression of its dimensions, and to a certain extent of its arrangement. The tympanic sense noticed on p. 140, supra, comes in to help here, and possibly other forms of tactile sensibility not yet understood. Mr. W. Hanks Levy, the blind author of 'Blindness and the Blind' (London), gives the following account of his powers of perception:

But symbols often convey the emotional impact of what we perceive. Phrases like the vast sky or the endless ocean encapsulate numerous thoughts for the imagination and create a sense of an immense horizon. This seems to apply to the blind as well. They mentally expand their distinctly felt freedom to move, gaining an immediate sense of an even greater freedom. This is why blind people are always aware of their horizon. They all enjoy traveling, especially with a companion who can describe the things they pass by. On the prairies, they sense the vast openness; in valleys, they feel confined. One person even told me that he believed few sighted people could appreciate the view from a mountaintop more than he could. When a blind person enters a house or room, they immediately get an impression of its size and somewhat of its layout from the echoes of their voice and footsteps. The tympanic sense noted on p. 140, supra, plays a role here, along with possibly other forms of touch sensitivity that aren’t fully understood yet. Mr. W. Hanks Levy, the blind author of 'Blindness and the Blind' (London), shares the following account of his perception abilities:

"Whether within a house or in the open air, whether walking or standing still, I can tell, although quite blind, when I am opposite an object, and can perceive whether it be tall or short, slender or bulky. I can also detect whether it be a solitary object or a continuous fence; whether it be a close fence or composed of open rails; and often whether it be a wooden fence, a brick or stone wall, or a quick-set hedge. I cannot usually perceive objects if much lower than my shoulder, but sometimes very low objects can be detected. This may depend on the nature of the objects, or on some abnormal state of the atmosphere. The currents of air can have nothing to do with this power, as the state of the wind does not directly affect it; the sense of hearing has nothing to do with it, as when snow lies thickly on the ground objects are more distinct, although the footfall cannot be heard. I seem to perceive objects through the skin of my face, and to have the impressions immediately transmitted to the brain. The only part of my body possessing this power is my face; this I have ascertained by suitable experiments. Stopping my ears does not interfere with it, but covering my face with a thick veil destroys it altogether. None of the five senses have anything to do with the existence of this power, and the circumstances above named induce me to call this unrecognized sense by the name of 'facial perception.'... When passing along a street I can distinguish shops from private houses, and even point out the doors and windows, etc., and this whether the doors be shut or open. When a window consists of one entire sheet of glass, it is more difficult to discover[Pg 205] than one composed of a number of small panes. From this it would appear that glass is a bad conductor of sensation, or at any rate of the sensation specially connected with this sense. When objects below the face are perceived, the sensation seems to come in an oblique line from the object to the upper part of the face. While walking with a friend in Forest Lane, Stratford, I said, pointing to a fence which separated the road from a field, 'Those rails are not quite as high as my shoulder.' He looked at them, and said they were higher. We, however, measured, and found them about three inches lower than my shoulder. At the time of making this observation I was about four feet from the rails. Certainly in this instance facial perception was more accurate than sight. When the lower part of a fence is brickwork, and the upper part rails, the fact can be detected, and the line where the two meet easily perceived. Irregularities in height, and projections and indentations in walls, can also be discovered."

"Whether I'm inside or outside, walking or standing still, I can sense when I'm facing an object, even if I can't see it, and I can tell if it's tall or short, thin or wide. I can also figure out if it's a single object or a long fence; if it's a solid fence or made of open rails; and often, whether it's a wooden fence, a brick or stone wall, or a dense hedge. I usually can't notice objects that are much lower than my shoulder, but sometimes I can see very low ones, possibly depending on the type of object or some unusual atmospheric condition. Air currents don’t affect this ability, as the wind doesn't directly influence it; my sense of hearing doesn't matter either because when there's thick snow on the ground, objects are clearer, even if I can't hear my footsteps. It feels like I perceive objects through the skin on my face, and the impressions seem to go straight to my brain. The only part of my body with this ability is my face, which I've discovered through specific experiments. Blocking my ears doesn't interfere with it, but covering my face with a thick veil completely stops it. None of the five senses relate to this ability, and the situations I've mentioned make me call this unrecognized sense ‘facial perception.’ When I'm walking down a street, I can distinguish between shops and private houses and even identify their doors and windows, whether they’re open or closed. If a window has one large piece of glass, it's harder to notice than one made of many small panes. This suggests that glass doesn't transmit sensation well, or at least doesn't connect well with this sense. When I perceive objects beneath my face, the sensation seems to travel at an angle from the object to the upper part of my face. While walking with a friend on Forest Lane in Stratford, I pointed to a fence dividing the road from a field and said, 'Those rails aren't quite as high as my shoulder.' He looked and said they were taller. However, when we measured, they turned out to be about three inches lower than my shoulder. At that time, I was about four feet away from the rails. Clearly, in this case, facial perception was more accurate than sight. When the lower part of a fence is brick and the upper part is rails, I can detect that and easily see where the two meet. I can also spot height differences and the projections and indentations in walls."

According to Mr. Levy, this power of seeing with the face is diminished by a fog, but not by ordinary darkness. At one time he could tell when a cloud obscured the horizon, but he has now lost that power, which he has known several persons to possess who are totally blind. These effects of aqueous vapor suggest immediately that fluctuations in the heat radiated by the objects may be the source of the perception. One blind gentleman, Mr. Kilburne, an instructor in the Perkins Institution in South Boston, who has the power spoken of in an unusual degree, proved, however, to have no more delicate a sense of temperature in his face than ordinary persons. He himself supposed that his ears had nothing to do with the faculty until a complete stoppage of them, not only with cotton but with putty on top of it, by abolishing the perception entirely, proved his first impression to be erroneous. Many blind men say immediately that their ears are concerned in the matter.

According to Mr. Levy, the ability to "see" with one's face is reduced by fog but not by regular darkness. He used to be able to tell when a cloud was covering the horizon, but he has lost that ability, which he has known several completely blind people to have. The effects of water vapor suggest that changes in the heat radiating from objects might be the source of this perception. One blind man, Mr. Kilburne, an instructor at the Perkins Institution in South Boston, possesses this ability to an unusual degree but doesn’t have a more sensitive sense of temperature in his face than regular people. He thought that his ears weren't involved in this ability until he blocked them completely with cotton and putty, which entirely eliminated his perception, proving his initial belief wrong. Many blind individuals immediately say that their ears play a role in this.

Sounds certainly play a far more prominent part in the mental life of the blind than in our own. In taking a walk through the country, the mutations of sound, far and near, constitute their chief delight. And to a great extent their imagination of distance and of objects moving from one distant spot to another seems to consist in thinking how a certain sonority would be modified by the change of place. It is unquestionable that the semi-circular-canal feelings play a great part in defining the points of the compass[Pg 206] and the direction of distant spots, in the blind as in us. We start towards them by feelings of this sort; and so many directions, so many different-feeling starts.[205]

Sounds definitely play a much bigger role in the mental life of blind individuals than they do in ours. When they take a walk through the countryside, the changes in sound, both far and near, are their main source of enjoyment. To a large extent, their imagination regarding distance and objects moving from one distant location to another seems to revolve around how a certain sound would change with the change of location. It's clear that the feelings from the semicircular canals are significant in determining the points of the compass and the direction of distant places, just like they are for us. We begin our journey towards these places based on these feelings; and with so many directions come so many different kinds of feelings. [Pg 206][205]

The only point that offers any theoretic difficulty is the prolongation into space of the direction, after the start. We saw, ten pages back, that for extradition to occur beyond the skin, the portion of skin in question and the space beyond must form a common object for some other sensory surface. The eyes are for most of us this sensory surface; for the blind it can only be other parts of the skin, coupled or not with motion. But the mere gropings of the hands in every direction must end by surrounding the whole body with a sphere of felt space. And this sphere must become enlarged with every movement of locomotion, these movements gaining their space-values from the semi-circular-canal feelings which accompany them, and from the farther and farther parts of large fixed objects (such as the bed, the wainscoting, or a fence) which they bring within the grasp. It might be supposed that a knowledge of space acquired by so many successive discrete acts would always retain a somewhat jointed and so to speak, granulated character. When we who are gifted with sight think of a space too large to come into a single field of view, we are apt to imagine it as composite, and filled with more or less jerky stoppings and startings (think, for instance, of the space from here to San Francisco), or else we reduce the scale symbolically and imagine how much larger on a map the distance would look than others with whose totality we are familiar.

The only area that presents any theoretical challenge is extending the direction into space after it begins. We noted ten pages ago that for extradition to happen beyond the skin, the part of the skin in question and the space beyond must be perceived as a single object by another sensory surface. For most of us, this sensory surface is our eyes; for those who are blind, it can only be other areas of the skin, possibly combined with movement. However, simply feeling around with our hands in every direction will eventually create a sphere of felt space surrounding the whole body. This sphere needs to expand with each movement, with the space gaining its significance from the sensations in the semi-circular canals that come with those movements, and from the increasingly distant parts of large, fixed objects (like the bed, the paneling, or a fence) that we bring within reach. One might think that an understanding of space developed through so many individual actions would always seem somewhat disjointed and, so to speak, granular. When we, who have the gift of sight, think of an expanse too large to fit within a single view, we often visualize it as a composite, with various start-and-stop sensations (for example, consider the space between here and San Francisco), or we symbolically scale it down and imagine how much larger the distance would appear on a map compared to others we are familiar with.

I am disposed to believe, after interrogating many blind persons, that the use of imaginary maps on a reduced scale is less frequent with them than with the rest of us. Possibly the extraordinary changeableness of the visual magnitudes of things makes this habit natural to us, while the fixity of tactile magnitudes keeps them from falling into it. (When the blind young man operated on by Dr. Franz was[Pg 207] shown a portrait in a locket, he was vastly surprised that the face could be put into so small a compass: it would have seemed to him, he said, as impossible as to put a bushel into a pint.) Be this as it may, however, the space which each blind man feels to extend beyond his body is felt by him as one smooth continuum—all trace of those muscular startings and stoppings and reversals which presided over its formation having been eliminated from the memory. It seems, in other words, a generic image of the space-element common to all these experiences, with the unessential particularities of each left out. In truth, where in this space a start or a stop may have occurred was quite accidental. It may never occur just there again, and so the attention lets it drops altogether. Even as long a space as that traversed in a several-mile walk will not necessarily appear to a blind man's thought in the guise of a series of locomotor acts. Only where there is some distinct locomotor difficulty, such as a step to ascend, a difficult crossing, or a disappearance of the path, will distinct locomotor images constitute the idea. Elsewhere the space seems continuous, and its parts may even all seem coexistent; though, as a very intelligent blind friend once remarked to me, 'To think of such distances involves probably more mental wear and tear and brain-waste in the blind than in the seeing.' This seems to point to a greater element of successive addition and construction in the blind man's idea.

I tend to believe, after talking to many blind people, that they use imaginary maps on a smaller scale less often than the rest of us. Perhaps the constant change in how we see things makes this habit come naturally to us, while the stable nature of what they feel prevents them from doing the same. (When a blind young man operated on by Dr. Franz was[Pg 207] shown a portrait in a locket, he was really surprised that a face could fit into such a small space; he said it would seem as impossible to him as putting a bushel into a pint.) Regardless, the space that each blind person feels extends beyond their body as a smooth continuum—all signs of those muscular starts, stops, and changes that created it have been removed from their memory. In other words, it's a generic image of the space common to all their experiences, without the unnecessary details of each experience included. In fact, where in this space a start or stop might have happened is quite coincidental. It might never happen exactly there again, so attention lets it go entirely. Even a long distance, like that covered in a several-mile walk, won’t necessarily appear in a blind person's mind as a series of physical actions. Only when faced with a specific movement challenge, like a step to climb, a tricky crossing, or a path that disappears, will distinct movement images define the idea. Otherwise, the space feels continuous, and all its parts may seem to exist simultaneously; although, as a very smart blind friend once told me, 'Thinking about such distances probably involves more mental effort and brain energy in blind people than in those who can see.' This suggests that a blind person's concept of space requires more cumulative thought and construction.

Our own visual explorations go on by means of innumerable stoppings and startings of the eyeballs. Yet these are all effaced from the final space-sphere of our visual imagination. They have neutralized each other. We can even distribute our attention to the right and left sides simultaneously, and think of those two quarters of space as coexistent. Does the smoothing out of the locomotor interruptions from the blind man's tactile space-sphere offer any greater paradox? Surely not. And it is curious to note that both in him and in us there is one particular locomotor feeling that is apt to assert itself obstinately to the last. We and he alike spontaneously imagine space as lying in front of us, for reasons too obvious to enumerate. If we think of the space behind us, we, as a rule, have to[Pg 208] turn round mentally, and in doing so the front space vanishes. But in this, as in the other things of which we have been talking, individuals differ widely. Some, in imagining a room, can think of all its six surfaces at once. Others mentally turn round, or, at least, imagine the room in several successive and mutually exclusive acts (cf. p. 54, above).

Our visual explorations continue through countless starts and stops of our eyes. However, these are all erased from the final visualization in our imagination. They cancel each other out. We can even spread our attention to the right and left sides at the same time and think of those two spaces as existing together. Does the smoothing out of the movement interruptions in a blind person's tactile experience present any greater contradiction? Probably not. It’s interesting to note that both in him and in us, there is one specific feeling of movement that tends to persist stubbornly until the end. We both naturally imagine space as lying in front of us, for reasons that are too obvious to list. When we think about the space behind us, we typically have to[Pg 208] turn around mentally, and in doing so, the space in front disappears. But in this, as with other things we’ve discussed, people vary widely. Some can imagine all six surfaces of a room at once. Others mentally turn around or at least visualize the room through several successive and mutually exclusive actions (cf. p. 54, above).


Sir William Hamilton, and J. S. Mill after him, have quoted approvingly an opinion of Platner (an eighteenth-century philosopher) regarding the space-perceptions of the blind. Platner says:

Sir William Hamilton, and J. S. Mill after him, have quoted approvingly an opinion of Platner (an eighteenth-century philosopher) regarding the space perceptions of the blind. Platner says:

"The attentive observation of a person born blind... has convinced me that the sense of touch by itself is altogether incompetent to afford us the representation of extension and space.... In fact, to those born blind, time serves instead of space. Vicinity and distance mean in their mouths nothing more than the shorter or longer time ... necessary to attain from some one feeling to some other."

"Watching someone who was born blind has shown me that touch alone can’t really help us understand space and distance. For people who are blind from birth, time replaces space. To them, being close or far away only relates to how much time it takes to move from one feeling to another."

After my own observation of blind people, I should hardly have considered this as anything but an eccentric opinion, worthy to pair off with that other belief that color is primitively seen without extent, had it not been for the remarkable Essay on Tactile and Visual Space by M. Ch. Dunan, which appeared in the Revue Philosophique for 1888. This author quotes[206] three very competent witnesses, all officials in institutions for the blind [it does not appear from the text that more than one of them was blind himself], who say that blind people only live in time. M. Dunan himself does not share exactly this belief, but he insists that the blind man's and the seeing man's representation of space have absolutely naught in common, and that we are deceived into believing that what they mean by space is analogous to what we mean, by the fact that so many of them are but semi-blind and still think in visual terms, and from the farther fact that they all talk in visual terms just like ourselves. But on examining M. Dunan's reasons one finds that they all rest on the groundless logical assumption that the perception of a geometrical form which we get with our eyes, and that which a blind man gets with[Pg 209] his fingers, must either be absolutely identical or absolutely unlike. They cannot be similar in diversity, "for they are simple notions, and it is of the essence of such to enter the mind or leave it all at once, so that one who has a simple notion at all, possesses it in all its completeness.... Therefore, since it is impossible that the blind should have of the forms in question ideas completely identical with our seeing ones, it follows that their ideas must be radically different from and wholly irreducible to our own."[207] Hereupon M. Dunan has no difficulty in finding a blind man who still preserves a crude sensation of diffused light, and who says when questioned that this light has no extent. Having 'no extent' appears, however, on farther questioning, to signify merely not enveloping any particular tactile objects, nor being located within their outline; so that (allowing for latitude of expression) the result tallies perfectly with our own view. A relatively stagnant retinal sensation of diffused light, not varying when different objects are handled, would naturally remain an object quite apart. If the word 'extent' were habitually used to denote tactile extent, this sensation, having no tactile associates whatever, would naturally have 'extent' denied of it. And yet all the while it would be analogous to the tactile sensations in having the quality of bigness. Of course it would have no other tactile qualities, just as the tactile objects have no other optical qualities than bigness. All sorts of analogies obtain between the spheres of sensibility. Why are 'sweet' and 'soft' used so synonymously in most languages? and why are both these adjectives applied to objects of so many sensible kinds? Rough sounds, heavy smells, hard lights, cold colors, are other examples. Nor does it follow from such analogies as these that the sensations compared need be composite and have some of their parts identical. We saw in Chapter XIII that likeness and difference are an elementary relation, not to be resolved in every case into a mixture of absolute identity and absolute heterogeneity of content (cf. Vol. I, pp. 492-3).

After watching blind people for myself, I would have probably thought this was just an odd opinion, similar to the belief that color is initially perceived without depth, if it weren't for the insightful Essay on Tactile and Visual Space by M. Ch. Dunan, which came out in the Revue Philosophique in 1888. This author cites[206] three qualified witnesses, all of whom work in institutions for the blind [although it seems that only one of them was blind himself], who claim that blind people only exist in time. M. Dunan doesn’t fully agree with this idea, but he asserts that the way blind and sighted individuals perceive space has absolutely nothing in common, and that we are misled into thinking their notion of space is similar to ours because many of them are partially blind and still think in visual terms, and because they all speak in visual terms just like we do. However, when examining M. Dunan's arguments, one finds that they are based on the unfounded logical assumption that the perception of a geometric shape we have with our eyes, and that which a blind person gets with[Pg 209] their fingers, must either be completely identical or completely different. They cannot be the same in diversity, "because they are simple notions, and it is essential for such notions to enter the mind or leave it all at once, meaning that anyone who has a simple notion at all possesses it in all its completeness... Therefore, since it is impossible for the blind to have ideas of the forms in question that are completely identical to our seeing ones, it follows that their ideas must be fundamentally different from and completely unrelated to our own."[207] Following this, M. Dunan finds a blind person who still has a vague sense of diffused light, and when asked, states that this light has no extent. However, upon further questioning, 'having no extent' seems to mean that it doesn't surround any specific tactile objects or exist within their borders; thus, (considering some leeway in expression) the conclusion aligns perfectly with our own view. A relatively stable retinal sensation of diffused light, which doesn’t change when different objects are touched, would naturally remain a separate experience. If the term 'extent' was regularly used to refer to tactile extent, this sensation, having no tactile connections at all, would obviously be denied the label of 'extent.' Yet all the while, it would be similar to tactile sensations in having the quality of size. Of course, it wouldn’t have any other tactile qualities, just as tactile objects have no other optical qualities apart from size. Many analogies exist between the domains of sensation. Why are 'sweet' and 'soft' used so interchangeably in most languages? And why are both adjectives applied to objects of so many sensory types? Rough sounds, strong smells, intense lights, cool colors, are other examples. It doesn't necessarily mean that the sensations being compared need to be composite and have some of their components identical. As we noted in Chapter XIII, similarity and difference represent a basic relationship, not to be resolved in every instance into a blend of complete identity and complete difference in content (cf. Vol. I, pp. 492-3).

I conclude, then, that although in its more superficial[Pg 210] determinations the blind man's space is very different from our space, yet a deep analogy remains between the two. 'Big' and 'little,' 'far' and 'near,' are similar contents of consciousness in both of us. But the measure of the bigness and the farness is very different in him and in ourselves. He, for example, can have no notion of what we mean by objects appearing smaller as they move away, because he must always conceive of them as of their constant tactile size. Nor, whatever analogy the two extensions involve, should we expect that a blind man receiving sight for the first time should recognize his new-given optical objects by their familiar tactile names. Molyneux wrote to Locke:

I conclude, then, that even though at a surface level[Pg 210] the blind man's space is very different from ours, there is a deeper analogy between the two. 'Big' and 'little,' 'far' and 'near,' are similar experiences we both have. However, the measure of bigness and distance is very different for him compared to us. For instance, he cannot understand what we mean when we say objects appear smaller as they move away, because he must always think of them in terms of their constant tactile size. Also, regardless of any analogy between the two experiences, we shouldn’t expect a blind man to recognize objects he sees for the first time by their familiar tactile names. Molyneux wrote to Locke:

"Suppose a man born blind, and now adult, and taught by his touch to distinguish between a cube and a sphere,... so as to tell, when he felt one and the other, which is the cube, which the sphere. Suppose then the cube and sphere placed on a table and the blind man to be made to see; query, whether by his sight, before he touched them, he could now distinguish and tell which is the globe, which the cube?"

"Imagine a man who was born blind and is now an adult. He has learned through touch to distinguish between a cube and a sphere, meaning he can identify which is which by feeling them. Now, if the cube and sphere are set on a table and the blind man gains the ability to see, the question is: before he touches them, can he now identify which one is the sphere and which one is the cube?"

This has remained in literature as 'Molyneux's query.' Molyneux answered 'No.' And Locke says:[208]

This has stayed in literature as 'Molyneux's query.' Molyneux answered 'No.' And Locke says:[208]

"I agree with this thinking gentleman whom I am proud to call my friend, and am of opinion that the blind man at first sight would not be able to say which was the globe, which the cube, whilst he only saw them; though he could unerringly name them by his touch and certainly distinguish them by the difference of their figures felt."

"I agree with this insightful man, who I’m proud to call my friend. I believe that the blind man wouldn't be able to tell which one was the globe and which one was the cube just by looking. However, he could correctly identify them by touch and definitely distinguish them based on the differences in their shapes he felt."

This opinion has not lacked experimental confirmation. From Chesselden's case downwards, patients operated for congenital cataract have been unable to name at first the things they saw. "So, Puss, I shall know you another time," said Chesselden's patient, after catching the cat, looking at her steadfastly, and setting her down. Some of this incapacity is unquestionably due to general mental confusion at the new experience, and to the excessively unfavorable conditions for perception which an eye with its lens just extirpated affords. That the analogy of inner nature between the retinal and tactile sensations goes beyond mere extensity is proved by the cases where the patients were the most intelligent, as in the young man operated on by Dr. Franz,[Pg 211] who named circular, triangular, and quadrangular figures at first sight.[209]

This opinion has been confirmed through experimentation. Starting from Chesselden's case, patients who had surgery for congenital cataract have not been able to clearly identify what they were seeing at first. "So, Puss, I will recognize you next time," said Chesselden's patient after catching the cat, looking at her intently, and then setting her down. Some of this inability is undoubtedly due to general mental confusion from the new experience and the very poor conditions for perception that occur when an eye has just had its lens removed. The similarity between retinal and tactile sensations goes beyond just physical shape, as shown by cases involving highly intelligent patients, like the young man operated on by Dr. Franz, who identified circular, triangular, and quadrangular shapes at first glance.[Pg 211]

VISUAL SPACE.

It is when we come to analyze minutely the conditions of visual perception that difficulties arise which have made psychologists appeal to new and quasi-mythical mental powers. But I firmly believe that even here exact investigation will yield the same verdict as in the cases studied hitherto. This subject will close our survey of the facts; and if it give the result I foretell, we shall be in the best of positions for a few final pages of critically historical review.

It’s when we closely examine the conditions of visual perception that challenges come up, leading psychologists to reference new and quasi-mythical mental abilities. However, I truly believe that thorough investigation will reach the same conclusion as the cases we've looked at so far. This topic will wrap up our review of the facts; and if it gives the result I expect, we'll be in a great position for a few final pages of critical historical analysis.

If a common person is asked how he is enabled to see things as they are, he will simply reply, by opening his eyes and looking. This innocent answer has, however, long since been impossible for science. There are various paradoxes and irregularities about what we appear to perceive under seemingly identical optical conditions, which immediately raise questions. To say nothing now of the time-honored conundrums of why we see upright with an inverted retinal picture, and why we do not see double; and to leave aside the whole field of color-contrasts and ambiguities, as not directly relevant to the space-problem,—it is certain that the same retinal image makes us see quite differently-sized and differently-shaped objects at different times, and it is equally certain that the same ocular movement varies in its perceptive import. It ought to be possible, were the act of perception completely and simply intelligible, to assign for every distinct judgment of size, shape, and position a distinct optical modification of some kind as its occasion. And the connection between the two ought to be so constant that, given the same modification, we should always have the same judgment. But if we[Pg 212] study the facts closely we soon find no such constant connection between either judgment and retinal modification, or judgment and muscular modification, to exist. The judgment seems to result from the combination of retinal, muscular and intellectual factors with each other; and any one of them may occasionally overpower the rest in a way which seems to leave the matter subject to no simple law.

If a regular person is asked how they are able to see things as they are, they'll just say, by opening their eyes and looking. However, this straightforward answer has been impossible for science for a long time. There are various paradoxes and irregularities about what we seem to perceive under apparently identical optical conditions, which immediately raise questions. Not to mention the age-old puzzles of why we see upright even with an upside-down retinal image, and why we don't see double; and setting aside the entire area of color contrasts and ambiguities, since they aren't directly related to the spatial issue,—it's clear that the same retinal image makes us see objects that are different sizes and shapes at different times, and it's also clear that the same eye movement changes how we perceive things. It should be possible, if the act of perception were completely and simply understandable, to link every distinct judgment of size, shape, and position to a specific kind of optical change that caused it. The connection between the two should be so consistent that, given the same modification, we would always make the same judgment. But if we[Pg 212] examine the facts closely we soon find no such constant connection between either judgment and retinal modification, or judgment and muscular modification, to exist. The judgment seems to come from the combination of retinal, muscular, and intellectual factors interacting; and any one of them can sometimes dominate the others in a way that makes the situation seem unpredictable and not governed by any simple rule.

The scientific study of the subject, if we omit Descartes, began with Berkeley, and the particular perception he analyzed in his New Theory of Vision was that of distance or depth. Starting with the physical assumption that a difference in the distance of a point can make no difference in the nature of its retinal image, since "distance being a line directed endwise to the eye, it projects only one point in the fund of the eye—which point remains invariably the same, whether the distance be longer or shorter," he concluded that distance could not possibly be a visual sensation, but must be an intellectual 'suggestion' from 'custom' of some non-visual experience. According to Berkeley this experience was tactile. His whole treatment of the subject was excessively vague,—no shame to him, as a breaker of fresh ground,—but as it has been adopted and enthusiastically hugged in all its vagueness by nearly the whole line of British psychologists who have succeeded him, it will be well for us to begin our study of vision by refuting his notion that depth cannot possibly be perceived in terms of purely visual feeling.

The scientific study of the topic, excluding Descartes, began with Berkeley. The specific perception he examined in his New Theory of Vision was that of distance or depth. Starting from the idea that a difference in the distance of a point doesn’t change the nature of its retinal image, since "distance being a line directed endwise to the eye, it projects only one point in the fund of the eye—which point remains invariably the same, whether the distance be longer or shorter," he concluded that distance couldn’t be a visual sensation, but must be an intellectual 'suggestion' based on 'custom' from some non-visual experience. According to Berkeley, this experience was tactile. His entire discussion on the subject was quite vague—no fault of his, as he was paving new ground—but since it has been widely accepted and embraced in all its vagueness by nearly all subsequent British psychologists, it’s important for us to start our study of vision by challenging his idea that depth can’t be perceived through pure visual feeling.

The Third Dimension.

Berkeleyans unanimously assume that no retinal sensation can primitively be of volume; if it be of extension at all (which they are barely disposed to admit), it can be only of two-, not of three-, dimensional extension. At the beginning of the present chapter we denied this, and adduced facts to show that all objects of sensation are voluminous in three dimensions (cf. p. 136 ff.). It is impossible to lie on one's back on a hill, to let the empty abyss of blue fill one's whole visual field, and to sink deeper and deeper into the merely sensational mode of consciousness regarding it, without feeling that an indeterminate, palpitating, circling[Pg 213] depth is as indefeasibly one of its attributes as its breadth. We may artificially exaggerate this sensation of depth. Rise and look from the hill-top at the distant view; represent to yourself as vividly as possible the distance of the uttermost horizon; and then with inverted head look at the same. There will be a startling increase in the perspective, a most sensible recession of the maximum distance; and as you raise the head you can actually see the horizon-line again draw near.[210]

Berkeleyans all agree that no retinal sensation can be primarily about volume; if it relates to extension at all (which they are hardly willing to acknowledge), it can only be about two-dimensional, not three-dimensional, extension. At the start of this chapter, we disagreed with this idea and presented facts to show that all sensations are voluminous in three dimensions (cf. p. 136 ff.). It’s impossible to lie on your back on a hill, let the vast empty blue fill your entire visual field, and sink deeper into just that sensational experience without feeling that an undefined, throbbing, swirling depth is as undeniably one of its qualities as its width. We can artificially amplify this sense of depth. Stand up and look from the hilltop at the distant view; imagine as vividly as you can the distance to the farthest horizon; and then with your head inverted, look at the same view. You will notice a shocking increase in perspective, a clear receding of the maximum distance; and as you lift your head, you can actually see the horizon line come closer again.[210]

Mind, I say nothing as yet about our estimate of the 'real' amount of this depth or distance. I only want to confirm its existence as a natural and inevitable optical consort of the two other optical dimensions. The field of view is always a volume-unit. Whatever be supposed to be its absolute and 'real' size, the relative sizes of its dimensions are functions of each other. Indeed, it happens perhaps most often that the breadth- and height-feeling take their absolute measure from the depth-feeling. If we plunge our head into a wash-basin, the felt nearness of the bottom makes us feel the lateral expanse to be small. If, on the contrary, we are on a mountain-top, the distance of the horizon carries with it in our judgment a proportionate[Pg 214] height and length in the mountain-chains that bound it to our view. But as aforesaid, let us not consider the question of absolute size now,—it must later be taken up in a thorough way. Let us confine ourselves to the way in which the three dimensions which are seen, get their values fixed relatively to each other.

Keep in mind, I’m not yet commenting on our estimate of the 'real' amount of this depth or distance. I just want to confirm that it exists as a natural and unavoidable optical companion to the other two dimensions. The field of view is always a volume-unit. Regardless of what we believe its absolute and 'real' size is, the relative sizes of its dimensions depend on each other. In fact, it tends to be that our perception of width and height often measures itself based on our perception of depth. For instance, if we dip our head into a washbasin, the perceived closeness of the bottom makes the sides feel small. On the other hand, if we’re at the top of a mountain, the distance to the horizon leads us to judge the proportionate[Pg 214] height and length of the mountain ranges that frame our view. But again, let’s not think about absolute size right now—this will need to be explored more thoroughly later. Let’s focus on how the three visible dimensions get their values set relative to each other.

Reid, in his Inquiry into the Human Mind, has a section 'Of the Geometry of Visibles,' in which he assumes to trace what the perceptions would be of a race of 'Idomenians' reduced to the sole sense of sight. Agreeing with Berkeley that sight alone can give no knowledge of the third dimension, he humorously deduces various ingenious absurdities in their interpretations of the material appearances before their eyes.

Reid, in his Inquiry into the Human Mind, includes a section titled 'Of the Geometry of Visibles,' where he attempts to trace what the perceptions would be for a group of 'Idomenians' limited to just the sense of sight. Agreeing with Berkeley that sight alone cannot provide knowledge of the third dimension, he humorously derives several clever absurdities in their interpretations of the material appearances in front of them.

Now I firmly believe, on the contrary, that one of Reid's Idomenians would frame precisely the same conception of the external world that we do, if he had our intellectual powers.[211] Even were his very eyeballs fixed and not movable like ours, that would only retard, not frustrate, his education. For the same object, by alternately covering in its lateral movements different parts of his retina, would determine the mutual equivalencies of the first two dimensions of the field of view; and by exciting the physiological cause of his perception of depth in various degrees, it would establish a scale of equivalency between the first two and the third.

Now I strongly believe, on the contrary, that one of Reid's Idomenians would come up with exactly the same idea of the external world that we do if he had our intellectual abilities.[211] Even if his eyeballs were fixed and not able to move like ours, that would only slow down, not hinder, his education. Because the same object, by alternately blocking different parts of his retina during its lateral movements, would determine the mutual equivalencies of the first two dimensions of the field of view; and by stimulating the physiological cause of his perception of depth in varying degrees, it would establish a scale of equivalency between the first two and the third.

First of all, one of the sensations given by the object is chosen to represent its 'real' size and shape, in accordance with the principles laid down on pp. 178 and 179. One sensation measures the 'thing' present, and the 'thing' then measures the other sensations. The peripheral parts of the retina are equated with the central by receiving the image of the same object. This needs no elucidation in case the[Pg 215] object does not change its distance or its front. But suppose, to take a more complicated case, that the object is a stick, seen first in its whole length, and then rotated round one of its ends; let this fixed end be the one near the eye. In this movement the stick's image will grow progressively shorter; its farther end will appear less and less separated laterally from its fixed near end; soon it will be screened by the latter, and then reappear on the opposite side, and finally on that side resume its original length. Suppose this movement to become a familiar experience; the mind will presumably react upon it after its usual fashion (which is that of unifying all data which it is in any way possible to unify), and consider it the movement of a constant object rather than the transformation of a fluctuating one. Now, the sensation of depth which it receives during the experience is awakened more by the far than by the near end of the object. But how much depth? What shall measure its amount? Why, at the moment the far end is ready to be eclipsed, the difference of its distance from the near end's distance must be judged equal to the stick's whole length; but that length has already been judged equal to a certain optical sensation of breadth. Thus we find that given amounts of the visual depth-feeling become signs of fixed amounts of the visual breadth-feeling. The measurement of distance is, as Berkeley truly said, a result of suggestion and experience. But visual experience alone is adequate to produce it, and this he erroneously denied.

First of all, one of the sensations provided by the object is selected to represent its 'real' size and shape, based on the principles established on pp. 178 and 179. One sensation measures the 'thing' present, and the 'thing' then measures the other sensations. The outer parts of the retina are compared with the center by receiving the image of the same object. This doesn't need further explanation if the object doesn't change its distance or orientation. But let's consider a more complex scenario: if the object is a stick, initially seen in its full length, and then rotated around one of its ends, with that fixed end being the one closest to the eye. As the stick moves, its image will gradually appear shorter; its farther end will seem to get closer to the fixed end; soon it will be blocked by the latter, then reappear on the opposite side, and eventually return to its original length on that side. If this movement becomes a familiar experience, the mind will likely react in its usual way (which is to unify all data it can in any way), and perceive it as the motion of a constant object rather than the change of something variable. Now, the sensation of depth received during this experience is triggered more by the farther end than by the closer one. But how much depth are we talking about? What measures its extent? At the moment the far end is about to be blocked, the difference in distance between the far and near ends of the stick must be viewed as equal to the entire length of the stick; however, that length has already been determined as equal to a certain optical perception of width. Thus we see that specific amounts of the visual depth sensation become indicators of fixed amounts of the visual width sensation. The measurement of distance is, as Berkeley rightly pointed out, a result of suggestion and experience. However, visual experience alone is sufficient to create it, which he mistakenly denied.

Suppose a colonel in front of his regiment at dress-parade, and suppose he walks at right angles towards the midmost man of the line. As he advances, and surveys the line in either direction, he looks more and more down it and less and less at it, until, when abreast of the midmost man, he feels the end men to be most distant; then when the line casts hardly any lateral image on his retina at all, what distance shall he judge to be that of the end men? Why, half the length of the regiment as it was originally seen, of course; but this length was a moment ago a retinal object spread out laterally before his sight. He has now merely equated a retinal depth-feeling with a retinal breadth-feeling. If the regiment moved, and the[Pg 216] colonel stood still, the result would be the same. In such ways as these a creature endowed with eyes alone could hardly fail of measuring out all three dimensions of the space he inhabited. And we ourselves, I think, although we may often 'realize' distance in locomotor terms (as Berkeley says we must always do), yet do so no less often in terms of our retinal map, and always in this way the more spontaneously. Were this not so, the three visual dimensions could not possibly feel to us as homogeneous as they do, nor as commensurable inter se.

Imagine a colonel in front of his regiment during a formal parade, walking directly towards the middle person in the line. As he moves forward and looks along the line in both directions, he increasingly perceives it as extending away from him rather than just in front of him. When he reaches the midpoint next to the central soldier, he senses that the soldiers on the ends seem the farthest away; when the line hardly registers any side view on his retina at all, what distance will he assume the end soldiers are? Obviously, it will be half the length of the regiment as he first saw it, but that length was just a moment ago something spread out laterally before him. He has simply equated a sense of depth with a sense of width. If the regiment moved and the colonel stood still, the outcome would be the same. In these ways, a being with just eyesight would likely be able to measure all three dimensions of the space around them. And I believe we, too, although we often think of distance in terms of movement (as Berkeley suggests we always do), still frequently gauge it through our visual perception, and we do this even more instinctively. If this weren't the case, the three visual dimensions wouldn't feel as uniform or as comparable to one another as they do.

Let us then admit distance to be at least as genuinely optical a content of consciousness as either height or breadth. The question immediately returns, Can any of them be said in any strictness to be optical sensations? We have contended all along for the affirmative reply to this question, but must now cope with difficulties greater than any that have assailed us hitherto.

Let's then recognize that distance is just as much a real visual element of our awareness as height or width. The question immediately comes back: Can any of these actually be called visual sensations? We've always argued for a yes answer to this question, but now we have to deal with challenges that are tougher than any we've faced before.

Helmholtz and Reid on Sensations.

A sensation is, as we have seen in Chapter XVII, the mental affection that follows most immediately upon the stimulation of the sense-tract. Its antecedent is directly physical, no psychic links, no acts of memory, inference, or association intervening. Accordingly, if we suppose the nexus between neural process in the sense-organ, on the one hand, and conscious affection, on the other, to be by nature uniform, the same process ought always to give the same sensation; and conversely, if what seems to be a sensation varies whilst the process in the sense-organ remains unchanged, the reason is presumably that it is really not a sensation but a higher mental product, whereof the variations depend on events occurring in the system of higher cerebral centres.

A sensation is, as we've seen in Chapter XVII, the mental response that comes right after the stimulation of the sense organs. Its cause is purely physical, with no psychological connections, memory, inference, or associations involved. Therefore, if we assume that the link between the neural activity in the sense organ and conscious experience is consistent, the same process should always produce the same sensation; and on the flip side, if what appears to be a sensation changes while the process in the sense organ stays the same, it's likely that it’s not truly a sensation but rather a more complex mental product, with variations depending on what's happening in the higher brain centers.

Now the size of the field of view varies enormously in all three dimensions, without our being able to assign with any definiteness the process in the visual tract on which the variation depends. We just saw how impossible such assignment was in the case where turning down the head produces the enlargement. In general, the maximum feeling of depth or distance seems to take the lead in determining the apparent magnitude of the whole field, and the[Pg 217] two other dimensions seem to follow. If, to use the former instance, I look close into a wash-basin, the lateral extent of the field shrinks proportionately to its nearness. If I look from a mountain, the things seen are vast in height and breadth, in proportion to the farness of the horizon. But when we ask what changes in the eye determine how great this maximum feeling of depth or distance (which is undoubtedly felt as a unitary vastness) shall be, we find ourselves unable to point to any one of them as being its absolutely regular concomitant. Convergence, accommodation, double and disparate images, differences in the parallactic displacement when we move our head, faintness of tint, dimness of outline, and smallness of the retinal image of objects named and known, are all processes that have something to do with the perception of 'far' and of 'near'; but the effect of each and any one of them in determining such a perception at one moment may at another moment be reversed by the presence of some other sensible quality in the object, that makes us, evidently by reminding us of past experience, judge it to be at a different distance and of another shape. If we paint the inside of a pasteboard-mask like the outside, and look at it with one eye, the accommodation- and parallax-feelings are there, but fail to make us see it hollow, as it is. Our mental knowledge of the fact that human faces are always convex overpowers them, and we directly perceive the nose to be nearer to us than the cheek instead of farther of.

Now the size of the field of view varies greatly in all three dimensions, and we can't clearly identify which specific process in the visual pathway causes this variation. We just saw how impossible it is to pinpoint such a factor when tilting the head makes things appear larger. Generally, the strongest sense of depth or distance seems to primarily influence the apparent size of the entire field, while the other two dimensions seem to follow suit. For example, if I look closely into a washbasin, the side view of the field shrinks relative to its proximity. Conversely, when I look from a mountain, the things I see appear vast in height and width, corresponding to the distance of the horizon. However, when we ask what changes in the eye determine how significant this maximum sense of depth or distance (which is clearly perceived as a unified vastness) will be, we find it difficult to identify any single factor as its consistent companion. Convergence, accommodation, double and different images, variations in parallactic shift when moving our head, fading colors, blurry outlines, and the small size of retinal images of familiar objects all play a role in the perception of 'far' and 'near'; but the influence of any one of them on our perception at one moment can be altered by another sensory quality of the object that reminds us of past experiences, making us judge it to be at a different distance and shape. If we paint the inside of a cardboard mask to look like the outside and view it with one eye, the feelings of accommodation and parallax are present but fail to help us see it as hollow. Our understanding that human faces are always convex takes precedence, leading us to perceive the nose as closer to us than the cheek instead of further away.

The other organic tokens of farness and nearness are proved by similar experiments (of which we shall ere long speak more in detail) to have an equally fluctuating import. They lose all their value whenever the collateral circumstances favor a strong intellectual conviction that the object presented to the gaze is improbable—cannot be either what or where they would make us perceive it to be.

The other organic signals of distance and closeness have also been shown through similar experiments (which we will discuss in more detail soon) to have equally variable meanings. They lose all their significance whenever the surrounding circumstances support a strong intellectual belief that the object we see is unlikely—it cannot be either what or where it makes us think it is.

Now the query immediately arises: Can the feelings of these processes in the eye, since they are so easily neutralized and reversed by intellectual suggestions, ever have been direct sensations of distance at all? Ought we not rather to assume, since the distances which we see in spite of them are conclusions from past experience, that the distances which we[Pg 218] see by means of them are equally such conclusions? Ought we not, in short, to say unhesitatingly that distance must be an intellectual and not a sensible content of consciousness? and that each of these eye-feelings serves as a mere signal to awaken this content, our intellect being so framed that sometimes it notices one signal more readily and sometimes another?

Now the question immediately comes up: Can the feelings from these processes in the eye, since they can be easily neutralized and reversed by intellectual suggestions, ever have been direct sensations of distance at all? Should we not rather assume, since the distances we perceive despite them are conclusions drawn from past experiences, that the distances we[Pg 218] see through them are equally based on such conclusions? Should we not, in short, confidently state that distance must be an intellectual and not a sensory aspect of consciousness? And that each of these eye-feelings acts merely as a signal to trigger this understanding, with our intellect being structured in a way that sometimes it picks up one signal more readily and sometimes another?

Reid long ago (Inquiry, c. vi. sec. 17) said:

Reid said a long time ago (Inquiry, c. vi. sec. 17):

"It may be taken for a general rule that things which are produced by custom may be undone or changed by disuse or by contrary custom. On the other hand, it is a strong argument that an effect is not owing to custom, but to the constitution of nature, when a contrary custom is found neither to change nor to weaken it."

"Generally speaking, things established by custom can be reversed or altered by disuse or by conflicting customs. On the other hand, it strongly indicates that an effect isn't caused by custom, but rather by the nature of things, when a competing custom neither changes nor reduces it."

More briefly, a way of seeing things that can be unlearned was presumably learned, and only what we cannot unlearn is instinctive.

More simply put, a perspective that can be unlearned was presumably learned, and only what we can’t unlearn is instinctive.

This seems to be Helmholtz's view, for he confirms Reid's maxim by saying in emphatic print:

This appears to be Helmholtz's perspective, as he reinforces Reid's principle by stating in bold text:

"No elements in our perception can be sensational which may be overcome or reversed by factors of demonstrably experimental origin. Whatever can be overcome by suggestions of experience must be regarded as itself a product of experience and custom. If we follow this rule it will appear that only qualities are sensational, whilst almost all spatial attributes are results of habit and experience."[212]

"No elements in our perception can be genuinely sensational if they can be altered or reversed by factors demonstrated through experiments. Anything that can be shaped by experiential suggestions should be viewed as a result of experience and custom. Following this principle, it becomes evident that only qualities are sensational, while almost all spatial attributes are products of habit and experience."[212]

This passage of Helmholtz's has obtained, it seems to me, an almost deplorable celebrity. The reader will please observe its very radical import. Not only would he, and does he, for the reasons we have just been ourselves considering, deny distance to be an optical sensation; but, extending the same method of criticism to judgments of size, shape, and direction, and finding no single retinal or muscular process in the eyes to be indissolubly linked with any one of these, he goes so far as to say that all optical space-perceptions whatsoever must have an intellectual[Pg 219] origin, and a content that no items of visual sensibility can account for.[213]

This passage from Helmholtz has, I think, gained an almost unfortunate level of fame. The reader should note its very radical implications. Not only does he deny that distance is simply an optical sensation, but, applying the same critical approach to our judgments of size, shape, and direction, and finding no specific retinal or muscular process in the eyes that is inseparably linked to any of these, he goes so far as to claim that all optical perceptions of space must originate from intellect, and that no elements of visual sensitivity can explain them.[Pg 219][213]

As Wundt and others agree with Helmholtz here, and as their conclusions, if true, are irreconcilable with all the sensationalism which I have been teaching hitherto, it clearly devolves upon me to defend my position against this new attack. But as this chapter on Space is already so overgrown with episodes and details, I think it best to reserve the refutation of their general principle for the next chapter, and simply to assume at this point its untenability. This has of course an arrogant look; but if the reader will bear with me for not very many pages more, I shall hope to appease his mind. Meanwhile I affirm confidently that the same outer objects actually feel different to us according as our brain reacts on them in one way or another by making us perceive them as this or as that sort of thing. So true is this that one may well, with Stumpf,[214] reverse Helmholtz's query, and ask: "What would become of our sense-perceptions in case experience were not able so to transform them?" Stumpf adds: "All wrong perceptions that depend on peculiarities in the organs are more or less perfectly corrected by the influence of imagination following the guidance of experience."

As Wundt and others agree with Helmholtz on this, and since their conclusions, if true, contradict everything I've been teaching up until now, it's clearly my responsibility to defend my position against this new challenge. But since this chapter on Space is already packed with episodes and details, I think it's best to leave the refutation of their main idea for the next chapter and just assume here that it's not valid. I know this might come off as arrogant; however, if the reader can stick with me for just a few more pages, I hope to calm those concerns. In the meantime, I confidently assert that the same outer objects actually feel differently to us depending on how our brain reacts to them, making us perceive them as this or that kind of thing. This is so true that one might justifiably, as Stumpf does,[214] turn Helmholtz's question around and ask: "What would happen to our sense perceptions if experience could not transform them?" Stumpf adds: "All incorrect perceptions that depend on specific characteristics of the organs are corrected more or less perfectly by the influence of imagination guided by experience."

If, therefore, among the facts of optical space-perception (which we must now proceed to consider in more detail) we find instances of an identical organic eye-process, giving us different perceptions at different times, in consequence of different collateral circumstances suggesting different objective facts to our imagination, we must not hastily conclude, with the school of Helmholtz and Wundt, that the organic eye-process pure and simple, without the collateral circumstances, is incapable of giving us any sensation of a spatial kind at all. We must rather seek to discover by what means the circumstances can so have transformed a space-sensation, which, but for their presence, would probably have been felt in its natural purity. And I may as well say[Pg 220] now in advance that we shall find the means to be nothing more or less than association—the suggestion to the mind of optical objects not actually present, but more habitually associated with the 'collateral circumstances' than the sensation which they now displace and being imagined now with a quasi-hallucinatory strength. But before this conclusion emerges, it will be necessary to have reviewed the most important facts of optical space-perception, in relation to the organic conditions on which they depend. Readers acquainted with German optics will excuse what is already familiar to them in the following section.[215]

If, then, among the facts of how we perceive optical space (which we will now look at in more detail), we find examples of the same biological eye process leading to different perceptions at different times due to different surrounding factors prompting our imagination with different objective realities, we shouldn’t quickly assume, as Helmholtz and Wundt's school suggests, that the biological eye process alone, without these surrounding factors, is incapable of providing any sense of space at all. Instead, we should try to figure out how these circumstances have altered a spatial sensation that, without their influence, would probably have been experienced in its natural form. And I should mention[Pg 220] right now that we will find this alteration to be nothing more than association—the mind’s suggestion of optical objects that are not actually present, but are more commonly linked with the 'surrounding factors' than the sensation they now replace and are imagined with a kind of hallucinatory intensity. However, before reaching this conclusion, we need to review the most significant facts of optical space perception in relation to the biological conditions they rely on. Readers familiar with German optics will recognize what is already familiar in the following section.[215]

Let us begin the long and rather tedious inquiry by the most important case. Physiologists have long sought for[Pg 222] a simple law by which to connect the seen direction and distance of objects with the retinal impressions they produce. Two principal theories have been held of this matter, the 'theory of identical points,' and the 'theory of projection,'—each incompatible with the other, and each beyond certain limits becoming inconsistent with the facts.

Let’s start this lengthy and somewhat tedious investigation with the most crucial case. Physiologists have long searched for[Pg 222] a straightforward law that links the visible direction and distance of objects with the retinal impressions they create. There are two main theories regarding this issue: the 'theory of identical points' and the 'theory of projection.' Each is incompatible with the other, and both eventually become inconsistent with the facts beyond certain limits.

The Theory of Identical Points.

Fig. 54.

This theory starts from the truth that on both retinæ an impression on the upper half makes us perceive an object as below, on the lower half as above, the horizon; and on the right half an object to the left, on the left half one to the right, of the median line. Thus each quadrant of one retina corresponds as a whole to the similar quadrant of[Pg 223] the other; and within two similar quadrants, al and ar for example, there should, if the correspondence were consistently carried out, be geometrically similar points which, if impressed at the same time by light emitted from the same object, should cause that object to appear in the same direction to either eye. Experiment verifies this surmise. If we look at the starry vault with parallel eyes, the stars all seem single; and the laws of perspective show that under the circumstances the parallel light-rays coming from each star must impinge on points within either retina which are geometrically similar to each other. The same result may be more artificially obtained. If we take two exactly similar pictures, smaller, or at least no larger, than those on an ordinary stereoscopic slide, and if we look at them as stereoscopic slides are looked at, that is, at one with each eye (a median partition confining the view of either eye to the picture opposite it), we shall see but one flat picture, all of whose parts appear sharp and single.[216] Identical points being impressed, both eyes see their object in the same direction, and the two objects consequently coalesce into one.

This theory starts with the idea that an impression on the upper half of both retinas makes us perceive an object as being below the horizon, while an impression on the lower half makes us see it as above. Similarly, an impression on the right half of the retina makes us see an object on the left, and on the left half, an object on the right of the median line. Therefore, each quadrant of one retina corresponds as a whole to the similar quadrant of the other; for example, in two similar quadrants, labeled al and ar, there should be geometrically similar points which, if activated simultaneously by light from the same object, would make that object appear in the same direction to both eyes. Experiments confirm this idea. When we look at the starry sky with both eyes parallel, the stars all seem to appear as single points; the laws of perspective indicate that, in this situation, the parallel light rays from each star must hit geometrically similar points on each retina. We can also achieve the same effect in a more artificial way. If we take two exactly similar pictures, each smaller or at least no larger than those on a typical stereoscopic slide, and view them as one does with stereoscopic images—each eye looking at one picture with a median divider blocking the other—we will see just one flat picture where all parts appear sharp and singular. When identical points are activated, both eyes perceive the object in the same direction, causing the two images to merge into one.

The same thing may be shown in still another way. With fixed head converge the eyes upon some conspicuous objective point behind a pane of glass; then close either eye alternately and make a little ink-mark on the glass, 'covering' the object as seen by the eye which is momentarily open. On looking now with both eyes the ink-marks will seem single, and in the same direction as the objective point. Conversely, let the eyes converge on a single ink-spot[Pg 224] on the glass, and then by alternate shutting of them let it be noted what objects behind the glass the spot covers to the right and left eye respectively. Now with both eyes open, both these objects and the spot will appear in the same place, one or other of the three becoming more distinct according to the fluctuations of retinal attention.[217]

The same thing can be demonstrated in another way. With your eyes focused on a noticeable point behind a sheet of glass, close one eye at a time and make a small ink mark on the glass, “covering” the object as seen by the eye that’s open. When you now look with both eyes, the ink marks will seem to merge and align with the target point. Alternatively, let your eyes converge on a single ink spot[Pg 224] on the glass, and then by closing each eye alternately, observe what objects behind the glass the spot covers for each eye. Now, with both eyes open, both the objects and the spot will appear in the same location, with one or the other becoming clearer depending on where your attention is focused.[217]

Now what is the direction of this common place? The only way of defining the direction of an object is by pointing to it. Most people, if asked to look at an object over the horizontal edge of a sheet of paper which conceals their hand and arm, and then to point their finger at it (raising the hand gradually so that at last a finger-tip will appear above the sheet of paper), are found to place the finger not between either eye and the object, but between the latter and the root of the nose, and this whether both eyes or either alone be used. Hering and Helmholtz express this by saying that we judge of the direction of objects as they would appear to an imaginary cyclopean eye, situated between our two real eyes, and with its optical axis bisecting the angle of convergence of the latter. Our two retinæ act, according to Hering, as if they were superposed in the place of this imaginary double-eye; we see by the corresponding points of each, situated far asunder as they really are, just as we should see if they were superposed and could both be excited together.

Now what is the direction of this common place? The only way to define the direction of an object is by pointing to it. Most people, when asked to look at an object over the horizontal edge of a sheet of paper that hides their hand and arm, and then point their finger at it (lifting their hand gradually until a fingertip finally rises above the sheet of paper), tend to place their finger not between either eye and the object, but between the object and the root of their nose, regardless of whether they use both eyes or just one. Hering and Helmholtz describe this by saying we judge the direction of objects as they would appear to an imaginary cyclopean eye, located between our two real eyes, with its optical axis bisecting the angle of convergence of the latter. According to Hering, our two retinas act as if they are superimposed in the location of this imaginary double-eye; we see through the corresponding points of each retina, positioned as far apart as they actually are, just as we would see if they were superimposed and both could be stimulated at the same time.

The judgment of objective singleness and that of identical direction seem to hang necessarily together. And that of identical direction seems to carry with it the necessity of a common origin, between the eyes or elsewhere, from which all the directions felt may seem to be estimated. This is why the cyclopean eye is really a fundamental part of the formulation of the theory of identical retinal points, and why Hering, the greatest champion of this theory, lays so much stress upon it.

The judgment of objective singleness and the judgment of identical direction seem to be inherently connected. Additionally, the judgment of identical direction implies the need for a common origin, whether between the eyes or elsewhere, from which all perceived directions can be assessed. This is why the cyclopean eye is a crucial aspect of the theory of identical retinal points, and this is also why Hering, the leading advocate of this theory, emphasizes its importance so much.

It is an immediate consequence of the law of identical[Pg 225] projection of images on geometrically similar points that images which fall upon geometrically disparate points of the two retinæ should be projected in disparate directions, and that their objects should consequently appear in two places, or look double. Take the parallel rays from a star falling upon two eyes which converge upon a near object, O, instead of being parallel, as in the previously instanced case. If SL and SR in Fig. 55 be the parallel rays, each of them will fall upon the nasal half of the retina which it strikes.

It is an immediate result of the law of identical[Pg 225] projection of images on geometrically similar points that images which hit geometrically different points of the two retinas should be projected in different directions, and that their objects should therefore appear in 2 places, or look twice. Consider the parallel rays from a star hitting two eyes which focus on a nearby object, O, instead of remaining parallel, as in the earlier example. If SL and SR in Fig. 55 are the parallel rays, each will strike the nasal half of the retina it touches.

Fig. 55.

But the two nasal halves are disparate, geometrically symmetrical, not geometrically similar. The image on the left one will therefore appear as if lying in a direction leftward of the cyclopean eye's line of sight; the image of the right one will appear far to the right of the same direction. The star will, in short, be seen double,—'homonymously' double.

But the two nasal halves are different, geometrically symmetrical, not geometrically similar. The image on the left one will therefore look like it's off to the left of the single eye's line of sight; the image on the right one will seem far to the right of that same direction. The star will, in short, be seen double—'homonymously' double.

Conversely, if the star be looked at directly with parallel axes, O will be seen double, because its images will affect the outer or cheek halves of the two retinæ, instead of one outer and one nasal half. The position of the images will here be reversed from that of the previous case. The right[Pg 226] eye's image will now appear to the left, the left eye's to the right—the double images will be 'heteronymous.'

Conversely, if you look directly at the star with parallel axes, O will appear double because its images will impact the outer or cheek sides of both retinas instead of one outer and one inner side. In this case, the position of the images will be reversed from the previous situation. The image from the right eye will now seem to be on the left, and the image from the left eye will be on the right—resulting in 'heteronymous' double images.

The same reasoning and the same result ought to apply where the object's place with respect to the direction of the two optic axes is such as to make its images fall not on non-similar retinal halves, but on non-similar parts of similar halves. Here, of course, the directions of projection will be less widely disparate than in the other case, and the double images will appear to lie less widely apart.

The same reasoning and outcome should apply when the object's position in relation to the two optic axes causes its images to fall on different sections of similar retinal halves instead of on dissimilar retinal halves. In this case, the projection directions will be less divergent than in the other scenario, and the double images will appear to be closer together.

Careful experiments made by many observers according to the so-called haploscopic method confirm this law, and show that corresponding points, of single visual direction, exist upon the two retinæ. For the detail of these one must consult the special treatises.

Careful experiments conducted by many observers using the haploscopic method confirm this law and show that corresponding points, of single visual direction, exist on both retinas. For more details, one should refer to the specific treatises.

Note now an important consequence. If we take a stationary object and allow the eyes to vary their direction and convergence, a purely geometrical study will show that there will be some positions in which its two images impress corresponding retinal points, but more in which they impress disparate points. The former constitute the so-called horopter, and their discovery has been attended with great mathematical difficulty. Objects or parts of objects which lie in the eyes' horopter at any given time cannot appear double. Objects lying out of the horopter would seem, if the theory of identical points were strictly true, necessarily and always to appear double.

Note an important consequence. If we take a stationary object and change the direction and focus of our eyes, a purely geometrical analysis will show that there will be certain positions where its two images fall on corresponding points of the retina, but more often, they will fall on different points. The former are referred to as the horopter, and figuring this out has been quite mathematically challenging. Objects or parts of objects that are within the eyes' horopter at any given moment cannot appear double. Objects that are outside the horopter would seem, if the theory of identical points were strictly true, always to appear double.

Here comes the first great conflict of the identity-theory with experience. Were the theory true, we ought all to have an intuitive knowledge of the horopter as the line of distinctest vision. Objects placed elsewhere ought to seem, if not actually double, at least blurred. And yet no living man makes any such distinction between the parts of his field of vision. To most of us the whole field appears single, and it is only by rare accident or by special education that we ever catch a glimpse of a double image. In 1838, Wheatstone, in his truly classical memoir on binocular vision and the stereoscope,[218] showed that the disparateness of the[Pg 227] points on which the two images of an object fall does not within certain limits affect its seen singleness at all, but rather the distance at which it shall appear. Wheatstone made an observation, moreover, which subsequently became the bone of much hot contention, in which he strove to show that not only might disparate images fuse, but images on corresponding or identical points might be seen double.[219]

Here comes the first major conflict between the identity theory and experience. If the theory were true, we should all have an intuitive understanding of the horopter as the line of clearest vision. Objects placed outside of this line should appear, if not actually double, at least blurred. Yet no one seems to make that distinction in their field of vision. For most of us, the entire field looks singular, and it's only by rare chance or special training that we ever catch a glimpse of a double image. In 1838, Wheatstone, in his groundbreaking paper on binocular vision and the stereoscope,[218] demonstrated that the difference in the points where the two images of an object land does not significantly affect its perceived singularity within certain limits, but instead influences the distance at which it appears. Wheatstone also made an observation that sparked much debate later, trying to prove that not only could disparate images merge, but also images on corresponding or identical points could appear double.[219]

I am unfortunately prevented by the weakness of my own eyes from experimenting enough to form a decided personal opinion on the matter. It seems to me, however, that the balance of evidence is against the Wheatstonian interpretation, and that disparate points may fuse, without identical points for that reason ever giving double images. The two questions, "Can we see single with disparate points?" and "Can we see double with identical points?" although at the first blush they may appear, as to Helmholtz they appear, to be but two modes of expressing the same inquiry, are in reality distinct. The first may quite well be answered affirmatively and the second negatively.

I’m sadly limited by my poor eyesight, which prevents me from experimenting enough to form a strong personal opinion on this issue. However, I believe that the majority of evidence goes against the Wheatstonian interpretation, and that different points may combine without identical points necessarily causing double images. The two questions, "Can we see a single image with different points?" and "Can we see double images with identical points?" may seem, at first glance, as Helmholtz sees them, to be just two ways of asking the same question, but they are actually different. The first can definitely be answered with a yes, while the second can be answered with a no.

Add to this that the experiment quoted from Helmholtz above by no means always succeeds, but that many individuals place their finger between the object and one of their eyes, oftenest the right;[220] finally, observe that the[Pg 228] identity-theory, with its Cyclopean starting point for all lines of direction, gives by itself no ground for the distance on any line at which an object shall appear, and has to be helped out in this respect by subsidiary hypotheses, which, in the hands of Hering and others, have become so complex as easily to fall a prey to critical attacks; and it will soon seem as if the law of identical seen directions by corresponding points, although a simple formula for expressing concisely many fundamental phenomena, is by no means an adequate account of the whole matter of retinal perception.[221]

Add to this that the experiment mentioned from Helmholtz doesn’t always work, but many people interpose their finger between the object and one of their eyes, usually the right;[220] finally, note that the[Pg 228] identity-theory, with its unique starting point for all lines of direction, doesn’t provide any basis for the distance at which an object appears along any line, and needs additional hypotheses to support it, which, in the work of Hering and others, have become so intricate that they can easily be subject to critical scrutiny; and it will soon seem that the law of identical seen directions by corresponding points, while a straightforward formula for summarizing many fundamental phenomena, does not adequately explain the entirety of retinal perception.[221]

The Projection-Theory.

Does the theory of projection fare any better? This theory admits that each eye sees the object in a different direction from the other, along the line, namely, passing from the object through the middle of the pupil to the retina. A point directly fixated is thus seen on the optical axes of both eyes. There is only one point, however, which these two optical axes have in common, and that is the point to which they converge. Everything directly looked at is seen at this point, and is thus seen both single and at its proper distance. It is easy to show the incompatibility of this theory with the theory of identity. Take an objective point (like O in Fig. 50, when the star is looked at) casting its images R' and L' on geometrically dissimilar parts of the two retinæ and affecting the outer half of each eye. On the identity-theory it ought necessarily to appear double, whilst on the projection-theory there is no reason whatever why it should not appear single, provided only it be located by the judgment on each line of visible direction,[Pg 229] neither nearer nor farther than its point of intersection with the other line.

Does the theory of projection do any better? This theory acknowledges that each eye sees the object from a different angle, along the line that runs from the object through the center of the pupil to the retina. A point that is being directly focused on is seen along the optical axes of both eyes. However, there is only one point where these two optical axes coincide, and that is the point where they meet. Everything that is looked at directly is seen at this point, making it appear both single and at its correct distance. It’s easy to demonstrate the conflict between this theory and the identity theory. Consider an objective point (like O in Fig. 50, when looking at the star) casting images R' and L' on different parts of the two retinas and influencing the outer half of each eye. According to the identity theory, it should appear double, while from the projection theory, there’s no reason it shouldn’t appear single, as long as it is judged to be positioned on each visible direction line, neither closer nor farther than where it intersects with the other line.[Pg 229]

Every point in the field of view ought, in truth, if the projection-theory were uniformly valid, to appear single, entirely irrespective of the varying positions of the eyes, for from every point of space two lines of visible direction pass to the two retinæ; and at the intersection of these lines, or just where the point is, there, according to the theory, it should appear. The objection to this theory is thus precisely the reverse of the objection to the identity-theory. If the latter ruled, we ought to see most things double all the time. If the projection-theory ruled, we ought never to see anything double. As a matter of fact we get too few double images for the identity-theory, and too many for the projection-theory.

Every point in our field of vision should, in reality, if the projection theory were consistently accurate, appear as a single image, completely independent of the different positions of our eyes, because for every point in space, two lines of sight connect to our two retinas; and at the intersection of these lines, or exactly where the point is, it should appear according to the theory. The criticism of this theory is actually the opposite of the criticism of the identity theory. If the identity theory were true, we would see most things doubled all the time. If the projection theory were true, we should never see anything doubled. In reality, we see too few double images for the identity theory and too many for the projection theory.

The partisans of the projection-theory, beginning with Aguilonius, have always explained double images as the result of an erroneous judgment of the distance of the object, the images of the latter being projected by the imagination along the two lines of visible direction either nearer or farther than the point of intersection of the latter. A diagram will make this clear.

The supporters of the projection theory, starting with Aguilonius, have always explained double images as a result of a mistaken judgment of the distance of the object, with the images being projected by the mind along the two lines of visible direction, either closer or farther than the point where those lines intersect. A diagram will clarify this.

Fig. 56.

Let O be the point looked at, M an object farther, and N an object nearer, than it. Then M and N will send the lines of visible direction MM and NN to the two retinæ. If N be judged as far as O, it must necessarily lie where the two lines of visible direction NN intersect the plane of the arrow, or in two places, at N' and at N''. If M be judged as near as O, it must for the same reason form two images at M' and M''.

Let O be the point being viewed, M an object that is farther away, and N an object that is closer than O. Then M and N will send the lines of sight MM and NN to the two retinas. If N is perceived to be as far as O, it must be located where the two lines of sight NN intersect the plane of the arrow, or at two points, N' and N''. If M is perceived to be as close as O, it will also create two images at M' and M''.

It is, as a matter of fact, true that we often misjudge the distance in the way alleged. If the reader will hold his forefingers, one beyond the other, in the median line, and fixate them alternately, he will see the one not looked at, double; and he will also notice that it appears nearer to the plane of the one looked at, whichever the latter may be, than it really is. Its changes of apparent size, as the convergence of the eyes alter, also prove the change of apparent distance. The distance at which the axes converge seems, in fact, to exert a sort of attraction upon objects situated elsewhere. Being the distance of which we are most acutely sensible, it invades, so to speak, the whole field of our perception. If two half-dollars be laid on the table an inch or two apart, and the eyes fixate steadily the point of a pen held in the median line at varying distances between the coins and the face, there will come a distance at which the pen stands between the left half-dollar and the right eye, and the right half-dollar and the left eye. The two half-dollars will then coalesce into one; and this one will show its apparent approach to the pen-point by seeming suddenly much reduced in size.[222]

It is actually true that we often misjudge the distance in the way described. If the reader holds their index fingers, one beyond the other, in the center line and focuses on them alternately, they will see the one not being focused on as doubled; and they will also notice that it appears closer to the plane of the one being looked at, no matter which one that is, than it actually is. The changes in apparent size, as the convergence of the eyes changes, also demonstrate the shift in apparent distance. The distance at which the axes converge seems to create a sort of attraction to objects positioned elsewhere. Since it is the distance we are most aware of, it tends to dominate our entire field of perception. If two half-dollars are placed on the table an inch or two apart, and the eyes steadily focus on a pen held in the center line at different distances between the coins and the face, there will come a point at which the pen is positioned between the left half-dollar and the right eye, and the right half-dollar and the left eye. The two half-dollars will then merge into one; and this single coin will appear to move closer to the pen-point by seeming suddenly much smaller.[222]

Yet, in spite of this tendency to inaccuracy, we are never actually mistaken about the half-dollar being behind the pen-point. It may not seem far enough off, but still it is farther than the point. In general it may be said that where the objects are known to us, no such illusion of distance occurs in any one as the theory would require. And in some observers, Hering for example, it seems hardly to occur at all. If I look into infinite distance and get my finger in double images, they do not seem infinitely far off.[Pg 231] To make objects at different distances seem equidistant, careful precautions must be taken to have them alike in appearance, and to exclude all outward reasons for ascribing to the one a different location from that ascribed to the other. Thus Donders tries to prove the law of projection by taking two similar electric sparks, one behind the other on a dark ground, one seen double; or an iron rod placed so near to the eyes that its double images seem as broad as that of a fixated stove-pipe, the top and bottom of the objects being cut off by screens, so as to prevent all suggestions of perspective, etc. The three objects in each experiment seem in the same plane.[223]

Yet, despite this tendency for inaccuracies, we never truly mistake the half-dollar for being behind the pen point. It may not seem far enough away, but it is still farther than the point. Generally, we can say that when the objects are familiar to us, no such illusion of distance happens in anyone as the theory would suggest. In some observers, like Hering, it hardly seems to occur at all. When I look into infinity and see my finger in double images, they don’t appear infinitely distant. To make objects at different distances look the same distance away, careful steps must be taken to ensure they look alike and to eliminate any external reasons for thinking one is located differently than the other. For instance, Donders tries to demonstrate the law of projection by using two similar electric sparks, one behind the other against a dark background, creating a double vision effect; or by placing an iron rod so close to the eyes that its double images seem as wide as that of a fixed stove-pipe, with the top and bottom of the objects blocked by screens to avoid any hints of perspective, etc. In each experiment, the three objects appear to be in the same plane.[Pg 231]

Add to this the impossibility, recognized by all observers, of ever seeing double with the fovea, and the fact that authorities as able as those quoted in the note on Wheatstone's observation deny that they can see double then with identical points, and we are forced to conclude that the projection-theory, like its predecessor, breaks down. Neither formulates exactly or exhaustively a law for all our perceptions.

Add to this the fact that all observers agree it’s impossible to see double with the fovea, and that experts as qualified as those mentioned in the note on Wheatstone's observation claim they can't see double with the same points, we must conclude that the projection theory, like its predecessor, fails. Neither one accurately or completely explains a law for all our perceptions.

Ambiguity of Retinal Impressions.

Fig. 57.

What does each theory try to do? To make of seen location a fixed function of retinal impression. Other facts may be brought forward to show how far from fixed are the perceptive functions of retinal impressions. We alluded a while ago to the extraordinary ambiguity of the retinal image as a revealer of magnitude. Produce an after-image of the sun and look at your finger-tip: it will be smaller than your nail. Project it on the table, and it will be as big as a strawberry; on the wall, as large as a plate; on yonder mountain, bigger than a house. And yet it is an unchanged[Pg 232] retinal impression. Prepare a sheet with the figures shown in Fig. 57 strongly marked upon it, and get by direct fixation a distinct after-image of each.

What does each theory aim to do? It seeks to turn the perceived location into a consistent feature of what we see with our eyes. Other evidence can be presented to illustrate how variable the perceptual functions of visual impressions really are. Earlier, we mentioned the surprising ambiguity of the retinal image when it comes to size. Create an after-image of the sun and look at your fingertip: it will appear smaller than your nail. Project it onto a table, and it will look as big as a strawberry; on the wall, it will seem the size of a plate; on that mountain, it will be larger than a house. Yet, it remains an unchanged[Pg 232] retinal impression. Prepare a sheet with the figures shown in Fig. 57 clearly marked on it, and get a distinct after-image of each through direct fixation.

Figs. 58 & 59.

Project the after-image of the cross upon the upper left-hand part of the wall, it will appear as in Fig. 58; on the upper right-hand it will appear as in Fig. 59. The circle similarly projected will be distorted into two different ellipses. If the two parallel lines be projected upon the ceiling or floor far in front, the farther ends will diverge; and if the three parallel lines be thrown on the same surfaces, the upper pair will seem farther apart than the lower.

Project the after-image of the cross onto the upper left part of the wall; it will look like Fig. 58. On the upper right side, it will look like Fig. 59. The circle projected will be distorted into two different ellipses. If the two parallel lines are projected onto the ceiling or floor far ahead, the farther ends will spread apart; and if the three parallel lines are cast on the same surfaces, the upper pair will seem wider apart than the lower.

Fig. 60.
Fig. 61.

Adding certain lines to others has the same distorting effect. In what is known as Zöllner's pattern (Fig. 60), the long parallels tip towards each other the moment we draw the short slanting lines over them yet their retinal images are the same they always were. A similar distortion of parallels appears in Fig 61.

Adding some lines to others creates the same distorting effect. In what is known as Zöllner's pattern (Fig. 60), the long parallel lines seem to lean toward each other as soon as we draw the short slanting lines over them, even though their retinal images are exactly the same as they always were. A similar distortion of parallels can be seen in Fig 61.

Fig. 62.
Fig. 63.

Drawing a square inside the circle (Fig. 62) gives to the outline of the latter an indented appearance where the square's corners touch it. Drawing the radii inside of one[Pg 233]
[Pg 234]
of the right angles in the same figure makes it seem larger than the other. In Fig. 63, the retinal image of the space between the extreme dots is in all three lines the same, yet it seems much larger the moment it is filled up with other dots.

Drawing a square inside the circle (Fig. 62) makes the outline of the circle look indented where the square's corners touch it. Drawing the radii inside one[Pg 233]
[Pg 234]
of the right angles in the same figure makes it appear larger than the others. In Fig. 63, the retinal image of the space between the farthest dots is the same in all three lines, yet it seems much larger as soon as it's filled with other dots.

In the stereoscope certain pairs of lines which look single under ordinary circumstances immediately seem double when we add certain other lines to them.[224]

In the stereoscope, some pairs of lines that appear single in normal conditions look double as soon as we add certain other lines to them.[224]

Ambiguous Import of Eye-movements.

These facts show the indeterminateness of the space-import of various retinal impressions. Take now the eye's movements, and we find a similar vacillation. When we follow a moving object with our gaze, the motion is 'voluntary'; when our eyes oscillate to and fro after we have made ourselves dizzy by spinning around, it is 'reflex'; and when the eyeball is pushed with the finger, it is 'passive.' Now, in all three of these cases we get a feeling from the movement as it effects itself. But the objective perceptions to which the feeling assists us are by no means the same. In the first case we may see a stationary field of view with one moving object in it; in the second, the total field swimming more or less steadily in one direction; in the third, a sudden jump or twist of the same total field.

These facts demonstrate the uncertainty of the space-import of various retinal impressions. Now, consider the eye's movements, and we see a similar fluctuation. When we follow a moving object with our eyes, the motion is 'voluntary'; when our eyes move back and forth after we've made ourselves dizzy from spinning, it's 'reflex'; and when we push our eyeball with a finger, it's 'passive.' In all three cases, we experience a sensation from the movement as it occurs. However, the objective perceptions that accompany this feeling are not the same at all. In the first case, we might see a stationary field of view with one moving object within it; in the second, the entire field shifting more or less steadily in one direction; and in the third, a sudden jump or twist of that same overall field.

The feelings of convergence of the eyeballs permit of the same ambiguous interpretation. When objects are near we converge strongly upon them in order to see them; when far, we set our optic axes parallel. But the exact degree of convergence fails to be felt; or rather, being felt, fails to tell us the absolute distance of the object we are regarding. Wheatstone arranged his stereoscope in such a way that the size of the retinal images might change without the convergence altering; or conversely, the convergence might change without the retinal image altering. Under these circumstances, he says,[225] the object seemed to approach or recede in the first case, without altering its size, in the second, to change its size without altering its distance—just[Pg 235] the reverse of what might have been expected. Wheatstone adds, however, that 'fixing the attention' converted each of these perceptions into its opposite. The same perplexity occurs in looking through prismatic glasses, which alter the eyes' convergence. We cannot decide whether the object has come nearer, or grown larger, or both, or neither; and our judgment vacillates in the most surprising way. We may even make our eyes diverge, and the object will none the less appear at a finite distance. When we look through the stereoscope, the picture seems at no determinate distance. These and other facts have led Helmholtz to deny that the feeling of convergence has any very exact value as a distance-measurer.[226]

The feelings of convergence of the eyes allow for the same unclear interpretation. When objects are close, we converge our gaze strongly to see them; when they're far away, our eye axes align parallel to each other. However, we can't truly feel the exact degree of convergence; or more accurately, while we can feel it, it doesn't tell us the absolute distance of the object we're looking at. Wheatstone set up his stereoscope so that the size of the images on the retina could change without the convergence changing; or vice versa, the convergence could change without the retinal image altering. In such cases, he noted,[225] the object seemed to come closer or move away in the first scenario without changing its size, and in the second, it seemed to change size without changing its distance—just[Pg 235] the opposite of what one might expect. Wheatstone also mentioned that 'fixing the attention' turned each of these perceptions into its opposite. The same confusion happens when looking through prismatic glasses, which change the eyes' convergence. We can't determine if the object has come closer, gotten larger, or both, or neither; our judgment wavers in surprisingly inconsistent ways. We can even make our eyes diverge, and the object will still appear at a measurable distance. When we look through the stereoscope, the image seems to exist at no specific distance. These and other observations have led Helmholtz to conclude that the feeling of convergence doesn't have a precise value as a distance-measurement tool.[226]

With the feelings of accommodation it is very much the same. Donders has shown[227] that the apparent magnifying power of spectacles of moderate convexity hardly depends at all upon their enlargement of the retinal image, but rather on the relaxation they permit of the muscle of accommodation. This suggests an object farther off, and consequently a much larger one, since its retinal size rather increases than diminishes. But in this case the same vacillation of judgment as in the previously mentioned case of convergence takes place. The recession made the object seem larger, but the apparent growth in size of the object now makes it look as if it came nearer instead of receding. The effect thus contradicts its own cause. Everyone is conscious, on first putting on a pair of spectacles, of a doubt whether the field of view draws near or retreats.[228]

With the feelings of accommodation, it is very similar. Donders has shown[227] that the apparent magnifying power of moderately convex glasses hardly depends on how much they enlarge the retinal image. Instead, it mainly comes from the relaxation they allow for the muscle of accommodation. This makes an object seem further away, and consequently much larger, since its retinal size increases rather than decreases. However, in this case, the same uncertainty in judgment occurs as in the earlier mentioned case of convergence. The object appearing to move further away makes it seem larger, but the apparent growth in size of the object now makes it look like it’s moving closer instead of further away. The effect thus contradicts its own cause. Everyone is aware, upon first putting on a pair of glasses, of the uncertainty about whether the field of view is getting closer or going away.[228]

There is still another deception, occurring in persons who have had one eye-muscle suddenly paralyzed. This deception[Pg 236] has led Wundt to affirm that the eyeball-feeling proper, the incoming sensation of effected rotation, tells us only of the direction of our eye-movements, but not of their whole extent.[229] For this reason, and because not only Wundt, but many other authors, think the phenomena in these partial paralyses demonstrate the existence of a feeling of innervation, a feeling of the outgoing nervous current, opposed to every afferent sensation whatever, it seems proper to note the facts with a certain degree of detail.

There is still another deception that occurs in people who have suddenly experienced paralysis in one of their eye muscles. This deception[Pg 236] has led Wundt to claim that the sensation of the eyeball itself, the incoming feeling of rotation, only indicates the direction of our eye movements, but not their full extent.[229] For this reason, and because both Wundt and many other authors believe that the phenomena in these partial paralysis cases show the existence of a feeling of innervation, a sensation of the outgoing nervous current that is opposite to any incoming sensation, it seems appropriate to detail these facts to some extent.

Suppose a man wakes up some morning with the external rectus muscle of his right eye half paralyzed, what will be the result? He will be enabled only with great effort to rotate the eye so as to look at objects lying far off to the right. Something in the effort he makes will make him feel as if the object lay much farther to the right than it really is. If the left and sound eye be closed, and he be asked to touch rapidly with his finger an object situated towards his right, he will point the finger to the right of it. The current explanation of the 'something' in the effort which causes this deception is that it is the sensation of the outgoing discharge from the nervous centres, the 'feeling of innervation,' to use Wundt's expression, requisite for bringing the open eye with its weakened muscle to bear upon the object to be touched. If that object be situated 20 degrees to the right, the patient has now to innervate as powerfully to turn the eye those 20 degrees as formerly he did to turn the eye 30 degrees. He consequently believes as before that he has turned it 30 degrees; until, by a newly-acquired custom, he learns the altered spatial import of all the discharges his brain makes into his right abducens nerve. The 'feeling of innervation,' maintained to exist by this and other observations, plays an immense part in the space-theories of certain philosophers, especially Wundt. I shall elsewhere try to show that the observations by no means warrant the conclusions drawn from them, and that the feeling in question is probably a wholly fictitious entity.[230] Meanwhile it suffices to point out that even those who set most store by it are compelled, by the[Pg 237] readiness with which the translocation of the field of view becomes corrected and further errors avoided, to admit that the precise space-import of the supposed sensation of outgoing energy is as ambiguous and indeterminate as that of any other of the eye-feelings we have considered hitherto.

Suppose a man wakes up one morning with the external rectus muscle of his right eye partially paralyzed. What happens? He can only make a significant effort to rotate his eye to look at objects far off to the right. In making that effort, he feels as though the object is much farther to the right than it actually is. If his left, healthy eye is closed and he's asked to quickly touch an object to his right, he will point his finger to the right of it. The current explanation for the 'something' in that effort causing this misunderstanding is that it's the sensation of the outgoing discharge from the nervous centers, the 'feeling of innervation,' as Wundt puts it, necessary to bring the open eye with its weakened muscle to focus on the object to be touched. If that object is 20 degrees to the right, the patient now has to exert as much effort to turn his eye those 20 degrees as he did previously to turn it 30 degrees. Therefore, he still believes that he has turned it 30 degrees; until, through new habits, he learns the adjusted spatial meaning of all the signals his brain sends to his right abducens nerve. The 'feeling of innervation,' which is claimed to exist based on this and other observations, plays a huge role in the spatial theories of certain philosophers, especially Wundt. I will later show that these observations do not support the conclusions drawn from them, and that the feeling in question is likely a completely fictitious concept.[230] In the meantime, it's important to note that even those who value it the most must acknowledge, due to the ease with which the shifting of the visual field is corrected and other mistakes are avoided, that the exact spatial meaning of the supposed sensation of outgoing energy is just as ambiguous and unclear as any other of the eye-feelings we've discussed so far.


I have now given what no one will call an understatement of the facts and arguments by which it is sought to banish the credit of directly revealing space from each and every kind of eye-sensation taken by itself. The reader will confess that they make a very plausible show, and most likely wonder whether my own theory of the matter can rally from their damaging evidence. But the case is far from being hopeless; and the introduction of a discrimination hitherto unmade will, if I mistake not, easily vindicate the view adopted in these pages, whilst at the same time it makes ungrudging allowance for all the ambiguity and illusion on which so much stress is laid by the advocates of the intellectualist-theory.

I have now presented what no one would call an understatement of the facts and arguments aimed at discrediting the idea of directly revealing space from every kind of visual sensation on its own. The reader will admit that these arguments seem quite convincing, and likely wonder if my own theory can survive their strong evidence. But the situation is far from hopeless; introducing a distinction that hasn't been made before will, if I'm not mistaken, easily defend the perspective presented in these pages, while also acknowledging all the ambiguity and illusion that the supporters of the intellectualist theory emphasize so much.

The Choice of the Visual Reality.

We have native and fixed optical space-sensations; but experience leads us to select certain ones from among them to be the exclusive bearers of reality: the rest become mere signs and suggesters of these. The factor of selection, on which we have already laid so much stress, here as elsewhere is the solving word of the enigma. If Helmholtz, Wundt, and the rest, with an ambiguous retinal sensation before them, meaning now one size and distance, and now another, had not contented themselves with merely saying:—The size and distance are not this sensation, they are something beyond it which it merely calls up, and whose own birthplace is afar—in 'synthesis' (Wundt) or in 'experience' (Helmholtz) as the case may be; if they had gone on definitely to ask and definitely to answer the question, What are the size and distance in their proper selves? they would not only have escaped the present deplorable vagueness of their space-theories, but they would have seen that the objective spatial attributes 'signified' are simply and solely certain[Pg 238] other optical sensations now absent, but which the present sensations suggest.

We have native and fixed optical space sensations; but experience leads us to choose certain ones from among them to be the primary carriers of reality: the others become mere signs and suggestions of these. The factor of selection, which we have already emphasized, is the key to understanding the mystery here as elsewhere. If Helmholtz, Wundt, and others, faced with an ambiguous retinal sensation that can represent one size and distance at one moment and another at another, hadn’t stopped at merely stating:—The size and distance are not this sensation; they are something more that it merely evokes, coming from afar—in 'synthesis' (Wundt) or in 'experience' (Helmholtz), depending on the context; if they had gone on to clearly ask and answer the question, What are the size and distance in their true essence? they would not only have avoided the current troubling ambiguity in their space theories, but they would have realized that the objective spatial attributes referred to are simply and solely certain[Pg 238] other optical sensations that are not present, but which the current sensations suggest.

What, for example, is the slant-legged cross which we think we see on the wall when we project the rectangular after-image high up towards our right or left (Figs. 58 and 59)? Is it not in very sooth a retinal sensation itself? An imagined sensation, not a felt one, it is true, but none the less essentially and originally sensational or retinal for that,—the sensation, namely, which we should receive if a 'real' slant-legged cross stood on the wall in front of us and threw its image on our eye. That image is not the one our retina now holds. Our retina now holds the image which a cross of square shape throws when in front, but which a cross of the slant-legged pattern would throw, provided it were actually on the wall in the distant place at which we look. Call this actual retinal image the 'square' image. The square image is then one of the innumerable images the slant-legged cross can throw. Why should another one, and that an absent one, of those innumerable images be picked out to represent exclusively the slant-legged cross's 'true' shape? Why should that absent and imagined slant-legged image displace the present and felt square image from our mind? Why, when the objective cross gives us so many shapes, as it varies its position, should we think we feel the true shape only when the cross is directly in front? And when that question is answered, how can the absent and represented feeling of a slant-legged figure so successfully intrude itself into the place of a presented square one?

What, for example, is the slant-legged cross that we think we see on the wall when we project the rectangular after-image high up to our right or left (Figs. 58 and 59)? Isn't it, in reality, a retinal sensation? It's an imagined sensation, not one we actually feel, but still fundamentally and originally sensational or retinal for that reason—the sensation we would experience if a 'real' slant-legged cross stood on the wall in front of us and cast its image on our eye. That image is not the one our retina currently holds. Right now, our retina holds the image that a square-shaped cross projects when it’s in front of us, but a cross of the slant-legged design would project, assuming it were actually on the wall at the distance we’re looking. Let’s call this actual retinal image the 'square' image. The square image is therefore one of the countless images the slant-legged cross can produce. Why should we choose another one, especially an absent one, from those countless images to represent the slant-legged cross's 'true' shape? Why should that absent and imagined slant-legged image replace the present and felt square image in our mind? When the actual cross presents us with so many shapes as it changes position, why do we think we only feel the true shape when the cross is directly in front of us? And after that question is answered, how can the absent and represented feeling of a slant-legged figure so effectively take the place of a presented square one?

Before answering either question, let us be doubly sure about our facts, and see how true it is that in our dealings with objects we always do pick out one of the visual images they yield, to constitute the real form or size.

Before answering either question, let's make sure we're clear on our facts, and see how true it is that in our interactions with objects, we always choose one of the visual images they provide to represent their actual form or size.

The matter of size has been already touched upon, so that no more need be said of it here. As regards shape, almost all the retinal shapes that objects throw are perspective 'distortions.' Square table-tops constantly present two acute and two obtuse angles; circles drawn on our wall-papers, our carpets, or on sheets of paper, usually show like ellipses; parallels approach as they recede; human bodies[Pg 239] are foreshortened; and the transitions from one to another of these altering forms are infinite and continual. Out of the flux, however, one phase always stands prominent. It is the form the object has when we see it easiest and best: and that is when our eyes and the object both are in what may be called the normal position. In this position our head is upright and our optic axes either parallel or symmetrically convergent; the plane of the object is perpendicular to the visual plane; and if the object is one containing many lines it is turned so as to make them, as far as possible, either parallel or perpendicular to the visual plane. In this situation it is that we compare all shapes with each other; here every exact measurement and decision is made.[231]

The topic of size has already been addressed, so there's no need to discuss it further here. When it comes to shape, nearly all the shapes that objects project onto our retinas are perspective "distortions." Square tabletops consistently show two acute and two obtuse angles; circles drawn on our wallpaper, carpets, or sheets of paper typically appear as ellipses; parallel lines seem to converge as they move away; human bodies are foreshortened; and the transitions between these changing forms are endless and ongoing. However, out of this constant change, one phase always stands out. It's the shape of the object when we can see it most easily and clearly: that is when our eyes and the object are in what could be called the normal position. In this position, our head is upright and our visual axes are either parallel or symmetrically converging; the plane of the object is at a right angle to the visual plane; and if the object has many lines, it's oriented so that those lines are as parallel or perpendicular to the visual plane as possible. It is in this situation that we compare all shapes with one another; this is where every precise measurement and decision is made.[Pg 239]

It is very easy to see why the normal situation should have this extraordinary pre-eminence. First, it is the position in which we easiest hold anything we are examining in our hands; second, it is a turning-point between all right- and all left-hand perspective views of a given object; third, it is the only position in which symmetrical figures seem symmetrical and equal angles seem equal; fourth, it is often that starting-point of movements from which the eye is least troubled by axial rotations, by which superposition[232] of the retinal images of different lines and different parts of the same line is easiest produced, and consequently by which the eye can make the best comparative measurements in its sweeps. All these merits single the normal position out to be chosen. No other point of view offers so many æsthetic and practical advantages. Here we believe we see the object as it is; elsewhere, only as it seems. Experience and custom soon teach us, however, that the seeming appearance passes into the real one by continuous gradations. They teach us, moreover, that seeming and being may be strangely interchanged. Now a real circle may slide into a seeming ellipse; now an ellipse may, by sliding in the same direction, become a seeming circle; now[Pg 240] a rectangular cross grows slant-legged; now a slant-legged one grows rectangular.

It's easy to understand why the normal situation holds such an extraordinary importance. First, it's the position where we can easily hold anything we're examining in our hands; second, it's the turning point for both right- and left-hand perspectives of a given object; third, it's the only position where symmetrical shapes look symmetrical and equal angles appear equal; fourth, it's often the starting point for movements where the eye is least disturbed by rotations, which allows for easier superposition[232] of the retinal images of different lines and parts of the same line, enabling the eye to make the best comparative measurements during its sweeps. All these advantages set the normal position apart as the preferred choice. No other viewpoint provides as many aesthetic and practical benefits. Here, we feel we see the object as it is; elsewhere, we only see it as it seems. However, experience and familiarity quickly teach us that appearances can transform into reality through gradual shifts. They also reveal that seeming and being can switch places in surprising ways. A real circle might turn into a seeming ellipse, while an ellipse can slide in the same direction and appear as a circle; a rectangular cross may change to have slanting legs, and a slanting one may take on a rectangular shape.

Almost any form in oblique vision may be thus a derivative of almost any other in 'primary' vision; and we must learn, when we get one of the former appearances, to translate it into the appropriate one of the latter class; we must learn of what optical 'reality' it is one of the optical signs. Having learned this, we do but obey that law of economy or simplification which dominates our whole psychic life, when we attend exclusively to the 'reality' and ignore as much as our consciousness will let us the 'sign' by which we came to apprehend it. The signs of each probable real thing being multiple and the thing itself one and fixed, we gain the same mental relief by abandoning the former for the latter that we do when we abandon mental images, with all their fluctuating characters, for the definite and unchangeable names which they suggest. The selection of the several 'normal' appearances from out of the jungle of our optical experiences, to serve as the real sights of which we shall think, is psychologically a parallel phenomenon to the habit of thinking in words, and has a like use. Both are substitutions of terms few and fixed for terms manifold and vague.

Almost any shape we see from an angle can be derived from almost any other shape we see directly; and we need to learn, when we perceive one of these angled appearances, to translate it into the appropriate direct one. We have to understand what optical 'reality' it represents as one of the optical signs. Once we grasp this, we naturally follow the principle of economy or simplification that governs our entire mental life, focusing solely on the 'reality' and ignoring, as much as we can, the 'sign' that brought it to our attention. Since there are many signs for each probable real thing, while the actual thing is singular and constant, we find the same mental relief in shifting our focus from the signs to the reality as we do when we move from mental images, with all their changing features, to the definite and unchanging names they evoke. Choosing the various 'normal' appearances from the complex array of our visual experiences to represent the real sights we think about is psychologically similar to the habit of thinking in words and serves a similar purpose. Both involve replacing numerous vague terms with a few exact ones.

Sensations which we Ignore.

This service of sensations as mere signs, to be ignored when they have evoked the other sensations which are their significates, was noticed first by Berkeley and remarked in many passages, as the following:

This idea of sensations being just signs, to be overlooked once they've triggered the other sensations they represent, was first pointed out by Berkeley and discussed in many places, including the following:

"Signs, being little considered in themselves, or for their own sake, but only in their relative capacity and for the sake of those things whereof they are signs, it comes to pass that the mind overlooks them, so as to carry its attention immediately on to the things signified ... which in truth and strictness are not seen, but only suggested and apprehended by means of the proper objects of sight which alone are seen." (Divine Visual Language, § 12.)

"Signs are frequently ignored by themselves and only thought of for what they signify, causing us to concentrate solely on the things they point to. In truth, those things are not seen as they really are but are merely suggested and understood through the actual visible objects we can see." (Divine Visual Language, § 12.)

Berkeley of course erred in supposing that the thing suggested was not even originally an object of sight, as the sign now is which calls it up. Reid expressed Berkeley's principle in yet clearer language:

Berkeley obviously made a mistake in thinking that what was suggested wasn't even originally something we could see, like the sign that now brings it to mind. Reid put Berkeley's principle into even clearer words:

"The visible appearances of objects are intended by nature only as signs or indications, and the mind passes instantly to the things signified,[Pg 241] without making the least reflection upon the sign, or even perceiving that there is any such thing.... The mind has acquired a confirmed and inveterate habit of inattention to them (the signs). For they no sooner appear than, quick as lightning, the thing signified succeeds and engrosses all our regard. They have no name in language; and although we are conscious of them when they pass through the mind, yet their passage is so quick and so familiar that it is absolutely unheeded; nor do they leave any footsteps of themselves, either in the memory or imagination." (Inquiry, chap. v. §§ 2, 3.)

"The way objects appear is meant by nature only as signs or clues, and the mind quickly focuses on what they represent,[Pg 241] without even considering the sign itself or realizing it exists.... The mind has formed a strong and persistent habit of ignoring these signs. As soon as they show up, the thing they represent captures our attention in an instant. They don’t have a specific name in our language; even though we recognize them when they come to mind, their presence is so fleeting and routine that we overlook it, and they leave no mark in our memory or imagination." (Inquiry, chap. v. §§ 2, 3.)

If we review the facts we shall find every grade of non-attention between the extreme form of overlooking mentioned by Reid (or forms even more extreme still) and complete conscious perception of the sensation present. Sometimes it is literally impossible to become aware of the latter. Sometimes a little artifice or effort easily leads us to discern it together, or in alternation, with the 'object' it reveals. Sometimes the present sensation is held to be the object or to reproduce its features in undistorted shape, and then, of course, it receives the mind's full glare.

If we look at the facts, we’ll find a full range of inattention, from the extreme oversight described by Reid (or even more extreme examples) to complete awareness of the sensation we're experiencing. At times, it's literally impossible to notice the latter. A bit of trickery or effort can sometimes help us recognize it alongside, or in place of, the 'object' it reveals. There are times when the current sensation is perceived as the object itself or reflects its characteristics perfectly, and in those moments, it fully captures our attention.

The deepest inattention is to subjective optical sensations, strictly so called, or those which are not signs of outer objects at all. Helmholtz's treatment of these phenomena, muscæ volitantes, negative after-images, double images, etc., is very satisfactory. He says:

The most profound form of inattention is to subjective visual sensations, strictly speaking, or those that aren't indicators of external objects at all. Helmholtz's analysis of these phenomena, muscæ volitantes, negative after-images, double images, etc., is quite satisfactory. He states:

"We only attend with any ease and exactness to our sensations in so far forth as they can be utilized for the knowledge of outward things; and we are accustomed to neglect all those portions of them which have no significance as regards the external world. So much is this the case that for the most part special artifices and practice are required for the observation of these latter more subjective feelings. Although it might seem that nothing should be easier than to be conscious of one's own sensations, experience nevertheless shows that often enough either a special talent like that showed in eminent degree by Purkinje, or accident or theoretic speculation, are necessary conditions for the discovery of subjective phenomena. Thus, for example, the blind spot on the retina was discovered by Mariotte by the theoretic way; similarly by me the existence of 'summation'-tones in acoustics. In the majority of cases accident is what first led observers whose attention was especially exercised on subjective phenomena to discover this one or that; only where the subjective appearances are so intense that they interfere with the perception of objects are they noticed by all men alike. But if they have once been discovered it is for the most part easy for subsequent observers who place themselves in proper conditions and bend their attention in the right direction to perceive them. But in[Pg 242] many cases—for example, in the phenomena of the blind spot, in the discrimination of over-tones and combination-tones from the ground-tone of musical sounds, etc.—such a strain of the attention is required, even with appropriate instrumental aids, that most persons fail. The very after-images of bright objects are by most men perceived only under exceptionally favorable conditions, and it takes steady practice to see the fainter images of this kind. It is a commonly recurring experience that persons smitten with some eye-disease which impairs vision suddenly remark for the first time the muscæ volitantes which all through life their vitreous humor has contained, but which they now firmly believe to have arisen since their malady; the truth being that the latter has only made them more observant of all their visual sensations. There are also cases where one eye has gradually grown blind, and the patient lived for an indefinite time without knowing it, until, through the accidental closure of the healthy eye alone, the blindness of the other was brought to attention.

"We only pay attention to our sensations as much as they help us understand the outside world, and we tend to ignore those sensations that are not relevant. It's so true that often specific techniques and practice are required to notice these more subjective feelings. Even though it might seem easy to be aware of our own sensations, experience shows that discovering subjective phenomena often demands a special talent, like the one Purkinje had, or comes from a random event or theoretical thinking. For instance, Mariotte found the blind spot in the retina through theory, and I discovered the existence of 'summation' tones in sound. In most cases, it’s by chance that observers focusing on subjective phenomena stumble upon one thing or another; only when subjective feelings become so intense that they disrupt our perception of objects do they catch everyone’s attention. However, once these feelings are recognized, it’s usually straightforward for others to perceive them if they create the right conditions and concentrate properly. But in many cases—like with the blind spot, distinguishing overtones and combination tones from the base tone of musical sounds, etc.—it takes a lot of attention, even with the right tools, and most people find it challenging. Most people can only perceive afterimages of bright objects under particularly favorable conditions, and consistent practice is needed to see the fainter versions. It’s a common experience for people with eye diseases affecting their vision to suddenly notice the muscæ volitantes that have always been in their vitreous humor, but they now mistakenly believe these have appeared because of their illness; in reality, the condition has merely heightened their awareness of all their visual sensations. There are also cases where one eye gradually becomes blind, and the person remains unaware for some time until the sudden closure of the healthy eye brings the blindness of the other one to their attention."

"Most people, when first made aware of binocular double images, are uncommonly astonished that they should never have noticed them before, although all through their life they had been in the habit of seeing singly only those few objects which were about equally distant with the point of fixation, and the rest, those nearer and farther, which constitute the great majority, had always been double.

"Most people, when they first become aware of binocular double images, are truly surprised that they never noticed them before. Throughout their lives, they were only accustomed to seeing a few objects at a distance similar to the point of focus, while the majority of objects that were nearer or farther away always appeared double."

"We must then learn to turn our attention to our particular sensations, and we learn this commonly only for such sensations as are means of cognition of the outer world. Only so far as they serve this end have our sensations any importance for us in ordinary life. Subjective feelings are mostly interesting only to scientific investigators; were they remarked in the ordinary use of the senses, they could only cause disturbance. Whilst, therefore, we reach an extraordinary degree of firmness and security in objective observation, we not only do not reach this where subjective phenomena are concerned, but we actually attain in a high degree the faculty of overlooking these altogether, and keeping ourselves independent of their influence in judging of objects, even in cases where their strength might lead them easily to attract our attention." (Physiol. Optik, pp. 431-2.)

"We need to learn to focus on our specific sensations, and we usually only do this for sensations that help us understand the outside world. In everyday life, our sensations only matter when they serve this purpose. Subjective feelings are mostly interesting to scientists; if they were recognized in our everyday sensory experiences, they would just be a distraction. While we achieve a remarkable level of stability and confidence in objective observation, we not only fail to achieve this with subjective phenomena, but we also become quite skilled at ignoring them altogether and remaining unaffected by their influence when judging objects, even in situations where their intensity could easily draw our attention." (Physiol. Optik, pp. 431-2.)

Even where the sensation is not merely subjective, as in the cases of which Helmholtz speaks, but is a sign of something outward, we are also liable, as Reid says, to overlook its intrinsic quality and attend exclusively to the image of the 'thing' it suggests. But here everyone can easily notice the sensation itself if he will. Usually we see a sheet of paper as uniformly white, although a part of it may be in shadow. But we can in an instant, if we please, notice the shadow as local color. A man walking towards us does not usually seem to alter his size; but we can, by setting[Pg 243] our attention in a peculiar way make him appear to do so. The whole education of the artist consists in his learning to see the presented signs as well as the represented things. No matter what the field of view means, he sees it also as it feels—that is, as a collection of patches of color bounded by lines—the whole forming an optical diagram of whose intrinsic proportions one who is not an artist has hardly a conscious inkling. The ordinary man's attention passes over them to their import; the artist's turns back and dwells upon them for their own sake. 'Don't draw the thing as it is, but as it looks!' is the endless advice of every teacher to his pupil; forgetting that what it 'is' is what it would also 'look,' provided it were placed in what we have called the 'normal' situation for vision. In this situation the sensation as 'sign' and the sensation as 'object' coalesce into one, and there is no contrast between them.

Even when the sensation isn’t just subjective, like in the cases Helmholtz talks about, but actually points to something external, we can still, as Reid mentions, overlook its inherent quality and focus solely on the image of the 'thing' it brings to mind. However, anyone can easily notice the sensation itself if they choose to. Typically, we see a piece of paper as uniformly white, even if part of it is in shadow. But we can instantly notice the shadow as a local color if we want to. A person walking toward us usually doesn’t seem to change size; however, by adjusting[Pg 243] our focus in a certain way, we can make them appear to do so. The entire training of an artist revolves around learning to observe both the signs presented and the things represented. Regardless of what the field of view means, he sees it also as it feels—that is, as a mix of color patches outlined by lines—creating an optical diagram of which a non-artist barely has a conscious awareness of its inherent proportions. The average person's attention shifts over them to their meaning; the artist's attention turns back and focuses upon them for their own sake. 'Don't draw the thing as it is, but as it looks!' is the constant advice given by every teacher to their students, forgetting that what it 'is' is also what it would 'look' like if it were in what we call a 'normal' viewing situation. In this scenario, the sensation as 'sign' and the sensation as 'object' merge into one, and there’s no distinction between them.

Sensations which seem Suppressed.

But a great difficulty has been made of certain peculiar cases which we must now turn to consider. They are cases in which a present sensation, whose existence is supposed to be proved by its outward conditions being there, seems absolutely suppressed or changed by the image of the 'thing' it suggests.

But there's been a lot of trouble with certain unusual cases that we need to look at now. They are cases where a current sensation, which is thought to be confirmed by its external conditions being present, appears to be completely suppressed or altered by the image of the 'thing' it brings to mind.

This matter carries us back to what was said on p. 218. The passage there quoted from Helmholtz refers to these cases. He thinks they conclusively disprove the original and intrinsic spatiality of any of our retinal sensations; for if such a one, actually present, had an immanent and essential space-determination of its own, that might well be added to and overlaid or even momentarily eclipsed by suggestions of its signification, but how could it possibly be altered or completely suppressed thereby? Of actually present sensations, he says, being suppressed by suggestions of experience—

This matter takes us back to what was mentioned on p. 218. The passage quoted from Helmholtz there refers to these situations. He believes they definitively disprove the original and inherent spatial quality of any of our visual sensations; because if such a sensation, actually present, had its own essential spatial determination, it could be added to, overlaid, or even momentarily overshadowed by suggestive meanings, but how could it possibly be altered or completely suppressed by that? Concerning actual sensations, he states that they can be suppressed by experiential suggestions—

"We have not a single well-attested example. In all those illusions which are provoked by sensations in the absence of their usually exciting objects, the mistake never vanishes by the better understanding of the object really present, and by insight into the cause of deception. Phosphenes provoked by pressure on the eyeball, by traction on the entrance of the optic nerve, after-images, etc., remain projected into their apparent place in the field of vision, just as the image projected from[Pg 244] a mirror's surface continues to be seen behind the mirror, although we know that to all these appearances no outward reality corresponds. True enough, we can remove our attention, and keep it removed, from sensations that have no reference to the outer world, those, e.g., of the weaker after-images, and of entoptic objects, etc.... But what would become of our perceptions at all if we had the power not only of ignoring, but of transforming into their opposites, any part of them that differed from that outward experience, the image of which, as that of a present reality, accompanies them in the mind?"[233]

"We don’t have a single well-documented example. In all those illusions caused by sensations when their usual exciting objects are missing, the mistake doesn’t disappear even when we better understand the actual object present and gain insight into the cause of the deception. Phosphenes from pressing on the eyeball, pulling on the entry of the optic nerve, after-images, etc., continue to appear in their apparent position in the visual field, just like the image reflected from [Pg 244] a mirror’s surface is still seen behind the mirror, even though we know these appearances don't relate to any real external object. It’s true that we can shift our focus away and keep it away from sensations that don’t link to the outside world, like the fainter after-images and entoptic objects, etc.... But what would happen to our perceptions if we had the ability not just to ignore but to transform into their opposites any part of them that didn’t match that external experience, which, as a current reality, is mentally associated with them?"[233]

And again:

And again:

"On the analogy of all other experience, we should expect that the conquered feelings would persist to our perception, even if only in the shape of recognized illusions. But this is not the case. One does not see how the assumption of originally spatial sensations can explain our optical cognitions, when in the last resort those who believe in these very sensations find themselves obliged to assume that they are overcome by our better judgment, based on experience."

"As with all other experiences, we expect that the conquered feelings will continue to shape our perception, even if they are simply acknowledged illusions. However, that's not the case. It's uncertain how the concept of original spatial sensations can enhance our visual perceptions, particularly when those who believe in these sensations ultimately have to concede that they are overcome by our more informed judgment, which is based on experience."

These words, coming from such a quarter, necessarily carry great weight. But the authority even of a Helmholtz ought not to shake one's critical composure. And the moment one abandons abstract generalities and comes to close quarters with the particulars, I think one easily sees that no such conclusions as those we have quoted follow from the latter. But profitably to conduct the discussion we must divide the alleged instances into groups.

These words, coming from such a source, definitely carry a lot of weight. However, the authority of someone like Helmholtz shouldn’t disrupt one’s critical thinking. Once we move past abstract ideas and focus on the specifics, it becomes clear that the conclusions we've mentioned do not necessarily follow. To have a productive discussion, we need to categorize the alleged instances into groups.


(a) With Helmholtz, color-perception is equally with space-perception an intellectual affair. The so-called simultaneous color-contrast, by which one color modifies another alongside of which it is said, is explained by him as an unconscious inference. In Chapter XVII we discussed the color-contrast problem; the principles which applied to its solution will prove also applicable to part of the present problem. In my opinion, Hering has definitively proved that, when one color is laid beside another, it modifies the sensation of the latter, not by virtue of any mere mental suggestion, as Helmholtz would have it, but by actually exciting a new nerve-process, to which the modified feeling of color immediately corresponds. The explanation is physiological, not psychological. The transformation of[Pg 245] the original color by the inducing color is due to the disappearance of the physiological conditions under which the first color was produced, and to the induction, under the new conditions, of a genuine new sensation, with which the 'suggestions of experience' have naught to do.

(a) According to Helmholtz, color perception is just as much an intellectual process as space perception. He explains the so-called simultaneous color contrast, where one color alters another next to it, as an unconscious inference. In Chapter XVII, we talked about the color contrast issue; the principles used to solve it will also apply to part of the current problem. I believe Hering has clearly shown that when one color is placed next to another, it changes the perception of the latter, not simply through mental suggestion as Helmholtz suggests, but by actually triggering a new nerve process, which directly corresponds to the altered feeling of color. The explanation is physiological, not psychological. The change in the original color by the influencing color results from the loss of the physiological conditions under which the first color was created, and from the induction of a genuinely new sensation under the new conditions, which has nothing to do with 'suggestions of experience.'

Fig. 64.

That processes in the visual apparatus propagate themselves laterally, if one may so express it, is also shown by the phenomena of contrast which occur after looking upon motions of various kinds. Here are a few examples. If, over the rail of a moving vessel, we look at the water rushing along the side, and then transfer our gaze to the deck, a band of planks will appear to us, moving in the opposite[Pg 246] direction to that in which, a moment previously, we had been seeing the water move, whilst on either side of this band another band of planks will move as the water did. Looking at a waterfall, or at the road from out of a car-window in a moving tram, produces the same illusion, which may be easily verified in the laboratory by a simple piece of apparatus. A board with a window five or six inches wide and of any convenient length is supported upright on two feet. On the back side of the board, above and below the window, are two rollers, one of which is provided with a crank. An endless band of any figured stuff is passed over these rollers (one of which can be so adjusted on its bearings as to keep the stuff always taut and not liable to slip), and the surface of the front board is also covered with stuff or paper of a nature to catch the eye. Turning the crank now sets the central band in continuous motion, whilst the margins of the field remain really at rest, but after a while appear moving in the contrary way. Stopping the crank results in an illusory appearance of motion in reverse directions all over the field.

That processes in the visual system spread out sideways, if you can put it that way, is also demonstrated by the contrast effects that happen after watching various kinds of motion. Here are a few examples. If we look at the water rushing alongside a moving boat and then shift our gaze to the deck, a row of planks will seem to move in the opposite direction to the way we just saw the water move, while on either side of this row, another set of planks will move just like the water. Watching a waterfall or looking out of a car window while riding in a tram creates the same illusion, which can be easily demonstrated in the lab with a simple setup. A board with a window that’s five or six inches wide and any convenient length is held upright on two legs. On the back side of the board, above and below the window, are two rollers, one of which has a crank. An endless strip of any patterned material is passed over these rollers (one roller can be adjusted to keep the material taut and prevent it from slipping), and the surface of the front board is also covered with material or paper that attracts attention. Turning the crank sets the middle strip in continuous motion, while the edges of the field remain stationary but eventually appear to move in the opposite direction. Stopping the crank creates an illusion of motion in reverse across the entire field.

A disk with an Archimedean spiral drawn upon it, whirled round on an ordinary rotating machine, produces still more startling effects.

A disk with an Archimedean spiral on it, spinning on a regular rotating machine, creates even more surprising effects.

Fig. 65.

"If the revolution is in the direction in which the spiral line approaches the centre of the disk the entire surface of the latter seems to expand during revolution and to contract after it has ceased; and[Pg 247] vice versâ if the movement of revolution is in the opposite direction. If in the former case the eyes of the observers are turned from the rotating disk towards any familiar object—e.g. the face of a friend—the latter seems to contract or recede in a somewhat striking manner, and to expand or approach after the opposite motion of the spiral."[234]

"If the revolution shifts to the center of the disk, the whole surface seems to expand while it's spinning and contract when it stops; and [Pg 247] vice versa if the spinning goes the other way. In the first situation, if the viewers look away from the spinning disk at something they're used to—like a friend's face—it looks like it shrinks or moves away noticeably, and then expands or gets closer when the spiral spins in the opposite direction."[234]

Fig. 66.

An elementary form of these motor illusions seems to be the one described by Helmholtz on pp. 568-571 of his Optik. The motion of anything in the field of vision along an acute angle towards a straight line sensibly distorts that line. Thus in Fig. 66: Let AB be a line drawn on paper, CDE the tracing made over this line by the point of a compass steadily followed by the eye, as it moves. As the compass-point passes from C to D, the line appears to move downwards; as it passes from D to E, the line appears to move upwards; at the same time the whole line seems to incline itself in the direction FG during the first half of the compass's movement; and in the direction HI during its last half; the change from one inclination to another being quite distinct as the compass-point passes over D.

An elementary version of these motor illusions seems to be the one described by Helmholtz on pp. 568-571 of his Optik. The motion of anything in the field of vision along an acute angle towards a straight line noticeably distorts that line. So in Fig. 66: Let AB be a line drawn on paper, CDE the path traced over this line by the point of a compass steadily followed by the eye as it moves. As the compass point moves from C to D, the line appears to shift downward; as it moves from D to E, the line seems to move upward; at the same time, the entire line appears to tilt in the direction FG during the first half of the compass's movement, and in the direction HI during its last half; the transition from one tilt to another is clearly noticeable as the compass point passes over D.

Any line across which we draw a pencil-point appears to be animated by a rapid movement of its own towards the pencil-point. This apparent movement of both of two things in relative motion to each other, even when one of them is absolutely still, reminds us of the instances quoted[Pg 248] from Vierordt on page 188, and seems to take us back to a primitive stage of perception, in which the discriminations we now make when we feel a movement have not yet been made. If we draw the point of a pencil through 'Zöllner's pattern' (Fig. 60, p. 232), and follow it with the eye, the whole figure becomes the scene of the most singular apparent unrest, of which Helmholtz has very carefully noted the conditions. The illusion of Zöllner's figure vanishes entirely, or almost so, with most people, if they steadily look at one point of it with an unmoving eye; and the same is the case with many other illusions.

Any line where we draw a pencil point seems to move quickly toward the pencil point itself. This illusion of movement between two things that are in motion relative to each other, even if one of them is completely still, brings to mind examples cited[Pg 248] from Vierordt on page 188 and seems to take us back to a basic level of perception, where the distinctions we now make when we sense movement haven't yet developed. If we draw the pencil point through 'Zöllner's pattern' (Fig. 60, p. 232) and follow it with our eyes, the entire figure appears to be in a fascinating state of unrest, which Helmholtz has carefully noted the conditions for. The illusion of Zöllner's figure almost completely disappears for most people if they focus on just one point of it with a steady gaze; the same happens with many other illusions.

Now all these facts taken together seem to show—vaguely it is true, but certainly—that present excitements and after-effects of former excitements may alter the result of processes occurring simultaneously at a distance from them in the retina or other portions of the apparatus for optical sensation. In the cases last considered, the moving eye, as it sweeps the fovea over certain parts of the figure, seems thereby to determine a modification in the feeling which the other parts confer, which modification is the figure's 'distortion.' It is true that this statement explains nothing. It only keeps the cases to which it applies from being explained spuriously. The spurious account of these illusions is that they are intellectual, not sensational, that they are secondary, not primary, mental facts. The distorted figure is said to be one which the mind is led to imagine, by falsely drawing an unconscious inference from certain premises of which it is not distinctly aware. And the imagined figure is supposed to be strong enough to suppress the perception of whatever real sensations there may be. But Helmholtz, Wundt, Delbœuf, Zöllner, and all the advocates of unconscious inference are at variance with each other when it comes to the question what these unconscious premises and inferences may be.

Now, when you put all these facts together, it seems to show—it's a bit vague, but definitely—that current excitements and the aftereffects of past excitements can change the outcomes of processes happening simultaneously far away from them in the retina or other parts of the visual system. In the previously discussed cases, when the moving eye sweeps the fovea across certain areas of the figure, it appears to cause a change in the sensation that the other parts provide, leading to what is known as the figure's 'distortion.' It’s true that this statement doesn’t explain anything. It merely prevents the cases to which it applies from being falsely interpreted. The false explanation of these illusions suggests that they are intellectual, not sensory, that they are secondary, not primary, mental events. The distorted figure is said to be one that the mind is led to imagine by making a false unconscious inference from certain premises of which it is not clearly aware. And it's thought that the imagined figure is strong enough to overshadow the perception of any real sensations that might exist. However, Helmholtz, Wundt, Delbœuf, Zöllner, and all the supporters of unconscious inference disagree with each other regarding what these unconscious premises and inferences actually are.

Fig. 67.
Fig. 68.

That small angles look proportionally larger than larger ones is, in brief, the fundamental illusion to which almost all authors would reduce the peculiarity of Fig. 67, as of Figs. 60, 61, 62 (p. 232). This peculiarity of small angles is by Wundt treated as the case of a filled space seeming larger than an empty one, as in Fig. 68; and this, according[Pg 249] to both Delbœuf and Wundt, is owing to the fact that more muscular innervation is needed for the eye to traverse a filled space than an empty one, because the points and lines in the filled space inevitably arrest and constrain the eye, and this makes us feel as if it were doing more work, i.e. traversing a longer distance.[235] When, however, we recollect that muscular movements are positively proved to have no share in the waterfall and revolving-spiral illusions, and that it is hard to see how Wundt's and Delbœuf's particular form of muscle-explanation can possibly apply to the compass-point illusion considered a moment ago, we must conclude that these writers have probably exaggerated, to say the least, the reach of their muscle-explanation in the case[Pg 250] of the subdivided angles and lines. Never do we get such strong muscular feelings as when, against the course of nature, we oblige our eyes to be still; but fixing the eyes on one point of the figure, so far from making that part of the latter seem larger, dispels, in most persons, the illusion of these diagrams altogether.

That small angles appear to be proportionally larger than larger ones is, simply put, the basic illusion that most authors would attribute to the unique characteristics of Fig. 67, as well as Figs. 60, 61, 62 (p. 232). Wundt discusses this peculiarity of small angles as a situation where a filled space seems larger than an empty one, as shown in Fig. 68; according to both Delbœuf and Wundt, this happens because it takes more muscular effort for the eye to move through a filled space compared to an empty one. The points and lines in the filled space inevitably capture and limit the eye's movement, which makes us feel like it's doing more work, essentially covering a longer distance.[235] However, when we remember that muscular movements have been clearly shown to have no role in the waterfall and revolving-spiral illusions, and it's difficult to see how Wundt's and Delbœuf's specific muscle-based explanation could apply to the compass-point illusion we just considered, we must conclude that these authors have likely overstated the scope of their muscle-based explanation regarding the subdivided angles and lines. We never experience such strong muscular sensations as when we force our eyes to remain still, contrary to how they naturally move; however, focusing on one point of the figure typically makes that part seem smaller and, for most people, completely eliminates the illusion presented by these diagrams.

As for Helmholtz, he invokes, to explain the enlargement of small angles,[236] what he calls a 'law of contrast' between directions and distances of lines, analogous to that between colors and intensities of light. Lines cutting another line make the latter seem more inclined away from them than it really is. Moreover, clearly recognizable magnitudes appear greater than equal magnitudes which we but vaguely apprehend. But this is surely a sensationalistic law, a native function of our seeing-apparatus. Quite as little as the negative after-image of the revolving spiral could such contrast be deduced from any association of ideas or recall of past objects. The principle of contrast is criticised by Wundt,[237] who says that by it small spaces ought to appear to us smaller, and not larger, than they really are. Helmholtz might have retorted (had not the retort been as fatal to the uniformity of his own principle as to Wundt's) that if the muscle-explanation were true, it ought not to give rise to just the opposite illusions in the skin. We saw on p. 141 that subdivided spaces appear shorter than empty ones upon the skin. To the instances there given add this: Divide a line on paper into equal halves, puncture the extremities, and make punctures all along one of the halves; then, with the finger-tip on the opposite side of the paper, follow the line of punctures; the empty half will seem much longer than the punctured half. This seems to bring things back to unanalyzable laws, by reason of which our feeling of size is determined differently in the skin and in the retina, even when the objective conditions are the same. Hering's explanation of Zöllner's figure is to be found in Hermann's Handb. d. Physiologie, iii. 1. p. 579. Lipps[238] gives another reason[Pg 251] why lines cutting another line make the latter seem to bend away from them more than is really the case. If, he says, we draw (Fig. 69) the line pm upon the line ab, and follow the latter with our eye, we shall, on reaching the point m, tend for a moment to slip off ab and to follow mp, without distinctly realizing that we are not still on the main line. This makes us feel as if the remainder mb of the main line were bent a little away from its original direction. The illusion is apparent in the shape of a seeming approach of the ends b, b, of the two main lines. This to my mind would be a more satisfactory explanation of this class of illusions than any of those given by previous authors, were it not again for what happens in the skin.

As for Helmholtz, he explains the enlargement of small angles by referencing what he calls a 'law of contrast' between the directions and distances of lines, similar to the relationship between colors and light intensities. Lines intersecting another line make that line seem more tilted away from them than it really is. Additionally, clearly recognizable sizes appear larger than equal sizes that we only vaguely perceive. However, this is definitely a sensationalistic law, a natural function of our visual system. Just like the negative after-image of a spinning spiral, this contrast cannot be explained by any association of ideas or memories of past objects. Wundt criticizes the principle of contrast, stating that it implies small spaces should seem smaller, not larger, than they actually are. Helmholtz could have argued (though it would undermine the consistency of his own principle just as much as Wundt's) that if the muscle explanation were accurate, it shouldn't create exactly the opposite illusions on the skin. We observed that subdivided spaces feel shorter than empty ones on the skin. For instance, if you divide a line on paper into equal halves, puncture the ends, and make punctures along one half, then run your fingertip on the opposite side of the paper along the line of punctures, the empty half will seem much longer than the punctured half. This suggests that our perception of size is governed by unexplainable laws, leading to different sensations in the skin and the retina, even when objective conditions are the same. Hering's explanation of Zöllner's figure can be found in Hermann's Handbuch der Physiologie, iii. 1. p. 579. Lipps provides another explanation for why lines cutting another line make it seem to curve away more than it actually does. He states that if we draw the line pm over the line ab and follow the latter with our eyes, upon reaching point m, we tend to momentarily drift off ab and follow mp, without clearly realizing that we're no longer on the main line. This makes us perceive the remaining segment mb of the main line as bending slightly away from its original direction. The illusion is evident in the way the ends b, b of the two main lines seem to approach each other. To me, this provides a more satisfying explanation for this type of illusion than those offered by earlier authors, if it weren't for what happens on the skin.

Fig. 69.

Considering all the circumstances, I feel justified in discarding his entire batch of illusions as irrelevant to our present inquiry. Whatever they may prove, they do not prove that our visual percepts of form and movement may not be sensations strictly so called. They much more probably fall into line with the phenomena of irradiation and of color-contrast, and with Vierordt's primitive illusions of movement. They show us, if anything, a realm of sensations in which our habitual experience has not yet made traces, and which persist in spite of our better knowledge, unsuggestive of those other space-sensations which we all the time know from extrinsic evidence to constitute the real space-determinations of the diagram. Very likely, if these sensations were as frequent and as practically important as they now are insignificant and rare, we should end by substituting their significates—the real space-values of the diagrams—for them. These latter we should then seem to[Pg 252] see directly, and the illusions would disappear like that of the size of a tooth-socket when the tooth has been out a week.

Taking everything into account, I believe it’s right to disregard his entire set of illusions as irrelevant to our current investigation. No matter what they might reveal, they do not prove that our visual perceptions of shape and motion are not sensations in the strictest sense. They are much more likely aligned with the phenomena of irradiation and color contrast, as well as Vierordt's basic illusions of movement. If anything, they show us a realm of sensations where our usual experiences haven't left marks, and which continue to exist despite our better understanding, unrelated to those other space sensations that we constantly know from external evidence to make up the true spatial definitions of the diagram. It's quite possible that if these sensations were as common and as practically significant as they currently are insignificant and rare, we would eventually replace their meanings—the actual spatial values of the diagrams—with them. We would then seem to[Pg 252] see them directly, and the illusions would fade away like the perception of a tooth socket's size after the tooth has been gone for a week.


(b) Another batch of cases which we may discard is that of double images. A thoroughgoing anti-sensationalist ought to deny all native tendency to see double images when disparate retinal points are stimulated, because, he should say, most people never get them, but see all things single which experience has led them to believe to be single. "Can a doubleness, so easily neutralized by our knowledge, ever be a datum of sensation at all?" such an anti-sensationalist might ask.

(b) Another group of cases we can disregard is that of double images. A true anti-sensationalist should deny any natural tendency to see double images when different points on the retina are stimulated. They would argue that most people never experience them but instead see everything as single, based on their past experiences that have led them to believe things are single. "Can a doubleness, so easily overridden by our understanding, ever really be a sensation at all?" such an anti-sensationalist might question.

Fig. 70.

To which the answer is that it is a datum of sensation, but a datum which, like many other data, must first be discriminated. As a rule, no sensible qualities are discriminated without a motive.[239] And those that later we learn to discriminate were originally felt confused. As well pretend that a voice, or an odor, which we have learned to pick out, is no sensation now. One may easily acquire skill in discriminating double images, though, as Hering somewhere says, it is an art of which one cannot become master in one year or in two. For masters like Hering himself, or Le Conte, the ordinary stereoscopic diagrams are of little use. Instead of combining into one solid appearance, they simply cross each other with their doubled lines. Volkmann has shown a great variety of ways in which the addition of secondary lines, differing in the two[Pg 253] fields, helps us to see the primary lines double. The effect is analogous to that shown in the cases which we despatched a moment ago, where given lines have their space-value changed by the addition of new lines, without our being able to say why, except that a certain mutual adhesion of the lines and modification of the resultant feeling takes place by psychophysiological laws. Thus, if in Fig. 70, l and r be crossed by an horizontal line at the same level, and viewed stereoscopically, they appear as a single pair of lines, s, in space. But if the horizontal be at different levels, as in l', r', three lines appear, as in s''.[240]

The answer is that it is a sensation, but a sensation that, like many others, must first be discriminated. Generally, we don’t differentiate any noticeable qualities without a reason.[239] And those that we eventually learn to distinguish were initially felt as a blur. It's as silly to claim that a voice or a scent we've learned to identify is not a sensation anymore. One can easily become skilled at differentiating double images, although, as Hering noted, it's not something you can master in one or two years. For experts like Hering or Le Conte, standard stereoscopic images are hardly useful. Instead of merging into one clear image, they simply overlap with their doubled lines. Volkmann has demonstrated various ways in which adding secondary lines, differing in the two[Pg 253] fields, aids us in seeing the primary lines as doubled. This effect is similar to what we mentioned earlier, where given lines change their space value when new lines are added, without us being able to explain why, except that a certain mutual connection of the lines and a modification of the resulting sensation occur according to psychophysiological principles. Thus, if in Fig. 70, l and r are crossed by a horizontal line at the same level and viewed stereoscopically, they appear as a single pair of lines, s, in space. However, if the horizontal line is at different levels, as in l', r', three lines appear, as depicted in s''.[240]

Let us then say no more about double images. All that the facts prove is what Volkmann says,[241] that, although there may be sets of retinal fibres so organized as to give an impression of two separate spots, yet the excitement of other retinal fibres may inhibit the effect of the first excitement, and prevent us from actually making the discrimination. Still farther retinal processes may, however, bring the doubleness to the eye of attention; and, once there, it is as genuine a sensation as any that our life affords.[242]

Let’s not discuss double images any further. All the facts show, as Volkmann states,[241] that while some retinal fibers may be arranged to create the impression of two separate spots, the activation of other retinal fibers can inhibit the effect of the initial activation, preventing us from truly distinguishing between the two. However, additional retinal processes may bring this duality to our attention, and once it does, it feels as real as any sensation in our lives.[242]


(c) These groups of illusions being eliminated, either as cases of defective discrimination, or as changes of one space-sensation into another when the total retinal process changes, there remain but two other groups to puzzle us. The first is that of the after-images distorted by projection on to oblique planes; the second relates to the instability of our judgments of relative distance and size by the eye, and includes especially what are known as pseudoscopic illusions.

(c) With these groups of illusions removed, either as examples of poor discrimination or as shifts from one spatial sensation to another when the overall retinal process changes, only two other groups remain to confuse us. The first group consists of after-images distorted by being projected onto slanted surfaces; the second pertains to the inconsistency of our judgments regarding relative distance and size as perceived by the eye, particularly what are known as pseudoscopic illusions.

The phenomena of the first group were described on page 232. A. W. Volkmann has studied them with his accustomed clearness and care.[243] Even an imaginarily inclined wall, in a picture, will, if an after-image be thrown upon it, distort the shape thereof, and make us see a form of which our after-image would be the natural projection on the retina, were that form laid upon the wall. Thus a signboard is painted in perspective on a screen, and the eye, after steadily looking at a rectangular cross, is turned to the painted signboard. The after-image appears as an oblique-legged cross upon the signboard. It is the converse phenomenon of a perspective drawing like Fig. 71, in which really oblique-legged figures are seen as rectangular crosses.

The phenomena of the first group were described on page 232. A. W. Volkmann has examined them with his usual clarity and attention to detail.[243] Even a slanted wall in a picture can, when an after-image is projected onto it, change its shape and make us see a form that our after-image would naturally project onto the retina if that form were placed on the wall. For example, a signboard is painted in perspective on a screen, and after staring at a rectangular cross, our gaze shifts to the painted signboard. The after-image appears as an angled cross on the signboard. This is the opposite of a perspective drawing like Fig. 71, where actual angled figures are perceived as rectangular crosses.

Fig. 71.
Fig. 72.
Fig. 73.

The unstable judgments of relative distance and size were also mentioned on pp. 231-2. Whatever the size may be of the retinal image which an object makes, the object is seen as of its own normal size. A man moving towards us is not sensibly perceived to grow, for example; and my finger, of which a single joint may more than conceal him from my view, is nevertheless seen as a much smaller object than the man. As for distances, it is often possible to make the farther part of an object seem near and the nearer part far. A human profile in intaglio, looked at steadily with one eye, or even both, soon appears irresistibly as a bas-relief. The inside of a common pasteboard mask, painted like the outside, and viewed with one eye in a direct light, also looks convex instead of hollow. So strong is the illusion,[Pg 255] after long fixation, that a friend who painted such a mask for me told me it soon became difficult to see how to apply the brush. Bend a visiting-card across the middle, so that its halves form an angle of 90º more or less; set it upright on the table, as in Fig. 72, and view it with one eye. You can make it appear either as if it opened towards you or away from you. In the former case, the angle ab lies upon the table, b being nearer to you than a; in the latter case ab seems vertical to the table—as indeed it really is—with a nearer to you than b.[244] Again, look, with either one or[Pg 256] two eyes, at the opening of a wine-glass or tumbler (Fig. 73), held either above or below the eye's level. The retinal image of the opening is an oval, but we can see the oval in either of two ways,—as if it were the perspective view of a circle whose edge b were farther from us than its edge a (in which case we should seem to be looking down on the circle), or as if its edge a were the more distant edge (in which case we should be looking up at it through the b side of the glass). As the manner of seeing the edge changes, the glass itself alters its form in space and looks straight or seems bent towards or from the eye,[245] according as the latter is placed beneath or above it.

The inconsistent perceptions of distance and size were also mentioned on pp. 231-2. No matter how big the retinal image of an object appears, we still perceive the object at its true size. For instance, a person walking toward us doesn’t seem to grow; and my finger, which could completely block his view from me, is still seen as much smaller than the man. Regarding distances, it's often possible to make the far part of an object look close and the near part look far. A human profile in intaglio, when looked at steadily with one eye (or even both), soon appears convincingly as a bas-relief. The inside of a simple pasteboard mask, painted like the outside and viewed with one eye in direct light, also looks convex instead of hollow. The illusion is so strong,[Pg 255] after looking at it for a while, that a friend who painted such a mask for me said it became hard to see how to apply the brush. Bend a business card in the middle to create an angle of about 90º; set it upright on the table, as shown in Fig. 72, and look at it with one eye. You can make it appear as though it opens toward you or away from you. In the first case, angle ab lies flat on the table, with b closer to you than a; in the second case, ab appears vertical to the table—as it actually is—with a closer to you than b.[244] Again, look with either one or[Pg 256] two eyes at the opening of a wine glass or tumbler (Fig. 73), held either above or below eye level. The retinal image of the opening is an oval, but we can see it in two ways: as if it were the perspective view of a circle with edge b farther from us than edge a (in this case, it would look like we’re looking down on the circle), or as if edge a were the more distant edge (making it look like we’re looking up at it through the b side of the glass). As the perspective of the edge shifts, the glass itself seems to change shape in space, appearing straight or appearing bent toward or away from the eye,[245] depending on whether your eye is above or below it.

Fig. 74.
Fig. 75.
Fig. 76.

Plane diagrams also can be conceived as solids, and that in more than one way. Figs. 74, 75, 76, for example, are ambiguous perspective projections, and may each of them remind us of two different natural objects. Whichever of these[Pg 257] objects we conceive clearly at the moment of looking at the figure, we seem to see in all its solidity before us. A little practice will enable us to flap the figures, so to speak, backwards and forwards from one object to the other at will. We need only attend to one of the angles represented, and imagine it either solid or hollow—pulled towards us out of the plane of the paper, or pushed back behind the same—and the whole figure obeys the cue and is instantaneously transformed beneath our gaze.[246]

Plane diagrams can also be imagined as three-dimensional objects, and in more than one way. For example, Figures 74, 75, and 76 are ambiguous perspective projections that may remind us of two different natural objects. No matter which of these[Pg 257] objects we clearly envision when looking at the figure, we seem to see it in all its solidity before us. With a bit of practice, we can quickly switch between the two objects, almost like flipping them back and forth. We just need to focus on one of the angles shown, imagining it as either solid or hollow—being pulled towards us out of the plane of the paper, or pushed back behind it—and the entire figure responds to that cue and instantly transforms under our gaze.[246]

The peculiarity of all these cases is the ambiguity of the perception to which the fixed retinal impression gives rise. With our retina excited in exactly the same way, whether by after-image, mask or diagram, we see now this object and now that, as if the retinal image per se had no essential space-import. Surely if form and length were originally retinal sensations, retinal rectangles ought not to become acute or obtuse, and lines ought not to alter their relative lengths as they do. If relief were an optical feeling, it ought not to flap to and fro, with every optical condition unchanged. Here, if anywhere, the deniers of space-sensation ought to be able to make their final stand.[247]

The unique thing about all these cases is the confusion surrounding the perception that the fixed image on the retina creates. With our retina stimulated in exactly the same way, whether by an after-image, mask, or diagram, we can see one object or another, as if the retinal image per se has no inherent spatial meaning. If form and length were originally sensations from the retina, then retinal rectangles shouldn’t turn acute or obtuse, and lines shouldn’t change their relative lengths like they do. If relief were just an optical sensation, it shouldn’t shift back and forth when every other optical condition remains the same. Here, more than anywhere else, those who deny space-sensation should be able to make their strongest argument.[247]

It must be confessed that their plea is plausible at first sight. But it is one thing to throw out retinal sensibility altogether as a space-yielding function the moment we find an ambiguity in its deliverances, and another thing to examine candidly the conditions which may have brought the ambiguity about. The former way is cheap, wholesale, shallow; the latter difficult and complicated, but full of instruction in the end. Let us try it for ourselves.

It has to be admitted that their argument sounds reasonable at first glance. However, it's one thing to completely dismiss visual perception as a space-creating function the moment we encounter any ambiguity in what it presents, and quite another to honestly examine the factors that may have caused that ambiguity. The former approach is easy, broad, and superficial; the latter is challenging and complex, but ultimately very enlightening. Let’s give it a try ourselves.


In the case of the diagrams 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, the real object, lines meeting or crossing each other on a plane, is[Pg 258] replaced by an imagined solid which we describe as seen. Really it is not seen but only so vividly conceived as to approach a vision of reality. We feel all the while, however, that the solid suggested is not solidly there. The reason why one solid may seem more easily suggested than another, and why it is easier in general to perceive the diagram solid than flat, seems due to probability.[248] Those lines have countless times in our past experience been drawn on our retina by solids for once that we have seen them flat on paper. And hundreds of times we have looked down upon the upper surface of parallelopipeds, stairs and glasses, for once that we have looked upwards at their bottom—hence we see the solids easiest as if from above.

In the diagrams 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, the actual object, where lines meet or cross on a flat surface, is[Pg 258] replaced by an imagined solid that we describe as if we’re seeing it. In reality, it's not truly seen but is so vividly imagined that it feels close to a vision of reality. All the while, though, we sense that the solid being suggested isn’t really there. The reason one solid might seem easier to suggest than another, and why it’s generally easier to perceive the diagram as solid rather than flat, appears to be due to probability.[248] Those lines have been drawn on our retinas countless times by solids, compared to the few occasions we’ve seen them flat on paper. And we’ve looked down at the upper surfaces of parallelepipeds, stairs, and glasses many more times than we’ve looked up at their bottoms—so we find it easier to see solids as if we’re viewing them from above.

Habit or probability seems also to govern the illusion of the intaglio profile, and of the hollow mask. We have never seen a human face except in relief—hence the case with which the present sensation is overpowered. Hence, too, the obstinacy with which human faces and forms, and other extremely familiar convex objects, refuse to appear hollow when viewed through Wheatstone's pseudoscope. Our perception seems wedded to certain total ways of seeing certain objects. The moment the object is suggested at all, it takes possession of the mind in the fulness of its stereotyped habitual form. This explains the suddenness of the transformations when the perceptions change. The object shoots back and forth completely from this to that familiar thing, and doubtful, indeterminate, and composite things are excluded, apparently because we are unused to their existence.

Habit or chance also seems to control the illusion of the intaglio profile and the hollow mask. We have never seen a human face except in relief—so it's easy for the current sensation to be overwhelmed. This also explains the stubbornness with which human faces and forms, along with other very familiar convex objects, refuse to look hollow when viewed through Wheatstone's pseudoscope. Our perception appears to be tied to certain specific ways of seeing certain objects. The moment an object is suggested, it takes hold of the mind in the fullness of its familiar, habitual form. This clarifies why transformations occur so suddenly when perceptions change. The object quickly shifts back and forth between this and that familiar thing, while unclear, indefinite, and mixed things are pushed aside, apparently because we are unfamiliar with their existence.

When we turn from the diagrams to the actual folded visiting-card and to the real glass, the imagined form seems fully as real as the correct one. The card flaps over; the glass rim tilts this way or that, as if some inward spring suddenly became released in our eye. In these changes the actual retinal image receives different complements from the mind. But the remarkable thing is that the complement[Pg 259] and the image combine so completely that the twain are one flesh, as it were, and cannot be discriminated in the result. If the complement be, as we have called it (on pp. 237-8), a set of imaginary absent eye-sensations, they seem no whit less vividly there than the sensation which the eye now receives from without.

When we switch from the diagrams to the actual folded business card and the real glass, the imagined form feels just as real as the correct one. The card flips over; the glass edge tilts this way or that, almost as if some internal spring suddenly released in our eye. In these changes, the actual retinal image gets different complements from the mind. The amazing part is that the complement[Pg 259] and the image merge so completely that they become indistinguishable, so to speak, and can't be told apart in the end. If the complement is, as we’ve referred to it (on pp. 237-8), a set of imaginary absent visual sensations, they seem just as vividly present there as the sensation the eye currently receives from the outside.

The case of the after-images distorted by projection upon an oblique plane is even more strange, for the imagined perspective figure, lying in the plane, seems less to combine with the one a moment previously seen by the eye than to suppress it and take its place.[249] The point needing explanation, then, in all this, is how it comes to pass that, when imagined sensations are usually so inferior in vivacity to real ones, they should in these few experiences prove to be almost or quite their match.

The situation with the after-images distorted by projecting onto a slanted surface is even stranger, because the imagined perspective figure that lies on that surface seems to push aside the previously seen image rather than just blend with it. [249] What needs to be explained here is how it happens that, even though imagined sensations are generally less vivid than real ones, in these few instances, they seem to be nearly or completely on par with them.

The mystery is solved when we note the class to which all these experiences belong. They are 'perceptions' of definite 'things,' definitely situated in tridimensional space. The mind uniformly uses its sensations to identify things by. The sensation is invariably apperceived by the idea, name, or 'normal' aspect (p. 238) of the thing. The peculiarity of the optical signs of things is their extraordinary mutability. A 'thing' which we follow with the eye, never doubting of its physical identity, will change its retinal image incessantly. A cross, a ring, waved about in the air, will pass through every conceivable angular and elliptical form. All the while, however, as we look at them, we hold fast to the perception of their 'real' shape, by mentally combining the pictures momentarily received with the notion of peculiar positions in space. It is not the cross and ring pure and simple which we perceive, but the cross so held, the ring so held. From the day of our birth we have sought every hour of our lives to correct the apparent form of things, and translate[Pg 260] it into the real form by keeping note of the way they are placed or held. In no other class of sensations does this incessant correction occur. What wonder, then, that the notion 'so placed' should invincibly exert its habitual corrective effect, even when the object with which it combines is only an after-image, and make us perceive the latter under a changed but more 'real' form? The 'real' form is also a sensation conjured up by memory; but it is one so probable, so habitually conjured up when we have just this combination of optical experiences, that it partakes of the invincible freshness of reality, and seems to break through that law which elsewhere condemns reproductive processes to being so much fainter than sensations.

The mystery is cleared up when we recognize the category these experiences fall into. They are 'perceptions' of specific 'things' located in three-dimensional space. The mind consistently uses its sensations to identify things by. The sensation is always interpreted by the idea, name, or 'normal' aspect (p. 238) of the thing. The unique feature of the optical signs of things is their remarkable changeability. A 'thing' that we follow with our eyes, without questioning its physical identity, constantly alters its image on the retina. A cross or a ring waved in the air can take on every imaginable angular and elliptical shape. Yet, as we observe them, we cling to the perception of their 'real' shape by mentally combining the momentary images received with the idea of specific positions in space. We don't just perceive the cross and ring as they are, but the cross as it is held, the ring as it is held. Since the moment we were born, we have spent every hour of our lives trying to correct the apparent shape of things and translate it into the real shape by paying attention to how they are positioned or held. No other category of sensations undergoes this constant correction. So, it’s no surprise that the notion of 'so placed' should powerfully exert its usual corrective influence, even when the object it combines with is just an after-image, making us perceive it in a changed but more 'real' form. The 'real' form is also a sensation created by memory; however, it is so probable, so habitually produced when we have this combination of visual experiences, that it feels strikingly fresh like reality and seems to defy the rule that usually makes reproductive processes much fainter than sensations.

Once more, these cases form an extreme. Somewhere, in the list of our imaginations of absent feelings, there must be found the vividest of all. These optical reproductions of real form are the vividest of all. It is foolish to reason from cases lower in the scale, to prove that the scale can contain no such extreme cases as these; and particularly foolish since we can definitely see why these imaginations ought to be more vivid than any others, whenever they recall the forms of habitual and probable things. These latter, by incessantly repeated presence and reproduction, will plough deep grooves in the nervous system. There will be developed, to correspond to them, paths of least resistance, of unstable equilibrium, liable to become active in their totality when any point is touched off. Even when the objective stimulus is imperfect, we shall still see the full convexity of a human face, the correct inclination of an angle or sweep of a curve, or the distance of two lines. Our mind will be like a polyhedron, whose facets are the attitudes of perception in which it can most easily rest. These are worn upon it by habitual objects, and from one of these it can pass only by tumbling over into another.[250]

Once again, these cases represent an extreme. Somewhere, in our list of imagined absent feelings, the most vivid one must exist. These visual reproductions of real forms are the most vivid of all. It’s silly to reason from less extreme cases to argue that the scale can't include such extreme examples; it’s especially foolish since we can clearly see why these imaginations should be more vivid than others, especially when they recall the forms of usual and likely things. The latter, through constant repetition and presence, create deep grooves in the nervous system. Corresponding to these, paths of least resistance will develop, providing unstable equilibrium, which can activate entirely when any point is triggered. Even when the actual stimulus is imperfect, we will still see the full shape of a human face, the proper angle or curve, or the distance between two lines. Our mind will be like a polyhedron, with facets representing the perceptions it can easily settle into. These are shaped by habitual objects, and it can only transition from one to another by rolling over into the next.[250]

Hering has well accounted for the sensationally vivid character of these habitually reproduced forms. He says,[Pg 261] after reminding us that every visual sensation is correlated to a physical process in the nervous apparatus:

Hering has effectively explained the strikingly vivid nature of these frequently repeated forms. He states,[Pg 261] after reminding us that every visual sensation is linked to a physical process in the nervous system:

"If this psycho-physical process is aroused, as usually happens, by light-rays impinging on the retina, its form depends not only on the nature of these rays, but on the constitution of the entire nervous apparatus which is connected with the organ of vision, and on the state in which it finds itself. The same stimulus may excite widely different sensations according to this state.

"When this psycho-physical process is triggered—usually by light rays hitting the retina—its nature depends not just on the type of rays but also on the overall condition of the nervous system linked to the visual organ and its current state. The same stimulus can lead to very different sensations based on this state."

"The constitution of the nervous apparatus depends naturally in part upon innate predisposition; but the ensemble of effects wrought by stimuli upon it in the course of life, whether these come through the eyes or from elsewhere, is a co-factor of its development. To express it otherwise, involuntary and voluntary experience and exercise assist in determining the material structure of the nervous organ of vision, and hence the ways in which it may react on a retinal image as an outward stimulus. That experience and exercise should be possible at all in vision is a consequence of the reproductive power, or memory, of its nerve-substance. Every particular activity of the organ makes it more suited to a repetition of the same; ever slighter touches are required to make the repetition occur. The organ habituates itself to the repeated activity....

"The structure of the nervous system is partly due to natural predisposition, but the overall effects of stimuli experienced throughout life, whether from the eyes or other sources, contribute to its development. In other words, both involuntary and voluntary experiences and practices shape the physical structure of the visual system, influencing how it responds to a retinal image as an external stimulus. The ability to have experiences and practices in vision comes from the capacity for reproduction or memory in its nerve tissue. Each specific activity of the organ enhances its ability to repeat; gentler stimuli are needed to provoke the same response. The organ gets used to repeated actions..."

"Suppose now that, in the first experience of a complex sensation produced by a particular retinal image, certain portions were made the special objects of attention. In a repetition of the sensible experience it will happen that notwithstanding the identity of the outward stimulus these portions will be more easily and strongly reproduced; and when this happens a hundred times the inequality with which the various constituents of the complex sensation appeal to consciousness grows ever greater.

"Now imagine that, in the first experience of a complex sensation created by a specific retinal image, certain parts were more focused than others. When this sensory experience is repeated, even with the same external stimulus, those focused parts will be more easily and strongly recalled. After this happens a hundred times, the differences in how the various elements of the complex sensation are perceived consciously become more distinct."

"Now in the present state of our knowledge we cannot assert that in both the first and the last occurrence of the retinal image in question the same pure sensation is provoked, but that the mind interprets it differently the last time in consequence of experience; for the only given things we know are on the one hand the retinal image which is both times the same, and on the other the mental percept which is both times different; of a third thing, such as a pure sensation, interpolated between image and percept, we know nothing. We ought, therefore, if we wish to avoid hypotheses, simply to say that the nervous apparatus reacts the last time differently from the first, and gives us in consequence a different group of sensations.

"At this point, based on what we know, we can't claim that the same pure sensation is triggered during both the first and last occurrence of the retinal image in question. Instead, the mind interprets it differently the second time due to previous experiences. The only given things we have are the retinal image, which is the same in both cases, and the mental perception, which varies in each instance. We don’t know anything about a third element, like a pure sensation, that might exist between the image and perception. Therefore, if we want to avoid assumptions, we should simply state that the nervous system reacts differently the second time compared to the first, resulting in different sensations."

"But not only by repetition of the same retinal image, but by that of similar ones, will the law obtain. Portions of the image common to the successive experiences will awaken, as it were, a stronger echo in the nervous apparatus than other portions. Hence it results that reproduction is usually elective: the more strongly reverberating parts of the picture yield stronger feelings than the rest. This may result in the[Pg 262] latter being quite overlooked and, as it were, eliminated from perception. It may even come to pass that instead of these parts eliminated by election a feeling of entirely different elements comes to consciousness-elements not objectively contained in the stimulus. A group of sensations, namely, for which a strong tendency to reproduction has become, by frequent repetition, ingrained in the nervous system will easily revive as a whole when, not its whole retinal image, but only an essential part thereof, returns. In this case we get some sensations to which no adequate stimulus exists in the retinal image, and which owe their being solely to the reproductive power of the nervous apparatus. This is complementary (ergänzende) reproduction.

"But not only does this apply through the repetition of the same visual image, but also through similar ones. Parts of the image that are common to successive experiences will provoke, so to speak, a stronger response in the nervous system than other parts. Consequently, reproduction is usually selective: the more prominent parts of the image generate stronger feelings than the rest. This can result in the[Pg 262] less noticeable parts being completely ignored and, in a sense, eliminated from perception. It may even happen that instead of these parts being discarded, feelings of entirely different elements come to consciousness—elements that are not actually present in the stimulus. A group of sensations that have developed a strong tendency to be reproduced through frequent repetition will easily reemerge as a whole when only an essential part of the visual image is present. In this scenario, we experience sensations for which there is no adequate stimulus in the visual image, existing solely due to the reproductive capacity of the nervous system. This is complementary (ergänzende) reproduction.

"Thus a few points and disconnected strokes are sufficient to make us see a human face, and without specially directed attention we fail to note that we see much that really is not drawn on the paper. Attention will show that the outlines were deficient in spots where we thought them complete.... The portions of the percept supplied by complementary reproduction depend, however, just as much as its other portions, on the reaction of the nervous apparatus upon the retinal image, indirect though this reaction may, in the case of the supplied portions, be. And so long as they are present, we have a perfect right to call them sensations, for they differ in no wise from such sensations as correspond to an actual stimulus in the retina. Often, however, they are not persistent; many of them may be expelled by more close observation, but this is not proved to be the case with all.... In vision with one eye ... the distribution of parts within the third dimension is essentially the work of this complementary reproduction, i.e. of former experience.... When a certain way of localizing a particular group of sensations has become with us a second nature, our better knowledge, our judgment, our logic, are of no avail.... Things actually diverse may give similar or almost identical retinal images; e.g., an object extended in three dimensions, and its flat perspective picture. In such cases it often depends on small accidents, and especially on our will, whether the one or the other group of sensations shall be excited.... We can see a relief hollow, as a mould, or vice versâ; for a relief illuminated from the left can look just like its mould illuminated from the right. Reflecting upon this, one may infer from the direction of the shadows that one has a relief before one, and the idea of the relief will guide the nerve-processes into the right path, so that the feeling of the relief is suddenly aroused.... Whenever the retinal image is of such a nature that two diverse modes of reaction on the part of the nervous apparatus are, so to speak, equally, or nearly equally, imminent, it must depend on small accidents whether the one or the other reaction is realized. In these cases our previous knowledge often has a decisive effect, and helps the correct perception to victory. The bare idea of the right object is itself a feeble reproduction which with the help of the proper retinal picture develops into clear and lively sensation. But if there be not already in the nervous apparatus a disposition[Pg 263] to the production of that percept which our judgment tells us is right, our knowledge strives in vain to conjure up the feeling of it; we then know that we see something to which no reality corresponds, but we see it all the same."[251]

"Just a few lines and random strokes can make us recognize a human face. Without focused attention, we often overlook that we perceive much that isn’t actually drawn on the paper. If we pay attention, we’ll notice that the outlines are incomplete in areas where we thought they were finished. The parts of our perception filled in by the brain’s reconstruction rely on how our nervous system reacts to the image on the retina, even if this reaction is indirect for those supplementary parts. As long as they’re present, we can certainly call them sensations since they are no different from those sensations corresponding to an actual stimulus on the retina. However, they often aren’t consistent; many may fade away upon closer inspection, although not all. In monocular vision, our perception of things in the third dimension heavily relies on this brain reconstruction, driven by our past experiences. When we become accustomed to locating a specific group of sensations, our deeper understanding, judgment, and logic don’t assist us. Different objects can create similar or nearly identical images on the retina; for example, a three-dimensional object and its two-dimensional perspective image. In these cases, it often comes down to minor details and especially our choice regarding which set of sensations is triggered. We can view a raised surface as a mold, or vice versa; a raised area illuminated from the left can look just like its mold lit from the right. Reflecting on this, one might deduce from the shadows' angles that a relief is in front of us, and the concept of the relief will guide our nerve processes accurately, leading to an immediate sense of the relief. Whenever the image on the retina triggers two very different reactions in our nervous system that are nearly equally likely, whether one reaction occurs over the other depends on minor details. In these situations, our prior knowledge often plays a crucial role, aiding accurate perception to succeed. The simple idea of the right object is just a weak reproduction that evolves into a clear and vivid sensation with the right retinal image. But if our nervous system isn’t prepared to produce the perception that our judgment thinks is correct, our knowledge fails to evoke that feeling; we realize we’re seeing something that doesn’t match reality, yet we still perceive it."

Fig. 77.

Note that no object not probable, no object which we are not incessantly practised in reproducing, can acquire this vividness in imagination. Objective corners are ever changing their angles to the eyes, spaces their apparent size, lines their distance. But by no transmutation of position in space does an objective straight line appear bent, and only in one position out of an infinity does a broken line look straight. Accordingly, it is impossible by projecting the after-image of a straight line upon two surfaces which make a solid angle with each other to give the line itself a sensible 'kink.' Look with it at the corner of your room: the after-image, which may overlap all three surfaces of the corner, still continues straight. Volkmann constructed a complicated surface of projection like that drawn in Fig. 77, but he found it impossible so to throw a straight after-image upon it as to alter its visible form.

Keep in mind that no object outside what's likely, and no object we don’t constantly practice recreating, can achieve this vividness in our imagination. Objective corners constantly change how they appear to our eyes, spaces change their apparent size, and lines change their perceived distance. However, by shifting position in space, a straight line never looks bent, and only in one out of countless positions does a broken line appear straight. Therefore, it's impossible to project the after-image of a straight line onto two surfaces that create a solid angle with each other in a way that makes the line itself seem to have a noticeable 'kink.' Look at the corner of your room: the after-image, which may overlap all three surfaces of the corner, still stays straight. Volkmann created a complex projection surface like the one shown in Fig. 77, but he found it impossible to project a straight after-image onto it in a way that changed its visible form.

One of the situations in which we oftenest see things is spread out on the ground before us. We are incessantly drilled in making allowance for this perspective, and reducing things to their real form in spite of optical foreshortening. Hence if the preceding explanations are true, we ought to find this habit inveterate. The lower half of the retina, which habitually sees the farther half of things spread out on the ground, ought to have acquired a habit of enlarging its pictures by imagination, so as to make them more than equal to those which fall on the upper retinal surface; and this habit ought to be hard to escape from, even when both halves of the object are equidistant from the eye, as in a vertical line on paper. Delbœuf has found, accordingly, that if we try to bisect such a line we place the point of division about of its length too high.[252]

One of the situations where we most often see things is spread out on the ground in front of us. We are constantly trained to account for this perspective and to adjust things to their true form despite optical foreshortening. Therefore, if the previous explanations are accurate, we should find this habit deeply ingrained. The lower half of the retina, which typically views the farther part of things spread out on the ground, should have developed a habit of enlarging its images in our minds, making them larger than those that hit the upper part of the retina; and this habit should be difficult to break, even when both halves of the object are the same distance from the eye, as when drawn as a vertical line on paper. Delbœuf found that if we attempt to bisect such a line, we tend to position the dividing point about its length too high.[252]

Fig. 78.

Similarly, a square cross, or a square, drawn on paper, should look higher than it is broad. And that this is actually the case, the reader may verify by a glance at Fig. 78. For analogous reasons the upper and lower halves of the letter S, or of the figure 8, hardly seem to differ. But when turned upside down, the upper half looks much the larger.[253]

Similarly, a square cross or a square drawn on paper should appear taller than it is wide. The reader can confirm this with a quick look at Fig. 78. For similar reasons, the upper and lower halves of the letter S, or the figure 8, don’t seem to differ much. However, when flipped upside down, the upper half looks significantly larger.[253]

Figure. 79.

Hering has tried to explain our exaggeration of small angles in the same way. We have more to do with right angles than with any others: right angles, in fact, have an altogether unique sort of interest for the human mind. Nature almost never begets them, but we think space by means of them and put them everywhere. Consequently obtuse and acute ones, liable always to be the images of right ones foreshortened, particularly easily revive right ones in memory. It is hard to look at such figures as a, b, c, in Fig. 79, without seeing them in perspective, as approximations, at least, to foreshortened rectangular forms.[254]

Hering has tried to explain our tendency to exaggerate small angles in a similar way. We deal with right angles more than any others: right angles, in fact, hold a uniquely special interest for the human mind. Nature almost never creates them, but we think about space using them and incorporate them everywhere. As a result, obtuse and acute angles, which are often just shorter versions of right angles, easily bring right angles to mind. It's hard to look at shapes like a, b, c, in Fig. 79, without seeing them in perspective, at least as approximations of shortened rectangular forms.[254]

At the same time the genuine sensational form of the lines before us can, in all the cases of distortion by suggested perspective, be felt correctly by a mind able to abstract from the notion of perspective altogether. Individuals differ in this abstracting power. Artistic training improves it, so that after a little while errors in vertical bisection, in estimating height relatively to breadth, etc., become impossible. In other words, we learn to take the optical sensation before us pure.[255]

At the same time, the true sensational quality of the lines we see can, in all cases of distortion caused by suggested perspective, be accurately felt by a mind capable of completely separating from the idea of perspective. People vary in this ability to abstract. Artistic training enhances it, so that after some time, mistakes in vertical division, in judging height relative to width, and so on, become impossible. In other words, we learn to perceive the optical sensation before us pure.[255]

We may then sum up our study of illusions by saying that they in no wise undermine our view that every spatial determination of things is originally given in the shape of a sensation of the eyes. They only show how very potent certain imagined sensations of the eyes may become.

We can conclude our study of illusions by saying that they do not weaken our belief that every spatial understanding of things is originally experienced as a visual sensation. They simply demonstrate how powerful certain imagined visual sensations can be.

These sensations, so far as they bring definite forms to the mind, appear to be retinal exclusively. The movements of the eyeballs play a great part in educating our perception, it is true; but they have nothing to do with constituting any one feeling of form. Their function is limited to exciting the various feelings of form, by tracing retinal streaks; and to comparing them, and measuring them off against each other, by applying different parts of the retinal surface to the same objective thing. Helmholtz's analysis of the facts of our 'measurement of the field of view' is, bating a lapse or two, masterly, and seems to prove that the movements of the eye have had some part in bringing our sense of retinal equivalencies about—equivalencies, mind, of different retinal forms and sizes, not forms and sizes themselves. Superposition is the way in which the eye-movements accomplish this result. An object traces the line AB on a peripheral tract of the retina. Quickly we move the eye so that the same object traces the line ab on a central tract. Forthwith, to our mind, AB and ab are judged equivalent. But, as Helmholtz admits, the equivalence-judgment is independent of the way in which we may feel the form and length of the several retinal pictures themselves:

These sensations, as far as they create clear shapes in our minds, seem to be solely related to the retina. While the movements of our eyeballs do play a significant role in shaping our perception, they don’t actually create any single feeling of form. Their role is limited to triggering various feelings of form by tracing patterns on the retina and comparing and measuring those patterns against each other by using different parts of the retinal surface on the same object. Helmholtz's analysis of how we measure our field of view is, with a few minor oversights, impressive, and seems to demonstrate that eye movements have contributed to our sense of retinal equivalencies—equivalencies, mind you, of different retinal shapes and sizes, not the shapes and sizes themselves. Superposition is how eye movements achieve this result. An object traces line AB on a peripheral area of the retina. Quickly, we move our eyes so that the same object traces line ab on a central area. Immediately, in our minds, AB and ab are seen as equivalent. However, as Helmholtz acknowledges, this judgment of equivalence is independent of how we perceive the shape and length of the various images on the retina themselves:

"The retina is like a pair of compasses, whose points we apply in succession to the ends of several lines to see whether they agree or not in length. All we need know meanwhile about the compasses is that the distance of their points remains unchanged. What that distance is, and what is the shape of the compasses, is a matter of no account."[256]

"The retina functions like a pair of compasses; we use the points one after the other on different lines to see if they are equal in length. The key thing to remember about the compasses is that the distance between the points remains constant. What that distance is and the shape of the compasses doesn't matter." [256]

Measurement implies a stuff to measure. Retinal sensations give the stuff; objective things form the yardstick; motion does the measuring operation; which can, of course, be well performed only where it is possible to make the same object fall on many retinal tracts. This is practically impossible where the tracts make a wide angle with each other. But there are certain directions in the field of view, certain retinal lines, along which it is particularly easy to make the image of an object slide. The object then becomes a 'ruler' for these lines, as Helmholtz puts it,[257] making them seem straight throughout if the object looked straight to us in that part of them at which it was most distinctly seen.

Measurement involves something to measure. Our visual sensations provide that something; tangible items serve as the standard; and movement is the process of measurement; which can only be effectively carried out when it's possible for the same object to appear on multiple parts of our visual field. This is nearly impossible when the visual fields form a wide angle with each other. However, there are specific directions in our view, certain visual lines, where it's particularly easy to make the image of an object move smoothly. In those cases, the object acts as a 'ruler' for these lines, as Helmholtz describes,[257] making them appear straight if the object seems straight to us in the area where we see it most clearly.

But all this need of superposition shows how devoid of exact space-import the feelings of movement are per se. As we compare the space-value of two retinal tracts by superposing them successively upon the same objective line, so we also have to compare the space-value of objective angles and lines by superposing them on the same retinal tract. Neither procedure would be required if our eye-movements were apprehended immediately, by pure muscular feeling or innervation, for example, as distinct lengths and directions in space. To compare retinal tracts, it would then suffice simply to notice how it feels to move any image over them. And two objective lines could be compared as well by moving different retinal tracts along them as by laying them along the same. It would be as easy to compare[Pg 268] non-parallel figures as it now is to judge of those which are parallel.[258] Those which it took the same amount of movement to traverse would be equal, in whatever direction the movement occurred.

But all this need for superposition shows how lacking in exact spatial significance the feelings of movement are by themselves. Just as we compare the spatial value of two retinal paths by stacking them successively on the same objective line, we also need to compare the spatial value of objective angles and lines by laying them over the same retinal path. Neither of these methods would be necessary if our eye movements were felt directly, for example, through pure muscular sensation or innervation, as clear lengths and directions in space. To compare retinal paths, it would simply be enough to notice how it feels to move any image over them. Similarly, two objective lines could also be compared by moving different retinal paths along them instead of placing them on the same one. It would be just as easy to compare non-parallel figures as it currently is to judge those that are parallel. Those requiring the same amount of movement to traverse would be equal, no matter the direction of that movement.

GENERAL SUMMARY.

With this we may end our long and, I fear to many readers, tediously minute survey. The facts of vision form a jungle of intricacy; and those who penetrate deeply into physiological optics will be more struck by our omissions than by our abundance of detail. But for students who may have lost sight of the forest for the trees, I will recapitulate briefly the points of our whole argument from the beginning, and then proceed to a short historical survey, which will set them in relief.

With this, we can conclude our lengthy, and I fear, tedious examination for many readers. The facts about vision create a complex web of details, and those who delve deeply into physiological optics will likely notice what we've left out more than the wealth of information we've provided. But for students who may have lost sight of the bigger picture, I’ll quickly recap the main points of our argument from the start, and then move on to a brief historical overview that will highlight these points.

All our sensations are positively and inexplicably extensive wholes.

All our sensations are definitely and mysteriously expansive wholes.

The sensations contributing to space-perception seem exclusively to be the surface of skin, retina, and joints. 'Muscular' feelings play no appreciable part in the generation of our feelings of form, direction, etc.

The sensations that help us understand space seem to come solely from the surface of our skin, our retinas, and our joints. 'Muscular' feelings don't significantly contribute to our perceptions of shape, direction, and so on.

The total bigness of a cutaneous or retinal feeling soon becomes subdivided by discriminative attention.

The overall intensity of a skin or eye sensation quickly gets broken down through focused attention.

Movements assist this discrimination by reason of the peculiarly exciting quality of the sensations which stimuli moving over surfaces arouse.

Movements help with this distinction because of the uniquely stimulating quality of the sensations that stimuli moving across surfaces create.

Subdivisions, once discriminated, acquire definite relations of position towards each other within the total space. These 'relations' are themselves feelings of the subdivisions that intervene. When these subdivisions are not the seat of stimuli, the relations are only reproduced in imaginary form.

Subdivisions, once distinguished, establish clear positional relationships with one another within the overall space. These 'relationships' are essentially the feelings of the intervening subdivisions. When these subdivisions are not the source of stimuli, the relationships are only recreated in a conceptual sense.

The various sense-spaces are, in the first instance, incoherent with each other; and primitively both they and their subdivisions are but vaguely comparable in point of bulk and form.

The different sense-spaces are, at first, inconsistent with each other; and originally, both they and their divisions are only vaguely comparable in terms of size and shape.

The education of our space-perception consists largely of two processes—reducing the various sense-feelings to a[Pg 269] common measure, and adding them together into the single all-including space of the real world.

The education of our space perception mainly involves two processes—simplifying the different sensory feelings to a [Pg 269] common measure, and combining them into the unified space of the real world.

Both the measuring and the adding are performed by the aid of things.

Both measuring and adding are done with the help of things.

The imagined aggregate of positions occupied by all the actual or possible, moving or stationary, things which we know, is our notion of 'real' space—a very incomplete and vague conception in all minds.

The idea of all the actual or potential, moving or still, things we know makes up our understanding of 'real' space—it's a concept that's pretty incomplete and vague for everyone.

The measuring of our space-feelings against each other mainly comes about through the successive arousal of different ones by the same thing, by our selection of certain ones as feelings of its real size and shape, and by the degradation of others to the status of being merely signs of these.

The measuring of our feelings about space in relation to one another mainly happens through the gradual stimulation of different feelings by the same thing, by choosing certain ones as feelings of its real size and shape, and by reducing others to the level of being just signs of these.

For the successive application of the same thing to different space-giving surfaces motion is indispensable, and hence plays a great part in our space-education, especially in that of the eye. Abstractly considered, the motion of the object over the sensitive surface would educate us quite as well as that of the surface over the object. But the self-mobility of the organ carrying the surface accelerates immensely the result.

For the repeated application of the same thing to different surfaces that create space, motion is essential and therefore plays a significant role in our spatial education, particularly for the eye. When looked at abstractly, the motion of the object over the sensitive surface would teach us just as effectively as the motion of the surface over the object. However, the ability of the organ that carries the surface to move on its own greatly speeds up the outcome.

In completely educated space-perception, the present sensation is usually just what Helmholtz (Physiol. Optik, p. 797) calls it, 'a sign, the interpretation of whose meaning is left to the understanding.' But the understanding is exclusively reproductive and never productive in the process; and its function is limited to the recall of previous space-sensations with which the present one has been associated and which may be judged more real than it.

In fully educated spatial perception, the current sensation is often what Helmholtz (Physiol. Optik, p. 797) refers to as 'a sign, the interpretation of which is left to understanding.' However, understanding is solely reproductive and never creative in this process; its role is confined to recalling earlier spatial sensations that have been linked with the present one and that may be deemed more real than it.

Finally, this reproduction may in the case of certain visual forms be as vivid, or almost so, as actual sensation is.

Finally, this reproduction can, in some visual forms, be as vivid, or nearly as vivid, as actual sensation.

The third dimension forms an original element of all our space-sensations. In the eye it is subdivided by various discriminations. The more distant subdivisions are often shut out altogether, and, in being suppressed, have the effect of diminishing the absolute space-value of the total field of view.[259]

The third dimension is a fundamental part of all our perceptions of space. In our eyes, it's broken down by different distinctions. The more distant parts are often completely excluded, and by being ignored, they reduce the overall sense of space in our field of vision.[259]

HISTORICAL.

Let us now close with a brief historical survey. The first achievement of note in the study of space-perception was Berkeley's theory of vision. This undertook to establish two points, first that distance was not a visual but a tactile form of consciousness, suggested by visual signs; secondly, that there is no one quality or 'idea' common to the sensations of touch and sight, such that prior to experience one might possibly anticipate from the look of an object anything about its felt size, shape, or position, or from the touch of it anything about its look.

Let’s wrap up with a quick look back at history. The first significant achievement in understanding space perception was Berkeley's theory of vision. This aimed to establish two key points: first, that distance is not a visual but a tactile way of understanding, indicated by visual cues; and second, that there is no single quality or 'idea' shared between the sensations of touch and sight, meaning that before experience, one couldn't expect to determine anything about an object's size, shape, or position just by looking at it, nor could one infer its appearance based on touch.

In other words, that primitively chaotic or semi-chaotic condition of our various sense-spaces which we have demonstrated, was established for good by Berkeley; and he bequeathed to psychology the problem of describing the manner in which the deliverances are harmonized so as all to refer to one and the same extended world.

In other words, the chaotic or semi-chaotic state of our different sense experiences that we have shown was solidified by Berkeley; he left psychology with the challenge of explaining how these perceptions come together to refer to one single, extended world.

His disciples in Great Britain have solved this problem after Berkeley's own fashion, and to a great extent as we have done ourselves, by the ideas of the various senses suggesting each other in consequence of Association. But, either because they were intoxicated with the principle of association, or because in the number of details they lost their general bearings, they have forgotten, as a rule, to state under what sensible form the primitive spatial experiences are found which later became associated with so many other sensible signs. Heedless of their master Locke's precept, that the mind can frame unto itself no one new simple idea, they seem for the most part to be trying to explain the extensive quality itself, account for it, and evolve it, by the mere association together of feelings which originally possessed it not. They first evaporate the nature of extension by making it tantamount to mere 'coexistence,' and then they explain coexistence as being the same thing as succession, provided it[Pg 271] be an extremely rapid or a reversible succession. Space-perception thus emerges without being anywhere postulated. The only things postulated are unextended feelings and time. Says Thomas Brown (lecture xxiii.): "I am inclined to reverse exactly the process commonly supposed; and instead of deriving the measure of time from extension, to derive the knowledge and original measure of extension from time." Brown and both the Mills think that retinal sensations, colors, in their primitive condition, are felt with no extension and that the latter merely becomes inseparably associated with them. John Mill says: "Whatever may be the retinal impression conveyed by a line which bounds two colors, I see no ground for thinking that by the eye alone we could acquire the conception of what we now mean when we say that one of the colors is outside [beside] the other."[260]

His followers in Great Britain have tackled this issue in a similar way to Berkeley, and quite like us, through the idea that different senses influence each other due to association. However, they seem to have either become overly focused on the principle of association or, in getting bogged down in details, have lost sight of the bigger picture. Generally, they have overlooked stating the specific sensory form in which the original spatial experiences are found that later became linked to so many other sensory signals. Ignoring their teacher Locke's principle that the mind cannot create a new simple idea on its own, they appear to be attempting to explain the quality of extension itself, rationalize it, and develop it merely through the association of feelings that originally did not contain it. They first dilute the essence of extension by equating it to mere "coexistence," and then claim that coexistence is the same as succession, as long as it’s either extremely fast or reversible. Space perception thus comes about without being explicitly established anywhere. The only things that are established are unextended feelings and time. Thomas Brown states (lecture xxiii.): "I am inclined to reverse exactly the process commonly thought; instead of deriving the measurement of time from extension, I suggest deriving the understanding and original measurement of extension from time." Brown and both Mills believe that retinal sensations, colors, in their basic state, are experienced without extension, and that extension only becomes inseparably linked with them later. John Mill states: "Regardless of what the retinal impression is created by a line that separates two colors, I see no reason to think that we could acquire the understanding of what we mean when we say one color is outside [beside] the other just by using our eyes."

Whence does the extension come which gets so inseparably associated with these non-extended colored sensations? From the 'sweep and movements' of the eye—from muscular feelings. But, as Prof. Bain says, if movement-feelings give us any property of things, "it would seem to be not space, but time."[261] And John Mill says that "the idea of space is, at bottom, one of time."[262] Space, then, is not to be found in any elementary sensation, but, in Bain's words, "as a quality, it has no other origin and no other meaning than the association of these different [non-spatial] motor and sensitive effects."[263]

Where does the extension come from that is so closely linked to these non-extended colored sensations? It's from the "sweep and movements" of the eye—from muscular feelings. But, as Professor Bain points out, if movement-feelings give us any property of things, "it would seem to be not space, but time."[261] And John Mill states that "the idea of space is, at its core, one of time."[262] So, space isn’t found in any basic sensation, but, in Bain's words, "as a quality, it has no other origin and no other meaning than the association of these different [non-spatial] motor and sensitive effects."[263]

This phrase is mystical-sounding enough to one who understands association as producing nothing, but only as knitting together things already produced in separate ways. The truth is that the English Associationist school, in trying to show how much their principle can accomplish, have altogether overshot the mark and espoused a kind of theory in respect to space-perception which the general tenor of their philosophy should lead them to abhor. Really there are but three possible kinds of theory concerning space. Either (1) there is no spatial quality of sensation at all, and[Pg 272] space is a mere symbol of succession; or (2) there is an extensive quality given immediately in certain particular sensations; or, finally, (3) there is a quality produced out of the inward resources of the mind, to envelop sensations which, as given originally, are not spatial, but which, on being cast into the spatial form, become united and orderly. This last is the Kantian view. Stumpf admirably designates it as the 'psychic stimulus' theory, the crude sensations being considered as goads to the mind to put forth its slumbering power.

This phrase sounds mystical enough to someone who sees association as producing nothing, but just as connecting things that have already been created separately. The truth is that the English Associationist school, in their attempt to demonstrate how much their principle can achieve, have completely missed the point and adopted a theory about space perception that should go against the overall spirit of their philosophy. In reality, there are only three possible theories regarding space. Either (1) there is no spatial quality of sensation at all, and[Pg 272] space is simply a symbol of succession; or (2) there is an extensive quality given immediately in certain specific sensations; or, finally, (3) there is a quality produced from the inner workings of the mind, enveloping sensations that, as originally given, are not spatial, but which, when shaped into a spatial form, become connected and orderly. This last perspective aligns with Kant. Stumpf aptly refers to it as the 'psychic stimulus' theory, with the raw sensations seen as prompts for the mind to activate its dormant capabilities.

Brown, the Mills, and Bain, amid these possibilities, seem to have gone astray like lost sheep. With the 'mental chemistry' of which the Mills speak—precisely the same thing as the 'psychical synthesis' of Wundt, which, as we shall soon see, is a principle expressly intended to do what Association can never perform—they hold the third view, but again in other places imply the first. And, between the impossibility of getting from mere association anything not contained in the sensations associated and the dislike to allow spontaneous mental productivity, they flounder in a dismal dilemma. Mr. Sully joins them there in what I must call a vague and vacillating way. Mr. Spencer of course is bound to pretend to 'evolve' all mental qualities out of antecedents different from themselves, so that we need perhaps not wonder at his refusal to accord the spatial quality to any of the several elementary sensations out of which our space-perception grows. Thus (Psychology, ii. 168, 172, 218):

Brown, the Mills, and Bain seem to have lost their way like sheep wandering off. With the 'mental chemistry' that the Mills talk about—exactly the same concept as Wundt’s 'psychical synthesis,' which we'll soon see is specifically designed to achieve what Association cannot—they support the third viewpoint, but in other instances, they suggest the first. Caught between the impossibility of deriving anything beyond what's contained in the associated sensations and their reluctance to accept spontaneous mental creativity, they find themselves in a frustrating bind. Mr. Sully joins them there in what I can only describe as an unclear and hesitant manner. Mr. Spencer, of course, has to claim that all mental qualities 'evolve' from different antecedents, so we might not be surprised by his denial of the spatial quality to any of the basic sensations that contribute to our perception of space. Thus (Psychology, ii. 168, 172, 218):

"No idea of extension can arise from a simultaneous excitation" of a multitude of nerve-terminations like those of the skin or the retina, since this would imply a "knowledge of their relative positions"—that is, "a pre-existent idea of a special extension, which is absurd." "No relation between successive states of consciousness gives in itself any idea of extension." "The muscular sensations accompanying motion are quite distinct from the notions of space and time associated with them."

"No understanding of space can arise from a simultaneous stimulation of many nerve endings like those found in the skin or retina, because that would imply having 'awareness of their relative positions'—essentially, 'a prior understanding of a specific space, which is absurd.' 'No link between successive states of consciousness gives any sense of space by itself.' 'The muscle sensations that happen during movement are entirely distinct from the concepts of space and time associated with them.'

Mr. Spencer none the less inveighs vociferously against the Kantian position that space is produced by the mind's own resources. And yet he nowhere denies space to be a specific affection of consciousness different from time!

Mr. Spencer, however, strongly criticizes the Kantian view that space is created by the mind's own resources. Yet, he never denies that space is a unique aspect of consciousness, distinct from time!

Such incoherency is pitiful. The fact is that, at bottom, all these authors are really 'psychical stimulists,' or Kantists. The space they speak of is a super-sensational mental product. This position appears to me thoroughly mythological. But let us see how it is held by those who know more definitely what they mean. Schopenhauer expresses the Kantian view with more vigor and clearness than anyone else. He says:

Such incoherence is pathetic. The truth is that, at the core, all these authors are really "psychical stimulists" or Kantians. The space they refer to is a super-sensory mental construct. This stance seems to me completely mythical. But let's look at how those who understand better articulate their views. Schopenhauer expresses the Kantian perspective with more energy and clarity than anyone else. He says:

"A man must be forsaken by all the gods to dream that the world we see outside of us, filling space in its three dimensions, moving down the inexorable stream of time, governed at each step by Causality's invariable law,—but in all this only following rules which we may prescribe for it in advance of all experience,—to dream, I say, that such a world should stand there outside of us, quite objectively real with no complicity of ours, and thereupon by a subsequent act, through the instrumentality of mere sensation, that it should enter our head and reconstruct a duplicate of itself as it was outside. For what a poverty-stricken thing is this mere sensation! Even in the noblest organs of sense it is nothing more than a local and specific feeling, susceptible within its kind of a few variations, but always strictly subjective and containing in itself nothing objective, nothing resembling a perception. For sensation of every sort is and remains a process in the organism itself. As such it is limited to the territory inside the skin and can never, accordingly, per se contain anything that lies outside the skin or outside ourselves.... Only when the Understanding ... is roused to activity and brings its sole and only form, the law of Causality, into play, only then does the mighty transformation take place which makes out of subjective sensation objective intuition. The Understanding, namely, grasps by means of its innate, a priori, ante-experiential form, the given sensation of the body as an effect which as such must necessarily have a cause. At the same time the Understanding summons to its aid the form of the outer sense which similarly lies already preformed in the intellect (or brain), and which is Space, in order to locate that cause outside of the organism.... In this process the Understanding, as I shall soon show, takes note of the most minute peculiarities of the given sensation in order to construct in the outer space a cause which shall completely account for them. This operation of the Understanding is, however, not one that takes place discursively, reflectively, in abstracto, by means of words and concepts; but is intuitive and immediate.... Thus the Understanding must first create the objective world; never can the latter, already complete in se, simply promenade into our heads through the senses and organic apertures. For the senses yield us nothing further than the raw material which must be first elaborated into the objective conception of an orderly physical world-system by means of the aforesaid simple forms of Space, Time, and Causality.... Let me show the[Pg 274] great chasm between sensation and perception by showing how raw the material is out of which the fair structure is upreared. Only two senses serve objective perception: touch and sight. They alone furnish the data on the basis whereof the Understanding, by the process indicated, erects the objective world.... These data in themselves are still no perception; that is the Understanding's work. If I press with my hand against the table, the sensation I receive has no analogy with the idea of the firm cohesion of the parts of this mass: only when my Understanding passes from the sensation to its cause does it create for itself a body with the properties of solidity, impenetrability, and hardness. When in the dark I lay my hand on a surface, or grasp a ball of three inches diameter, in either case the same parts of the hand receive the impression: but out of the different contraction of the hand in the two cases my Understanding constructs the form of the body whose contact caused the feeling, and confirms its construction by leading me to move my hand over the body. If one born blind handles a cubical body, the sensations of his hand are quite uniform on all sides and in all directions,—only the corners press upon a smaller part of his skin. In these sensations, as such, there is nothing whatever analogous to a cube. But from the felt resistance his Understanding infers immediately and intuitively a cause thereof, which now presents itself as a solid body; and from the movements of exploration which the arms made whilst the feelings of the hands remained constant he constructs, in the space known to him a priori, the body's cubical shape. Did he not bring with him ready-made the idea of a cause and of a space, with the laws thereof, there never could arise, out of those successive feelings in his hand, the image of a cube. If we let a string run through our closed hand, we immediately construct as the cause of the friction and its duration in such an attitude of the hand, a long cylindrical body moving uniformly in one direction. But never out of the pure sensation in the hand could the idea of movement, that is, of change of position in space by means of time, arise: such a content can never lie in sensation, nor come out of it. Our Intellect, antecedently to all experience, must bear in itself the intuitions of Space and Time, and therewithal of the possibility of motion, and no less the idea of Causality, to pass from the empirically given feeling to its cause, and to construct the latter as a so moving body of the designated shape. For how great is the abyss between the mere sensation in the hand and the ideas of causality, materiality, and movement through Space, occurring in Time! The feeling in the hand, even with different contacts and positions, is something far too uniform and poor in content for it to be possible to construct out of it the idea of Space with its three dimensions, of the action of bodies on each other, with the properties of extension, impenetrability, cohesion, shape, hardness, softness, rest, and motion—in short, the foundations of the objective world. This is only possible through Space, Time, and Causality ... being preformed in the Intellect itself,... from whence it again follows that the perception[Pg 275] of the external world is essentially an intellectual process, a work of the Understanding, to which sensation furnishes merely the occasion, and the data to be interpreted in each particular case."[264]

"One must be completely abandoned by all the gods to believe that the world we see around us—filling the space in three dimensions, flowing down the relentless river of time, and governed at every turn by the unchanging law of causality—exists outside us, entirely real and independent of our involvement. And then, through a later action, simply via sensation, that it should enter our minds and recreate a copy of itself as it was outside. Because what a barren thing sensation is! Even in the most refined senses, it’s just a localized and specific feeling, subject to a few variations, but always strictly subjective and holding nothing objective, nothing that resembles a perception. Every type of sensation is a process within the organism itself. Thus, it is confined to the area within the skin and can never, therefore, per se, contain anything that exists outside the skin or outside ourselves.... Only when the Understanding is activated and employs its only form, the law of causality, does the incredible transformation occur, turning subjective sensation into objective intuition. In other words, the Understanding uses its inherent, a priori, pre-experiential form to perceive bodily sensation as an effect that must necessarily have a cause. At the same time, the Understanding invokes the form of outer sense, which is similarly preformed in the intellect (or brain), which is Space, to identify that cause outside the organism.... In this process, the Understanding, as I will soon illustrate, pays attention to the smallest details of the given sensation to establish in outer space a cause that fully explains them. However, this action of the Understanding does not happen discursively, reflectively, in abstracto, through words and concepts; it is intuitive and immediate.... Thus, the Understanding must first create the objective world; the latter can never just stroll into our minds through the senses and organic openings. The senses provide us with nothing more than raw material, which must first be shaped into the objective conception of an orderly physical world-system using the aforementioned simple forms of Space, Time, and Causality.... Let me illustrate the[Pg 274]great divide between sensation and perception by showing how raw the material is from which the beautiful structure is built. Only two senses serve objective perception: touch and sight. They alone provide the data upon which the Understanding constructs the objective world.... These data, by themselves, are not perception; that is the job of the Understanding. If I push my hand against the table, the sensation I feel has no connection to the idea of the solid cohesion of this mass: only when my Understanding moves from sensation to its cause does it create for itself a body with properties of solidity, impenetrability, and hardness. When I blindly put my hand on a surface or grasp a ball three inches in diameter, in either case, the same parts of the hand receive the impression: yet from the differing contraction of the hand in the two situations, my Understanding forms the shape of the body that caused the sensation and confirms its construction by leading me to move my hand over the object. If someone born blind touches a cube, the sensations in their hand are completely uniform on all sides and in all directions—the only difference is that the corners press against a smaller area of their skin. These sensations, as such, have nothing that resembles a cube. But from the resistance felt, their Understanding immediately and intuitively infers a cause, which now appears as a solid body; and from the exploratory movements made with their arms while the sensations in their hands remain constant, it constructs, in the space known to them a priori, the cubic shape of the object. If they didn’t bring the pre-existing idea of a cause and of space, along with the related laws, they could never generate, from those successive feelings in their hand, the image of a cube. If we allow a string to run through our closed hand, we immediately conclude that the cause of the friction and its duration in that position of the hand is a long cylindrical object moving steadily in one direction. But the idea of movement, which is a change of position in space over time, could never emerge from pure sensation in the hand: such content can never exist in sensation or emerge from it. Our Intellect, prior to any experience, must hold in itself the intuitions of Space and Time, along with the possibility of motion, as well as the idea of Causality, to transition from the felt experience to its cause and to construct the latter as a moving object of a specified shape. For how vast is the gap between the mere sensation in the hand and the concepts of causality, materiality, and movement through Space, occurring in Time! The sensation in the hand, even with various contacts and positions, is far too uniform and lacking in content to allow for the construction of it: the idea of Space with its three dimensions, the actions of bodies upon one another, with properties of extension, impenetrability, cohesion, shape, hardness, softness, rest, and motion—in short, the foundations of the objective world. This is only achievable through Space, Time, and Causality ... being preformed in the Intellect itself,... which leads to the perception of the external world being fundamentally an intellectual process, a task of the Understanding, to which sensation merely provides the occasion, and the data to be interpreted in each particular case."[264]

I call this view mythological, because I am conscious of no such Kantian machine-shop in my mind, and feel no call to disparage the powers of poor sensation in this merciless way. I have no introspective experience of mentally producing or creating space. My space-intuitions occur not in two times but in one. There is not one moment of passive inextensive sensation, succeeded by another of active extensive perception, but the form I see is as immediately felt as the color which fills it out. That the higher parts of the mind come in, who can deny? They add and subtract, they compare and measure, they reproduce and abstract. They inweave the space-sensations with intellectual relations; but these relations are the same when they obtain between the elements of the space-system as when they obtain between any of the other elements of which the world is made.

I call this view mythological because I’m not aware of any sort of Kantian machine in my mind, and I don’t feel the need to belittle the abilities of simple sensation in such a harsh way. I don’t have any inner experience of creating or producing space mentally. My intuitions about space happen all at once, not in two separate times. There isn’t one moment of passive sensation followed by another moment of active perception; rather, the form I see is felt instantly, just like the color that fills it in. Who can deny that the higher parts of the mind are involved? They add and subtract, compare and measure, reproduce and abstract. They intertwine space sensations with intellectual connections; but these connections are the same whether they relate to the elements of the space system or to any other elements that make up the world.

The essence of the Kantian contention is that there are not spaces, but Space—one infinite continuous Unit—and that our knowledge of this cannot be a piecemeal sensational affair, produced by summation and abstraction. To which the obvious reply is that, if any known thing bears on its front the appearance of piecemeal construction and abstraction, it is this very notion of the infinite unitary space of the world. It is a notion, if ever there was one; and no intuition. Most of us apprehend it in the barest symbolic abridgment: and if perchance we ever do try to make it more adequate, we just add one image of sensible extension to another until we are tired. Most of us are obliged to turn round and drop the thought of the space in front of us when we think of that behind. And the space represented as near to us seems more minutely subdivisible than that we think of as lying far away.

The essence of the Kantian argument is that there aren't spaces, but rather Space—one infinite, continuous Unit—and that our understanding of this can't be a scattered, sensational process created by piecing things together and abstracting from them. The obvious response is that if anything shows signs of being constructed and abstracted piecemeal, it's this very idea of the world's infinite unitary space. It is a notion, if there ever was one; and not an intuition. Most of us grasp it in the simplest symbolic way: and if we ever try to make it more fitting, we just stack one image of physical extension on top of another until we get exhausted. Most of us have to turn around and let go of the concept of the space in front of us when we consider the space behind us. The space that seems close to us looks more finely divisible than the one we think of as far away.


The other prominent German writers on space are also 'psychical stimulists.' Herbart, whose influence has been widest, says 'the resting eye sees no space,'[265] and ascribes[Pg 276] visual extension to the influence of movements combining with the non-spatial retinal feelings so as to form gradated series of the latter. A given sensation of such a series reproduces the idea of its associates in regular order, and its idea is similarly reproduced by any one of them with the order reversed. Out of the fusion of these two contrasted reproductions comes the form of space[266]—Heaven knows how.

The other notable German writers on space are also 'psychical stimulists.' Herbart, who has had the widest influence, says, 'the resting eye sees no space,'[265] and attributes visual extension to the impact of movements combining with non-spatial retinal sensations to create graded series of the latter. A particular sensation from such a series recalls the idea of its companions in a regular order, and that idea is similarly recalled by any of them with the order reversed. From the blend of these two contrasting reproductions emerges the concept of space[266]—Heaven knows how.

The obvious objection is that mere serial order is a genus, and space-order a very peculiar species of that genus; and that, if the terms of reversible series became by that fact coexistent terms in space, the musical scale, the degrees of warmth and cold, and all other ideally graded series ought to appear to us in the shape of extended corporeal aggregates,—which they notoriously do not, though we may of course symbolize their order by a spatial scheme. W. Volkmann von Volkmar, the Herbartian, takes the bull here by the horns, and says the musical scale is spatially extended, though he admits that its space does not belong to the real world.[267] I am unacquainted with any other Herbartian so bold.

The clear objection is that simple serial order is a genus, and spatial order is a very specific type of that genus; and that if the elements of reversible series became coexistent in space, then musical scales, temperature gradations, and all other ideally graded series should appear to us as extended physical aggregates—which they clearly do not, although we can of course symbolize their order with a spatial diagram. W. Volkmann von Volkmar, the Herbartian, directly addresses this issue and claims that the musical scale is spatially extended, even though he acknowledges that its space doesn't exist in the real world.[267] I don't know of any other Herbartian who is so daring.


To Lotze we owe the much-used term 'local sign.' He insisted that space could not emigrate directly into the mind from without, but must be reconstructed by the soul; and he seemed to think that the first reconstructions of it by the soul must be super-sensational. But why sensations themselves might not be the soul's original spatial reconstructive acts Lotze fails to explain.

To Lotze, we owe the commonly used term 'local sign.' He argued that space can't just enter the mind directly from the outside, but must be reconstructed by the soul; and he appeared to believe that the soul's first reconstructions of space must be super-sensational. However, he doesn't explain why sensations themselves couldn't be the soul's original acts of spatial reconstruction.


Wundt has all his life devoted himself to the elaboration of a space-theory, of which the neatest and most final expression is to be found in his Logik (ii. 457-60). He says:

Wundt has spent his entire life developing a theory of space, with the clearest and most definitive explanation found in his Logik (ii. 457-60). He states:

"In the eye, space-perception has certain constant peculiarities which prove that no single optical sensation by itself possesses the extensive form, but that everywhere in our perception of space heterogeneous[Pg 277] feelings combine. If we simply suppose that luminous sensations per se feel extensive, our supposition is shattered by that influence of movement in vision which is so clearly to be traced in many normal errors in the measurement of the field of view. If we assume, on the other hand, that the movements and their feelings are alone possessed of the extensive quality, we make an unjustified hypothesis, for the phenomena compel us, it is true, to accord an influence to movement, but give us no right to call the retinal sensations indifferent, for there are no visual ideas without retinal sensations. If then we wish rigorously to express the given facts, we can ascribe a spatial constitution only to combinations of retinal sensations with those of movement."

"Our perception of space has certain consistent traits that show that no single optical sensation alone provides a complete understanding of its extent. Instead, different sensations combine to shape our perception of space. If we think that light sensations alone can convey extent, this belief is challenged by how movement influences vision, which is clearly seen in various typical mistakes when measuring the visual field. On the other hand, claiming that only movements and their sensations indicate extent is also an unfounded belief. While we must recognize the importance of movement, we can't dismiss the significance of retinal sensations because we can't have visual ideas without them. Therefore, to accurately convey the facts, we can only assign a spatial quality to the combinations of retinal sensations and movement sensations."

Thus Wundt, dividing theories into 'nativistic' and 'genetic,' calls his own a genetic theory. To distinguish it from other theories of the same class, he names it a 'theory of complex local signs.'

Thus Wundt, dividing theories into 'nativistic' and 'genetic,' refers to his own as a genetic theory. To set it apart from other theories in the same category, he calls it a 'theory of complex local signs.'

"It supposes two systems of local signs, whose relations—taking the eye as an example—we may think as ... the measuring of the manifold local-sign system of the retina by the simple local-sign system of the movements. In its psychological nature this is a process of associative synthesis: it consists in the fusion of both groups of sensations into a product, whose elementary components are no longer separable from each other in idea. In melting wholly away into the product which they create they become consciously undistinguishable, and the mind apprehends only their resultant, the intuition of space. Thus there obtains a certain analogy between this psychic synthesis and that chemical synthesis which out of simple bodies generates a compound that appears to our immediate perception as a homogeneous whole with new properties."

"It assumes two systems of local signs, whose connections—we can use the eye as an example—can be thought of as ... measuring the complex local-sign system of the retina against the simpler local-sign system of movements. Psychologically, this is an associative synthesis process: it involves merging both sets of sensations into a result, whose basic components can no longer be distinguished in our minds. As they completely blend into the product they create, they become consciously indistinguishable, and the mind only perceives their outcome, which is the intuition of space. Therefore, there is a certain analogy between this mental synthesis and chemical synthesis, which combines simple substances to produce a compound that appears to our immediate perception as a unified whole with new properties."

Now let no modest reader think that if this sounds obscure to him it is because he does not know the full context; and that if a wise professor like Wundt can talk so fluently and plausibly about 'combination' and 'psychic synthesis,' it must surely be because those words convey a so much greater fulness of positive meaning to the scholarly than to the unlearned mind. Really it is quite the reverse; all the virtue of the phrase lies in its mere sound and skin. Learning does but make one the more sensible of its inward unintelligibility. Wundt's 'theory' is the flimsiest thing in the world. It starts by an untrue assumption, and then corrects it by an unmeaning phrase. Retinal sensations are spatial; and were they not, no amount of 'synthesis' with equally spaceless motor sensations could[Pg 278] intelligibly make them so. Wundt's theory is, in short, but an avowal of impotence, and an appeal to the inscrutable powers of the soul.[268] It confesses that we cannot analyze the constitution or give the genesis of the spatial quality in consciousness. But at the same time it says the antecedents thereof are psychical and not cerebral facts. In calling the quality in question a sensational quality, our own account equally disclaimed ability to analyze it, but said its antecedents were cerebral, not psychical—in other words, that it was a first psychical thing. This is merely a question of probable fact, which the reader may decide.

Now, let no modest reader think that if this sounds unclear to them, it’s because they don’t know the full context; and that if a knowledgeable professor like Wundt can talk so smoothly and convincingly about 'combination' and 'psychic synthesis,' it must be because those terms have a much deeper meaning for academics than for laypeople. In reality, it’s quite the opposite; all the value of the phrase lies in its mere sound and surface. Learning only makes one more aware of its inner confusion. Wundt's 'theory' is the weakest thing in the world. It begins with a false assumption and then corrects it with a meaningless phrase. Retinal sensations are spatial; and if they weren’t, no amount of 'synthesis' with equally non-spatial motor sensations could[Pg 278] coherently make them so. Wundt's theory is, in short, just an admission of powerlessness and an appeal to the mysterious abilities of the soul.[268] It confesses that we cannot analyze the structure or explain the origin of spatial qualities in consciousness. But at the same time, it states that the antecedents are mental, not brain-related facts. By calling the quality in question a sensational quality, our own explanation similarly admits the inability to dissect it but asserts that its antecedents are brain-related, not mental—in other words, that it was a first mental phenomenon. This is merely a matter of likely fact, which the reader may decide.


And now what shall be said of Helmholtz? Can I find fault with a book which, on the whole, I imagine to be one of the four or five greatest monuments of human genius in the scientific line? If truth impels I must fain try, and take the risks. It seems to me that Helmholtz's genius moves most securely when it keeps close to particular facts. At any rate, it shows least strong in purely speculative passages, which in the Optics, in spite of many beauties, seem to me fundamentally vacillating and obscure. The 'empiristic' view which Helmholtz defends is that the space-determinations we perceive are in every case products of a process of unconscious inference.[269] The inference is similar to one from induction or analogy.[270] We always see that form before us which habitually would have caused the sensation we now have.[271] But the latter sensation can never be intrinsically spatial, or its intrinsic space-determinations would never be overcome as they are so often by the 'illusory' space-determinations it so often suggests.[272] Since the illusory determination can be traced to a suggestion of Experience, the 'real' one must also be such a suggestion: so that all space intuitions are due solely[Pg 279] to Experience.[273] The only psychic activity required for this is the association of ideas.[274]

And now, what can we say about Helmholtz? Can I criticize a book that I believe is one of the four or five greatest achievements of human intellect in the scientific realm? If truth calls for it, I must try, despite the risks. It seems to me that Helmholtz's brilliance shines most brightly when he sticks closely to specific facts. At the very least, it’s least convincing in purely speculative sections, which in the Optics, despite many strengths, appear to me fundamentally wobbly and unclear. The 'empiricist' perspective Helmholtz advocates is that the spatial determinations we perceive are always products of an unconscious inference process.[269] This inference is similar to those based on induction or analogy.[270] We always perceive the form that habitually would have produced the sensation we currently experience.[271] However, that sensation can never be inherently spatial, or its inherent spatial determinations wouldn’t be frequently undermined by the 'illusory' spatial determinations it often suggests.[272] Since the illusory determination can be traced to a suggestion of Experience, the 'real' one must also arise from such a suggestion: thus all spatial intuitions are solely due to Experience.[Pg 279] [273] The only mental activity required for this is the association of ideas.[274]

But how, it may be asked, can association produce a space-quality not in the things associated? How can we by induction or analogy infer what we do not already generically know? Can 'suggestions of experience' reproduce elements which no particular experience originally contained? This is the point by which Helmholtz's 'empiristic' theory, as a theory, must be judged. No theory is worthy of the name which leaves such a point obscure.

But how, one might wonder, can connections create a quality of space that isn’t present in the things being connected? How can we use induction or analogy to figure out what we don’t already know generically? Can 'suggestions from experience' bring back elements that no specific experience originally held? This is the aspect by which Helmholtz's 'empiristic' theory, as a theory, needs to be evaluated. No theory deserves that title if it leaves this aspect unclear.

Well, Helmholtz does so leave it. At one time he seems to fall back on inscrutable powers of the soul, and to range himself with the 'psychical stimulists.' He speaks of Kant as having made the essential step in the matter in distinguishing the content of experience from that form—space, course—which is given it by the peculiar faculties of the mind.[275] But elsewhere, again,[276] speaking of sensationalistic theories which would connect spatially determinate feelings directly with certain neural events, he says it is better to assume only such simple psychic activities as we know to exist, and gives the association of ideas as an instance of what he means. Later,[277] he reinforces this remark by confessing that he does not see how any neural process can give rise without antecedent experience to a ready-made (fertige) perception of space. And, finally, in a single momentous sentence, he speaks of sensations of touch as if they might be the original material of our space-percepts—which thus, from the optical point of view, 'may be assumed as given.'[278]

Well, Helmholtz does leave it at that. At one point, he seems to rely on the mysterious powers of the soul and align himself with the 'psychical stimulists.' He refers to Kant as having taken the crucial step by distinguishing the content of experience from its form—space, progression—which is shaped by the unique abilities of the mind.[275] But then, in another instance,[276] while discussing sensationalistic theories that link spatially defined feelings directly to certain neural events, he argues that it's better to assume only the simple psychic activities that we know exist, using the association of ideas as an example. Later,[277] he strengthens this point by admitting that he doesn't understand how any neural process can produce a ready-made (fertige) perception of space without prior experience. Finally, in one significant sentence, he suggests that sensations of touch might be the raw material of our space perceptions—which, from an optical perspective, 'may be assumed as given.'[278]

Of course the eye-man has a right to fall back on the skin-man for help at a pinch. But doesn't this mean that he is a mere eye-man and not a complete psychologist? In other words, Helmholtz's Optics and the 'empiristic theory' therein professed must not be understood as attempts at answering the general question of how space-consciousness enters the mind. They simply deny that it enters with the[Pg 280] first optical sensations.[279] Our own account has affirmed stoutly that it enters then; but no more than Helmholtz have we pretended to show why. Who calls a thing a first sensation admits he has no theory of its production. Helmholtz, though all the while without an articulate theory, makes the world think he has one. He beautifully traces the immense part which reproductive processes play in our vision of space, and never—except in that one pitiful little sentence about touch—does he tell us just what it is they reproduce. He limits himself to denying that they reproduce originals of a visual sort. And so difficult is the subject, and so magically do catch-words work on the popular-scientist ear, that most likely, had he written 'physiological' instead of 'nativistic,' and 'spiritualistic' instead of 'empiristic' (which synonyms Hering suggests), numbers of his present empirical evolutionary followers would fail to find in his teaching anything worthy of praise. But since he wrote otherwise, they hurrah for him as a sort of second Locke, dealing another death-blow at the old bugaboo of 'innate ideas.' His 'nativistic' adversary Hering they probably imagine—Heaven save the mark!—to be a scholastic in modern disguise.

Of course the eye-man can rely on the skin-man for help when needed. But doesn’t that mean he’s just an eye-man and not a complete psychologist? In other words, Helmholtz's Optics and the empirical theory it presents should not be seen as attempts to answer the general question of how consciousness of space enters the mind. They merely argue that it doesn’t come in with the[Pg 280] first visual sensations.[279] Our own account strongly states that it does enter then; but like Helmholtz, we haven’t claimed to explain why. To call something a first sensation implies a lack of theory about how it’s produced. Helmholtz, although he doesn’t have a clear theory, makes everyone believe he does. He expertly outlines the significant role that reproductive processes play in our perception of space, and outside of that one unfortunate sentence about touch, he never tells us exactly what they reproduce. He restricts himself to denying that they reproduce anything visual. The topic is so complex, and catchphrases resonate so well with popular scientists, that it’s likely if he had used 'physiological' instead of 'nativistic,' and 'spiritualistic' instead of 'empirical' (which synonym Hering suggests), many of his current empirical evolutionary followers wouldn’t see anything in his work worth praising. But since he didn’t, they cheer for him as a second Locke, delivering a blow to the old fear of 'innate ideas.' They probably think his 'nativistic' opponent Hering—Heaven help us!—is just a modern-day academic in disguise.


After Wundt and Helmholtz, the most important anti-sensationalist space-philosopher in Germany is Professor Lipps, whose deduction of space from an order of non-spatial differences, continuous yet separate, is a wonderful piece of subtlety and logic. And yet he has to confess that continuous differences form in the first instance only a logical series, which need not appear spatial, and that wherever it does so appear, this must be accounted a 'fact,' due merely 'to the nature of the soul.'[280]

After Wundt and Helmholtz, the most significant anti-sensationalist philosopher of space in Germany is Professor Lipps. His reasoning about space coming from a set of non-spatial differences, which are continuous yet distinct, is a remarkable demonstration of insight and logic. However, he admits that continuous differences initially only create a logical series that doesn't necessarily seem spatial. Whenever it does appear spatial, it's considered a 'fact,' simply 'due to the nature of the soul.'[280]

Lipps, and almost all the anti-sensationalist theorists except Helmholtz, seem guilty of that confusion which Mr.[Pg 281] Shadworth Hodgson has done so much to clear away, viz., the confounding the analysis of an idea with the means of its production. Lipps, for example, finds that every space we think of can be broken up into positions, and concludes that in some undefined way the several positions must have pre-existed in thought before the aggregate space could have appeared to perception. Similarly Mr. Spencer, defining extension as an 'aggregate of relations of coexistent position,' says "every cognition of magnitude is a cognition of relations of position,"[281] and "no idea of extension can arise from the simultaneous excitation" of many nerves "unless there is a knowledge of their relative positions."[282] Just so Prof. Bain insists that the very meaning of space is scope for movement,[283] and that therefore distance and magnitude can be no original attributes of the eye's sensibility. Similarly because movement is analyzable into positions occupied at successive moments by the mover, philosophers (e.g. Schopenhauer, as quoted above) have repeatedly denied the possibility of its being an immediate sensation. We have, however, seen that it is the most immediate of all our space-sensations. Because it can only occur in a definite direction the impossibility of perceiving it without perceiving its direction has been decreed—a decree which the simplest experiment overthrows.[284] It is a case of what I have called the 'psychologist's fallacy': mere acquaintance with space is treated as tantamount to every sort of knowledge about it, the conditions of the latter are demanded of the former state of mind, and all sorts of mythological processes are brought in to help.[285] As well might one say that because the world consists of all its parts, therefore[Pg 282] we can only apprehend it at all by having unconsciously summed these up in our head. It is the old idea of our actual knowledge being drawn out from a pre-existent potentiality, an idea which, whatever worth it may metaphysically possess, does no good in psychology.

Lipps, along with almost all anti-sensationalist theorists except Helmholtz, seems to fall into the confusion that Mr.[Pg 281] Shadworth Hodgson has worked hard to clarify—mixing up the analysis of an idea with how it comes to be. For instance, Lipps argues that every space we think of can be divided into positions, leading him to conclude that in some unclear way, these positions must have existed in thought before the overall space could be perceived. In a similar vein, Mr. Spencer defines extension as an 'aggregate of relations of coexistent position' and asserts that "every cognition of magnitude is a cognition of relations of position,"[281] adding that "no idea of extension can arise from the simultaneous excitation" of multiple nerves "unless there's an understanding of their relative positions."[282] Likewise, Prof. Bain argues that the very meaning of space is the potential for movement,[283] which means that distance and magnitude cannot be inherent qualities of the eye's sensitivity. Because movement can be broken down into the positions occupied at different moments by the mover, philosophers (e.g., Schopenhauer, as quoted above) have often denied that it can be an immediate sensation. However, we've seen that it is actually the most immediate of all our space sensations. Because movement can only occur in a specific direction, it has been assumed that it's impossible to perceive it without also perceiving its direction—a notion that the simplest experiment disproves.[284] This is an example of what I’ve called the ‘psychologist's fallacy’: simply being familiar with space is treated as the same as having complete knowledge about it, with the conditions for that knowledge unfairly applied to just familiarity, leading to all kinds of mythological explanations. One might as well say that because the world consists of all its parts, we can only understand it by having unconsciously added them up in our minds. This old idea that our actual knowledge is derived from a pre-existing potentiality, no matter how valuable it may be in metaphysics, is not helpful in psychology.

My own sensationalistic account has derived most aid and comfort from the writings of Hering, A. W. Volkmann, Stumpf, Le Conte, and Schön. All these authors allow ample scope to that Experience which Berkeley's genius saw to be a present factor in all our visual acts. But they give Experience some grist to grind, which the soi-distant 'empiristic' school forgets to do. Stumpf seems to me the most philosophical and profound of all these writers; and I owe him much. I should doubtless have owed almost as much to Mr. James Ward, had his article on Psychology in the Encyclopædia Britannica appeared before my own thoughts were written down. The literature of the question is in all languages very voluminous. I content myself with referring to the bibliography in Helmholtz's and Aubert's works on Physiological Optics for the visual part of the subject, and with naming in a note the ablest works in the English tongue which have treated of the subject in a general way.[286]

My own sensationalistic account has received the most help and comfort from the writings of Hering, A. W. Volkmann, Stumpf, Le Conte, and Schön. All these authors recognize the importance of that Experience which Berkeley's genius identified as a current factor in all our visual actions. However, they provide Experience with some material to work with, something the so-called 'empiristic' school tends to overlook. Stumpf strikes me as the most philosophical and insightful of these writers, and I owe him a lot. I would likely have owed almost as much to Mr. James Ward, had his article on Psychology in the Encyclopædia Britannica been published before I finalized my own thoughts. The literature on this topic is extensive in every language. I am satisfied with referencing the bibliography in Helmholtz's and Aubert's works on Physiological Optics for the visual aspect of the subject and will also mention in a note the most notable works in English that have addressed the topic in a general way.[286]


[140] Reprinted, with considerable revision, from 'Mind' for 1887.

[140] Reprinted, with significant updates, from 'Mind' for 1887.

[141] Prof. Jastrow has found that invariably we tend to underestimate the amount of our skin which may be stimulated by contact with an object when we express it in terms of visual space; that is, when asked to mark on paper the extent of skin affected, we always draw it much too small. This shows that the eye gets as much space feeling from the smaller line as the skin gets from the larger one. Cf. Jastrow: Mind, xi. 546-7; American Journal of Psychology, iii. 53.

[141] Prof. Jastrow discovered that we consistently tend to underestimate the area of our skin that can be stimulated by contact with an object when we describe it in terms of visual space. In other words, when we're asked to mark on paper how much skin is affected, we always draw it way too small. This indicates that the eye perceives the same sense of space from the smaller line as the skin does from the larger one. Cf. Jastrow: Mind, xi. 546-7; American Journal of Psychology, iii. 53.

[142] Amongst sounds the graver ones seem the most extensive. Stumpf gives three reasons for this: 1) association with bigger causes; 2) wider reverberation of the hand and body when grave notes are sung; 3) audibility at a greater distance. He thinks that these three reasons dispense us from supposing an immanent extensity in the sensation of sound as such. See his remarks in the Tonpsychologie, i. 207-211.

[142] Among sounds, deeper ones seem to have the greatest range. Stumpf offers three reasons for this: 1) their connection to larger causes; 2) how the hand and body resonate more when deep notes are produced; 3) they can be heard from farther away. He believes these three reasons free us from having to assume that sound itself has an inherent extent. Check his comments in Tonpsychologie, i. 207-211.

[143] Encyclopædia Britannica, 9th Edition, article Psychology, pp. 46, 58.

[143] Encyclopædia Britannica, 9th Edition, article Psychology, pp. 46, 58.

[144] Philosophical Transactions (1841).

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Philosophical Transactions (1841).

[145] Hermann's Handb. d. Physiol., Bd. iii. 1, §. 575.

[145] Hermann's Handb. d. Physiol., Vol. iii. 1, §. 575.

[146] Loc. cit. §. 572.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same source. §. 572.

[147] Elemente der Psychophysik, ii. 475-6.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Psychophysics, ii. 475-6.

[148] See Foster's Text-book of Physiology, bk. iii. c. vi. § 2.

[148] See Foster's Textbook of Physiology, bk. iii. c. vi. § 2.

[149] Fechner, who was ignorant of the but lately discovered function of the semi-circular canals, gives a different explanation of the organic seat of these feelings. They are probably highly composite. With me, actual movements in the eyes play a considerable part in them, though I am hardly conscious of the peculiar feelings in the scalp which Fechner goes on to describe thus: "The feeling of strained attention in the different sense-organs seems to be only a muscular one produced in using these various organs by setting in motion, by a sort of reflex action, the set of muscles which belong to them. One can ask, then, with what particular muscular contraction the sense of strained attention in the effort to recall something is associated? On this question my own feeling gives me a decided answer; it comes to me distinctly not as a sensation of tension in the inside of the head, but as a feeling of strain and contraction in the scalp, with a pressure from outwards in over the whole cranium, undoubtedly caused by a contraction of the muscles of the scalp. This harmonizes very well with the expressions, sich den Kopf zerbrechen, den Kopf zusammennehmen. In a former illness, when I could not endure the slightest effort after continuous thought, and had no theoretical bias on this question, the muscles of the scalp, especially those of the back-head, assumed a fairly morbid degree of sensibility whenever I tried to think." (Elem. der Psychophysik, ii, 490-91.)

[149] Fechner, who was unaware of the recently discovered function of the semi-circular canals, provides a different explanation for the physiological basis of these feelings. They are likely quite complex. For me, the actual movements of the eyes play a significant role in them, although I'm not very aware of the unusual sensations in the scalp that Fechner describes as follows: "The feeling of strained attention in the different sense organs seems to be primarily a muscular one brought about by using these various organs, which activates the muscles associated with them through a sort of reflex action. One might then ask what specific muscular contraction is linked to the sense of strained attention when trying to recall something. In response to this question, my own sensation gives me a clear answer; it feels distinctly not like tension inside my head but rather like strain and contraction in the scalp, with a pressure from outside over the entire skull, undoubtedly caused by the contraction of the scalp muscles. This aligns well with expressions like sich den Kopf zerbrechen, den Kopf zusammennehmen. During a previous illness, when I couldn't tolerate even the slightest effort after prolonged thought, and had no theoretical bias on this topic, the muscles of my scalp, especially at the back of my head, became notably sensitive whenever I attempted to think." (Elem. der Psychophysik, ii, 490-91.)

[150] That the sensation in question is one of tactile rather than of acoustic sensibility would seem proved by the fact that a medical friend of the writer, both of whose membranæ tympani are quite normal, but one of whose ears is almost totally deaf, feels the presence and withdrawal of objects as well at one ear as at the other.

[150] It seems clear that the sensation being discussed is more about touch than hearing, as shown by the fact that a doctor friend of the writer, whose eardrums are both completely normal but who is almost entirely deaf in one ear, can sense the presence and absence of objects equally well in both ears.

[151] The skin seems to obey a different law from the eye here. If a given retinal tract be excited, first by a series of points, and next by the two extreme points, with the interval between them unexcited, this interval will seem considerably less in the second case than it seemed in the first. In the skin the unexcited interval feels the larger. The reader may easily verify the facts in this case by taking a visiting-card, cutting one edge of it into a saw-tooth pattern, and from the opposite edge cutting out all but the two corners, and then comparing the feelings aroused by the two edges when held against the skin.

[151] The skin seems to follow a different rule than the eye here. If a certain retinal pathway is stimulated, first by a series of points, and then by the two outer points, while leaving the space in between unstimulated, the gap will feel much smaller in the second instance compared to the first. However, on the skin, the unstimulated area feels larger. You can easily check this by taking a business card, cutting one edge into a saw-tooth shape, and cutting out everything but the two corners from the opposite edge, then comparing the sensations from both edges when pressed against the skin.

[152] Classen, Physiologie des Gesichtssinnes, p. 114; see also A. Riehl, Der Philosophische Kriticismus, ii. p. 149.

[152] Classen, Physiology of Vision, p. 114; see also A. Riehl, Philosophical Criticism, ii. p. 149.

[153] It is worth while at this point to call attention with some emphasis to the fact that, though the anatomical condition of the feeling resembles the feeling itself, such resemblance cannot be taken by our understanding to explain why the feeling should be just what it is. We hear it untiringly reiterated by materialists and spiritualists alike that we can see no possible inward reason why a certain brain-process should produce the feeling of redness and another of anger: the one process is no more red than the other is angry, and the coupling of process and feeling is, as far as our understanding goes, a juxtaposition pure and simple. But in the matter of spatial feeling, where the retinal patch that produces a triangle in the mind is itself a triangle, etc., it looks at first sight as if the sensation might be a direct cognition of its own neural condition. Were this true, however, our sensation should be one of multitude rather than of continuous extent; for the condition is number of optical nerve-termini, and even this is only a remote condition and not an immediate condition. The immediate condition of the feeling is not the process in the retina, but the process in the brain; and the process in the brain may, for aught we know, be as unlike a triangle,—nay, it probably is so,—as it is unlike redness or rage. It is simply a coincidence that in the case of space one of the organic conditions, viz., the triangle impressed on the skin or the retina, should lead to a representation in the mind of the subject observed similar to that which it produces in the psychological observer. In no other kind of case is the coincidence found. Even should we admit that we cognize triangles in space because of our immediate cognition of the triangular shape of our excited group of nerve-tips, the matter would hardly be more transparent, for the mystery would still remain, why are we so much better cognizant of triangles on our finger-tips than on the nerve-tips of our back, on our eye than on our ear, and on any of these parts than in our brain? Thos. Brown very rightly rejects the notion of explaining the shape of the space perceived by the shape of the 'nervous expansion affected.' "If this alone were necessary, we should have square inches and half inches, and various other forms, rectilinear and curvilinear, of fragrance and sound." (Lectures, XXII.)

[153] At this point, it's important to highlight that although the anatomical state of a feeling resembles the feeling itself, this resemblance doesn't explain why the feeling is exactly what it is. Materialists and spiritualists alike often claim that there’s no possible internal reason why one brain process produces the feeling of redness while another produces anger: one process is no redder than the other is angrier, and the connection between process and feeling is, as far as we understand, merely a coincidence. However, regarding spatial feelings, where the retinal area that creates a triangle in our mind is itself a triangle, it initially seems like the sensation might be a direct recognition of its own neural state. If that were the case, though, our sensation would be one of multitude rather than a continuous extent because the condition is the number of optical nerve endings, and even that is only a distant condition, not an immediate one. The immediate condition of the feeling is not the process in the retina but the process in the brain; and the brain process may, for all we know, be as dissimilar to a triangle—if not more so—as it is to redness or anger. It is merely a coincidence that in the case of space, one of the organic conditions, namely, the triangle felt on the skin or the retina, results in a mental representation for the subject that's similar to what it produces for the psychological observer. No other instances show this coincidence. Even if we were to accept that we recognize triangles in space due to our immediate awareness of the triangular shape affecting our excited nerve endings, the question would still remain: why are we so much more aware of triangles on our fingertips than on the nerve endings of our back, or on our eyes rather than our ears, and on any of these parts compared to our brain? Thos. Brown correctly dismisses the idea that we can explain the shape of the space we perceive based on the shape of the 'nervous expansion affected.' "If this alone were necessary, we should have square inches and half-inches, and various other forms, rectilinear and curvilinear, of fragrance and sound." (Lectures, XXII.)

[154] Musical tones, e.g., have an order of quality independent either of their space- or time-order. Music comes from the time-order of the notes upsetting their quality-order. In general, if a b c d e f g h i j k, etc., stand for an arrangement of feelings in the order of their quality, they may assume any space-order or time-order, as d e f a h g, etc., and still the order of quality will remain fixed and unchanged.

[154] Musical tones, for example, have a quality order that is independent of their arrangement in space or time. Music arises from the sequence of notes disrupting their quality order. Generally, if a b c d e f g h i j k, etc., represent a series of feelings organized by their quality, they can take on any arrangement in space or time, like d e f a h g, etc., and the quality order will still remain consistent and unchanged.

[155] The whole science of geometry may be said to owe its being to the exorbitant interest which the human mind takes in lines. We cut space up in every direction in order to manufacture them.

[155] The entire field of geometry can be said to exist because of the immense fascination that the human mind has with lines. We divide space in every direction to create them.

[156] Kant was, I believe, the first to call attention to this last order of facts. After pointing out that two opposite spherical triangles, two gloves of a pair, two spirals wound in contrary directions, have identical inward determinations, that is, have their parts defined with relation to each other by the same law, and so must be conceived as identical, he showed that the impossibility of their mutual superposition obliges us to assign to each figure of a symmetrical pair a peculiar difference of its own which can only consist in an outward determination or relation of its parts, no longer to each other, but to the whole of an objectively outlying space with its points of the compass given absolutely. This inconceivable difference is perceived only "through the relation to right and left, which is a matter of immediate intuition." In these last words (welches unmittelbar auf Anschauung geht—Prolegomena, § 12) Kant expresses all that we have meant by speaking of up and down, right and left, as sensations. He is wrong, however, in invoking relation to extrinsic total space as essential to the existence of these contrasts in figures. Relation to our own body is enough.

[156] I believe Kant was the first to highlight this final category of facts. After indicating that two opposite spherical triangles, two gloves from a pair, or two spirals twisted in opposite directions have the same internal characteristics—meaning their parts are defined in relation to each other by the same principle, and therefore must be considered identical—he showed that the impossibility of stacking them on top of each other forces us to assign a unique difference to each figure in a symmetrical pair. This difference can only be understood as an external determination or relationship of its parts, not in relation to each other, but to the entirety of a space that exists outside, including its points of reference absolutely defined. This unthinkable difference is recognized only "through the relation to the right and left, which is a matter of immediate intuition." In this last statement (welches unmittelbar auf Anschauung geht—Prolegomena, § 12), Kant captures everything we've meant by referencing up and down, right and left as sensations. However, he is mistaken in suggesting that relation to external total space is essential for these contrasts in figures to exist. Relationship to our own body is sufficient.

[157] In the eyes of many it will have seemed strange to call a relation a mere line, and a line a mere sensation. We may easily learn a great deal about any relation, say that between two points: we may divide the line which joins these, and distinguish it, and classify it, and find out its relations by drawing or representing new lines, and so on. But all this further industry has naught to do with our acquaintance with the relation itself, in its first intention. So cognized, the relation is the line and nothing more. It would indeed be fair to call it something less; and in fact it is easy to understand how most of us come to feel as if the line were a much grosser thing than the relation. The line is broad or narrow, blue or red, made by this object or by that alternately, in the course of our experience; it is therefore independent of any one of these accidents; and so, from viewing it as no one of such sensible qualities, we may end by thinking of it as something which cannot be defined except as the negation of all sensible quality whatever, and which needs to be put into the sensations by a mysterious act of 'relating thought.'

[157] For many, it might seem odd to call a relationship just a line, and a line just a sensation. We can learn a lot about any relationship, like the one between two points: we can split the line that connects them, distinguish and classify it, and discover its connections by creating other lines, and so on. But all this extra work has nothing to do with our understanding of the relationship itself in its simplest form. In that sense, the relationship is the line and nothing more. It would actually be reasonable to think of it as something less; and it’s easy to see how most of us come to perceive the line as a much more concrete thing than the relationship. The line can be wide or narrow, blue or red, created by this object or that one in the course of our experiences; it is therefore separate from any of these specific traits; and so, by seeing it as none of those tangible qualities, we might ultimately consider it something that can only be defined as the absence of all tangible qualities and which must be infused into sensations through a mysterious act of 'relating thought.'

Another reason why we get to feel as if a space-relation must be something other than the mere feeling of a line or angle is that between two positions we can potentially make any number of lines and angles, or find, to suit our purposes, endlessly numerous relations. The sense of this indefinite potentiality cleaves to our words when we speak in a general way of 'relations of place,' and misleads us into supposing that not even any single one of them can be exhaustively equated by a single angle or a single line.

Another reason we feel that a spatial relationship has to be more than just the feeling of a line or angle is that between two points, we can create countless lines and angles, or discover an endless variety of relationships to fit our needs. This sense of limitless potential sticks with us when we talk broadly about 'relationships of place,' leading us to mistakenly believe that not even one of them can be thoroughly represented by just one angle or one line.

[158] This often happens when the warm and cold points, or the round and pointed ones, are applied to the skin within the limits of a single 'Empfindungskreis.'

[158] This frequently occurs when the warm and cold points, or the round and pointed ones, are applied to the skin within the bounds of a single 'sensation circle.'

[159] Vierordt, Grundriss der Physiologie, 5te Auflage (1877), pp. 326, 436.

[159] Vierordt, Outline of Physiology, 5th edition (1877), pp. 326, 436.

[160] Vorlesungen üb. Menschen- u. Thierseele (Leipzig, 1863), i. 214. See also Ladd's Physiological Psychology, pp. 396-8, and compare the account by G. Stanley Hall (Mind, x. 571) of the sensations produced by moving a blunt point lightly over the skin. Points of cutting pain, quivering, thrilling, whirling, tickling, scratching, and acceleration, alternated with each other along the surface.

[160] Lectures on Human and Animal Soul (Leipzig, 1863), i. 214. See also Ladd's Physiological Psychology, pp. 396-8, and compare the description by G. Stanley Hall (Mind, x. 571) of the sensations created by lightly moving a blunt point across the skin. Points of sharp pain, tingling, vibrating, swirling, tickling, scratching, and speeding sensations alternated with each other along the surface.

[161] Of the anatomical and physiological conditions of these facts we know as yet but little, and that little need not here be discussed. Two principal hypotheses have been invoked in the case of the retina. Wundt (Menschen- u. Thierseele, i. 214) called attention to the changes of color-sensibility which the retina displays as the image of the colored object passes from the fovea to the periphery. The color alters and becomes darker, and the change is more rapid in certain directions than in others. This alteration in general, however, is one of which, as such, we are wholly unconscious. We see the sky as bright blue all over, the modifications of the blue sensation being interpreted by us, not as differences in the objective color, but as distinctions in its locality. Lotze (Medizinische Psychologie, 333, 355), on the other hand, has pointed out the peculiar tendency which each particular point of the retina has to call forth that movement of the eyeball which will carry the image of the exciting object from the point in question to the fovea. With each separate tendency to movement (as with each actual movement) we may suppose a peculiar modification of sensibility to be conjoined. This modification would constitute the peculiar local tingeing of the image by each point. See also Sully's Psychology, pp. 118-121. Prof. B. Erdman has quite lately (Vierteljahrsschrift f. wiss. Phil., x. 324-9) denied the existence of all evidence for such immanent qualia of feeling characterizing each locality. Acute as his remarks are, they quite fail to convince me. On the skin the qualia are evident, I should say. Where, as on the retina, they are less so (Kries and Auerbach), this may well be a mere difficulty of discrimination not yet educated to the analysis.

[161] We still know very little about the anatomical and physiological aspects of these facts, and we don’t need to discuss what little we do know here. Two main theories have been proposed regarding the retina. Wundt (Menschen- u. Thierseele, i. 214) noted the changes in color sensitivity that the retina shows as the image of a colored object moves from the fovea to the edges. The color shifts and gets darker, and this change happens more quickly in some directions than in others. However, in general, we are completely unaware of this alteration, as such. We see the sky as a bright blue throughout, with the variations in the blue sensation interpreted not as differences in the actual color, but as distinctions in its location. Lotze (Medizinische Psychologie, 333, 355), on the other hand, pointed out that each specific point on the retina tends to trigger an eye movement that brings the image of the stimulating object from that point to the fovea. With each tendency to move (just like with every actual movement), we can assume there's a unique change in sensitivity associated with it. This change would represent the distinctive local coloring of the image by each point. See also Sully's Psychology, pp. 118-121. Prof. B. Erdman recently (Vierteljahrsschrift f. wiss. Phil., x. 324-9) denied any evidence for such inherent qualia of sensation associated with each location. While his points are sharp, they don't convince me. On the skin, the qualia are clear, I would say. Where, like on the retina, they are less apparent (Kries and Auerbach), this could very well just be a lack of advanced discrimination not yet developed for analysis.

[162] 1852, p. 331.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1852, p. 331.

[163] Maybe the localization of intracranial pain is itself due to such association as this of local signs with each other, rather than to their qualitative similarity in neighboring parts (supra, p. 19); though it is conceivable that association and similarity itself should here have one and the same neural basis. If we suppose the sensory nerves from those parts of the body beneath any patch of skin to terminate in the same sensorial brain-tract as those from the skin itself, and if the excitement of any one fibre tends to irradiate through the whole of that tract, the feelings of all fibres going to that tract would presumably both have a similar intrinsic quality, and at the same time tend each to arouse the other. Since the same nerve-trunk in most cases supplies the skin and the parts beneath, the anatomical hypothesis presents nothing improbable.

[163] Maybe the localization of intracranial pain is due to the association of local signs with one another, rather than their qualitative similarity in nearby areas (supra, p. 19); although it’s also possible that association and similarity share a common neural basis here. If we assume that the sensory nerves from the areas beneath any patch of skin connect to the same sensory brain pathway as those from the skin itself, and if the activation of any one fiber tends to spread through that entire pathway, then the sensations from all the fibers connected to that pathway would likely share a similar intrinsic quality and also tend to stimulate each other. Since the same nerve trunk usually provides sensation to both the skin and the underlying areas, the anatomical hypothesis isn’t unreasonable.

[164] Unless, indeed, the foot happen to be spontaneously tingling or something of the sort at the moment. The whole surface of the body is always in a state of semi-conscious irritation which needs only the emphasis of attention, or of some accidental inward irritation, to become strong at any point.

[164] Unless, of course, the foot is spontaneously tingling or something like that at the moment. The entire surface of the body is always in a state of semi-conscious irritation that only needs a bit of attention or some random internal irritation to become intense at any spot.

[165] It is true that the inside of the forearm, though its discriminative sensibility is often less than that of the outside, usually rises very prominently into consciousness when the latter is touched. Its æsthetic sensibility to contact is a good deal finer. We enjoy stroking it from the extensor to the flexor surface around the ulnar side more than in the reverse direction. Pronating movements give rise to contacts in this order, and are frequently indulged in when the back of the forearm feels an object against it.

[165] It's true that the inner part of the forearm, even though it often has less sensitivity than the outer part, usually becomes very noticeable when the outer part is touched. Its sensory response to touch is much more refined. We tend to enjoy stroking it from the outside to the inside around the ulnar side more than the other way around. When we turn our forearm, these touches occur in that order, and we often do this when the back of the forearm feels an object against it.

[166] These facts were first noticed by Wundt: see his Beiträge, p. 140, 202. See also Lamansky, Pflüger's Archiv, xi. 418.

[166] Wundt was the first to notice these facts: see his Beiträge, p. 140, 202. Also check Lamansky, Pflüger's Archiv, xi. 418.

[167] So far all has been plain sailing, but our course begins to be so tortuous when we descend into minuter detail that I will treat of the more precise determination of locality in a long note. When P recalls an ideal line leading to the fovea the line is felt in its entirety and but vaguely; whilst P, which we supposed to be a single star of actual light, stands out in strong distinction from it. The ground of the distinction between P and the ideal line which it terminates is manifest—P being vivid while the line is faint; but why should P hold the particular position it does, at the end of the line, rather than anywhere else—for example, in its middle? That seems something not at all manifest.

[167] So far, everything has gone smoothly, but our path gets complicated when we dive into the finer details, so I’ll discuss the more accurate determination of location in a lengthy note. When P brings to mind an ideal line leading to the fovea, it’s felt as a whole but only vaguely; meanwhile, P, which we imagined as a single point of bright light, stands out sharply from it. The difference between P and the ideal line it ends is clear—P is bright while the line is dim; but why does P occupy the specific position it does, at the end of the line, instead of somewhere else—like the middle? That seems far from obvious.

To clear up our thoughts about this latter mystery, let us take the case of an actual line of light, none of whose parts is ideal. The feeling of the line is produced, as we know, when a multitude of retinal points are excited together, each of which when excited separately would give rise to one of the feelings called local signs. Each of these signs is the feeling of a small space. From their simultaneous arousal we might well suppose a feeling of larger space to result. But why is it necessary that in this larger spaciousness the sign a should appear always at one end of the line, z at the other, and m in the middle? For though the line be a unitary streak of light, its several constituent points can nevertheless break out from it, and become alive, each for itself, under the selective eye of attention.

To clarify our thoughts about this recent mystery, let's consider a real line of light, where none of its parts is perfect. The sensation of the line occurs when many points on the retina are stimulated together, each of which, when activated individually, produces one of the sensations known as local signs. Each of these signs represents the sensation of a small area. From their simultaneous activation, we might expect to feel a larger area. But why is it that in this larger space, the sign a always appears at one end of the line, z at the other, and m in the middle? Although the line is a continuous streak of light, its individual points can still stand out and become distinct, each on its own, under the focused eye of attention.

The uncritical reader, giving his first careless glance at the subject, will say that there is no mystery in this, and that 'of course' local signs must appear alongside of each other, each in its own place;—there is no other way possible. But the more philosophic student, whose business it is to discover difficulties quite as much as to get rid of them, will reflect that it is conceivable that the partial factors might fuse into a larger space, and yet not each be located within it any more than a voice is located in a chorus. He will wonder how, after combining into the line, the points can become severally alive again: the separate puffs of a 'sirene' no longer strike the ear after they have fused into a certain pitch of sound. He will recall the fact that when, after looking at things with one eye closed, we double, by opening the other eye, the number of retinal points affected, the new retinal sensations do not as a rule appear alongside of the old ones and additional to them, but merely make the old ones seem larger and nearer. Why should the affection of new points on the same retina have so different a result? In fact, he will see no sort of logical connection between (1) the original separate local signs, (2) the line as a unit, (3) the line with the points discriminated in it, and (4) the various nerve-processes which subserve all these different things. He will suspect our local sign of being a very slippery and ambiguous sort of creature. Positionless at first, it no sooner appears in the midst of a gang of companions than it is found maintaining the strictest position of its own, and assigning place to each of its associates. How is this possible? Must we accept what we rejected a while ago as absurd, and admit the points each to have position in se? Or must we suspect that our whole construction has been fallacious, and that we have tried to conjure up, out of association, qualities which the associates never contained?

The casual reader, taking a quick look at the topic, will say there’s nothing mysterious about it and that, of course, local signs must appear next to each other, each in its own spot; there’s no other way it could work. But the more thoughtful student, whose goal is to uncover challenges just as much as to eliminate them, will consider that it’s possible for the separate factors to blend into a larger space without each being placed in it anymore than a voice is located in a chorus. They will wonder how, after coming together to form a line, the points can come back to life independently again: the distinct sounds of a 'siren' no longer catch the ear once they've merged into a particular pitch. They’ll remember that when we look at something with one eye closed, opening the other eye doubles the number of retinal points affected; the new retinal sensations usually don’t appear alongside the old ones as additions, but instead make the old ones seem bigger and closer. Why do new points affecting the same retina lead to such different outcomes? In fact, they won’t see any logical connection between (1) the originally separate local signs, (2) the line as a whole, (3) the line with the points distinguished within it, and (4) the different nerve processes that support all these various elements. They may suspect our local sign is a slippery and ambiguous thing. Initially positionless, it appears among a group of companions and then seems to take on a strict position of its own, assigning a place to each of its companions. How is this possible? Must we accept what we previously dismissed as absurd and believe the points each have a position in se? Or must we question whether our entire framework has been faulty and that we have attempted to create qualities from associations that the associates never actually had?

There is no doubt a real difficulty here; and the shortest way of dealing with it would be to confess it insoluble and ultimate. Even if position be not an intrinsic character of any one of those sensations we have called local signs, we must still admit that there is something about every one of them that stands for the potentiality of position, and is the ground why the local sign, when it gets placed at all, gets placed here rather than there. If this 'something' be interpreted as a physiological something, as a mere nerve-process, it is easy to say in a blank way that when it is excited alone, it is an 'ultimate fact' (1) that a positionless spot will appear; that when it is excited together with other similar processes, but without the process of discriminative attention, it is another 'ultimate fact' (2) that a unitary line will come; and that the final 'ultimate fact' (3) is that, when the nerve-process is excited in combination with that other process which subserves the feeling of attention, what results will be the line with the local sign inside of it determined to a particular place. Thus we should escape the responsibility of explaining, by falling back on the everlasting inscrutability of the psycho-neural nexus. The moment we call the ground of localization physiological, we need only point out how, in those cases in which localization occurs, the physiological process differs from those in which it does not, to have done all we can possibly do in the matter. This would be unexceptionable logic, and with it we might let the matter drop, satisfied that there was no self-contradiction in it, but only the universal psychological puzzle of how a new mode of consciousness emerges whenever a fundamentally new mode of nervous action occurs.

There's definitely a real challenge here, and the simplest way to handle it would be to admit that it’s unsolvable and ultimate. Even if position isn’t an inherent characteristic of any of those sensations we call local signs, we still have to acknowledge that there's something about each of them that indicates the potential for position, which explains why the local sign, when it is placed, ends up positioned here rather than there. If we interpret this 'something' as a physiological aspect, just a simple nerve process, it’s easy to straightforwardly say that when it's activated in isolation, it results in an 'ultimate fact' (1) where a positionless spot appears; that when it activates alongside other similar processes, but without the process of selective attention, it becomes another 'ultimate fact' (2) where a single line is produced; and that the final 'ultimate fact' (3) is that when the nerve process is activated in combination with that other process that relates to the feeling of attention, the result will be a line with the local sign included, fixed to a specific place. This way, we would sidestep the responsibility of providing an explanation by relying on the eternal mystery of the psycho-neural connection. As soon as we label the basis of localization as physiological, all we need to do is highlight how in cases where localization happens, the physiological process differs from those where it doesn’t, and we would have done all we can in that regard. This would be reasonable logic, and we could let it go, content that there’s no contradiction in it, only the universal psychological mystery of how a new type of consciousness arises whenever a fundamentally new type of nervous action occurs.

But, blameless as such tactics would logically be on our part, let us see whether we cannot push our theoretic insight a little farther. It seems to me we can. We cannot, it is true, give a reason why the line we feel when process (2) awakens should have its own peculiar shape; nor can we explain the essence of the process of discriminative attention. But we can see why, if the brute facts be admitted that a line may have one of its parts singled out by attention at all, and that that part may appear in relation to other parts at all, the relation must be in the line itself,—for the line and the parts are the only things supposed to be in consciousness. And we can furthermore suggest a reason why parts appearing thus in relation to each other in a line should fall into an immutable order, and each within that order keep its characteristic place.

But, even if those tactics might seem reasonable for us, let's explore whether we can dig a bit deeper into our theoretical understanding. I think we can. It's true that we can't explain why the line we perceive when process (2) happens has its specific shape; nor can we clarify what discriminative attention really is. However, we can understand that if we accept the basic facts that a line can have a part highlighted by attention and that this part can relate to others, then that relationship must be in the line itself—since the line and its parts are the only elements believed to be in our consciousness. Additionally, we can propose a reason why the parts that relate to each other in a line should fall into a fixed order and maintain their specific positions within that order.

If a lot of such local signs all have any quality which evenly augments as we pass from one to the other, we can arrange them in an ideal serial order, in which any one local sign must lie below those with more, above those with less, of the quality in question. It must divide the series into two parts,—unless indeed it have a maximum or minimum of the quality, when it either begins or ends it.

If many of these local signs share a quality that consistently increases as we move from one to the next, we can organize them in an ideal sequence. In this sequence, any given local sign will be positioned below those that have more of the quality and above those that have less. It will separate the series into two sections—unless it has the highest or lowest amount of the quality, in which case it will be at either the beginning or the end.

Such an ideal series of local signs in the mind is, however, not yet identical with the feeling of a line in space. Touch a dozen points on the skin successively, and there seems no necessary reason why the notion of a definite line should emerge, even though we be strongly aware of a gradation of quality among the touches. We may of course symbolically arrange them in a line in our thought, but we can always distinguish between a line symbolically thought and a line directly felt.

Such an ideal set of local signs in the mind is not the same as the sensation of a line in space. If you touch a dozen points on the skin successively, there doesn’t seem to be a clear reason for the idea of a specific line to form, even if we are very aware of a difference in quality among the touches. We can definitely arrange them in a line in our minds, but we can always tell the difference between a line we think of symbolically and a line we feel directly.

But note now the peculiarity of the nerve-processes of all these local signs: though they may give no line when excited successively, when excited together they do give the actual sensation of a line in space. The sum of them is the neural process of that line; the sum of their feelings is the feeling of that line; and if we begin to single out particular points from the line, and notice them by their rank, it is impossible to see how this rank can appear except as an actual fixed space-position sensibly felt as a bit of the total line. The scale itself appearing as a line, rank in it must appear as a definite part of the line. If the seven notes of an octave, when heard together, appeared to the sense of hearing as an outspread line of sound—which it is needless to say they do not—why then no one note could be discriminated without being localized, according to its pitch, in the line, either as one of its extremities or as some part between.

But notice the unique aspect of the nerve processes behind all these local signals: while they might not create a clear line when stimulated one after another, when they’re stimulated together, they indeed produce the sensation of a line in space. The total effect of them creates the neural process of that line; the collective feelings create the sensation of that line. If we start to pick out specific points along the line and identify them by their rank, it’s hard to see how this rank can appear other than as an actual fixed position in space that we can feel as part of the overall line. The scale itself appears as a line, so the rank within it must show up as a specific segment of that line. If the seven notes of an octave, when played together, appeared to our hearing as an extended line of sound—which, of course, they do not—then no single note could be identified without being placed according to its pitch, in that line, either as one of its ends or somewhere in between.

But not alone the gradation of their quality arranges the local-sign feelings in a scale. Our movements arrange them also in a time-scale. Whenever a stimulus passes from point a of the skin or retina to point f, it awakens the local-sign feelings in the perfectly definite time-order abcdef. It cannot excite f until cde have been successively aroused. The feeling c sometimes is preceded by ab, sometimes followed by ba, according to the movement's direction; the result of it all being that we never feel either a, c, or f, without there clinging to it faint reverberations of the various time-orders of transition in which, throughout past experience, it has been aroused. To the local sign a there clings the tinge or tone, the penumbra or fringe, of the transition bcd. To f, to c, there cling quite different tones. Once admit the principle that a feeling may be tinged by the reproductive consciousness of an habitual transition, even when the transition is not made, and it seems entirely natural to admit that, if the transition be habitually in the order abcdef, and if a, c, and f be felt separately at all, a will be felt with an essential earliness, f with an essential lateness, and that c will fall between. Thus those psychologists who set little store by local signs and great store by movements in explaining space-perception, would have a perfectly definite time-order, due to motion, by which to account for the definite order of positions that appears when sensitive spots are excited all at once. Without, however, the preliminary admission of the 'ultimate fact' that this collective excitement shall feel like a line and nothing else, it can never be explained why the new order should needs be an order of positions, and not of merely ideal serial rank. We shall hereafter have any amount of opportunity to observe how thoroughgoing is the participation of motion in all our spatial measurements. Whether the local signs have their respective qualities evenly graduated or not, the feelings of transition must be set down as among the veræ causæ in localization. But the gradation of the local signs is hardly to be doubted; so we may believe ourselves really to possess two sets of reasons for localizing any point we may happen to distinguish from out the midst of any line or any larger space.

But it's not just the differences in their quality that organize the local-sign feelings in a scale. Our movements also arrange them in a time sequence. Whenever a stimulus moves from point a on the skin or retina to point f, it triggers the local-sign feelings in a very specific time order abcdef. It can't excite f until cde have been activated in succession. The feeling c is sometimes preceded by ab and sometimes followed by ba, depending on the direction of the movement; the outcome being that we never experience a, c, or f without faint reminders of the various time orders of transition in which they have been activated throughout past experiences. The local sign a carries the tinge or tone, the shadow or fringe, of the transition bcd. Different tones are associated with f and c. Once we accept the principle that a feeling can be influenced by the memory of a habitual transition, even when that transition isn’t happening, it becomes completely natural to agree that if the transition typically goes in the order abcdef, and if a, c, and f are felt separately at all, a will be felt with an essential earliness, f with an essential lateness, and c will be in between. Therefore, those psychologists who don’t value local signs much but emphasize movements in explaining space perception would have a clear time order, resulting from motion, that would explain the specific order of positions that appears when sensitive spots are stimulated simultaneously. However, without first accepting the 'ultimate fact' that this collective stimulation feels like a line and nothing else, it’s impossible to explain why the new order should be an order of positions, and not just an ideal series. We will have plenty of chances to observe how deeply motion is involved in all our spatial measurements. Regardless of whether the local signs have their qualities evenly varied or not, the feelings of transition must be considered among the veræ causæ in localization. But the variation in the local signs is hardly questionable; thus, we may truly believe we have two sets of reasons for localizing any point we happen to distinguish from any line or larger space.

[168] M. Binet (Revue Philosophique, Sept. 1880, page 291) says we judge them locally different as soon as their sensations differ enough for us to distinguish them as qualitatively different when successively excited. This is not strictly true. Skin-sensations, different enough to be discriminated when successive, may still fuse locally if excited both at once.

[168] M. Binet (Philosophical Review, Sept. 1880, p. 291) states that we perceive them as locally different as soon as their sensations vary enough for us to recognize them as qualitatively distinct when stimulated one after the other. This isn’t entirely accurate. Skin sensations, which are distinct enough to be differentiated when successive, can still merge locally if they are both stimulated at the same time.

[169] It may, however, be said that even in the tongue there is a determination of bitter flavors to the back and of acids to the front edge of the organ. Spices likewise affect its sides and front, and a taste like that of alum localizes itself, by its styptic effect on the portion of mucous membrane, which it immediately touches, more sharply than roast pork, for example, which stimulates all parts alike. The pork, therefore, tastes more spacious than the alum or the pepper. In the nose, too, certain smells, of which vinegar may be taken as the type, seem less spatially extended than heavy, suffocating odors, like musk. The reason of this appears to be that the former inhibit inspiration by their sharpness, whilst the latter are drawn into the lungs, and thus excite an objectively larger surface. The ascription of height and depth to certain notes seems due, not to any localization of the sounds, but to the fact that a feeling of vibration in the chest and tension in the gullet accompanies the singing of a bass note, whilst, when we sing high, the palatine mucous membrane is drawn upon by the muscles which move the larynx, and awakens a feeling in the roof of the mouth.

[169] It can be said that even on the tongue there’s a specific response to bitter flavors at the back and acids at the front. Spices also influence the sides and front of the tongue, and a flavor similar to alum becomes localized due to its drying effect on the mucous membrane it touches, in a much more focused way than roast pork does, which stimulates all areas similarly. Therefore, pork tastes more expansive than alum or pepper. In terms of smell, certain scents, like vinegar, seem less spread out compared to heavy, suffocating odors like musk. This appears to be because sharper smells hinder breathing, while heavier ones are inhaled deeper into the lungs, affecting a larger area. The perception of height and depth in certain musical notes seems to stem from not so much the localization of the sounds but from the feeling of vibration in the chest and tension in the throat that comes with singing bass notes. In contrast, when singing higher notes, the muscles that move the larynx affect the palatine mucous membrane, creating a sensation in the roof of the mouth.

The only real objection to the law of partial stimulation laid down in the text is one that might be drawn from the organ of hearing; for, according to modern theories, the cochlea may have its separate nerve-termini exclusively excited by sounds of differing pitch, and yet the sounds seem all to fill a common space, and not necessarily to be arranged alongside of each other. At most the high note is felt as a thinner, brighter streak against a darker background. In an article on Space, published in the Journal of Speculative Philosophy for January, 1879, I ventured to suggest that possibly the auditory nerve termini might be "excited all at once by sounds of any pitch, as the whole retina would be by every luminous point if there were no dioptric apparatus affixed." And I added: "Notwithstanding the brilliant conjectures of the last few years which assign different acoustic end-organs to different rates of air-wave, we are still greatly in the dark about the subject; and I, for my part, would much more confidently reject a theory of hearing which violated the principles advanced in this article than give up those principles for the sake of any hypothesis hitherto published about either organs of Corti or basilar membrane." Professor Rutherford's theory of hearing, advanced at the meeting of the British Association for 1886, already furnishes an alternative view which would make hearing present no exception to the space-theory I defend and which, whether destined to be proved true or false, ought, at any rate to make us feel that the Helmholtzian theory is probably not the last word in the physiology of hearing. Stepano, ff. (Hermann und Schwalbe's Jahresbericht, xv. 404, Literature 1886) reports a case in which more than the upper half of one cochlea was lost without any such deafness to deep notes on that side as Helmholtz's theory would require.

The only real objection to the law of partial stimulation discussed in this text comes from the sense of hearing. According to modern theories, the cochlea might have separate nerve endpoints that are specifically activated by sounds of different pitches. However, these sounds all seem to occupy a shared space and aren't necessarily arranged next to each other. At most, a high note is perceived as a thinner, brighter line against a darker background. In an article on Space published in the Journal of Speculative Philosophy in January 1879, I suggested that the auditory nerve endings could be "excited all at once by sounds of any pitch, just as the entire retina would be by every light point if there were no lens system in place." I also noted: "Despite the exciting theories of recent years that assign different acoustic end-organs to different air-wave frequencies, we still know very little about this topic; and I personally would much rather reject a theory of hearing that contradicts the principles stated in this article than abandon those principles for any hypothesis previously published regarding either the organs of Corti or the basilar membrane." Professor Rutherford's hearing theory, introduced at the meeting of the British Association in 1886, already offers an alternative perspective that aligns hearing with the space theory I'm defending, and whether it turns out to be true or false, it should at least make us aware that the Helmholtzian theory is likely not the final word in hearing physiology. Stepano, ff. (Hermann und Schwalbe's Jahresbericht, xv. 404, Literature 1886) reports a case where more than the upper half of one cochlea was lost without the kind of deafness to deep sounds on that side that Helmholtz's theory would predict.

[170] Donaldson, in Mind, x. 399, 577; Goldscheider, in Archiv f. (Anat. u.) Physiologie; Blix, in Zeitschrift für Biologie. A good résumé may be found in Ladd's Physiol. Psychology, part ii. chap. iv. §§ 21-23.

[170] Donaldson, in Mind, x. 399, 577; Goldscheider, in Archiv f. (Anat. u.) Physiologie; Blix, in Zeitschrift für Biologie. A good summary can be found in Ladd's Physiol. Psychology, part ii. chap. iv. §§ 21-23.

[171] I tried on nine or ten people, making numerous observations on each, what difference it made in the discrimination of two points to have them alike or unlike. The points chosen were (1) two large needle-heads, (2) two screw-heads, and (3) a needle-head and a screw-head. The distance of the screw-heads was measured from their centres. I found that when the points gave diverse qualities of feeling (as in 3), this facilitated the discrimination, but much less strongly than I expected. The difference, in fact, would often not be perceptible twenty times running. When, however, one of the points was endowed with a rotary movement, the other remaining still, the doubleness of the points became much more evident than before. To observe this I took an ordinary pair of compasses with one point blunt, and the movable leg replaced by a metallic rod which could, at any moment, be made to rotate in situ by a dentist's drilling-machine, to which it was attached. The compass had then its points applied to the skin at such a distance apart as to be felt as one impression. Suddenly rotating the drill-apparatus then almost always made them seem as two.

[171] I tested this on nine or ten people, making a lot of observations on each one, noting how the similarity or difference between two points affected the ability to tell them apart. The points I chose were (1) two large needle-heads, (2) two screw-heads, and (3) one needle-head and one screw-head. I measured the distance between the centers of the screw-heads. I found that when the points produced different sensations (like in 3), it helped in discerning them, but not as much as I had anticipated. Often, the difference was undetectable even after trying it twenty times. However, when one point could move in a circular motion while the other stayed still, it became much clearer that there were two points, compared to before. To demonstrate this, I used a regular pair of compasses with one point blunt and replaced the moving leg with a metal rod that could be rotated in place using a dentist's drill to which it was attached. I then placed the compass points on the skin at a distance that felt like one single impression. Just rotating the drill mechanism usually made them feel like two distinct points.

[172] This is only another example of what I call 'the psychologist's fallacy'—thinking that the mind he is studying must necessarily be conscious of the object after the fashion in which the psychologist himself is conscious of it.

[172] This is just another example of what I term 'the psychologist's fallacy'—believing that the mind being studied must be aware of the object in the same way that the psychologist is aware of it.

[173] Sitzb. der. k. Akad. Wien, Bd. lxxii., Abth. 8 (1875).

[173] Proceedings of the Imperial Academy of Sciences, Vienna, Vol. lxxii., Part 8 (1875).

[174] Zeitschrift für Biologie, xii. 226 (1876).

[174] Journal of Biology, vol. 12, p. 226 (1876).

[175] Vierteljahrsch. für wiss. Philos., ii. 377.

[175] Quarterly Journal for Scientific Philosophy, ii. 377.

[176] Exner tries to show that the structure of the faceted eye of articulates adapts it for perceiving motions almost exclusively.

[176] Exner aims to demonstrate that the design of the faceted eye of articulated animals is primarily suited for detecting motion.

[177] Schneider tries to explain why a sensory surface is so much more excited when its impression moves. It has long since been noticed how much more acute is discrimination of successive than of simultaneous differences. But in the case of a moving impression, say on the retina, we have a summation of both sorts of difference; whereof the natural effect must be to produce the most perfect discrimination of all.

[177] Schneider attempts to explain why a sensory surface is much more stimulated when its impression is in motion. It's been observed for a long time that we are better at distinguishing between successive differences than simultaneous ones. However, with a moving impression, like on the retina, we experience a combination of both types of differences, which naturally results in the highest level of discrimination possible.

Fig. 53.

In the left-hand figure let the dark spot B move, for example, from right to left. At the outset there is the simultaneous contrast of black and white in B and A. When the motion has occurred so that the right-hand figure is produced, the same contrast remains, the black and the white having changed places. But in addition to it there is a double successive contrast, first in A, which, a moment ago white, has now become black; and second in B, which, a moment ago black, has now become white. If we make each single feeling of contrast = 1 (a supposition far too favorable to the state of rest), the sum of contrasts in the case of motion will be 3, as against 1 in the state of rest. That is, our attention will be called by a treble force to the difference of color, provided the color begin to move.—(Cf. also Fleischl, Physiologische Optische Notizen, 2te Mittheilung, Wiener Sitzungsberichte, 1882.)

In the left-hand figure, let the dark spot B move, for example, from right to left. At first, you have the simultaneous contrast of black and white in B and A. Once the motion occurs and the right-hand figure is created, the same contrast stays, with black and white switching places. But there’s also a double successive contrast: first in A, which was white a moment ago and is now black; and second in B, which was black a moment ago and is now white. If we consider each single feeling of contrast to equal 1 (which is a very favorable assumption for the state of rest), the total contrast during motion will be 3, compared to just 1 in the state of rest. This means our attention will be drawn with triple the force to the color difference, as long as the color starts to move.—(Cf. also Fleischl, Physiologische Optische Notizen, 2te Mittheilung, Wiener Sitzungsberichte, 1882.)

[178] Brown, Bain, J. S. Mill, and in a modified manner Wundt, Helmholtz, Sully, etc.

[178] Brown, Bain, J. S. Mill, and in a slightly different way Wundt, Helmholtz, Sully, and so on.

[179] M. Ch. Dunan, in his forcibly written essay 'l'Espace Visuel et l'Espace Tactile' in the Revue Philosophique for 1888, endeavors to prove that surfaces alone give no perception of extent, by citing the way in which the blind go to work to gain an idea of an object's shape. If surfaces were the percipient organ, he says, "both the seeing and the blind ought to gain an exact idea of the size (and shape) of an object by merely laying their hand flat upon it (provided of course that it were smaller than the hand), and this because of their direct appreciation of the amount of tactile surface affected, and with no recourse to the muscular sense.... But the fact is that a person born blind never proceeds in this way to measure objective surfaces. The only means which he has of getting at the size of a body is that of running his finger along the lines by which it is bounded. For instance, if you put into the hands of one born blind a book whose dimensions are unknown to him, he will begin by resting it against his chest so as to hold it horizontal; then, bringing his two hands together at the middle of the edge opposite to the one against his body, he will draw them asunder till they reach the ends of the edge in question; and then, and not till then, will he be able to say what the length of the object is" (vol. xxv. p. 148). I think that anyone who will try to appreciate the size and shape of an object by simply 'laying his hand flat upon it' will find that the great obstacle is that he feels the contours so imperfectly. The moment, however, the hands move, the contours are emphatically and distinctly felt. All perception of shape and size is perception of contours, and first of all these must be made sharp. Motion does this; and the impulse to move our organs in perception is primarily due to the craving which we feel to get our surface-sensations sharp. When it comes to the naming and measuring of objects in terms of some common standard we shall see presently how movements help also; but no more in this case than the other do they help, because the quality of extension itself is contributed by the 'muscular sense.'

[179] M. Ch. Dunan, in his compelling essay 'l'Espace Visuel et l'Espace Tactile' published in the Revue Philosophique in 1888, aims to demonstrate that surfaces alone do not provide a true sense of size, by referring to how blind individuals learn to understand the shape of objects. He argues that if surfaces were the only way we perceive, "both the seeing and the blind should be able to determine the size (and shape) of an object simply by placing their hand flat on it (as long as it’s smaller than their hand), since they would directly sense the amount of tactile surface touched without relying on muscular sensations.... However, a person born blind doesn’t measure surfaces this way. The only method they have to grasp the size of an object is by tracing the edges that define it. For example, if you give a blind person a book with unknown dimensions, they will start by resting it against their chest to hold it horizontally; then, they’ll bring their two hands together at the middle of the edge opposite to their body and pull them apart until they find both ends of that edge; only then will they be able to determine the length of the object" (vol. xxv. p. 148). I believe that anyone attempting to understand the size and shape of an object by simply 'laying their hand flat on it' will find the main issue is that they feel the contours too vaguely. However, as soon as the hands start to move, the contours become clearly and distinctly felt. All perception of shape and size is perception of contours, and first, these must be made sharp. Movement accomplishes this; the urge to move our sensory organs comes mainly from our desire to make our surface sensations clearer. When it comes to naming and measuring objects against a common standard, we will see how movement aids this process as well; but, just like in the previous case, it is the 'muscular sense' that contributes to the quality of extension itself.

[180] Fechner describes (Psychophysik, i. 132) a 'method of equivalents' for measuring the sensibility of the skin. Two compasses are used, one on the part A, another on the part B, of the surface. The points on B must be adjusted so that their distance apart appears equal to that between the points on A. With the place A constant, the second pair of points must be varied a great deal for every change in the place B, though for the same A and B the relation of the two compasses is remarkably constant, and continues unaltered for months, provided but few experiments are made on each day. If, however, we practise daily their difference grows less, in accordance with the law given in the text.

[180] Fechner describes (Psychophysik, i. 132) a 'method of equivalents' for measuring skin sensitivity. Two compasses are used, one on part A and another on part B of the surface. The points on B must be adjusted so that their distance apart seems equal to the distance between the points on A. With part A constant, the second pair of points must be adjusted significantly for any change in part B, although for the same A and B, the relationship between the two compasses remains surprisingly stable and stays the same for months, as long as only a few experiments are conducted each day. However, if we practice daily, their difference decreases, in line with the law mentioned in the text.

[181] Prof. Jastrow gives as the result of his experiments this general conclusion (Am. Journal of Psychology, iii. 53): "The space-perceptions of disparate senses are themselves disparate, and whatever harmony there is amongst them we are warranted in regarding as the result of experience. The spacial notions of one deprived of the sense of sight and reduced to the use of the other space-senses must indeed be different from our own." But he continues: "The existence of the striking disparities between our visual and our other space-perceptions without confusing us, and, indeed, without usually being noticed, can only be explained by the tendency to interpret all dimensions into their visual equivalents." But this author gives no reasons for saying 'visual' rather than 'tactile;' and I must continue to think that probabilities point the other way so far as what we call real magnitudes are concerned.

[181] Prof. Jastrow concludes from his experiments that "The space perceptions of different senses are distinct, and any harmony among them can be seen as a result of experience. The spatial perceptions of someone who is blind and relies on other senses will indeed differ from ours." However, he adds: "The significant differences between our visual perceptions and those from other senses do not confuse us and often go unnoticed; this can only be explained by our tendency to interpret all dimensions into their visual equivalents." Yet, this author doesn’t provide reasons for preferring 'visual' over 'tactile,' and I still believe that the probabilities suggest the opposite when it comes to what we call real magnitudes.

[182] Cf. Lipps on 'Complication,' Grundtatsachen, etc., p. 579.

[182] See Lipps on 'Complication,' Fundamental Facts, etc., p. 579.

[183] Ventriloquism shows this very prettily. The ventriloquist talks without moving his lips, and at the same time draws our attention to a doll, a box, or some other object. We forthwith locate the voice within this object. On the stage an actor ignorant of music sometimes has to sing, or play on the guitar or violin. He goes through the motions before our eyes, whilst in the orchestra or elsewhere the music is performed. But because as we listen we see the actor, it is almost impossible not to hear the music as if coming from where he sits or stands.

[183] Ventriloquism illustrates this quite effectively. The ventriloquist speaks without moving their lips, while drawing our focus to a doll, a box, or some other object. We immediately associate the voice with that object. On stage, an actor who doesn’t know how to play music sometimes has to sing or play the guitar or violin. They go through the motions right in front of us, while the music is actually played in the orchestra or somewhere else. But since we see the actor as we listen, it's nearly impossible not to hear the music as if it's coming from where the actor is sitting or standing.

[184] Cf. Shand, in Mind, xiii. 340.

[184] See Shand, in Mind, xiii. 340.

[185] See, e.g., Bain's Senses and Intellect, pp. 366-7, 371.

[185] See, for example, Bain's Senses and Intellect, pages 366-7, 371.

[186] When, for example, a baby looks at its own moving hand, it sees one object at the same time that it feels another. Both interest its attention, and it locates them together. But the felt object's size is the more constant size, just as the felt object is, on the whole, the more interesting and important object; and so the retinal sensations become regarded as its signs and have their 'real space-values' interpreted in tangible terms.

[186] When a baby, for instance, looks at its own moving hand, it sees one thing while feeling another. Both capture its interest, and it connects them together. However, the size of the object it feels is the more consistent one, and overall, the felt object is the more fascinating and significant one; therefore, the visual sensations are perceived as indicators and their 'real space-values' are interpreted in practical terms.

[187] The incoherence of the different primordial sense-spaces inter se is often made a pretext for denying to the primitive bodily feelings any spatial quality at all. Nothing is commoner than to hear it said: "Babies have originally no spatial perception; for when a baby's toe aches he does not place the pain in the toe. He makes no definite movements of defence, and may be vaccinated without being held." The facts are true enough; but the interpretation is all wrong. What really happens is that the baby does not place his 'toe' in the pain; for he knows nothing of his 'toe' as yet. He has not attended to it as a visual object; he has not handled it with his fingers; nor have its normal organic sensations or contacts yet become interesting enough to be discriminated from the whole massive feeling of the foot, or even of the leg to which it belongs. In short, the toe is neither a member of the babe's optical space, of his hand-movement space, nor an independent member of his leg-and-foot space. It has actually no mental existence yet save as this little pain-space. What wonder, then, if the pain seem a little space-world all by itself? But let the pain once associate itself with these other space-worlds, and its space will become part of their space. Let the baby feel the nurse stroking the limb and awakening the pain every time her finger passes towards the toe; let him look on and see her finger on the toe every time the pain shoots up; let him handle his foot himself and get the pain whenever the toe comes into his fingers or his mouth; let moving the leg exacerbate the pain,—and all is changed. The space of the pain becomes identified with that part of each of the other spaces which gets felt when it awakens; and by their identity with it these parts are identified with each other, and grow systematically connected as members of a larger extensive whole.

[187] The inconsistency of different basic sense experiences with each other is often used as an excuse to claim that primitive bodily sensations lack any spatial quality. It's quite common to hear people say, "Babies initially have no sense of space; when a baby's toe hurts, they don't locate the pain in the toe. They don't make specific defensive movements and can be vaccinated without being held." While there's some truth to these observations, the interpretation is completely misguided. What actually happens is that the baby doesn't associate his 'toe' with the pain because he doesn't yet understand what a 'toe' is. He hasn't focused on it as a visual object, hasn't touched it with his fingers, and the normal sensations from it haven't become interesting enough to distinguish from the overall feeling of the foot or even the leg it's part of. In short, the toe doesn't exist in the baby's visual space, in the space of his hand movements, or as a separate part of his leg and foot space. It truly exists only as this small pain area. So, it's no surprise if the pain feels like a small world all its own. However, once the pain connects with these other spatial experiences, its space becomes part of theirs. If the baby feels the nurse stroking the limb and triggering the pain whenever her finger moves towards the toe; if he sees her finger resting on the toe every time the pain flares up; if he touches his foot himself and experiences the pain whenever the toe is in his fingers or mouth; if moving his leg makes the pain worse—everything changes. The space of the pain becomes linked to that part of each of the other spaces that is felt when the pain arises; and through their connection with it, these parts identify with each other, forming systematic connections as parts of a larger, more extensive whole.

[188] 'Pourquoi les Sensations visuelles sont elles étendues?' in Revue Philosophique, iv. 167.—As the proofs of this chapter are being corrected, I receive the third 'Heft' of Münsterberg's Beiträge zur Experimentellen Psychologie, in which that vigorous young psychologist reaffirms (if I understand him after so hasty a glance) more radically than ever the doctrine that muscular sensation proper is our one means of measuring extension. Unable to reopen the discussion here, I am in duty bound to call the attention of the reader to Herr M.'s work.

[188] 'Why are Visual Sensations Extended?' in Philosophical Review, iv. 167.—As the proofs of this chapter are being edited, I’ve received the third ‘Heft’ of Münsterberg's Contributions to Experimental Psychology, where that enthusiastic young psychologist insists (if I’m interpreting him correctly after such a quick look) even more strongly than before that muscular sensation is our only way to measure extension. I can’t restart the discussion here, but I must draw the reader’s attention to Herr M.'s work.

[189] Even if the figure be drawn on a board instead of in the air, the variations of contact on the finger's surface will be much simpler than the peculiarities of the traced figure itself.

[189] Even if the figure is drawn on a board instead of in the air, the changes in contact on the finger's surface will be much simpler than the details of the drawn figure itself.

[190] See for example Duchenne, Electrisation localisée, pp. 727, 770, Leyden; Virchow's Archiv, Bd. xlvii. (1869).

[190] See for instance Duchenne, Localized Electrification, pp. 727, 770, Leyden; Virchow's Archives, Vol. xlvii. (1869).

[191] E.g., Eulenburg, Lehrb. d. Nervenkrankheiten (Berlin), 1878, i. 3.

[191] For example, Eulenburg, Textbook of Nervous Diseases (Berlin), 1878, vol. 3.

[192] 'Ueber den Kraftsinn,' Virchow's Archiv, Bd. lxxvii. 134.

[192] 'On the Sense of Force,' Virchow's Archives, Vol. 77, 134.

[193] Archiv f. (Anat. u) Physiologie (1889), pp. 369, 540.

[193] Archive for (Anatomy and) Physiology (1889), pp. 369, 540.

[194] Direction in its 'first intention,' of course; direction with which so far we merely become acquainted, and about which we know nothing save perhaps its difference from another direction a moment ago experienced in the same way!

[194] Direction in its 'first intention,' of course; direction that we have only just begun to get to know, and about which we know nothing except maybe how it differs from another direction we just experienced in the same way!

[195] I have said hardly anything about associations with visual space in the foregoing account, because I wished to represent a process which the blind and the seeing man might equally share. It is to be noticed that the space suggested to the imagination when the joint moves, and projected to the distance of the finger-tip, is not represented as any specific skin-tract. What the seeing man imagines is a visible path; what the blind man imagines is rather a generic image, an abstraction from many skin-spaces whose local signs have neutralized each other, and left nothing but their common vastness behind. We shall see as we go on that this generic abstraction of space-magnitude from the various local peculiarities of feeling which accompanied it when it was for the first time felt, occurs on a considerable scale in the acquired perceptions of blind as well as of seeing men.

[195] I haven't discussed much about how we associate things with visual space in the previous explanation because I wanted to show a process that both blind and sighted people can experience. It's important to note that the space imagined when the joint moves, extending to the fingertip, isn't seen as a specific area of skin. What a sighted person envisions is a visible path; what a blind person imagines is more like a generic image—an abstraction made up of many skin areas whose specific sensations have blended together, leaving just their shared vastness. As we continue, we'll see that this generic abstraction of space size, stripped of the various local sensations that accompanied it when it was first experienced, happens on a large scale for both blind and sighted individuals.

[196] The ideal enlargement of a system of sensations by the mind is nothing exceptional. Vision is full of it; and in the manual arts, where a workman gets a tool larger than the one he is accustomed to and has suddenly to adapt all his movements to its scale, or where he has to execute a familiar set of movements in an unnatural position of body; where a piano-player meets an instrument with unusually broad or narrow keys; where a man has to alter the size of his handwriting—we see how promptly the mind multiplies once for all, as it were, the whole series of its operations by a constant factor, and has not to trouble itself after that with further adjustment of the details.

[196] The way the mind expands a system of sensations is not unusual. Vision is packed with it; in manual skills, when a worker uses a tool that's larger than what they’re used to and suddenly has to adjust their movements to fit, or when they have to perform familiar tasks in an awkward body position; when a piano player confronts an instrument with unusually wide or narrow keys; or when someone has to change the size of their handwriting—we see how quickly the mind essentially multiplies its entire set of actions by a constant factor, and then doesn't need to worry about adjusting the specifics any further.

[197] Pflüger's Archiv, xlv. 65.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Pflüger's Archives, xlv. 65.

[198] Untersuchungen im Gebiete der Optik, Leipzig (1863), p. 188.

[198] Research in the field of optics, Leipzig (1863), p. 188.

[199] Problems of Life and Mind, prob. vi. chap. iv. § 45.

[199] Issues of Life and Mind, prob. vi. chap. iv. § 45.

[200] Volkmann, op. cit. p. 189. Compare also what Hering says of the inability in his own case to make after-images seem to move when he rolls his closed eyes in their sockets; and of the insignificance of his feelings of convergence for the sense of distance (Beiträge zur Physiologie, 1881-2, pp. 31, 141). Helmholtz also allows to the muscles of convergence a very feeble share in producing our sense of the third dimension (Physiologische Optik, 649-59).

[200] Volkmann, op. cit. p. 189. Also, compare what Hering says about his own inability to make after-images appear to move when he rolls his closed eyes; and about how insignificant his feelings of convergence are for his sense of distance (Beiträge zur Physiologie, 1881-2, pp. 31, 141). Helmholtz also notes that the muscles of convergence play a very minor role in creating our perception of the third dimension (Physiologische Optik, 649-59).

[201] Compare Lipps, Psychologische Studien (1885), p. 18, and the other arguments given on pp. 12 to 27. The most plausible reasons for contractions of the eyeball-muscles being admitted as original contributors to the perception of extent, are those of Wundt, Physiologische Psychologie, ii. 96-100. They are drawn from certain constant errors in our estimate of lines and angles; which, however, are susceptible, all of them, of different interpretations (see some of them further on).—Just as my MS. goes to the printer, Herr Münsterberg's Beiträge zur experimentellen Psychologie, Heft 2, comes into my hands with experiments on the measurement of space recorded in it, which, in the author's view, prove the feeling of muscular strain to be a principal factor in our vision of extent. As Münsterberg worked three hours a day for a year and a half at comparing the length of lines, seen with his eyes in different positions; and as he carefully averaged and 'percented' 20,000 observations, his conclusion must be listened to with great respect. Briefly it is this, that "our judgments of size depend on a comparison of the intensity of the feelings of movement which arise in our eyeball-muscles as we glance over the distance, and which fuse with the sensations of light" (p. 142). The facts upon which the conclusion is based are certain constant errors which Münsterberg found according as the standard or given interval was to the right or the left of the interval to be marked off as equal to it, or as it was above or below it, or stood in some more complicated relation still. He admits that he cannot explain all the errors in detail, and that we "stand before results which seem surprising and not to be unravelled, because we cannot analyze the elements which enter into the complex sensation which we receive." But he has no doubt whatever of the general fact "that the movements of the eyes and the sense of their position when fixed exert so decisive an influence on our estimate of the spaces seen, that the errors cannot possibly be explained by anything else than the movement-feelings and their reproductions in the memory" (pp. 166, 167). It is presumptuous to doubt a man's opinion when you haven't had his experience; and yet there are a number of points which make me feel like suspending judgment in regard to Herr M.'s dictum. He found, for example, a constant tendency to underestimate intervals lying to the right, and to overestimate intervals lying to the left. He ingeniously explains this as a result of the habit of reading, which trains us to move our eyes easily along straight lines from left to right, whereas in looking from right to left we move them in curved lines across the page. As we measure intervals as straight lines, it costs more muscular effort to measure from right to left than the other way, and an interval lying to the left seems to us consequently longer than it really is. Now I have been a reader for more years than Herr Münsterberg; and yet with me there is a strongly pronounced error the other way. It is the rightward-lying interval which to me seems longer than it really is. Moreover, Herr M. wears concave spectacles, and looked through them with his head fixed. May it not be that some of the errors were due to distortion of the retinal image, as the eye looked no longer through the centre but through the margin of the glass? In short, with all the presumptions which we have seen against muscular contraction being definitely felt as length, I think that there may be explanations of Herr M.'s results which have escaped even his sagacity; and I call for a suspension of judgment until they shall have been confirmed by other observers. I do not myself doubt that our feeling of seen extent may be altered by concomitant muscular feelings. In Chapter XVII (pp. 28-30) we saw many examples of similar alterations, interferences with, or exaltations of, the sensory effect of one nerve-process by another. I do not see why currents from the muscles or eyelids, coming in at the same time with a retinal impression, might not make the latter seem bigger, in the same way that a greater intensity in the retinal stimulation makes it seem bigger; or in the way that a greater extent of surface excited makes the color of the surface seem stronger, or if it be a skin-surface, makes its heat seem greater; or in the way that the coldness of the dollar on the forehead (in Weber's old experiments) made the dollar seem heavier. But this is a physiological way; and the bigness gained is that of the retinal image after all. If I understand Münsterberg's meaning, it is quite different from this: the bigness belongs to the muscular feelings, as such, and is merely associated with those of the retina. This is what I deny.

[201] Compare Lipps, Psychologische Studien (1885), p. 18, and the other arguments given on pp. 12 to 27. The most convincing reasons for the contractions of the eye muscles being considered original contributors to our perception of distance come from Wundt, Physiologische Psychologie, ii. 96-100. They stem from certain consistent errors in our assessments of lines and angles; however, these can all be interpreted in various ways (see some of them later).—Just as my manuscript is going to the printer, I receive Herr Münsterberg's Beiträge zur experimentellen Psychologie, Heft 2, which includes experiments on measuring space that the author believes demonstrate the feeling of muscular strain as a key factor in our sense of distance. Münsterberg spent three hours a day for a year and a half comparing the lengths of lines seen from different eye positions; he meticulously averaged and calculated percentages based on 20,000 observations, so his conclusion deserves significant attention. In short, he argues that "our judgments of size depend on a comparison of the intensity of the feelings of movement that arise in our eye muscles as we glance over distance, merging with the sensations of light" (p. 142). The facts supporting this conclusion involve consistent errors that Münsterberg observed depending on whether the standard or reference interval was to the right or left of the interval being measured, or whether it was above or below, or had a more complicated relation. He acknowledges that he can't explain all the errors in detail and that we "are faced with results that seem surprising and unresolvable because we can't analyze the elements of the complex sensation we experience." However, he firmly believes that "the movements of the eyes and the sense of their position when fixed have such a decisive influence on our perception of visible spaces that the errors can only be explained by the feelings of movement and their reproductions in memory" (pp. 166, 167). It's arrogant to doubt someone's opinion without having shared their experience; yet, there are several points that make me hesitant to accept Herr M.'s dictum. For instance, he found a consistent tendency to underestimate distances to the right and overestimate those to the left. He cleverly explains this as a result of our reading habits, which train us to move our eyes smoothly from left to right along straight lines, while moving from right to left involves curved motions across the page. As we measure intervals as straight lines, it requires more muscle effort to measure from right to left than vice versa, making a distance to the left appear longer than it actually is. However, I have been reading for more years than Herr Münsterberg, and I find a marked error going the other way. The interval to the right seems longer to me than it really is. Furthermore, Herr M. wears concave glasses and looked through them with his head fixed. Could it be that some of the errors were caused by distortion of the retinal image, as he was looking through the edge of the lens rather than the center? In short, despite all the reasons we've seen against muscle contraction being definitively felt as length, I think there might be explanations for Herr M.'s results that even he hasn't considered; therefore, I call for a suspension of judgment until other observers can confirm these findings. I personally believe that our perception of distance can be altered by accompanying muscle feelings. In Chapter XVII (pp. 28-30), we observed many examples of similar alterations, interferences with, or enhancements of, the sensory effect of one nerve process by another. I don't see why signals from the muscles or eyelids, occurring simultaneously with a retinal impression, couldn't make the latter appear larger, just like increased intensity in retinal stimulation makes it seem bigger; or like a larger surface area being stimulated makes the color of that surface appear stronger, or if it's a skin surface, makes its heat feel greater; or like the coolness of a dollar on the forehead (from Weber's old experiments) causing the dollar to feel heavier. But this is a physiological angle; and the size gained is ultimately that of the retinal image. If I understand Münsterberg's point, it is quite different: the size belongs to the muscular feelings themselves and is merely associated with those of the retina. This is what I contest.

[202] Archiv f. (Anat. u.) Physiol. (1889), p. 543.

[202] Archive for (Anatomy and) Physiology (1889), p. 543.

[203] Ibid. p. 496.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 496.

[204] Ibid. p. 497. Goldscheider thinks that our muscles do not even give us the feeling of resistance, that being also due to the articular surfaces; whilst weight is due to the tendons. Ibid. p. 541.

[204] Ibid. p. 497. Goldscheider believes that our muscles don’t actually give us the sensation of resistance, which is also related to the joint surfaces; whereas weight comes from the tendons. Ibid. p. 541.

[205] "Whilst the memories which we seeing folks preserve of a man all centre round a certain exterior form composed of his image, his height, his gait, in the blind all these memories are referred to something quite different, namely, the sound of his voice." (Dunan, Rev. Phil., xxv. 357.)

[205] "While the memories that we sighted individuals hold of a person focus on a specific outer appearance made up of his looks, height, and walk, for the blind, all those memories relate to something entirely different, specifically, the sound of his voice." (Dunan, Rev. Phil., xxv. 357.)

[206] Vol. xxv. pp. 357-8.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Vol. 25, pp. 357-8.

[207] P. 135.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 135.

[208] Essay conc. Hum. Und., bk. ii. chap. ix. § 8.

[208] Essay concerning Human Understanding, bk. ii. chap. ix. § 8.

[209] Philosophical Transactions, 1841. In T. K. Abbot's Sight and Touch there is a good discussion of these cases. Obviously, positive cases are of more importance than negative. An under-witted peasant, Noé M., whose case is described by Dr. Dufour of Lausanne (Guerison d'un Aveugle né; 1876) is much made of by MM. Naville and Dunan; but it seems to me only to show how little some people can deal with new experiences in which others find themselves quickly at home. This man could not even tell whether one of his first objects of sight moved or stood still (p. 9).

[209] Philosophical Transactions, 1841. In T. K. Abbot's Sight and Touch, there’s a solid discussion of these cases. Clearly, positive cases hold more significance than negative ones. An underachieving peasant, Noé M., whose case is detailed by Dr. Dufour of Lausanne (Guerison d'un Aveugle né; 1876), is heavily referenced by MM. Naville and Dunan; but to me, it only illustrates how some people struggle to adapt to new experiences that others can quickly embrace. This man couldn’t even figure out whether one of his first visual objects was moving or stationary (p. 9).

[210] What may be the physiological process connected with this increased sensation of depth is hard to discover. It seems to have nothing to do with the parts of the retina affected, since the mere inversion of the picture (by mirrors, reflecting prisms, etc.), without inverting the head, does not seem to bring it about; nothing with sympathetic axial rotation of the eyes, which might enhance the perspective through exaggerated disparity of the two retinal images (see J. J. Müller, 'Raddrehung u. Tiefendimension,' Leipzig Acad. Berichte, 1875, page 124), for one-eyed persons get it as strongly as those with two eyes. I cannot find it to be connected with any alteration in the pupil or with any ascertainable strain in the muscles of the eye, sympathizing with those of the body. The exaggeration of distance is even greater when we throw the head over backwards and contract our superior recti in getting the view, than when we bend forward and contract the inferior recti. Making the eyes diverge slightly by weak prismatic glasses has no such effect. To me, and to all whom I have asked to repeat the observation, the result is so marked that I do not well understand how such an observer as Helmholtz, who has carefully examined vision with inverted head, can have overlooked it. (See his Phys. Optik, pp. 488, 723, 728, 772.) I cannot help thinking that anyone who can explain the exaggeration of the depth-sensation in this case will at the same time throw much light on its normal constitution.

[210] It's difficult to determine the physiological process behind this heightened sense of depth. It doesn't seem related to the areas of the retina that are activated since simply flipping the image (with mirrors, reflecting prisms, etc.) without turning the head doesn't cause it; nor does it relate to any sympathetic axial rotation of the eyes, which might amplify the perspective through exaggerated differences between the two retinal images (see J. J. Müller, 'Raddrehung u. Tiefendimension,' Leipzig Acad. Berichte, 1875, page 124), as people with one eye experience it just as strongly as those with two. I can't find it connected to any changes in the pupil or any noticeable strain in the eye muscles that are in sync with those of the body. The sense of distance is even more pronounced when we lean our head back and contract our superior rectus muscles to get a view, compared to when we lean forward and contract our inferior rectus muscles. Using weak prismatic glasses to make the eyes diverge slightly doesn't have that effect. For me, and for everyone I've asked to observe this, the difference is so significant that I struggle to understand how someone like Helmholtz, who has thoroughly investigated vision with an inverted head, could have missed it. (See his Phys. Optik, pp. 488, 723, 728, 772.) I can't help but think that anyone who can explain this increase in depth perception in this situation will also shed light on its normal characteristics.

[211] "In Froriep's Notizen (1838, July), No. 133, is to be found a detailed account, with a picture, of an Esthonian girl, Eva Lauk, then fourteen years old, born with neither arms nor legs, which concludes with the following words: 'According to the mother, her intellect developed quite as fast as that of her brother and sisters; in particular, she came as quickly to a right judgment of the size and distance of visible objects, although, of course, she had no use of hands.'" (Schopenhauer, Welt als Wille, ii. 44.)

[211] "In Froriep's Notizen (July 1838), No. 133, there's a detailed account, along with a picture, of an Estonian girl, Eva Lauk, who was fourteen at the time and born without arms or legs. The account ends with the following words: 'According to her mother, her intelligence developed just as quickly as that of her siblings; specifically, she was able to judge the size and distance of visible objects just as accurately, even though she obviously had no use of her hands.'" (Schopenhauer, Welt als Wille, ii. 44.)

[212] Physiol. Optik, p. 438. Helmholtz's reservation of 'qualities' is inconsistent. Our judgments of light and color vary as much as our judgments of size, shape, and place, and ought by parity of reasoning to be called intellectual products and not sensations. In other places he does treat color as if it were an intellectual product.

[212] Physiol. Optik, p. 438. Helmholtz's view on 'qualities' is inconsistent. Our perceptions of light and color change just like our perceptions of size, shape, and location, and should logically be regarded as intellectual products rather than mere sensations. In other instances, he does consider color as if it were an intellectual product.

[213] It is needless at this point to consider what Helmholtz's views of the nature of the intellectual space-yielding process may be. He vacillates—we shall later see how.

[213] There's no need right now to think about Helmholtz's thoughts on how intellectual space is created. He goes back and forth—we'll see how later.

[214] Op. cit. p. 214.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Op. cit. p. 214.

[215] Before embarking on this new topic it will be well to shelve, once for all, the problem of what is the physiological process that underlies the distance-feeling. Since one-eyed people have it, and are inferior to the two-eyed only in measuring its gradations, it can have no exclusive connection with the double and disparate images produced by binocular parallax. Since people with closed eyes, looking at an after-image, do not usually see it draw near or recede with varying convergence, it cannot be simply constituted by the convergence-feeling. For the same reason it would appear non-identical with the feeling of accommodation. The differences of apparent parallactic movement between far and near objects as we move our head cannot constitute the distance-sensation, for such differences may be easily reproduced experimentally (in the movements of visible spots against a background) without engendering any illusion of perspective. Finally, it is obvious that visible faintness, dimness, and smallness are not per se the feeling of visible distance, however much in the case of well-known objects they may serve as signs to suggest it.

[215] Before diving into this new topic, it’s important to set aside, once and for all, the question of what physiological process is behind our sense of distance. Since people with one eye can still experience it, albeit with less accuracy than those with two eyes, it’s clear that it’s not solely linked to the double, separate images created by binocular parallax. Additionally, when people with their eyes closed focus on an after-image, they typically don’t perceive it as moving closer or further away based on how their eyes converge, suggesting it’s not just a result of the convergence sensation. By the same reasoning, it likely isn’t identical to the feeling of accommodation. The varying apparent movement between distant and nearby objects as we move our heads doesn't seem to create the sensation of distance either, as these differences can easily be replicated in experiments (like moving visible spots against a background) without creating any perspective illusion. Lastly, it’s clear that visible faintness, dimness, and smallness *are* not *in themselves* the feeling of visible distance, even though they *can* act as cues to suggest it in the case of familiar objects.

A certain maximum distance-value, however, being given to the field of view of the moment, whatever it be, the feelings that accompany the processes just enumerated become so many local signs of the gradation of distances within this maximum depth. They help us to subdivide and measure it. Itself, however, is felt as a unit, a total distance-value, determining the vastness of the whole field of view, which accordingly appears as an abyss of a certain volume. And the question still persists, what neural process is it that underlies the sense of this distance-value?

A certain maximum distance-value, however, given to the field of view at any moment, whatever it may be, the feelings that come with the processes just mentioned become so many local signs of the gradation of distances within this maximum depth. They help us break it down and measure it. It is experienced as a single entity, a total distance-value, determining the vastness of the entire field of view, which thus appears as an expanse of a certain size. And the question still remains, what neural process is behind the perception of this distance-value?

Hering, who has tried to explain the gradations within it by the interaction of certain native distance-values belonging to each point of the two retinæ, seems willing to admit that the absolute scale of the space-volume within which the natively fixed relative distances shall appear is not fixed, but determined each time by 'experience in the widest sense of the word' (Beiträge, p. 344). What he calls the Kernpunkt of this space-volume is the point we are momentarily fixating. The absolute scale of the whole volume depends on the absolute distance at which this Kernpunkt is judged to lie from the person of the looker. "By an alteration of the localization of the Kernpunkt, the inner relations of the seen space are nowise altered; this space in its totality is as a fixed unit, so to speak, displaced with respect to the self of the looker" (p. 345). But what constitutes the localization of the Kernpunkt itself at any given time, except 'Experience,' i.e., higher cerebral and intellectual processes, involving memory, Hering does not seek to define.

Hering, who has attempted to explain the variations within it by the interaction of specific innate distance values assigned to each point in the two retinas, seems open to the idea that the absolute scale of the space-volume, where the naturally fixed relative distances appear, is not fixed but determined each time by 'experience in the broadest sense' (Beiträge, p. 344). He refers to the Kernpunkt of this space-volume as the point we are currently focusing on. The absolute scale of the entire volume depends on the absolute distance at which this Kernpunkt is perceived to be from the observer. "By changing the location of the Kernpunkt, the inner relationships of the space we see are not altered; this space as a whole acts like a fixed unit, so to speak, shifted in relation to the observer's self" (p. 345). However, what defines the localization of the Kernpunkt at any moment, apart from 'Experience,' which involves higher brain functions and intellectual processes related to memory, Hering does not attempt to clarify.

Stumpf, the other sensationalist writer who has best realized the difficulties of the problem, thinks that the primitive sensation of distance must have an immediate physical antecedent, either in the shape of "an organic alteration accompanying the process of accommodation, or else given directly in the specific energy of the optic nerve." In contrast with Hering, however, he thinks that it is the absolute distance of the spot fixated which is thus primitively, immediately, and physiologically given, and not the relative distances of other things about this spot. These, he thinks, are originally seen in what, broadly speaking, may be termed one plane with it. Whether the distance of this plane, considered as a phenomenon of our primitive sensibility, be an invariable datum, or susceptible of fluctuation, he does not, if I understand him rightly, undertake dogmatically to decide, but inclines to the former view. For him then, as for Hering, higher cerebral processes of association, under the name of 'Experience,' are the authors of fully one-half part of the distance-perceptions which we at any given time may have.

Stumpf, another sensationalist writer who is keenly aware of the complexities of the issue, believes that the basic sensation of distance must have a direct physical cause, either as "an organic change that happens during the process of accommodation, or directly linked to the specific energy of the optic nerve." However, unlike Hering, he argues that it is the absolute distance of the point we focus on that is initially, directly, and physiologically defined, rather than the relative distances of other objects around it. He thinks these are first perceived in what can generally be described as one plane with it. He doesn't firmly claim whether the distance of this plane, viewed as a feature of our basic sensitivity, is a constant fact or can change, but he tends to lean towards the idea that it is constant. For him, just as for Hering, higher-level brain processes of association, referred to as 'Experience,' account for a significant portion of the distance perceptions we have at any moment.

Hering's and Stumpf's theories are reported for the English reader by Mr. Sully (in Mind, iii. pp. 172-6). Mr. Abbott, in his Sight and Touch (pp. 96-8), gives a theory which is to me so obscure that I only refer the reader to its place, adding that it seems to make of distance a fixed function of retinal sensation as modified by focal adjustment. Besides these three authors I am ignorant of any, except Panum, who may have attempted to define distance as in any degree an immediate sensation. And with them the direct sensational share is reduced to a very small proportional part, in our completed distance-judgments.

Hering's and Stumpf's theories are summarized for English readers by Mr. Sully (in Mind, iii. pp. 172-6). Mr. Abbott, in his Sight and Touch (pp. 96-8), presents a theory that I find so unclear that I'll just point the reader to it, noting that it seems to treat distance as a fixed aspect of retinal sensation modified by focal adjustment. Apart from these three authors, I’m not aware of anyone else, except Panum, who has tried to define distance as an immediate sensation. With these authors, the direct sensational component is reduced to a very small part of our overall distance judgments.

Professor Lipps, in his singularly acute Psychologische Studien (p. 69 ff.), argues, as Ferrier, in his review of Berkeley (Philosophical Remains, ii. 330 ff.), had argued before him, that it is logically impossible we should perceive the distance of anything from the eye by sight; for a seen distance can only be between seen termini; and one of the termini, in the case of distance from the eye, is the eye itself, which is not seen. Similarly of the distance of two points behind each other: the near one hides the far one, no space is seen between them. For the space between two objects to be seen, both must appear beside each other, then the space in question will be visible. On no other condition is its visibility possible. The conclusion is that things can properly be seen only in what Lipps calls a surface, and that our knowledge of the third dimension must needs be conceptual, not sensational or visually intuitive.

Professor Lipps, in his incredibly insightful Psychologische Studien (p. 69 ff.), argues, as Ferrier had in his review of Berkeley (Philosophical Remains, ii. 330 ff.), that it is logically impossible for us to perceive the distance of anything from the eye through sight; because a seen distance can only exist between seen endpoints; and one of the endpoints, in the case of distance from the eye, is the eye itself, which is not visible. The same goes for the distance between two points behind one another: the closer point hides the further one, so no space is visible between them. For the space between two objects to be seen, both need to appear beside each other; only then will the space in question be visible. Under no other circumstances can its visibility be achieved. The conclusion is that objects can only truly be seen in what Lipps refers to as a surface, and that our understanding of the third dimension must therefore be conceptual, rather than sensational or visually intuitive.

But no arguments in the world can prove a feeling which actually exists to be impossible. The feeling of depth or distance, of farness or awayness, does actually exist as a fact of our visual sensibility. All that Professor Lipps's reasonings prove concerning it is that it is not linear in its character, or in its immediacy fully homogeneous and consubstantial with the feeling of literal distance between two seen termini; in short, that there are two sorts of optical sensation, each inexplicably due to a peculiar neural process. The neural process is easily discovered, in the case of lateral extension or spreadoutness, to be the number of retinal nerve-ends affected by the light; in the case of protension or mere farness it is more complicated and, as we have concluded, is still to seek. The two sensible qualities unite in the primitive visual bigness. The measurement of their various amounts against each other obeys the general laws of all such measurements. We discover their equivalencies by means of objects, apply the same units to both, and translate them into each other so habitually that at last they get to seem to us even quite similar in kind. This final appearance of homogeneity may perhaps be facilitated by the fact that in binocular vision two points situated on the prolongation of the optical axis of one of the eyes, so that the near one hides the far one, are by the other eye seen laterally apart. Each eye has in fact a foreshortened lateral view of the other's line of sight. In The London Times for Feb. 8, 1884, is an interesting letter by J. D. Dougal, who tries to explain by this reason why two-eyed rifle-shooting has such advantages over shooting with one eye closed.

But no arguments can prove a feeling that actually exists to be impossible. The feeling of depth or distance, of how far something is or how far away it feels, genuinely exists as a fact of how we perceive visually. What Professor Lipps's reasoning shows is that this feeling isn’t linear in nature or fully the same as the feeling of actual distance between two seen points; in other words, there are two types of optical sensation, each caused by a unique neural process. The neural process for perceiving lateral extension or spread is straightforward: it’s determined by the number of retinal nerve endings activated by the light. In contrast, for perceiving distance or mere farness, it’s more complex and, as we've noted, remains to be fully understood. The two perceptual qualities combine in the basic sense of visual size. The measurement of their different amounts compared to each other follows the general laws of all such measurements. We discover their equivalencies through objects, use the same units for both, and translate them into each other so often that they eventually start to seem quite similar. This final perception of similarity may be aided by the fact that, in binocular vision, two points aligned along one eye's optical axis, where the closer point obstructs the farther one, are seen by the other eye as being apart. Each eye actually gets a shortened lateral view of the other's line of sight. An interesting letter by J. D. Dougal in The London Times on February 8, 1884, discusses this and attempts to explain why two-eyed shooting has such advantages over shooting with one eye closed.

[216] Just so, a pair of spectacles held an inch or so from the eyes seem like one large median glass. The faculty of seeing stereoscopic slides single without an instrument is of the utmost utility to the student of physiological optics, and persons with strong eyes can easily acquire it. The only difficulty lies in dissociating the degree of accommodation from the degree of convergence which it usually accompanies. If the right picture is focussed by the right eye, the left by the left eye, the optic axes must either be parallel or converge upon an imaginary point some distance behind the plane of the pictures, according to the size and distance apart of the pictures. The accommodation, however, has to be made for the plane of the pictures itself, and a near accommodation with a far-off convergence is something which the ordinary use of our eyes never teaches us to effect.

[216] Just like that, a pair of glasses held about an inch away from your eyes looks like one big lens. The ability to see 3D images without any device is super useful for anyone studying how vision works, and people with good eyesight can pick it up easily. The challenge is separating the amount of focus from the amount of eye turning that usually goes along with it. If the right image is focused by the right eye and the left image by the left eye, the line of sight must either be straight or meet at an imaginary point some distance behind the images, depending on their size and spacing. However, your focus needs to be set for the plane of the images themselves, and being focused for something close while your eyes are aimed at something far away is not something our normal eye usage teaches us how to do.

[217] These two observations prove the law of identical direction only for objects which excite the foveæ or lie in the line of direct looking. Observers skilled in indirect vision can, however, more or less easily verify the law for outlying retinal points.

[217] These two observations demonstrate the law of identical direction only for objects that stimulate the fovea or are directly in line of sight. However, observers trained in indirect vision can, with reasonable ease, confirm the law for peripheral retinal points.

[218] This essay, published in the Philosophical Transactions, contains the germ of almost all the methods applied since to the study of optical perception. It seems a pity that England, leading off so brilliantly the modern epoch of this study, should so quickly have dropped out of the field. Almost all subsequent progress has been made in Germany, Holland, and, longo intervallo, America.

[218] This essay, published in the Philosophical Transactions, includes the foundation of nearly all the methods used since in the study of optical perception. It's unfortunate that England, which started this modern era of research so impressively, quickly withdrew from the field. Most of the progress that followed has taken place in Germany, the Netherlands, and, after a long gap, America.

[219] This is no place to report this controversy, but a few bibliographic references may not be inappropriate. Wheatstone's own experiment is in section 12 of his memoir. In favor of his interpretation see Helmholtz, Phys. Opt., pp. 737-9; Wundt, Physiol. Psychol., 2te Aufl. p. 144; Nagel, Sehen mit zwei Augen, pp. 78-82. Against Wheatstone see Volkmann, Arch. f. Ophth., v. 2-74, and Untersuchungen, p. 266; Hering, Beiträge zur Physiologie, 29-45, also in Hermann's Hdbch. d. Physiol., Bd. iii. 1 Th. p. 435; Aubert, Physiologie d. Netzhaut, p. 322; Schön, Archiv f. Ophthal., xxiv. 1. pp. 56-65; and Donders, ibid. xiii. 1. p. 15 and note.

[219] This isn't the right place to discuss this controversy, but a few references might be relevant. Wheatstone's own experiment can be found in section 12 of his memoir. For support of his interpretation, see Helmholtz, Phys. Opt., pp. 737-9; Wundt, Physiol. Psychol., 2nd ed. p. 144; Nagel, Sehen mit zwei Augen, pp. 78-82. Against Wheatstone, refer to Volkmann, Arch. f. Ophth., v. 2-74, and Untersuchungen, p. 266; Hering, Beiträge zur Physiologie, 29-45, also in Hermann's Hdbch. d. Physiol., Bd. iii. 1 Th. p. 435; Aubert, Physiologie d. Netzhaut, p. 322; Schön, Archiv f. Ophthal., xxiv. 1. pp. 56-65; and Donders, ibid. xiii. 1. p. 15 and note.

[220] When we see the finger the whole time, we usually put it in the line joining object and left eye if it be the left finger, joining object and right eye if it be the right finger. Microscopists, marksmen, or persons one of whose eyes is much better than the other, almost always refer directions to a single eye, as may be seen by the position of the shadow on their face when they point at a candle-flame.

[220] When we see a finger all the time, we usually line it up with the connection between the object and our left eye if it’s the left finger, or the object and our right eye if it’s the right finger. Microscopists, marksmen, or people whose vision is significantly better in one eye typically reference directions to just one eye, as shown by the shadow on their face when they point at a candle flame.

[221] Professor Joseph Le Conte, who believes strongly in the identity-theory, has embodied the latter in a pair of laws of the relation between positions seen single and double, near or far, on the one hand, and convergences and retinal impressions, on the other, which, though complicated, seems to me by far the best descriptive formulation yet made of the normal facts of vision. His account is easily accessible to the reader in his volume 'Sight' in the International Scientific Series, bk. ii. c. 8, so I say no more about it now, except that it does not solve any of the difficulties we are noting in the identity-theory, nor account for the other fluctuating perceptions of which we go on to treat.

[221] Professor Joseph Le Conte, a strong advocate of identity-theory, has captured it in two laws regarding the relationship between single and double visual positions, both near and far, and how they relate to convergences and retinal impressions. Although complex, his formulation appears to be the best description of the normal aspects of vision available. Readers can easily find his explanation in his book 'Sight' from the International Scientific Series, bk. ii. c. 8. I won't go into further details here, except to note that it doesn't address any of the issues we've discussed about identity-theory, nor does it explain the other changing perceptions we'll cover next.

[222] Naturally it takes a smaller object at a less distance to cover by its image a constant amount of retinal surface.

[222] Naturally, a smaller object located closer can cover a consistent area of the retina with its image.

[223] Archiv f. Ophthal., Bd. xvii. Abth. 2, pp. 44-6 (1871).

[223] Archival for Ophthalmology, Vol. 17, Part 2, pp. 44-6 (1871).

[224] A. W. Volkmann, Untersuchungen, p. 253.

[224] A. W. Volkmann, Studies, p. 253.

[225] Philosophical Transactions, 1852, p. 4.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Philosophical Transactions, 1852, p. 4.

[226] Physiol. Optik, 649-664. Later this author is led to value convergence more highly. Arch. f. (Anat. u.) Physiol. (1878), p. 322.

[226] Physiol. Optik, 649-664. Later, this author comes to appreciate convergence more. Arch. f. (Anat. u.) Physiol. (1878), p. 322.

[227] Anomalies of Accommodation and Refraction (New Sydenham Soc. Transl., London, 1864), p. 155.

[227] Anomalies of Accommodation and Refraction (New Sydenham Soc. Transl., London, 1864), p. 155.

[228] These strange contradictions have been called by Aubert 'secondary' deceptions of judgment. See Grundzüge d. Physiologischen Optik (Leipzig, 1876), pp. 601, 615, 627. One of the best examples of them is the small size of the moon as first seen through a telescope. It is larger and brighter, so we see its details more distinctly and judge it nearer. But because we judge it so much nearer we think it must have grown smaller. Cf. Charpentier in Jahresbericht, x. 430.

[228] These strange contradictions have been referred to by Aubert as 'secondary' distortions of judgment. See Grundzüge d. Physiologischen Optik (Leipzig, 1876), pp. 601, 615, 627. One of the best examples of this is the small size of the moon when first viewed through a telescope. It appears larger and brighter, allowing us to see its details more clearly and causing us to perceive it as closer. However, because we think it's much closer, we assume it must have gotten smaller. Cf. Charpentier in Jahresbericht, x. 430.

[229] Revue Philosophique, iii. 9, p. 220.

[229] Philosophical Review, vol. 3, p. 220.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

[231] The only exception seems to be when we expressly wish to abstract from particulars, and to judge of the general 'effect.' Witness ladies trying on new dresses with their heads inclined and their eyes askance; or painters in the same attitude judging of the 'values' in their pictures.

[231] The only exception appears to be when we intentionally want to ignore specifics and evaluate the overall ‘effect.’ Just look at women trying on new dresses with their heads tilted and their eyes sideways; or artists in the same pose assessing the ‘values’ in their artwork.

[232] The importance of Superposition will appear later on.

[232] The significance of Superposition will be discussed later.

[233] Physiol. Optik, p. 817.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Physiological Optics, p. 817.

[234] Bowditch and Hall, in Journal of Physiology, vol. iii. p. 299. Helmholtz tries to explain this phenomenon by unconscious rotations of the eyeball. But movements of the eyeball can only explain such appearances of movements as are the same over the whole field. In the windowed board one part of the field seems to move in one way, another part in another. The same is true when we turn from the spiral to look at the wall—the centre of the field alone swells out or contracts, the margin does the reverse or remains at rest. Mach and Dvorak have beautifully proved the impossibility of eye-rotations in this case (Sitzungsber. d. Wiener Akad., Bd. lxi.). See also Bowditch and Hall's paper as above, p. 300.

[234] Bowditch and Hall, in the Journal of Physiology, vol. iii. p. 299. Helmholtz tries to explain this phenomenon by suggesting unconscious movements of the eyeball. However, eyeball movements can only account for appearances of motion that are consistent throughout the entire visual field. In the windowed board, one area of the field seems to move in one way, while another area moves differently. The same happens when we shift our gaze from the spiral to the wall—the center of the field either expands or contracts, while the edges do the opposite or stay still. Mach and Dvorak have elegantly demonstrated the impossibility of eye rotations in this scenario (Sitzungsber. d. Wiener Akad., Bd. lxi.). See also Bowditch and Hall's paper mentioned above, p. 300.

[235] Bulletins de l'Acad. de Belgique, xxi. 2; Revue Philosophique, vi. pp. 223-5; Physiologische Psychologie, 2te Aufl. p. 103. Compare Münsterberg's views, Beiträge, Heft 2, p. 174.

[235] Bulletins of the Acad. of Belgium, xxi. 2; Philosophical Review, vi. pp. 223-5; Physiological Psychology, 2nd ed. p. 103. Compare Münsterberg's views, Contributions, Issue 2, p. 174.

[236] Physiol. Optik, pp. 562-71.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Physiol. Optics, pp. 562-71.

[237] Physiol. Psych., pp. 107-8.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Physiol. Psych., pp. 107-8.

[238] Grundtatsachen des Seelenlebens, pp. 526-30.

[238] Basic facts of the soul's life, pp. 526-30.

[239] Cf. supra, vol. I. p. 515 ff.

[239] See above, vol. I, p. 515 and following.

[240] See Archiv f. Ophthalm., v. 2, 1 (1859), where many more examples are given.

[240] See Archiv f. Ophthalm., v. 2, 1 (1859), where many more examples are provided.

[241] Untersuchungen, p. 250; see also p. 242.

[241] Investigations, p. 250; see also p. 242.

[242] I pass over certain difficulties about double images, drawn from the perceptions of a few squinters (e.g. by Schweigger, Klin. Untersuch über das Schielen, Berlin, 1881; by Javal, Annales d'Oculistique, lxxxv. p. 217), because the facts are exceptional at best and very difficult of interpretation. In favor of the sensationalistic or nativistic view of one such case, see the important paper by Von Kries, Archiv f. Ophthalm., xxiv. 4, p. 117.

[242] I will skip over certain challenges related to double images, which come from the experiences of a few people with strabismus (for example, Schweigger's work Klin. Untersuch über das Schielen, Berlin, 1881; Javal's article in Annales d'Oculistique, lxxxv. p. 217), because these cases are rare and hard to interpret. For support of the sensationalistic or nativistic perspective on one such case, refer to the significant paper by Von Kries, Archiv f. Ophthalm., xxiv. 4, p. 117.

[243] Physiologische Untersuchungen im Gebiete der Optik, v.

[243] Physiological Studies in the Field of Optics, vol.

[244] Cf. E. Mach, Beiträge zur Analyse der Empfindungen, p. 87.

[244] See E. Mach, Contributions to the Analysis of Sensations, p. 87.

[245] Cf. V. Egger, Revue Philos., xx. 488.

[245] See V. Egger, Revue Philos., xx. 488.

[246] Loeb (Pflüger's Archiv, xl. 274) has proved that muscular changes of adaptation in the eye for near and far distance are what determine the form of the relief.

[246] Loeb (Pflüger's Archiv, xl. 274) has shown that the changes in muscle adjustment in the eye for near and far distances influence the way we perceive relief.

[247] The strongest passage in Helmholtz's argument against sensations of space is relative to these fluctuations of seen relief: "Ought one not to conclude that if sensations of relief exist at all, they must be so faint and vague as to have no influence compared with that of past experience? Ought we not to believe that the perception of the third dimension may have arisen without them, since we now see it taking place as well against them as with them?" (Physiol. Optik, p. 817.)

[247] The strongest part of Helmholtz's argument against sensations of space relates to these variations in perceived depth: "Shouldn’t we conclude that if sensations of depth exist at all, they must be so faint and unclear that they have no impact compared to that of past experiences? Shouldn’t we believe that the perception of the third dimension could have developed without them, since we can now see it occurring both against them and with them?" (Physiol. Optik, p. 817.)

[248] Cf. E. Mach, Beiträge, etc., p. 90, and the preceding chapter of the present work, p. 86 ff.

[248] See E. Mach, Contributions, etc., p. 90, and the previous chapter of this work, p. 86 ff.

[249] I ought to say that I seem always able to see the cross rectangular at will. But this appears to come from an imperfect absorption of the rectangular after-image by the inclined plane at which the eyes look. The cross, with me, is apt to detach itself from this and then look square. I get the illusion better from the circle, whose after-image becomes in various ways elliptical on being projected upon the different surfaces of the room, and cannot then be easily made to look circular again.

[249] I should mention that I'm always able to see the cross shape whenever I want. But this seems to be due to an incomplete absorption of the rectangular after-image by the tilted surface my eyes are looking at. For me, the cross often separates from this and appears square. I experience the illusion more clearly with the circle, whose after-image transforms into various elliptical shapes when projected onto different surfaces in the room, and it becomes difficult to make it look circular again.

[250] In Chapter XVIII, p. 74, I gave a reason why imaginations ought not to be as vivid as sensations. It should be borne in mind that that reason does not apply to these complemental imaginings of the real shape of things actually before our eyes.

[250] In Chapter XVIII, p. 74, I explained why imaginations shouldn't be as intense as sensations. Keep in mind that this reason doesn't apply to these additional imaginings of the true form of things we can actually see.

[251] Hermann's Handb. der Physiologie, iii. 1. p. 565-71.

[251] Hermann's Handbook of Physiology, Vol. 3, pp. 565-71.

[252] Bulletin de l'Académie de Belgique, 2me Série, xix. 2.

[252] Bulletin of the Academy of Belgium, 2nd Series, xix. 2.

[253] Wundt seeks to explain all these illusions by the relatively stronger 'feeling of innervation' needed to move the eyeballs upwards,—a careful study of the muscles concerned is taken to prove this,—and a consequently greater estimate of the distance traversed. It suffices to remark, however, with Lipps, that were the innervation all, a column of S's placed on top of each other should look each larger than the one below it, and a weathercock on a steeple gigantic, neither of which is the case. Only the halves of the same object look different in size, because the customary correction for foreshortening bears only on the relations of the parts of special things spread out before us. Cf. Wundt, Physiol. Psych., 2te Aufl. ii. 96-8; Th. Lipps, Grundtatsachen, etc., p. 535.

[253] Wundt aims to explain these illusions by the relatively stronger 'feeling of innervation' required to move the eyeballs upwards—a detailed study of the relevant muscles is conducted to support this—and, as a result, a greater perception of the distance covered. However, it’s worth noting, as Lipps does, that if innervation were everything, a column of S's stacked on top of each other would appear larger than the one beneath it, and a weather vane on a steeple would look enormous, which is not the case. Only the halves of the same object appear different in size because the usual correction for foreshortening only applies to the relationships between parts of specific things displayed before us. Cf. Wundt, Physiol. Psych., 2te Aufl. ii. 96-8; Th. Lipps, Grundtatsachen, etc., p. 535.

[254] Hering would partly solve in this way the mystery of Figs. 60, 61, and 67. No doubt the explanation partly applies; but the strange cessation of the illusion when we fix the gaze fails to be accounted for thereby.

[254] Hering would partly solve the mystery of Figs. 60, 61, and 67 this way. There's no doubt that part of the explanation fits; however, the sudden stop of the illusion when we focus our gaze isn't accounted for by this.

[255] Helmholtz has sought (Physiol. Optik, p. 715) to explain the divergence of the apparent vertical meridians of the two retinæ, by the manner in which an identical line drawn on the ground before us in the median plane will throw its images on the two eyes respectively. The matter is too technical for description here; the unlearned reader may be referred for it to J. Le Conte's Sight in the Internat. Scient. Series, p. 198 ff. But, for the benefit of those to whom verbum sat, I cannot help saying that it seems to me that the exactness of the relation of the two meridians—whether divergent or not, for their divergence differs in individuals and often in one individual at diverse times—precludes its being due to the mere habitual falling-off of the image of one objective line on both. Le Conte, e.g., measures their position down to a sixth of a degree, others to tenths. This indicates an organic identity in the sensations of the two retinæ, which the experience of median perspective horizontals may roughly have agreed with, but hardly can have engendered. Wundt explains the divergence as usual, by the Innervationsgefühl (op. cit.. ii. 99 ff.).

[255] Helmholtz has attempted (Physiol. Optik, p. 715) to clarify the difference in the apparent vertical lines seen by each eye by looking at how an identical line drawn on the ground in front of us affects the images on the two retinas. The details are too technical to cover here; those who are not familiar with it can refer to J. Le Conte's Sight in the Internat. Scient. Series, p. 198 ff. However, for those who understand with just a few words, I must say that it seems to me that the precise relationship between the two meridians—whether they diverge or not, since their divergence varies among people and even in the same person at different times—suggests that it cannot simply be due to the habitual misalignment of one line’s image falling onto both eyes. For instance, Le Conte measures their position within a sixth of a degree, while others measure to tenths. This points to an underlying similarity in the sensations between the two retinas, which the experience of median perspective horizontals may have somewhat aligned with but could hardly have created. Wundt usually explains the divergence through the Innervationsgefühl (op. cit.. ii. 99 ff.).

[256] Physiol. Optik, p. 547.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Physiology. Optics, p. 547.

[257] "We can with a short ruler draw a line as long as we please on a plane surface by first drawing one as long as the ruler permits, and then sliding the ruler somewhat along the drawn line and drawing again, etc. If the ruler is exactly straight, we get in this way a straight line. If it is somewhat curved we get a circle. Now, instead of the sliding ruler we use in the field of sight the central spot of distinctest vision impressed with a linear sensation of sight, which at times may be intensified till it becomes an after-image. We follow, in looking, the direction of this line, and in so doing we slide the line along itself and get a prolongation of its length. On a plane surface we can carry on this procedure on any sort of a straight or curved ruler, but in the field of vision there is for each direction and movement of the eye only one sort of line which it is possible for us to slide along in its own direction continually." These are what Helmholtz calls the 'circles of direction' of the visual field—lines which he has studied with his usual care. Cf. Physiol. Optik, p. 548 ff.

[257] "We can use a short ruler to draw a line as long as we want on a flat surface by first drawing one that’s as long as the ruler allows, then sliding the ruler a bit along the drawn line and drawing again, and so on. If the ruler is perfectly straight, we create a straight line. If it’s somewhat curved, we create a circle. Now, instead of sliding the ruler, we use the central spot of clearest vision, which gets a linear visual sensation that can sometimes become so strong it turns into an after-image. As we look, we follow this line’s direction, effectively sliding the line along itself and extending its length. On a flat surface, we can repeat this process using any straight or curved ruler, but in our field of vision, for each direction and eye movement, there’s only one type of line we can continuously slide along in its own direction." These are what Helmholtz calls the 'circles of direction' of the visual field—lines he has studied with his usual thoroughness. Cf. Physiol. Optik, p. 548 ff.

[258] Cf. Hering in Hermann's Handb. der Physiol., iii. 1, pp. 558-4.

[258] See Hering in Hermann's Handbook of Physiology, vol. iii, pp. 558-4.

[259] This shrinkage and expansion of the absolute space-value of the total optical sensation remains to my mind the most obscure part of the whole subject. It is a real optical sensation, seeming introspectively to have nothing to do with locomotor or other suggestions. It is easy to say that 'the Intellect produces it,' but what does that mean? The investigator who will throw light on this one point will probably clear up other difficulties as well.

[259] The shrinking and expanding of the total optical experience still seems to me the most puzzling aspect of the entire topic. It's a genuine optical sensation that doesn't seem to connect with movement or other cues. It's simple to claim that 'the intellect creates it,' but what does that really mean? The researcher who can clarify this one issue will likely resolve other challenges too.

[260] Examination of Hamilton, 3d ed. p. 283.

[260] Review of Hamilton, 3rd ed. p. 283.

[261] Senses and Intellect, 3d ed. p. 183.

[261] Senses and Intellect, 3rd ed. p. 183.

[262] Exam. of Hamilton, 3d ed. p. 283.

[262] Exam. of Hamilton, 3d ed. p. 283.

[263] Senses and Intellect, p. 372.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Senses and Intellect, p. 372.

[264] Vierfache Wurzel des Satzes vom zureichenden Grunde, pp. 52-7.

[264] Fourfold root of the principle of sufficient reason, pp. 52-7.

[265] Psychol. als Wissenschaft, § 111.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Psychology as Science, § 111.

[266] Psychol. als Wissenschaft, § 113.

[266] Psychology as a Science, § 113.

[267] Lehrbuch d. Psychol., 2te Auflage, Bd. ii. p. 66. Volkmann's fifth chapter contains a really precious collection of historical notices concerning space-perception theories.

[267] Textbook of Psychology, 2nd Edition, Vol. II, p. 66. Volkmann's fifth chapter includes a valuable compilation of historical insights related to space-perception theories.

[268] Why talk of 'genetic theories'? when we have in the next breath to write as Wundt does: "If then we must regard the intuition of space as a product that simply emerges from the conditions of our mental and physical organization, nothing need stand in the way of our designating it as one of the a priori functions with which consciousness is endowed." (Logik, ii. 460.)

[268] Why discuss 'genetic theories'? when we immediately have to consider Wundt's statement: "If we must see the intuition of space as something that just arises from the conditions of our mental and physical makeup, there's no reason we can't call it one of the a priori functions that consciousness possesses." (Logik, ii. 460.)

[269] P. 430.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 430.

[270] Pp. 430, 449.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Pp. 430, 449.

[271] P. 428.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 428.

[272] P. 442.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 442.

[273] Pp. 442, 818.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ pp. 442, 818.

[274] P. 798. Cf. also Popular Scientific Lectures, pp. 301-3.

[274] P. 798. Also see Popular Scientific Lectures, pp. 301-3.

[275] P. 456; see also 428, 441.

[275] P. 456; see also 428, 441.

[276] P. 797.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 797.

[277] P. 812.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 812.

[278] Bottom of page 797.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Bottom of page 797.

[279] In fact, to borrow a simile from Prof. G. E. Müller (Theorie der sinnl. Aufmerksamkeit, p. 38), the various senses bear in the Helmholtzian philosophy of perception the same relation to the 'object' perceived by their means that a troop of jolly drinkers bear to the landlord's bill, when no one has any money, but each hopes that one of the rest will pay.

[279] In fact, to use a comparison from Prof. G. E. Müller (Theorie der sinnl. Aufmerksamkeit, p. 38), the different senses in the Helmholtzian philosophy of perception relate to the 'object' they perceive in the same way that a group of cheerful drinkers relate to the landlord's bill when no one has any cash, but everyone is hoping that someone else will cover it.

[280] Grundtatsachen des Seelenlebens (1883), pp. 480, 591-2. Psychologische Studien (1885), p. 14.

[280] Fundamental Facts of the Soul's Life (1883), pp. 480, 591-2. Psychological Studies (1885), p. 14.

[281] Psychology, ii. p. 174.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Psychology, vol. ii, p. 174.

[282] Ibid. p. 168.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same source p. 168.

[283] Senses and Intellect, 3d ed. pp. 366-75.

[283] Senses and Intellect, 3rd ed. pp. 366-75.

[284] Cf. Hall and Donaldson in Mind, x. 559.

[284] See Hall and Donaldson in Mind, x. 559.

[285] As other examples of the confusion, take Mr. Sully: "The fallacious assumption that there can be an idea of distance in general, apart from particular distances" (Mind, iii. p. 177); and Wundt: "An indefinite localization, which waits for experience to give it its reference to real space, stands in contradiction with the very idea of localization, which means the reference to a determinate point of space" (Physiol. Psych., 1te Aufl. p. 480).

[285] For more examples of this confusion, consider Mr. Sully: "The incorrect belief that there can be a general idea of distance, separate from specific distances" (Mind, iii. p. 177); and Wundt: "An unclear localization, which relies on experience to connect it to actual space, contradicts the very concept of localization, which refers to a specific point in space" (Physiol. Psych., 1te Aufl. p. 480).

[286] G. Berkeley: Essay towards a new Theory of Vision; Samuel Bailey: A Review of Berkeley's Theory of Vision (1842); J. S. Mill's Review of Bailey, in his Dissertations and Disquisitions, vol. ii; Jas. Ferrier: Review of Bailey, in 'Philosophical Remains,' vol. ii; A. Bain: Senses and Intellect, 'Intellect,' chap. i; H. Spencer: Principles of Psychology, pt. vi. chaps. xiv, xvi; J. S. Mill: Examination of Hamilton, chap. xiii (the best statement of the so-called English empiricist position); T. K. Abbott: Sight and Touch, 1861 (the first English book to go at all minutely into facts; Mr. Abbott maintaining retinal sensations to be originally of space in three dimensions); A. C. Fraser: Review of Abbott, in North British Review for Aug. 1864; another review in Macmillan's Magazine, Aug. 1866; J. Sully: Outlines of Psychology, chap. vi; J. Ward: Encyclop. Britannica, 9th Ed., article 'Psychology,' pp. 53-5; J. E. Walter: The Perception of Space and Matter (1879)—I may also refer to a discussion between Prof. G. Groom Robertson, Mr. J. Ward, and the present writer, in Mind, vol. xiii.—The present chapter is only the filling out with detail of an article entitled 'The Spatial Quale,' which appeared in the Journal of Speculative Philosophy for January 1879 (xiii. 64).

[286] G. Berkeley: Essay towards a new Theory of Vision; Samuel Bailey: A Review of Berkeley's Theory of Vision (1842); J. S. Mill's Review of Bailey, in his Dissertations and Disquisitions, vol. ii; Jas. Ferrier: Review of Bailey, in 'Philosophical Remains,' vol. ii; A. Bain: Senses and Intellect, 'Intellect,' chap. i; H. Spencer: Principles of Psychology, pt. vi. chaps. xiv, xvi; J. S. Mill: Examination of Hamilton, chap. xiii (the best statement of the so-called English empiricist position); T. K. Abbott: Sight and Touch, 1861 (the first English book to go at all minutely into facts; Mr. Abbott maintaining retinal sensations to be originally of space in three dimensions); A. C. Fraser: Review of Abbott, in North British Review for Aug. 1864; another review in Macmillan's Magazine, Aug. 1866; J. Sully: Outlines of Psychology, chap. vi; J. Ward: Encyclop. Britannica, 9th Ed., article 'Psychology,' pp. 53-5; J. E. Walter: The Perception of Space and Matter (1879)—I may also refer to a discussion between Prof. G. Groom Robertson, Mr. J. Ward, and the present writer, in Mind, vol. xiii.—The present chapter is only the filling out with detail of an article entitled 'The Spatial Quale,' which appeared in the Journal of Speculative Philosophy for January 1879 (xiii. 64).


CHAPTER XXI.[287]

THE PERCEPTION OF REALITY.

BELIEF.

Everyone knows the difference between imagining a thing and believing in its existence, between supposing a proposition and acquiescing in its truth. In the case of acquiescence or belief, the object is not only apprehended by the mind, but is held to have reality. Belief is thus the mental state or function of cognizing reality. As used in the following pages, 'Belief' will mean every degree of assurance, including the highest possible certainty and conviction.

Everyone knows the difference between imagining something and believing it actually exists, between considering a proposition and accepting it as true. In the case of acceptance or belief, the object is not only understood by the mind but is also considered to be real. Belief is therefore the mental state or function of recognizing reality. In the pages that follow, 'Belief' will refer to every level of certainty, including the highest confidence and conviction.

There are, as we know, two ways of studying every psychic state. First, the way of analysis: What does it consist in? What is its inner nature? Of what sort of mind-stuff is it composed? Second, the way of history: What are its conditions of production, and its connection with other facts?

There are, as we know, two ways of studying every psychic state. First, the way of analysis: What does it consist of? What is its inner nature? What kind of mental stuff is it made of? Second, the way of history: What are its conditions of production, and how is it connected to other facts?

Into the first way we cannot go very far. In its inner nature, belief, or the sense of reality, is a sort of feeling more allied to the emotions than to anything else. Mr. Bagehot distinctly calls it the 'emotion' of conviction. I just now spoke of it as acquiescence. It resembles more than anything what in the psychology of volition we know as consent. Consent is recognized by all to be a manifestation of our active nature. It would naturally be described by such terms as 'willingness' or the 'turning of our disposition.' What characterizes both consent and belief is the cessation of theoretic agitation, through the advent of an idea which is inwardly stable, and fills the mind solidly to the exclusion of contradictory ideas. When this is the case, motor effects are apt to follow. Hence the states of[Pg 284] consent and belief, characterized by repose on the purely intellectual side, are both intimately connected with subsequent practical activity. This inward stability of the mind's content is as characteristic of disbelief as of belief. But we shall presently see that we never disbelieve anything except for the reason that we believe something else which contradicts the first thing.[288] Disbelief is thus an incidental complication to belief, and need not be considered by itself.

We can't go very far into the first way. At its core, belief, or the sense of reality, is more of a feeling tied to our emotions than anything else. Mr. Bagehot clearly describes it as the 'emotion' of conviction. I just mentioned it as acceptance. It resembles what we know in the psychology of decision-making as consent. Everyone recognizes consent as a sign of our active nature. It's usually described with terms like 'willingness' or 'shifting of our attitude.' What defines both consent and belief is the calming of theoretical conflict when an idea arises that is stable and fills our minds, pushing out any contradictory thoughts. When this happens, actions tend to follow. Thus, the states of[Pg 284] consent and belief, marked by a kind of intellectual calm, are closely linked to later practical actions. This inner stability of our thoughts is just as typical of disbelief as it is of belief. However, we will soon see that we only disbelieve something because we believe something else that contradicts it.[288] Disbelief is therefore a secondary issue to belief and doesn't need to be considered on its own.


The true opposites of belief, psychologically considered, are doubt and inquiry, not disbelief. In both these states the content of our mind is in unrest, and the emotion engendered thereby is, like the emotion of belief itself, perfectly distinct, but perfectly indescribable in words. Both sorts of emotion may be pathologically exalted. One of the charms of drunkenness unquestionably lies in the deepening of the sense of reality and truth which is gained therein. In whatever light things may then appear to us, they seem more utterly what they are, more 'utterly utter' than when we are sober. This goes to a fully unutterable extreme in the nitrous oxide intoxication, in which a man's very soul will sweat with conviction, and he be all the while unable to tell what he is convinced of at all.[289] The pathological state opposed to this solidity and deepening has been called the questioning mania (Grübelsucht by the Germans). It is sometimes found as a substantive affection, paroxysmal or chronic, and consists in the inability to rest in any conception, and the need of having it confirmed and explained. 'Why do I stand here where I stand?' 'Why is a glass a glass, a chair a chair?' 'How is it that men are only of the size they are? Why not as big as houses,' etc., etc.[290][Pg 285] There is, it is true, another pathological state which is as far removed from doubt as from belief, and which some may prefer to consider the proper contrary of the latter state of mind. I refer to the feeling that everything is hollow, unreal, dead. I shall speak of this state again upon a later page. The point I wish to notice here is simply that belief and disbelief are but two aspects of one psychic state.

The true opposites of belief, in psychological terms, are doubt and inquiry, not disbelief. In both of these states, our minds are restless, and the emotions that arise are, just like the emotions of belief itself, completely distinct but impossible to express in words. Both types of emotion can be heightened in a pathological way. One of the appealing aspects of drunkenness is definitely the way it enhances our sense of reality and truth. No matter how things may appear to us during that time, they seem more fully themselves, more 'utterly utter' than when we are sober. This reaches an indescribable level with nitrous oxide intoxication, where a person’s very essence can radiate with certainty, yet they remain unable to articulate what they are convinced of at all.[289] The pathological state that contrasts with this solidity and depth is referred to as questioning mania (Grübelsucht in German). It can manifest as a standalone condition, either episodic or chronic, characterized by the inability to settle on any idea and the need for confirmation and explanation. 'Why am I standing here?' 'Why is a glass a glass and a chair a chair?' 'Why are people only the size they are? Why not as big as houses?' and so on.[290][Pg 285] There is, indeed, another pathological state that is as distant from doubt as it is from belief, and some may prefer to see this as the true opposite of that latter mindset. I’m referring to the feeling that everything is hollow, unreal, or lifeless. I will discuss this state again on a later page. The key point I want to highlight here is simply that belief and disbelief are just two sides of the same psychological state.


John Mill, reviewing various opinions about belief, comes to the conclusion that no account of it can be given:

John Mill, looking at different views on belief, concludes that you can't really explain it:

"What," he says, "is the difference to our minds between thinking of a reality and representing to ourselves an imaginary picture? I confess I can see no escape from the opinion that the distinction is ultimate and primordial. There is no more difficulty in holding it to be so than in holding the difference between a sensation and an idea to be primordial. It seems almost another aspect of the same difference.... I cannot help thinking, therefore, that there is in the remembrance of a real fact, as distinguished from that of a thought, an element which does not consist... in a difference between the mere ideas which are present to the mind in the two cases. This element, howsoever we define it, constitutes belief, and is the difference between Memory and Imagination. From whatever direction we approach, this difference seems to close our path. When we arrive at it, we seem to have reached, as it were, the central point of our intellectual nature, presupposed and built upon in every attempt we make to explain the more recondite phenomena of our mental being."[291]

"What," he says, "is the difference to our minds between thinking about reality and imagining a picture? I admit I can’t get past the idea that this distinction is fundamental and essential. It's just as easy to accept this as it is to acknowledge the difference between a sensation and an idea as basic. It seems almost like a different facet of the same difference.... I can’t help but feel that there is something in the memory of a real fact, as opposed to just a thought, that doesn’t simply boil down to the ideas presented to the mind in both cases. This element, however we choose to define it, forms belief and distinguishes Memory from Imagination. No matter how we look at it, this difference seems to obstruct our path. When we encounter it, it feels like we’ve hit the heart of our intellectual nature, which underpins every attempt we make to explain the deeper aspects of our mental existence."[291]

If the words of Mill be taken to apply to the mere subjective analysis of belief—to the question, What does it feel like when we have it?—they must be held, on the whole, to be correct. Belief, the sense of reality, feels like itself—that is about as much as we can say.

If we interpret Mill's words as relating to the personal experience of belief—specifically, the question of what it feels like to hold a belief—they are generally accurate. Belief, or the feeling of reality, simply feels like itself—that's about all we can articulate.

Prof. Brentano, in an admirable chapter of his Psychologie, expresses this by saying that conception and belief (which he names judgment) are two different fundamental psychic phenomena. What I myself have called (Vol. I, p. 275) the 'object' of thought may be comparatively simple, like "Ha! what a pain," or "It-thunders"; or it may be complex, like "Columbus-discovered-America-in-1492," or "There-exists-an-all-wise-Creator-of-the-world." In either case, however, the mere thought of the object may exist as something quite distinct from the belief in its reality. The belief, as Brentano says, presupposes the mere thought:

Prof. Brentano, in a remarkable chapter of his Psychologie, states that conception and belief (which he refers to as judgment) are two different basic mental processes. What I have referred to (Vol. I, p. 275) as the 'object' of thought can be relatively simple, like "Ouch, that hurts," or "It's thundering"; or it can be complex, like "Columbus discovered America in 1492," or "There is an all-wise Creator of the world." In either case, though, just thinking about the object can exist separately from believing in its reality. As Brentano points out, belief assumes the mere thought:

"Every object comes into consciousness in a twofold way, as simply thought of [vorgestellt] and as admitted [anerkannt] or denied. The relation is analogous to that which is assumed by most philosophers (by Kant no less than by Aristotle) to obtain between mere thought and desire. Nothing is ever desired without being thought of; but the desiring is nevertheless a second quite new and peculiar form of relation to the object, a second quite new way of receiving it into consciousness. No more is anything judged [i.e., believed or disbelieved] which is not thought of too. But we must insist that, so soon as the object of a thought becomes the object of an assenting or rejecting judgment, our consciousness steps into an entirely new relation towards it. It is then twice present in consciousness, as thought of, and as held for real or denied; just as when desire awakens for it, it is both thought and simultaneously desired." (P. 266.)

"Every object enters our awareness in two ways: as something we simply think about and as something we accept or reject. This interaction is similar to what many philosophers (including Kant and Aristotle) describe regarding the difference between mere thought and desire. Nothing is desired without first being considered; however, the act of desiring is still a completely different way of relating to the object, a new way of bringing it into awareness. Likewise, nothing is judged (meaning believed or disbelieved) without also being thought of. But we need to stress that once the subject of a thought becomes something we agree or disagree with, our consciousness shifts into a completely new relationship with it. At that moment, it exists in our mind in two ways: as something we think about and as something we believe is real or deny; just like when desire arises, it is both thought about and desired simultaneously." (P. 266.)

The commonplace doctrine of 'judgment' is that it consists in the combination of 'ideas' by a 'copula' into a 'proposition,' which may be of various sorts, as affirmative, negative, hypothetical, etc. But who does not see that in a disbelieved or doubted or interrogative or conditional proposition, the ideas are combined in the same identical way in which they are in a proposition which is solidly believed? The way in which the ideas are combined is a part of the inner constitution of the thought's object or content. That object is sometimes an articulated whole with relations between its parts, amongst which relations, that of predicate[Pg 287] to subject may be one. But when we have got our object with its inner constitution thus defined in a proposition, then the question comes up regarding the object as a whole: 'Is it a real object? is this proposition a true proposition or not?' And in the answer Yes to this question lies that new psychic act which Brentano calls 'judgment,' but which I prefer to call 'belief.'

The common belief about 'judgment' is that it involves combining 'ideas' with a 'copula' to form a 'proposition,' which can take different forms like affirmative, negative, hypothetical, etc. However, who doesn’t realize that in a proposition that is doubted, questioned, or conditional, the ideas are combined in the exact same way as in a proposition that is firmly believed? The manner in which the ideas are combined is part of the internal structure of the thought's object or content. That object can sometimes be a cohesive whole with relations between its parts, including the relationship of predicate[Pg 287] to subject. But once we have defined our object and its internal structure in a proposition, the next question arises about the object as a whole: 'Is it a real object? Is this proposition true or not?' And in the answer Yes to this question lies that new mental act which Brentano refers to as 'judgment,' but which I prefer to call 'belief.'

In every proposition, then, so far as it is believed, questioned, or disbelieved, four elements are to be distinguished, the subject, the predicate, and their relation (of whatever sort it be)—these form the object of belief—and finally the psychic attitude in which our mind stands towards the proposition taken as a whole—and this is the belief itself.[292]

In every statement, as far as it is accepted, doubted, or rejected, four elements can be identified: the subject, the predicate, and their relationship (of any kind)—these make up the object of belief—and finally, the mindset we have towards the entire statement—that is the belief itself.[292]

Admitting, then, that this attitude is a state of consciousness sui generis, about which nothing more can be said in the way of internal analysis, let us proceed to the second way of studying the subject of belief: Under what circumstances do we think things real? We shall soon see how much matter this gives us to discuss.

Admitting, then, that this attitude is a unique state of awareness, about which we can't really say anything more through internal analysis, let's move on to the second way of exploring the topic of belief: Under what circumstances do we perceive things as real? We'll soon discover how much there is to discuss on this matter.

THE VARIOUS ORDERS OF REALITY.

Suppose a new-born mind, entirely blank and waiting for experience to begin. Suppose that it begins in the form of a visual impression (whether faint or vivid is immaterial) of a lighted candle against a dark background, and nothing else, so that whilst this image lasts it constitutes the entire universe known to the mind in question. Suppose, moreover (to simplify the hypothesis), that the candle is only imaginary, and that no 'original' of it is recognized by us psychologists outside. Will this hallucinatory candle be believed in, will it have a real existence for the mind?

Imagine a newborn mind, completely blank and ready for experiences to start. Picture it beginning with a visual impression (whether it's faint or bright doesn't matter) of a lit candle against a dark background, and nothing else, so that while this image lasts, it represents the entire universe known to that mind. Now, let's simplify the scenario further and assume that the candle is just imaginary, with no 'original' version recognized by us psychologists outside of it. Will this imaginary candle be believed in? Will it have a real existence for the mind?

What possible sense (for that mind) would a suspicion have that the candle was not real? What would doubt or disbelief of it imply? When we, the onlooking psychologists, say the candle is unreal, we mean something quite definite, viz., that there is a world known to us which is[Pg 288] real, and to which we perceive that the candle does not belong; it belongs exclusively to that individual mind, has no status anywhere else, etc. It exists, to be sure, in a fashion, for it forms the content of that mind's hallucination; but the hallucination itself, though unquestionably it is a sort of existing fact, has no knowledge of other facts; and since those other facts are the realities par excellence for us, and the only things we believe in, the candle is simply outside of our reality and belief altogether.

What sense would it make for that mind to suspect that the candle wasn't real? What would doubt or disbelief mean? When we, the observing psychologists, say the candle is unreal, we mean something specific, namely, that there is a world known to us which is[Pg 288] real, and we can see that the candle doesn’t belong in it; it exists solely in that individual mind and has no status anywhere else, etc. It certainly exists in a way, as it forms the content of that mind's hallucination; however, the hallucination itself, while it is undeniably a kind of existing fact, has no awareness of other facts; and since those other facts are the ultimate realities for us and the only things we truly believe in, the candle is simply outside our reality and belief entirely.

By the hypothesis, however, the mind which sees the candle can spin no such considerations as these about it, for of other facts, actual or possible, it has no inkling whatever. That candle is its all, its absolute. Its entire faculty of attention is absorbed by it. It is, it is that; it is there; no other possible candle, or quality of this candle, no other possible place, or possible object in the place, no alternative, in short, suggests itself as even conceivable; so how can the mind help believing the candle real? The supposition that it might possibly not do so is, under the supposed conditions, unintelligible.[293]

By the hypothesis, however, the mind that sees the candle can't think about any of these things, because it has no awareness of other facts, whether they are real or potential. That candle is everything to it, its whole focus. Its complete attention is taken up by it. It is, it is that; it is there; no other possible candle, or characteristic of this candle, no other possible location, or possible object in that location, no alternatives, in short, comes to mind as even imaginable; so how can the mind help but believe the candle is real? The idea that it might possibly not believe this is, under the supposed conditions, incomprehensible.[293]

This is what Spinoza long ago announced:

This is what Spinoza said long ago:

"Let us conceive a boy," he said, "imagining to himself a horse, and taking note of nothing else. As this imagination involves the existence of the horse, and the boy has no perception which annuls its existence, he will necessarily contemplate the horse as present, nor will he be able to doubt of its existence, however little certain of it he may be. I deny that a man in so far as he imagines [percipit] affirms nothing. For what is it to imagine a winged horse but to affirm that, the horse [that horse, namely] has wings? For if the mind had nothing before it but the winged horse it would contemplate the same as present, would have no cause to doubt of its existence, nor any power of dissenting from its existence, unless the imagination of the winged horse were joined to an idea which contradicted [tollit] its existence." (Ethics, ii. 49, Scholium.)

"Let's imagine a boy," he said, "who envisions a horse and focuses on nothing else. Since this imagination suggests the horse exists, and the boy has no perception that contradicts its existence, he will inevitably believe that the horse is there, and he won't be able to doubt its existence, no matter how uncertain he might feel about it. I argue that when a person imagines [percipit], they are affirming something. Because what does it mean to imagine a winged horse other than to confirm that this horse has wings? If the mind only had the winged horse in front of it, it would perceive it as present, have no reason to doubt its existence, and have no ability to disagree with its existence unless the idea of the winged horse was linked to something that contradicted [tollit] its existence." (Ethics, ii. 49, Scholium.)

The sense that anything we think of is unreal can only come, then, when that thing is contradicted by some other[Pg 289] thing of which we think. Any object which remains uncontradicted is ipso facto believed and posited as absolute reality.

The feeling that anything we think of isn’t real can only arise when that idea is challenged by something else we think about. Any object that isn't contradicted is, by definition, accepted and seen as absolute reality.

Now, how comes it that one thing thought of can be contradicted by another? It cannot unless it begins the quarrel by saying something inadmissible about that other. Take the mind with the candle, or the boy with the horse. If either of them say, 'That candle or that horse, even when I don't see it, exists in the outer world,' he pushes into 'the outer world' an object which may be incompatible with everything which he otherwise knows of that world. If so, he must take his choice of which to hold by, the present perceptions or the other knowledge of the world. If he holds to the other knowledge, the present perceptions are contradicted, so far as their relation to that world goes. Candle and horse, whatever they may be, are not existents in outward space. They are existents, of course; they are mental objects; mental objects have existence as mental objects. But they are situated in their own spaces, the space in which they severally appear, and neither of those spaces is the space in which the realities called 'the outer world' exist.

Now, how is it that one thought can contradict another? It can't, unless it starts the argument by making an unacceptable statement about that other thought. Consider the mind with the candle or the boy with the horse. If either one says, 'That candle or that horse, even when I can't see it, exists in the outer world,' they're pushing an object into 'the outer world' that might not fit with everything else they know about that world. If that's the case, they have to choose which to stick with, the current perceptions or the other knowledge about the world. If they choose the other knowledge, the current perceptions are contradicted, as far as their relation to that world goes. Candle and horse, whatever they are, do not exist in outward space. They do exist, of course; they are mental objects; mental objects exist as mental objects. But they are located in their own spaces, the space in which they each appear, and neither of those spaces is where the realities called 'the outer world' exist.

Take again the horse with wings. If I merely dream of a horse with wings, my horse interferes with nothing else and has not to be contradicted. That horse, its wings, and its place, are all equally real. That horse exists no otherwise than as winged, and is moreover really there, for that place exists no otherwise than as the place of that horse, and claims as yet no connection with the other places of the world. But if with this horse I make an inroad into the world otherwise known, and say, for example, 'That is my old mare Maggie, having grown a pair of wings where she stands in her stall,' the whole case is altered; for now the horse and place are identified with a horse and place otherwise known, and what is known of the latter objects is incompatible with what is perceived with the former. 'Maggie in her stall with wings! Never!' The wings are unreal, then, visionary. I have dreamed a lie about Maggie in her stall.

Take the horse with wings again. If I just imagine a horse with wings, that horse doesn’t interfere with anything else and doesn’t need to be contradicted. That horse, its wings, and its location are all equally real. That horse exists only as winged and is actually there, because that location exists solely as the location of that horse and hasn’t yet connected to the other places in the world. But if I use this horse to make a claim about the world otherwise known, and say, for example, 'That is my old mare Maggie, who has grown a pair of wings while she stands in her stall,' the entire situation changes; because now the horse and place are tied to a horse and place otherwise known, and what is known about the latter objects doesn’t match what is seen with the former. 'Maggie in her stall with wings! No way!' The wings then seem unreal, just a fantasy. I’ve imagined a falsehood about Maggie in her stall.

The reader will recognize in these two cases the two sorts of judgment called in the logic-books existential and[Pg 290] attributive respectively. The candle exists as an outer reality' is an existential, 'My Maggie has got a pair of wings' is an attributive, proposition;[294] and it follows from what was first said that all propositions, whether attributive or existential, are believed through the very fact of being conceived, unless they clash with other propositions believed, at the same time, by affirming that their terms are the same with the terms of these other propositions. A dream-candle has existence, true enough; but not the same existence (existence for itself, namely, or extra mentem meam) which the candles of waking perception have. A dream-horse has wings; but then neither horse nor wings are the same with any horses or wings known to memory. That we can at any moment think of the same thing which at any former moment we thought of is the ultimate law of our intellectual constitution. But when we now think of it incompatibly with our other ways of thinking it, then we must choose which way to stand by, for we cannot continue to think in two contradictory ways at once. The whole distinction of real and unreal, the whole psychology of belief, disbelief, and doubt, is thus grounded on two mental facts—first, that we are liable to think differently of the same; and second, that when we have done so, we can choose which way of thinking to adhere to and which to disregard.

The reader will recognize in these two cases the two types of judgment referred to in logic as existential and[Pg 290] attributive, respectively. The statement "The candle exists as an outer reality" is existential, while "My Maggie has got a pair of wings" is attributive; [294] and it follows from what was initially stated that all propositions, whether attributive or existential, are accepted simply because they are conceived, unless they conflict with other propositions believed at the same time by asserting that their terms are identical to those of these other propositions. A dream-candle has existence, that's true; but it does not have the same type of existence (existence in itself, or extra mentem meam) as the candles we perceive when awake. A dream-horse has wings; however, neither the horse nor the wings are the same as any horses or wings we remember. The fact that we can think of the same thing at any moment as we did at a previous moment is the ultimate principle of our intellectual makeup. But when we consider it in a way that contradicts our other perspectives on it, we must decide which viewpoint to support, as we cannot hold two contradictory thoughts simultaneously. The entire distinction between real and unreal, along with the psychology of belief, disbelief, and doubt, is based on two mental facts—first, that we tend to think differently about the same thing; and second, that once we do so, we can choose which perspective to maintain and which to ignore.

The subjects adhered to become real subjects, the attributes adhered to real attributes, the existence adhered to real existence; whilst the subjects disregarded become imaginary subjects, the attributes disregarded erroneous[Pg 291] attributes, and the existence disregarded an existence in no man's land, in the limbo 'where footless fancies dwell.' The real things are, in M. Taine's terminology, the reductives of the things judged unreal.

The subjects that are accepted are genuine subjects, the attributes that are acknowledged are true attributes, and the existence that is recognized is real existence; while the subjects that are ignored become imaginary subjects, the attributes that are dismissed become incorrect attributes, and the existence that is overlooked is an existence in a void, in the limbo 'where footless fancies dwell.' The real things are, in M. Taine's terms, the reductives of things deemed unreal.[Pg 291]

THE MANY WORLDS.

Habitually and practically we do not count these disregarded things as existents at all. For them Væ victis is the law in the popular philosophy; they are not even treated as appearances; they are treated as if they were mere waste, equivalent to nothing at all. To the genuinely philosophic mind, however, they still have existence, though not the same existence, as the real things. As objects of fancy, as errors, as occupants of dreamland, etc., they are in their way as indefeasible parts of life, as undeniable features of the Universe, as the realities are in their way. The total world of which the philosophers must take account is thus composed of the realities plus the fancies and illusions.

Habitually and practically, we don't acknowledge these overlooked things as existing at all. For them, Væ victis is the rule in popular thought; they're not even seen as appearances; they're treated as if they were just waste, worth nothing at all. However, for a truly philosophical mind, they still exist, although not in the same way as real things do. As objects of imagination, as misconceptions, as inhabitants of dreamland, etc., they are, in their own way, essential parts of life, just like the actual realities. The complete world that philosophers need to consider consists of the realities plus the fancies and illusions.

Two sub-universes, at least, connected by relations which philosophy tries to ascertain! Really there are more than two sub-universes of which we take account, some of us of this one, and others of that. For there are various categories both of illusion and of reality, and alongside of the world of absolute error (i.e., error confined to single individuals) but still within the world of absolute reality (i.e., reality believed by the complete philosopher) there is the world of collective error, there are the worlds of abstract reality, of relative or practical reality, of ideal relations, and there is the supernatural world. The popular mind conceives of all these sub-worlds more or less disconnectedly; and when dealing with one of them, forgets for the time being its relations to the rest. The complete philosopher is he who seeks not only to assign to every given object of his thought its right place in one or other of these sub-worlds, but he also seeks to determine the relation of each sub-world to the others in the total world which is.

Two sub-universes, at least, are connected by relationships that philosophy aims to explore! In reality, there are more than just two sub-universes we consider; some of us focus on this one, while others focus on that. There are different categories of both illusion and reality, and alongside the world of absolute error (i.e., errors that only impact individuals) but still within the realm of absolute reality (i.e., reality accepted by the complete philosopher), there exists the world of collective error, as well as worlds of abstract reality, relative or practical reality, ideal relationships, and the supernatural realm. The average person views these sub-worlds somewhat separately; when they engage with one, they temporarily forget its connections to the others. The complete philosopher is the one who not only aims to place every object of thought correctly within these sub-worlds, but also seeks to understand how each sub-world relates to the others in the total world that is.

The most important sub-universes commonly discriminated from each other and recognized by most of us as existing, each with its own special and separate style of existence, are the following:

The main sub-universes that people usually distinguish from one another and acknowledge as real, each with its own unique and distinct way of existing, are the following:

(1) The world of sense, or of physical 'things' as we instinctively apprehend them, with such qualities as heat, color, and sound, and such 'forces' as life, chemical affinity, gravity, electricity, all existing as such within or on the surface of the things.

(1) The world of our senses, or the physical 'things' as we naturally perceive them, includes qualities like heat, color, and sound, along with 'forces' such as life, chemical attraction, gravity, and electricity, all of which exist in or on the surface of these things.

(2) The world of science, or of physical things as the learned conceive them, with secondary qualities and 'forces' (in the popular sense) excluded, and nothing real but solids and fluids and their 'laws' (i.e., customs) of motion.[295]

(2) The realm of science, or the physical world as experts understand it, with secondary qualities and 'forces' (in the everyday sense) left out, focusing only on solids and liquids and their 'laws' (meaning, habits) of motion.[295]

(3) The world of ideal relations, or abstract truths believed or believable by all, and expressed in logical, mathematical, metaphysical, ethical, or æsthetic propositions.

(3) The realm of perfect relationships, or concepts that are universally accepted or credibly believed, expressed through logical, mathematical, metaphysical, ethical, or aesthetic statements.

(4) The world of 'idols of the tribe,' illusions or prejudices common to the race. All educated people recognize these as forming one sub-universe. The motion of the sky round the earth, for example, belongs to this world. That motion is not a recognized item of any of the other worlds; but as an 'idol of the tribe' it really exists. For certain philosophers 'matter' exists only as an idol of the tribe. For science, the 'secondary qualities' of matter are but 'idols of the tribe.'

(4) The world of 'idols of the tribe,' which are illusions or biases common to humanity. All educated people acknowledge these as part of a sub-universe. The way the sky appears to move around the earth, for instance, falls into this category. That motion isn't acknowledged in any of the other worlds; yet as an 'idol of the tribe,' it definitely exists. Some philosophers argue that 'matter' exists only as an idol of the tribe. For science, the 'secondary qualities' of matter are simply 'idols of the tribe.'

(5) The various supernatural worlds, the Christian heaven and hell, the world of the Hindoo mythology, the world of Swedenborg's visa et audita, etc. Each of these is a consistent system, with definite relations among its own parts. Neptune's trident, e.g., has no status of reality whatever in the Christian heaven; but within the classic Olympus certain definite things are true of it, whether one believe in the reality of the classic mythology as a whole or not. The various worlds of deliberate fable may be ranked with these worlds of faith—the world of the Iliad, that of King Lear, of the Pickwick Papers, etc.[296]

(5) The different supernatural realms, like the Christian heaven and hell, the world of Hindu mythology, and the realm described by Swedenborg in his visa et audita, all form consistent systems with clear relationships among their components. For example, Neptune's trident holds no real significance in the Christian heaven; however, in the classic Olympus, there are specific truths about it, regardless of whether someone believes in the overall reality of classic mythology or not. The various fictional worlds can be grouped alongside these worlds of faith—the world of the Iliad, that of King Lear, and the Pickwick Papers, etc.[296]

(6) The various worlds of individual opinion, as numerous as men are.

(6) The different worlds of individual opinions are as countless as there are people.

(7) The worlds of sheer madness and vagary, also indefinitely numerous.

(7) The worlds of pure madness and unpredictability, also countless.

Every object we think of gets at last referred to one world or another of this or of some similar list. It settles into our belief as a common-sense object, a scientific object, an abstract object, a mythological object, an object of some one's mistaken conception, or a madman's object; and it reaches this state sometimes immediately, but often only after being hustled and bandied about amongst other objects until it finds some which will tolerate its presence and stand in relations to it which nothing contradicts. The molecules and ether-waves of the scientific world, for example, simply kick the object's warmth and color out, they refuse to have any relations with them. But the world of 'idols of the tribe' stands ready to take them in. Just so the world of classic myth takes up the winged horse; the world of individual hallucination, the vision of the candle; the world of abstract truth, the proposition that justice is kingly, though no actual king be just. The various worlds themselves, however, appear (as aforesaid) to most men's minds in no very definitely conceived relation to each other, and our attention, when it turns to one, is apt to drop the others for the time being out of its account. Propositions concerning the different worlds are made from 'different points of view'; and in this more or less chaotic state the consciousness of most thinkers remains to the end. Each world whilst it is attended to is real after its own fashion; only the reality lapses with the attention.

Every object we consider ultimately gets connected to one world or another from this or a similar list. It becomes accepted as a common-sense object, a scientific object, an abstract object, a mythological object, an object shaped by someone’s misunderstanding, or even a madman's object; and it reaches this status sometimes right away, but often only after being passed around among other objects until it finds some that will accept its presence and relate to it in ways that aren’t contradicted by anything. For instance, the molecules and ether-waves of the scientific world simply dismiss the object's warmth and color; they refuse to engage with them. But the world of 'idols of the tribe' is ready to embrace them. Similarly, the world of classic mythology accepts the winged horse; the world of individual hallucination accepts the vision of the candle; the world of abstract truth accepts the idea that justice is royal, even if no real king is just. However, these various worlds (as mentioned) do not seem to most people's minds to have a very clearly defined relationship with one another, and when our attention shifts to one, we tend to overlook the others for the moment. Statements about the different worlds come from 'different perspectives'; and in this somewhat chaotic state, the awareness of most thinkers tends to remain until the end. Each world while it is being focused on is real in its own way; but that reality fades when the attention shifts away.

THE WORLD OF 'PRACTICAL REALITIES.'

Each thinker, however, has dominant habits of attention; and these practically elect from among the various worlds some one to be for him the world of ultimate realities. From this world's objects he does not appeal. Whatever[Pg 294] positively contradicts them must get into another world or die. The horse, e.g., may have wings to its heart's content, so long as it does not pretend to be the real world's horse—that horse is absolutely wingless. For most men, as we shall immediately see, the 'things of sense' hold this prerogative position, and are the absolutely real world's nucleus. Other things, to be sure, may be real for this man or for that—things of science, abstract moral relations, things of the Christian theology, or what not. But even for the special man, these things are usually real with a less real reality than that of the things of sense. They are taken less seriously; and the very utmost that can be said for anyone's belief in them is that it is as strong as his 'belief in his own senses.'[297]

Each thinker has specific patterns of focus; these essentially select one particular world to be his ultimate reality. He doesn’t question the objects of this world. Anything that clearly contradicts them must exist in another realm or cease to exist. For example, a horse can have wings to its heart's content, as long as it doesn’t claim to be the horse of the real world—that horse is completely wingless. For most people, as we will soon see, the 'things of sense' occupy this privileged position and form the core of the absolutely real world. Other things can certainly be real for one person or another—scientific concepts, abstract moral relationships, aspects of Christian theology, and so on. But even for those individuals, these things are generally considered to have a less substantial reality than the things of sense. They are regarded with less seriousness; the most that can be said about anyone's belief in them is that it is as strong as his 'belief in his own senses.'[297]

In all this the everlasting partiality of our nature shows itself, our inveterate propensity to choice. For, in the strict and ultimate sense of the word existence, everything which can be thought of at all exists as some sort of object, whether mythical object, individual thinker's object, or object in outer space and for intelligence at large. Errors, fictions, tribal beliefs, are parts of the whole great Universe which God has made, and He must have meant all these things to be in it, each in its respective place. But for us finite creatures, "'tis to consider too curiously to consider[Pg 295] so." The mere fact of appearing as an object at all is not enough to constitute reality. That may be metaphysical reality, reality for God; but what we need is practical reality, reality for ourselves; and, to have that, an object must not only appear, but it must appear both interesting and important. The worlds whose objects are neither interesting nor important we treat simply negatively, we brand them as unreal.

In all of this, the ongoing bias of our nature reveals itself, highlighting our deep-rooted tendency to choose. In the strictest sense, everything we can imagine exists as some form of object, whether it’s a mythical object, a personal idea, or an object in outer space understood by intelligence in general. Mistakes, fictions, and cultural beliefs are all part of the vast Universe created by God, and He must have intended for all these things to be present, each having its own place. However, for us finite beings, "it's too much to ponder it that closely." Simply being perceived as an object doesn’t make it real. That might be a metaphysical reality, or reality for God; but what we really need is practical reality, reality for ourselves. To achieve that, an object must not only be present, but it must also seem both interesting and important. We tend to dismiss worlds that contain objects that are neither interesting nor important, labeling them as unreal.

In the relative sense, then, the sense in which we contrast reality with simple unreality, and in which one thing is said to have more reality than another, and to be more believed, reality means simply relation to our emotional and active life. This is the only sense which the word ever has in the mouths of practical men. In this sense, whatever excites and stimulates our interest is real; whenever an object so appeals to us that we turn to it, accept it, fill our mind with it, or practically take account of it, so far it is real for us, and we believe it. Whenever, on the contrary, we ignore it, fail to consider it or act upon it, despise it, reject it, forget it, so far it is unreal for us and disbelieved. Hume's account of the matter was then essentially correct, when he said that belief in anything was simply the having the idea of it in a lively and active manner:

In a relative sense, when we compare reality to mere unreality, and when we say that one thing has more reality than another and is more accepted, reality just refers to its connection to our emotional and active life. This is the only interpretation that practical people use for the term. In this sense, anything that excites and grabs our interest is real; whenever something appeals to us to the point that we engage with it, embrace it, fill our thoughts with it, or take it into account, it is real for us, and we believe in it. However, when we ignore it, neglect it, dismiss it, reject it, or forget about it, it becomes unreal for us and we disbelieve in it. Hume’s explanation was fundamentally correct when he stated that believing in anything simply means having a lively and active idea of it:

"I say, then, that belief is nothing but a more vivid, lively, forcible, firm, steady conception of an object than the imagination alone is ever able to attain.... It consists not in the peculiar nature or order of the ideas, but in the manner of their conception and in their feeling to the mind. I confess that it is impossible perfectly to explain this feeling or manner of conception.... Its true and proper name... is belief, which is a term that everyone sufficiently understands in common life. And in philosophy we can go no farther than assert that belief is something felt by the mind, which distinguishes the idea of the judgment from the fictions of the imagination.[298] It gives them more weight and influence; makes them appear of greater importance; enforces them in the mind; gives them a superior influence on the passions, and renders them the governing principle in our actions."[299]

"I suggest that belief is simply a more vivid, energetic, forceful, firm, and steady understanding of something than what imagination alone can provide. It’s not about the specific nature or arrangement of ideas, but about how they are conceived and how they feel to the mind. I acknowledge that it’s impossible to fully explain this feeling or way of thinking. Its true and proper name is belief, a term everyone understands in daily life. In philosophy, we can only say that belief is something the mind experiences, which distinguishes judgment from the creations of imagination. It adds weight and influence, makes them seem more significant, reinforces them in the mind, gives them more impact on our emotions, and makes them the guiding principle in our actions."

Or as Prof. Bain puts it: "In its essential character, belief is a phase of our active nature—otherwise called the Will."[300]

Or as Prof. Bain puts it: "In its essential character, belief is a phase of our active nature—otherwise known as the Will."[300]


The object of belief, then, reality or real existence, is something quite different from all the other predicates which a subject may possess. Those are properties intellectually or sensibly intuited. When we add any one of them to the subject, we increase the intrinsic content of the latter, we enrich its picture in our mind. But adding reality does not enrich the picture in any such inward way; it leaves it inwardly as it finds it, and only fixes it and stamps it in to us.

The concept of belief, or what we consider real existence, is completely different from all the other traits that a subject might have. Those traits are understood either intellectually or through our senses. When we attribute one of those traits to the subject, we enhance its internal meaning and deepen our mental image of it. However, when we consider reality, it doesn’t enhance our internal image in that way; it simply solidifies it and engraves it into us.

"The real," as Kant says, "contains no more than the possible. A hundred real dollars do not contain a penny more than a hundred possible dollars.... By whatever, and by however many, predicates I may think a thing, nothing is added to it if I add that the thing exists.... Whatever, therefore, our concept of an object may contain, we must always step outside of it in order to attribute to it existence."[301]

"The real," as Kant states, "includes nothing more than the possible. A hundred real dollars are worth no more than a hundred potential dollars.... Regardless of how many descriptions I can come up with for something, nothing is added to it by merely asserting that it exists.... Thus, no matter what our understanding of an object encompasses, we always have to look beyond it to assign existence to it."[301]

The 'stepping outside' of it is the establishment either of immediate practical relations between it and ourselves, or of relations between it and other objects with which we have immediate practical relations. Relations of this sort, which are as yet not transcended or superseded by others, are ipso facto real relations, and confer reality upon their objective term. The fons et origo of all reality, whether from[Pg 297] the absolute or the practical point of view, is thus subjective, is ourselves. As bare logical thinkers, without emotional reaction, we give reality to whatever objects we think of, for they are really phenomena, or objects of our passing thought, if nothing more. But, as thinkers with emotional reaction, we give what seems to us a still higher degree of reality to whatever things we select and emphasize and turn to with a will. These are our living realities; and not only these, but all the other things which are intimately connected with these. Reality, starting from our Ego, thus sheds itself from point to point—first, upon all objects which have an immediate sting of interest for our Ego in them, and next, upon the objects most continuously related with these. It only fails when the connecting thread is lost. A whole system may be real, if it only hang to our Ego by one immediately stinging term. But what contradicts any such stinging term, even though it be another stinging term itself, is either not believed, or only believed after settlement of the dispute.

The 'stepping outside' of it means establishing either direct practical connections between it and ourselves or connections between it and other things we have immediate practical connections with. These types of relationships, which haven't been transcended or replaced by others, are ipso facto real relationships and give reality to their objective term. The source and origin of all reality, whether from[Pg 297] the absolute or practical perspective, is therefore subjective, is ourselves. As purely logical thinkers, without emotional involvement, we provide reality to whatever objects we consider, because they are truly phenomena or objects of our fleeting thoughts, at the very least. But, as thinkers who have emotional responses, we attribute an even greater degree of reality to the things we choose, highlight, and focus on intentionally. These are our living realities; and not just these, but all the other things closely linked to them. Reality, starting from our Ego, thus extends from point to point—first, to all objects that have immediate significance for our Ego, and then to the objects that are most consistently related to these. It only fails when the connection is lost. A whole system can be real if it is even connected to our Ego by just one immediately stinging term. But anything that contradicts such a stinging term, even if it is another stinging term itself, is either not believed or only accepted after resolving the disagreement.


We reach thus the important conclusion that our own reality, that sense of our own life which we at every moment possess, is the ultimate of ultimates for our belief. 'As sure as I exist!'—this is our uttermost warrant for the being of all other things. As Descartes made the indubitable reality of the cogito go bail for the reality of all that the cogito involved, so we all of us, feeling our own present reality with absolutely coercive force, ascribe an all but equal degree of reality, first to whatever things we lay hold on with a sense of personal need, and second, to whatever farther things continuously belong with these. "Mein Jetzt und Hier," as Prof. Lipps says, "ist der letzte Angelpunkt für alle Wirklichkeit, also alle Erkenntniss."

We reach the important conclusion that our own reality, that feeling of our own life that we have at every moment, is the ultimate basis for our beliefs. 'As sure as I exist!'—this is our strongest assurance for the existence of everything else. Just as Descartes used the undeniable reality of the cogito to support the reality of everything the cogito entails, we all, feeling our own present reality with undeniable force, attribute a nearly equal level of reality first to the things we grasp with a sense of personal need, and second, to the other things that are continuously connected to these. "Mein Jetzt und Hier," as Prof. Lipps says, "ist der letzte Angelpunkt für alle Wirklichkeit, also alle Erkenntniss."

The world of living realities as contrasted with unrealities is thus anchored in the Ego, considered as an active and emotional term.[302] That is the hook from which the rest dangles, the absolute support. And as from a painted[Pg 298] hook it has been said that one can only hang a painted chain, so conversely, from a real hook only a real chain can properly be hung. Whatever things have intimate and continuous connection with my life are things of whose reality I cannot doubt. Whatever things fail to establish this connection are things which are practically no better for me than if they existed not at all.

The world of real experiences, as opposed to fantasies, is tied to the self, seen as an active and emotional concept.[302] That’s the foundation from which everything else hangs, the ultimate support. Just as it’s been said that you can only hang a painted chain from a painted hook, similarly, you can only hang a real chain from a real hook. Anything that has a close and ongoing connection to my life is something I can't doubt the reality of. Anything that fails to create this connection is virtually useless to me, as if it didn't exist at all.

In certain forms of melancholic perversion of the sensibilities and reactive powers, nothing touches us intimately, rouses us, or wakens natural feeling. The consequence is the complaint so often heard from melancholic patients, that nothing is believed in by them as it used to be, and that all sense of reality is fled from life. They are sheathed in india-rubber; nothing penetrates to the quick or draws blood, as it were. According to Griesinger, "I see, I hear!" such patients say, "but the objects do not reach me, it is as if there were a wall between me and the outer world!"

In some cases of melancholic distortion of feelings and reactions, nothing resonates with us on a deep level, inspires us, or stirs natural emotions. This leads to the complaints frequently voiced by melancholic patients, who say that they no longer believe in things the way they once did, and that their sense of reality has vanished from life. They feel encased in rubber; nothing gets through to their core or causes them pain, so to speak. According to Griesinger, "I see, I hear!" such patients say, "but the things around me don’t reach me; it’s like there’s a wall between me and the outside world!"

"In such patients there often is an alteration of the cutaneous sensibility, such that things feel indistinct or sometimes rough and woolly. But even were this change always present, it would not completely explain the psychic phenomenon... which reminds us more of the alteration in our psychic relations to the outer world which advancing age on the one hand, and on the other emotions and passions, may bring about. In childhood we feel ourselves to be closer to the world of sensible phenomena, we live immediately with them and in them; an intimately vital tie binds us and them together. But with the ripening of reflection this tie is loosened, the warmth of our interest cools, things look differently to us, and we act more as foreigners to the outer world, even though we know it a great deal better. Joy and expansive emotions in general draw it nearer to us again. Everything makes a more lively impression, and with the quick immediate return of this warm receptivity for sense impressions, joy makes us feel young again. In depressing emotions it is the other way. Outer things, whether living or inorganic, suddenly grow cold and foreign to us, and even our favorite objects of interest feel as if they belonged to us no more. Under these circumstances, receiving no longer from anything a lively impression, we cease to turn towards outer things, and the sense of inward loneliness grows upon us.... Where there is no strong intelligence to control this blasé condition, this psychic coldness and lack of interest, the issue of these states in which all seems so cold and hollow, the heart dried up, the world grown dead and empty, is often suicide or the deeper forms of insanity."[303]

"In these patients, skin sensitivity often changes, making sensations feel unclear or sometimes rough and fuzzy. However, even though this change is always present, it doesn’t completely explain the mental experience... which reminds us how our mental connection to the outside world can shift with age, and how emotions and feelings can also play a role. As children, we feel a strong bond with sensory experiences; we are directly engaged with them, creating a deep, vital link between us and those experiences. But as we grow and reflect more, that connection weakens, our interest fades, things seem different to us, and we begin to feel like outsiders in the world, even though we understand it much better. Joy and positive emotions can help us reconnect. Everything feels more alive, and the quick return of this warm openness to sensory experiences revitalizes us. In contrast, during sad times, it’s the opposite. The external world, whether alive or not, suddenly feels cold and distant, and even our favorite things seem like they’re no longer ours. In these moments, when we stop receiving lively impressions from anything, we withdraw from the outside world, and a feeling of inward loneliness intensifies... Without strong understanding to navigate this apathetic state—a sense of coldness and disinterest—the result of these feelings, where everything seems so empty and lifeless, along with an emotionally drained heart, can often lead to suicide or more severe forms of insanity." [303]

THE PARAMOUNT REALITY OF SENSATIONS.

But now we are met by questions of detail. What does this stirring, this exciting power, this interest, consist in, which some objects have? which are those 'intimate relations' with our life which give reality? And what things stand in these relations immediately, and what others are so closely connected with the former that (in Hume's language) we 'carry our disposition' also on to them?

But now we face questions about the details. What is this excitement, this captivating power, this interest that certain things possess? What are those 'intimate connections' with our lives that make them feel real? And which things are directly related to these connections, and which ones are so closely linked to the former that, in Hume's words, we also extend our feelings toward them?

In a simple and direct way these questions cannot be answered at all. The whole history of human thought is but an unfinished attempt to answer them. For what have men been trying to find out, since men were men, but just those things: "Where do our true interests lie—which relations shall we call the intimate and real ones—which things shall we call living realities and which not?" A few psychological points can, however, be made clear.

In a straightforward way, these questions can't really be answered. The entire history of human thought is just an ongoing effort to address them. Since the beginning of time, what have people been trying to discover except for those things: "Where do our true interests lie—what relationships should we consider the genuine and important ones—what things should we consider as real and which should we not?" However, a few psychological aspects can be clarified.

Any relation to our mind at all, in the absence of a stronger relation, suffices to make an object real. The barest appeal to our attention is enough for that. Revert to the beginning of the chapter, and take the candle entering the vacant mind. The mind was waiting for just some such object to make its spring upon. It makes its spring and the candle is believed. But when the candle appears at the same time with other objects, it must run the gauntlet of their rivalry, and then it becomes a question which of the various candidates for attention shall compel belief. As a rule we believe as much as we can. We would believe everything if we only could. When objects are represented by us quite unsystematically they conflict but little with each other, and the number of them which in this chaotic manner we can believe is limitless. The primitive savage's mind is a jungle in which hallucinations, dreams, superstitions, conceptions, and sensible objects all flourish alongside of each other, unregulated except by the attention turning in this way or in that. The child's mind is the same. It is only as objects become permanent and their relations fixed that[Pg 300] discrepancies and contradictions are felt and must be settled in some stable way. As a rule, the success with which a contradicted object maintains itself in our belief is proportional to several qualities which it must possess. Of these the one which would be put first by most people, because it characterizes objects of sensation, is its—

Any connection to our mind at all, when there isn't a stronger connection, is enough to make something real. Just getting our attention is sufficient for that. Go back to the beginning of the chapter and consider the candle entering an empty mind. The mind was waiting for just such an object to jump on. It jumps, and the candle is accepted as real. But when the candle shows up at the same time as other objects, it has to compete with them, and then it becomes a question of which of the different options for attention will earn belief. Usually, we believe as much as we can. We would believe everything if we could. When we represent objects in a completely disorganized way, they mostly don't conflict with each other, and the number of them we can believe in this chaotic way is limitless. The primitive savage's mind is like a jungle where hallucinations, dreams, superstitions, concepts, and real objects all thrive side by side, only regulated by where our attention shifts. The child's mind works the same way. It's only when objects become stable and their relationships solid that[Pg 300] inconsistencies and contradictions are noticed and must be resolved in some consistent manner. Generally, how well an object that is being contradicted holds its place in our belief depends on several characteristics it must have. One of these, which most people would prioritize because it defines sensory objects, is its—

(1) Coerciveness over attention, or the mere power to possess consciousness: then follow—

(1) The ability to control attention, or simply the power to hold someone's awareness: then comes—

(2) Liveliness, or sensible pungency, especially in the way of exciting pleasure or pain;

(2) Liveliness, or sharp intensity, particularly in how it stirs up feelings of pleasure or pain;

(3) Stimulating effect upon the will, i.e., capacity to arouse active impulses, the more instinctive the better;

(3) Stimulating effect on the will, meaning the ability to create active impulses, especially instinctive ones, is better;

(4) Emotional interest, as object of love, dread, admiration, desire, etc.;

(4) Emotional interest, as part of love, fear, admiration, desire, etc.;

(5) Congruity with certain favorite forms of contemplation—unity, simplicity, permanence, and the like;

(5) Harmony with certain preferred ways of thinking—unity, simplicity, permanence, and so on;

(6) Independence of other causes, and its own causal importance.

(6) Independence from other causes and its own causal significance.

These characters run into each other. Coerciveness is the result of liveliness or emotional interest. What is lively and interesting stimulates eo ipso the will; congruity holds of active impulses as well as of contemplative forms; causal independence and importance suit a certain contemplative demand, etc. I will therefore abandon all attempt at a formal treatment, and simply proceed to make remarks in the most convenient order of exposition.

These characters encounter each other. Coerciveness comes from vibrancy or emotional engagement. What is vibrant and engaging naturally sparks the will; harmony applies to both active impulses and reflective forms; causal independence and significance cater to a particular reflective need, etc. I will therefore give up any attempt at a formal analysis and just make observations in the most convenient order of explanation.


As a whole, sensations are more lively and are judged more real than conceptions; things met with every hour more real than things seen once; attributes perceived when awake, more real than attributes perceived in a dream. But, owing to the diverse relations contracted by the various objects with each other, the simple rule that the lively and permanent is the real is often enough disguised. A conceived thing may be deemed more real than a certain sensible thing, if it only be intimately related to other sensible things more vivid, permanent, or interesting than the first one. Conceived molecular vibrations, e.g., are by the physicist judged more real than felt warmth, because so intimately related to all those other facts of motion in the[Pg 301] world which he has made his special study. Similarly, a rare thing may be deemed more real than a permanent thing if it be more widely related to other permanent things. All the occasional crucial observations of science are examples of this. A rare experience, too, is likely to be judged more real than a permanent one, if it be more interesting and exciting. Such is the sight of Saturn through a telescope; such are the occasional insights and illuminations which upset our habitual ways of thought.

Overall, sensations are more vivid and considered more real than concepts; things encountered every hour are seen as more real than things experienced just once; attributes noticed when awake feel more real than those perceived in a dream. However, due to the different relationships formed by various objects with each other, the straightforward idea that what is vivid and lasting is real is often obscured. A conceptualized thing may be viewed as more real than a particular sensory experience if it is closely connected to other sensory things that are more vivid, lasting, or interesting than the original. For instance, a physicist judges conceptual molecular vibrations as more real than the sensation of warmth because they are closely connected to all those other facts of motion in the[Pg 301] world that he has made his focus. Similarly, a rare item might be seen as more real than a permanent one if it is more broadly connected to other permanent things. All of science's occasional critical observations serve as examples of this. Additionally, a rare experience is likely to be viewed as more real than a permanent one if it is more captivating and thrilling. Such is the view of Saturn through a telescope; such are the rare insights and breakthroughs that challenge our usual ways of thinking.

But no mere floating conception, no mere disconnected rarity, ever displaces vivid things or permanent things from our belief. A conception, to prevail, must terminate in the world of orderly sensible experience. A rare phenomenon, to displace frequent ones, must belong with others more frequent still. The history of science is strewn with wrecks and ruins of theory—essences and principles, fluids and forces—once fondly clung to, but found to hang together with no facts of sense. And exceptional phenomena solicit our belief in vain until such time as we chance to conceive them as of kinds already admitted to exist. What science means by 'verification' is no more than this, that no object of conception shall be believed which sooner or later has not some permanent and vivid object of sensation for its term. Compare what was said on pages 3-7, above.

But no simple abstract idea, no random oddity, ever replaces vivid or lasting things in our beliefs. For an idea to be accepted, it must relate to our orderly, sensory experiences. A rare event can only replace common ones if it’s associated with others that are even more common. The history of science is filled with failures and discarded theories—ideas and principles, substances and forces—that were once cherished but later found to lack any connection to sensory facts. Extraordinary events can’t gain our belief until we can imagine them as part of categories we already accept. What science means by 'verification' is simply that no idea should be believed unless it has, eventually, some lasting and vivid sensory experience associated with it. Compare what was said on pages 3-7, above.

Sensible objects are thus either our realities or the tests of our realities. Conceived objects must show sensible effects or else be disbelieved. And the effects, even though reduced to relative unreality when their causes come to view (as heat, which molecular vibrations make unreal), are yet the things on which our knowledge of the causes rests. Strange mutual dependence this, in which the appearance needs the reality in order to exist, but the reality needs the appearance in order to be known!

Sensible objects are either our realities or the tests of our realities. Conceived objects must produce sensible effects or else they won't be believed. And the effects, even if they seem relatively unreal when their causes are revealed (like heat, which becomes unreal due to molecular vibrations), are still what our understanding of the causes relies on. It's a strange mutual dependence where appearance needs reality to exist, but reality needs appearance to be recognized!

Sensible vividness or pungency is then the vital factor in reality when once the conflict between objects, and the connecting of them together in the mind, has begun. No object which neither possesses this vividness in its own right nor is able to borrow it from anything else has a chance of making headway against vivid rivals, or of rousing in us that reaction in which belief consists. On the vivid objects we[Pg 302] pin, as the saying is, our faith in all the rest; and out belief returns instinctively even to those of them from which reflection has led it away. Witness the obduracy with which the popular world of colors, sounds, and smells holds its own against that of molecules and vibrations. Let the physicist himself but nod, like Homer, and the world of sense becomes his absolute reality again.[304]

Sensible vividness or punch is the key factor in reality once the conflict between objects and their connection in our minds has started. No object that lacks this vividness on its own or can’t borrow it from anything else stands a chance against more vivid competitors or can create that reaction we call belief. We[Pg 302] pin, as the saying goes, our faith in everything else on these vivid objects; and our belief instinctively goes back to those even if reflection has pulled it away. Just look at how stubbornly the familiar world of colors, sounds, and smells holds its ground against the world of molecules and vibrations. Let the physicist just nod, like Homer, and the sensory world becomes his absolute reality again.[304]

That things originally devoid of this stimulating power should be enabled, by association with other things which have it, to compel our belief as if they had it themselves, is a remarkable psychological fact, which since Hume's time it has been impossible to overlook.

That things that originally lack this stimulating power can, by associating with other things that do have it, convince us as if they had it themselves is a remarkable psychological fact that has been impossible to ignore since Hume's time.

"The vividness of the first conception," he writes, "diffuses itself along the relations and is conveyed, as by so many pipes or channels, to every idea that has any communication with the primary one.... Superstitious people are fond of the relics of saints and holy men, for the same reason that they seek after types and images, in order to enliven their devotion and give them a more intimate and strong conception of those exemplary lives.... Now, 'tis evident one of the best relics a devotee could procure would be the handiwork of a saint, and if his clothes and furniture are ever to be considered in this light, 'tis because they were once at his disposal, and were moved and affected by him; in which respect they are... connected with him by a shorter train of consequences than any of those from which we learn the reality of his[Pg 303] existence. This phenomenon clearly proves that a present impression, with a relation of causation, may enliven any idea, and consequently produce belief or assent, according to the precedent definition of it.... It has been remarked among the Mahometans as well as Christians that those pilgrims who have seen Mecca or the Holy Land are ever after more faithful and zealous believers than those who have not had that advantage. A man whose memory presents him with a lively image of the Red Sea and the Desert and Jerusalem and Galilee can never doubt of any miraculous events which are related either by Moses or the Evangelists. The lively idea of the places passes by an easy transition to the facts which are supposed to have been related to them by contiguity, and increases the belief by increasing the vivacity of the conception. The remembrance of those fields and rivers has the same influence as a new argument.... The ceremonies of the Catholic religion may be considered as instances of the same nature. The devotees of that strange superstition usually plead in excuse for the mummeries with which they are upbraided that they feel the good effect of external motions and postures and actions in enlivening their devotion and quickening their fervor, which otherwise would decay, if directed entirely to distant and immaterial objects. We shadow out the objects of our faith, say they, in sensible types and images, and render them more present to us by the immediate presence of these types than it is possible for us to do merely by an intellectual view and contemplation."[305]

"The clarity of the first idea," he writes, "spreads through the connections and is transmitted, like water flowing through pipes, to every thought related to the original one.... Superstitious people are attracted to the relics of saints and holy figures for the same reason they seek symbols and images: to deepen their devotion and gain a more personal and intense understanding of those exemplary lives.... Clearly, one of the best relics a devotee could obtain would be something created by a saint himself, and if his clothing and belongings are valued this way, it’s because they were once his and were shaped by him; in this sense, they are... connected to him through a more direct chain of associations than any of the ways we learn about the reality of his[Pg 303] existence. This phenomenon clearly illustrates that a current impression, with a causal relationship, can energize any idea and thus create belief or agreement, as defined earlier.... It is noted among Muslims and Christians alike that those pilgrims who have visited Mecca or the Holy Land are always more faithful and passionate believers than those who haven't had that experience. A person whose memory features vivid images of the Red Sea, the Desert, Jerusalem, and Galilee can never doubt any miraculous events narrated by Moses or the Evangelists. The clear vision of these places naturally connects to the events believed to be associated with them, strengthening belief by clarifying the concept. Remembering those fields and rivers has a similar effect as presenting a new argument.... The rituals of the Catholic faith can be seen as examples of the same principle. Followers of that particular belief often defend the rituals they are criticized for, saying they feel the positive impact of physical movements and postures in stimulating their devotion and enhancing their passion, which would otherwise diminish if focused solely on distant, abstract objects. They believe we express the objects of our faith through tangible symbols and images, making them more immediate to us through the presence of these symbols than we could achieve through mere intellectual understanding and contemplation."[305]

Hume's cases are rather trivial; and the things which associated sensible objects make us believe in are supposed by him to be unreal. But all the more manifest for that is the fact of their psychological influence. Who does not 'realize' more the fact of a dead or distant friend's existence, at the moment when a portrait, letter, garment or other material reminder of him is found? The whole notion of him then grows pungent and speaks to us and shakes us, in a manner unknown at other times. In children's minds, fancies and realities live side by side. But however lively their fancies may be, they still gain help from association with reality. The imaginative child identifies its dramatis personæ with some doll or other material object, and this evidently solidifies belief, little as it may resemble what it is held to stand for. A thing not too interesting by its own real qualities generally does the best service here. The most useful doll I ever saw was a large cucumber in the hands of a little Amazonian-Indian[Pg 304] girl; she nursed it and washed it and rocked it to sleep in a hammock, and talked to it all day long—there was no part in life which the cucumber did not play. Says Mr. Tylor:

Hume's examples are pretty trivial, and the things we associate with tangible objects are thought by him to be unreal. But even more obvious is their psychological impact. Who doesn’t feel the reality of a dead or distant friend when they come across a portrait, letter, piece of clothing, or other physical reminder? At that moment, our connection to them feels intense and impactful in a way that doesn’t happen at other times. In children’s minds, imagination and reality coexist. Yet, even though their fantasies can be vivid, they still draw strength from being linked to reality. An imaginative child often connects their characters to a doll or some other tangible object, which clearly strengthens belief, regardless of how much it resembles what it’s meant to represent. Objects that aren’t particularly interesting on their own often work best for this purpose. The most useful doll I’ve ever seen was a large cucumber in the hands of a little Amazonian-Indian girl; she nursed it, washed it, rocked it to sleep in a hammock, and talked to it all day long—there was no role in life that the cucumber didn’t play. Mr. Tylor states:

"An imaginative child will make a dog do duty for a horse, or a soldier for a shepherd, till at last the objective resemblance almost disappears, and a bit of wood may be dragged about, resembling a ship on the sea or a coach on the road. Here the likeness of the bit of wood to a ship or coach is very slight indeed; but it is a thing, and can be moved about,... and is an evident assistance to the child in enabling it to arrange and develop its ideas.... Of how much use... may be seen by taking it away, and leaving the child nothing to play with.... In later years and among highly educated people the mental process which goes on in a child's playing with wooden soldiers and horses, though it never disappears, must be sought for in more complex phenomena. Perhaps nothing in after-life more closely resembles the effect of a doll upon a child than the effect of the illustrations of a tale upon a grown reader. Here the objective resemblance is very indefinite... yet what reality is given to the scene by a good picture.... Mr. Backhouse one day noticed in Van Diemen's Land a woman arranging several stones that were flat, oval, and about two inches wide, and marked in various directions with black and red lines. These, he learned, represented absent friends, and one larger than the rest stood for a fat native woman on Flinder's Island, known by the name of Mother Brown. Similar practices are found among far higher races than the ill-fated Tasmanians. Among some North American tribes a mother who has lost a child keeps its memory ever present to her by filling its cradle with black feathers and quills, and carrying it about with her for a year or more. When she stops anywhere, she sets up the cradle and talks to it as she goes about her work, just as she would have done if the dead body had been still alive within it. Here we have an image; but in Africa we find a rude doll representing the child, kept as a memorial.... Bastian saw Indian women in Peru who had lost an infant carrying about on their backs a wooden doll to represent it."[306]

"An imaginative child might use a dog as a substitute for a horse or a soldier as if they were a shepherd, until the similarities nearly disappear, and a piece of wood can be moved around like a ship on the sea or a carriage on the road. The resemblance of the piece of wood to a ship or carriage is minimal, but it serves a purpose and helps the child organize and develop their thoughts. You can see how valuable it is by taking it away and leaving the child with nothing to play with. As they grow older, especially among well-educated people, the mental processes involved in playing with wooden soldiers and horses may not vanish but instead take on more complex forms. Nothing in adulthood has the same impact on an adult reader as a doll does for a child, much like how illustrations in a story affect them. The actual resemblance is somewhat vague, yet a good picture brings the scene to life. One day, Mr. Backhouse saw a woman in Van Diemen's Land arranging several flat, oval stones about two inches wide, marked with black and red lines. These stones represented absent friends, with one larger stone representing a plump native woman from Flinder's Island, known as Mother Brown. Similar practices occur in more developed cultures than the unfortunate Tasmanians. In some North American tribes, a mother who has lost a child keeps their memory alive by filling a cradle with black feathers and quills, carrying it with her for a year or more. When she stops somewhere, she sets up the cradle and talks to it while doing her chores, just as she would if the child were still alive. Here we have an image; but in Africa, there is a simple doll that represents the child, kept as a memorial. Bastian observed Peruvian Indian women who had lost an infant carrying a wooden doll on their backs to symbolize the child." [306]

To many persons among us, photographs of lost ones seem to be fetishes. They, it is true, resemble; but the fact that the mere materiality of the reminder is almost as important as its resemblance is shown by the popularity a hundred years ago of the black taffeta 'silhouettes' which are still found among family relics, and of one of which Fichte could write to his affianced: 'Die Farbe fehlt, das Auge fehlt, es fehlt der himmlische Ausdruck deiner lieblichen Züge'—and[Pg 305] yet go on worshipping it all the same. The opinion so stoutly professed by many, that language is essential to thought, seems to have this much of truth in it, that all our inward images tend invincibly to attach themselves to something sensible, so as to gain in corporeity and life. Words serve this purpose, gestures serve it, stones, straws, chalk-marks, anything will do. As soon as anyone of these things stands for the idea, the latter seems to be more real. Some persons, the present writer among the number, can hardly lecture without a blackboard: the abstract conceptions must be symbolized by letters, squares or circles, and the relations between them by lines. All this symbolism, linguistic, graphic, and dramatic, has other uses too, for it abridges thought and fixes terms. But one of its uses is surely to rouse the believing reaction and give to the ideas a more living reality. As, when we are told a story, and shown the very knife that did the murder, the very ring whose hiding-place the clairvoyant revealed, the whole thing passes from fairy-land to mother-earth, so here we believe all the more, if only we see that 'the bricks are alive to tell the tale.'

For many people among us, photographs of loved ones feel like personal charms. They do resemble the person, but the importance of the physical reminder is almost as significant as its likeness. This was evident a hundred years ago with the popularity of black taffeta 'silhouettes,' which are still found among family mementos. Fichte even wrote to his fiancée: 'Die Farbe fehlt, das Auge fehlt, es fehlt der himmlische Ausdruck deiner lieblichen Züge'—and yet people continue to cherish them. The idea, strongly expressed by many, that language is crucial for thought, holds some truth in that all our internal images tend to latch onto something tangible to gain substance and life. Words fulfill this role, gestures do too, as do stones, straws, chalk marks—anything works. As soon as one of these things represents the idea, that idea seems more real. Some people, including myself, can hardly teach without a blackboard; abstract concepts need to be represented by letters, squares, or circles, and their relationships shown by lines. All this symbolism—linguistic, graphic, and dramatic—serves other purposes as well, as it simplifies thought and establishes definitions. But one of its roles is definitely to stir our belief and give ideas a more vibrant reality. Just as when we hear a story and see the actual knife used in a murder, or the ring that a psychic revealed the location of, everything shifts from fantasy to reality; we believe even more strongly when we see that 'the bricks are alive to tell the tale.'


So much for the prerogative position of sensations in regard to our belief. But among the sensations themselves all are not deemed equally real. The more practically important ones, the more permanent ones, and the more æsthetically apprehensible ones are selected from the mass, to be believed in most of all; the others are degraded to the position of mere signs and suggestions of these. This fact has already been adverted to in former chapters.[307] The real color of a thing is that one color-sensation which it gives us when most favorably lighted for vision. So of its real size, its real shape, etc.—these are but optical sensations selected out of thousands of others, because they have æsthetic characteristics which appeal to our convenience or delight. But I will not repeat what I have already written about this matter, but pass on to our treatment of tactile and muscular sensations, as 'primary[Pg 306] qualities,' more real than those 'secondary' qualities which eye and ear and nose reveal. Why do we thus so markedly select the tangible to be the real? Our motives are not far to seek. The tangible qualities are the least fluctuating. When we get them at all we get them the same. The other qualities fluctuate enormously as our relative position to the object changes. Then, more decisive still, the tactile properties are those most intimately connected with our weal or woe. A dagger hurts us only when in contact with our skin, a poison only when we take it into our mouths, and we can only use an object for our advantage when we have it in our muscular control. It is as tangibles, then, that things concern us most; and the other senses, so far as their practical use goes, do but warn us of what tangible things to expect. They are but organs of anticipatory touch, as Berkeley has with perfect clearness explained.[308]

So much for the special status of sensations in relation to our beliefs. However, not all sensations are seen as equally real. The ones that are more practically significant, more lasting, and more aesthetically appealing are chosen from the crowd to be believed in the most; the others are reduced to being mere signs and suggestions of these. This fact has already been mentioned in previous chapters.[307] The true color of an object is the one color sensation we experience when it is best lit for viewing. The same goes for its true size, shape, etc.—these are just visual sensations chosen from thousands of others because they have aesthetic qualities that resonate with our convenience or pleasure. But I won’t repeat what I’ve already stated about this and will move on to our discussion of tactile and muscular sensations as 'primary qualities,' which are more real than those 'secondary' qualities revealed by the eye, ear, and nose. Why do we so clearly prioritize the tangible as the real? Our motivations are easy to identify. Tangible qualities are the least variable. When we perceive them, they remain consistent. The other qualities change significantly as our relative position to the object changes. Furthermore, more importantly, the tactile properties are the ones most closely linked to our pleasure or pain. A dagger only hurts us when it touches our skin, poison only affects us when ingested, and we can only use an object to our advantage when we can physically control it. It’s primarily as tangible things that objects matter to us; the other senses, in terms of their practical utility, only alert us to what tangible things to expect. They serve merely as organs of anticipatory touch, as Berkeley has clearly explained.[308]

Among all sensations, the most belief-compelling are those productive of pleasure or of pain. Locke expressly makes the pleasure- or pain-giving quality to be the ultimate human criterion of anything's reality. Discussing (with a supposed Berkeleyan before Berkeley) the notion that all our perceptions may be but a dream, he says:

Among all sensations, the most convincing are those that bring pleasure or pain. Locke clearly states that the quality of providing pleasure or pain is the ultimate human standard for determining something's reality. While discussing (with a hypothetical follower of Berkeley before Berkeley) the idea that all our perceptions might just be a dream, he says:

"He may please to dream that I make him this answer... that I believe he will allow a very manifest difference between dreaming of being in the fire and being actually in it. But yet if he be resolved to appear so sceptical as to maintain that what I call being actually in the fire is nothing but a dream, and that we cannot thereby certainly know that any such thing as fire actually exists without us, I answer that we, certainly finding that pleasure or pain [or emotion of any sort] follows upon the application of certain objects to us, whose existence we perceive, or dream that we perceive by our senses, this certainly is as great as our happiness or misery, beyond which we have no concernment to know or to be."[309]

"He might like to think that I'm giving him this answer... that I believe he can see a clear difference between dreaming about being in the fire and actually being in it. However, if he insists on being skeptical and argues that what I call actually being in the fire is just a dream, and that we can't really know if anything like fire exists outside of ourselves, I would say that we definitely notice that pleasure or pain [or any kind of emotion] comes from how certain objects interact with us, which we perceive or think we perceive through our senses, this is definitely as important as our happiness or misery, and beyond that, we don't need to know or worry." [309]

THE INFLUENCE OF EMOTION AND ACTIVE IMPULSE ON BELIEF.

The quality of arousing emotion, of shaking, moving us or inciting us to action, has as much to do with our belief in an object's reality as the quality of giving pleasure or pain. In Chapter XXIV I shall seek to show that our emotions probably owe their pungent quality to the bodily sensations which they involve. Our tendency to believe in emotionally exciting objects (objects of fear, desire, etc.) is thus explained without resorting to any fundamentally new principle of choice. Speaking generally, the more a conceived object excites us, the more reality it has. The same object excites us differently at different times. Moral and religious truths come 'home' to us far more on some occasions than on others. As Emerson says, "There is a difference between one and another hour of life in their authority and subsequent effect. Our faith comes in moments,... yet there is a depth in those brief moments which constrains us to ascribe more reality to them than to all other experiences." The 'depth' is partly, no doubt, the insight into wider systems of unified relation, but far more often than that it is the emotional thrill. Thus, to descend to more trivial examples, a man who has no belief in ghosts by daylight will temporarily believe in them when, alone at midnight, he feels his blood curdle at a mysterious sound or vision, his heart thumping, and his legs impelled to flee. The thought of falling when we walk along a curbstone awakens no emotion of dread; so no sense of reality attaches to it, and we are sure we shall not fall. On a precipice's edge, however, the sickening emotion which the notion of a possible fall engenders makes us believe in the latter's imminent reality, and quite unfits us to proceed.

The ability to evoke emotions, to shake and move us or push us to take action, is closely tied to how much we believe in the reality of an object, just as much as it relates to the pleasure or pain it brings. In Chapter XXIV, I will argue that our emotions likely stem from the physical sensations they create. Our inclination to believe in emotionally charged objects (things that evoke fear, desire, etc.) can be explained without introducing any fundamentally new principles of choice. Generally speaking, the more an imagined object excites us, the more real it seems. The same object can evoke different feelings at different times. Moral and religious truths resonate with us more strongly on some occasions than on others. As Emerson states, "There is a difference between one hour of life and another in their authority and subsequent effect. Our faith comes in moments,... yet there is a depth in those brief moments which leads us to ascribe more reality to them than to all other experiences." This 'depth' is partly due to insights into broader systems of interconnectedness, but more often, it comes from the emotional rush. To illustrate with simpler examples, a person who doesn't believe in ghosts during the day may temporarily believe in them when alone at midnight, his heart racing and his feet wanting to run as he hears a strange sound or sees something eerie. The idea of falling while walking along a curb doesn't trigger any fear, so we don't feel it's real, and we are confident we won’t fall. However, standing on the edge of a cliff, the nauseating fear associated with the possibility of falling makes us believe in that imminent reality, making it hard for us to move forward.

The greatest proof that a man is sui compos is his ability to suspend belief in presence of an emotionally exciting idea. To give this power is the highest result of education. In untutored minds the power does not exist. Every exciting thought in the natural man carries credence with it. To conceive with passion is eo ipso to affirm. As Bagehot says:

The best evidence that a person is sui compos is their ability to hold back belief when faced with an emotionally charged idea. Granting this ability is the ultimate goal of education. In untrained minds, this power is absent. Every thrilling thought in a natural person comes with its own credibility. To think passionately is, by itself, to confirm. As Bagehot says:

"The Caliph Omar burnt the Alexandrian Library, saying: 'All books which contain what is not in the Koran are dangerous. All which contain what is in it are useless!' Probably no one ever had an intenser belief in anything than Omar had in this. Yet it is impossible to imagine it preceded by an argument. His belief in Mahomet, in the Koran, and in the sufficiency of the Koran, probably came to him in spontaneous rushes of emotion; there may have been little vestiges of argument floating here and there, but they did not justify the strength of the emotion, still less did they create it, and they hardly even excused it.... Probably, when the subject is thoroughly examined, conviction will be found to be one of the intensest of human emotions, and one most closely connected with the bodily state,... accompanied or preceded by the sensation that Scott makes his seer describe as the prelude of a prophecy:

"Caliph Omar burned the Alexandrian Library, claiming: 'Any books that contain information not found in the Koran are dangerous. Those that do contain what's in it are useless!' It's likely that no one ever believed in anything as intensely as Omar believed in this. However, it’s hard to picture this belief as stemming from a logical argument. His faith in Muhammad, the Koran, and the completeness of the Koran likely came to him as sudden waves of emotion; there may have been bits of reasoning scattered throughout, but they didn’t explain the intensity of his feelings, nor did they create them, and they barely even justify them... When we examine this topic closely, we might find that conviction is one of the strongest human emotions, closely connected to our physical state,... and often accompanied or preceded by what Scott describes as the beginning of a prophecy:

'At length the fatal answer came,
In characters of living flame—
Not spoke in words, nor blazed in scroll,
But borne and branded on my soul.'

'Finally, the devastating answer arrived,
In characters of bright flame—
Not spoken in words, nor written on a scroll,
But carried and marked on my soul.'

A hot flash seems to burn across the brain. Men in these intense states of mind have altered all history, changed for better or worse the creed of myriads, and desolated or redeemed provinces or ages. Nor is this intensity a sign of truth, for it is precisely strongest in those points in which men differ most from each other. John Knox felt it in his anti-Catholicism; Ignatius Loyola in his anti-Protestantism; and both, I suppose, felt it as much as it is possible to feel it."[310]

A hot flash seems to sweep through the mind. People in these intense mental states have changed the course of history, influencing the beliefs of countless individuals for better or worse, and have either devastated or saved entire regions or periods. However, this intensity doesn’t necessarily indicate truth, as it’s often strongest in areas where opinions are most divided. John Knox felt it in his anti-Catholic beliefs; Ignatius Loyola experienced it in his anti-Protestant views; and I imagine both felt it as intensely as possible.[310]

The reason of the belief is undoubtedly the bodily commotion which the exciting idea sets up. 'Nothing which I can feel like that can be false.' All our religious and supernatural beliefs are of this order. The surest warrant for immortality is the yearning of our bowels for our dear ones; for God, the sinking sense it gives us to imagine no such Providence or help. So of our political or pecuniary hopes and fears, and things and persons dreaded and[Pg 309] desired. "A grocer has a full creed as to foreign policy, a young lady a complete theory of the sacraments, as to which neither has any doubt.... A girl in a country parsonage will be sure that Paris never can be taken, or that Bismarck is a wretch"—all because they have either conceived these things at some moment with passion, or associated them with other things which they have conceived with passion.

The reason we believe something is definitely tied to the physical excitement that the idea causes. 'Nothing I can feel like that can be false.' All our religious and supernatural beliefs fall into this category. The strongest proof of immortality is our deep longing for our loved ones; for God, it's the overwhelming feeling we get when we imagine there’s no such divine support or help. The same goes for our political and financial hopes and fears, along with the things and people we dread or desire. "A grocer has a solid belief about foreign policy, a young woman has a complete understanding of the sacraments, and neither has any doubt about it.... A girl living in a rural parsonage will firmly believe that Paris can never be taken or that Bismarck is a scoundrel"—all because they either felt strongly about these things at some point or linked them to other ideas they feel passionately about.

M. Renouvier calls this belief of a thing for no other reason than that we conceive it with passion, by the name of mental vertigo.[311] Other objects whisper doubt or disbelief; but the object of passion makes us deaf to all but itself, and we affirm it unhesitatingly. Such objects are the delusions of insanity, which the insane person can at odd moments steady himself against, but which again return to sweep him off his feet. Such are the revelations of mysticism. Such, particularly, are the sudden beliefs which animate mobs of men when frenzied impulse to action is involved. Whatever be the action in point—whether the stoning of a prophet, the hailing of a conqueror, the burning of a witch, the baiting of a heretic or Jew, the starting of a forlorn hope, or the flying from a foe—the fact that to believe a certain object will cause that action to explode is a sufficient reason for that belief to come. The motor impulse sweeps it unresisting in its train.

M. Renouvier refers to the belief in something solely because we feel passionate about it as mental vertigo.[311] Other things may make us doubt or disbelieve; however, the object of our passion deafens us to everything else, and we affirm it without hesitation. These objects are the illusions of madness, which a person can sometimes push back against, but they inevitably resurface to throw him off balance. Such are the insights of mysticism. Particularly, these are the sudden beliefs that energize crowds when there’s a frenzied push to act. No matter the specific action involved—whether it's stoning a prophet, cheering a conqueror, burning a witch, harassing a heretic or Jew, rallying around a lost cause, or fleeing from an enemy—the mere belief that a certain object will trigger that action is enough to bring that belief to life. The driving impulse sweeps it along effortlessly.

The whole history of witchcraft and early medicine is a commentary on the facility with which anything which chances to be conceived is believed the moment the belief chimes in with an emotional mood. 'The cause of sickness?' When a savage asks the cause of anything he means to ask exclusively 'What is to blame?' The theoretic curiosity starts from the practical life's demands. Let some one then accuse a necromancer, suggest a charm or spell which has been cast, and no more 'evidence' is asked for. What evidence is required beyond this intimate sense of the culprit's responsibility, to which our very viscera and limbs reply?[312]

The entire history of witchcraft and early medicine highlights how easily people believe anything that aligns with their emotions. "What’s the cause of sickness?" When a person from a primitive culture asks about the cause of something, they are really asking, "Who is to blame?" The quest for theoretical understanding begins with the needs of practical life. If someone accuses a witch or claims that a charm or spell has been cast, no further "evidence" is sought. What more proof is needed than that gut feeling of the accused's guilt, which resonates deeply within us?[312]

Human credulity in the way of therapeutics has similar psychological roots. If there is anything intolerable (especially to the heart of a woman), it is to do nothing when a[Pg 311] loved one is sick or in pain. To do anything is a relief. Accordingly, whatever remedy may be suggested is a spark on inflammable soil. The mind makes its spring towards action on that cue, sends for that remedy, and for a day at least believes the danger past. Blame, dread, and hope are thus the great belief-inspiring passions, and cover among them the future, the present, and the past.

Human gullibility when it comes to treatments has similar psychological roots. If there's anything unbearable (especially for a woman), it's sitting idle when a[Pg 311] loved one is sick or in pain. Taking action, no matter how small, feels like a relief. As a result, any suggested remedy can ignite hope. The mind naturally leaps into action, orders that remedy, and for at least a day, feels the danger has passed. Blame, fear, and hope are the powerful emotions that inspire belief, covering our perceptions of the future, the present, and the past.

These remarks illustrate the earlier heads of the list on page 292. Whichever represented objects give us sensations, especially interesting ones, or incite our motor impulses, or arouse our hate, desire, or fear, are real enough for us. Our requirements in the way of reality terminate in our own acts and emotions, our own pleasures and pains. These are the ultimate fixities from which, as we formerly observed, the whole chain of our beliefs depends, object hanging to object, as the bees, in swarming, hang to each other until, de proche en proche, the supporting branch, the Self, is reached and held.

These comments highlight the earlier points on page 292. Any objects that give us sensations—especially compelling ones—or trigger our impulses, or evoke feelings of hate, desire, or fear, are real enough for us. Our need for reality comes down to our own actions and emotions, our own joys and pains. These are the final constants from which, as we noted before, the entire chain of our beliefs depends, one object hanging onto another, like bees in a swarm clinging to each other until, de proche en proche, they reach and hold onto the supporting branch, the Self.

BELIEF IN OBJECTS OF THEORY.

Now the merely conceived or imagined objects which our mind represents as hanging to the sensations (causing them, etc.), filling the gaps between them, and weaving their interrupted chaos into order are innumerable. Whole systems of them conflict with other systems, and our choice of[Pg 312] which system shall carry our belief is governed by principles which are simple enough, however subtle and difficult may be their application to details. The conceived system, to pass for true, must at least include the reality of the sensible objects in it, by explaining them as effects on us, if nothing more. The system which includes the most of them, and definitely explains or pretends to explain the most of them, will, ceteris paribus, prevail. It is needless to say how far mankind still is from having excogitated such a system. But the various materialisms, idealisms, and hylozoisms show with what industry the attempt is forever made. It is conceivable that several rival theories should equally well include the actual order of our sensations in their scheme, much as the one-fluid and two-fluid theories of electricity formulated all the common electrical phenomena equally well. The sciences are full of these alternatives. Which theory is then to be believed? That theory will be most generally believed which, besides offering us objects able to account satisfactorily for our sensible experience, also offers those which are most interesting, those which appeal most urgently to our æsthetic, emotional, and active needs. So here, in the higher intellectual life, the same selection among general conceptions goes on which went on among the sensations themselves. First, a word of their relation to our emotional and active needs—and here I can do no better than quote from an article published some years ago:[313]

Now, the objects that our minds imagine or think about, which seem to connect to our sensations (causing them, etc.), fill in the gaps between them and organize their chaotic interruptions, are countless. Entire systems of these ideas conflict with one another, and the choice of which system we believe in is determined by principles that are simple enough, even if applying them to specific details can be subtle and difficult. For a conceived system to be accepted as true, it must at least incorporate the reality of the sensible objects, explaining them as effects on us, if nothing more. The system that includes the most objects and explains or claims to explain the most will prevail, all else being equal. It goes without saying how far humanity is from having developed such a system. However, various forms of materialism, idealism, and hylozoism demonstrate the ongoing effort. It’s possible that multiple competing theories could equally account for the actual order of our sensations, similar to how both the one-fluid and two-fluid theories of electricity adequately explained common electrical phenomena. The sciences are filled with these alternatives. So, which theory should we believe? The theory that will be most widely accepted is the one that, in addition to providing objects that satisfactorily explain our sensory experiences, also presents those that are the most interesting and appeal most strongly to our aesthetic, emotional, and active needs. Thus, in higher intellectual life, the same process of selection among general concepts continues as it did among the sensations themselves. First, let's discuss how they relate to our emotional and active needs—and here I can do no better than quote from an article published some years ago:[313]

"A philosophy may be unimpeachable in other respects, but either of two defects will be fatal to its universal acceptance. First, its ultimate principle must not be one that essentially baffles and disappoints our dearest desires and most cherished powers. A pessimistic principle like Schopenhauer's incurably vicious Will-substance, or Hartmann's wicked jack-at-all-trades, the Unconscious, will perpetually call forth essays at other philosophies. Incompatibility of the future with their desires and active tendencies is, in fact, to most men a source of more fixed disquietude than uncertainty itself. Witness the attempts to overcome the 'problem of evil,' the 'mystery of pain.' There is no problem of 'good.'

A philosophy might be sound in many respects, but two major flaws can hinder its widespread acceptance. First, its central idea shouldn't fundamentally frustrate or disappoint our deepest desires and most valued abilities. A negative principle, like Schopenhauer's hopeless Will-substance or Hartmann's problematic jack-of-all-trades, the Unconscious, will consistently drive people to explore alternative philosophies. For most, the disconnect between their hopes for the future and their desires and actions creates more ongoing unease than uncertainty itself. Just look at the ongoing struggles to address the 'problem of evil' and the 'mystery of pain.' There’s no issue when it comes to 'good.'

"But a second and worse defect in a philosophy than that of contradicting our active propensities is to give them no Object whatever[Pg 313] to press against. A philosophy whose principle is so incommensurate with our most intimate powers as to deny them all relevancy in universal affairs, as to annihilate their motives at one blow, will be even more unpopular than pessimism. Better face the enemy than the eternal Void! This is why materialism will always fail of universal adoption, however well it may fuse things into an atomistic unity, however clearly it may prophesy the future eternity. For materialism denies reality to the objects of almost all the impulses which we most cherish. The real meaning of the impulses, it says, is something which has no emotional interest for us whatever. But what is called extradition is quite as characteristic of our emotions as of our sense. Both point to an Object as the cause of the present feeling. What an intensely objective reference lies in fear! In like manner an enraptured man, a dreary-feeling man, are not simply aware of their subjective states; if they were, the force of their feelings would evaporate. Both believe there is outward cause why they should feel as they do: either 'It is a glad world! how good is life!' or 'What a loathsome tedium is existence!' Any philosophy which annihilates the validity of the reference by explaining away its objects or translating them into terms of no emotional pertinency leaves the mind with little to care or act for. This is the opposite condition from that of nightmare, but when acutely brought home to consciousness it produces a kindred horror. In nightmare we have motives to act, but no power; here we have powers, but no motives. A nameless Unheimlichkeit comes over us at the thought of there being nothing eternal in our final purposes, in the objects of those loves and aspirations which are our deepest energies. The monstrously lopsided equation of the universe and its knower, which we postulate as the ideal of cognition, is perfectly paralleled by the no less lopsided equation of the universe and the doer. We demand in it a character for which our emotions and active propensities shall be a match. Small as we are, minute as is the point by which the Cosmos impinges upon each one of us, each one desires to feel that his reaction at that point is congruous with the demands of the vast whole, that he balances the latter, so to speak, and is able to do what it expects of him. But as his abilities to 'do' lie wholly in the line of his natural propensities; as he enjoys reaction with such emotions as fortitude, hope, rapture, admiration, earnestness, and the like; and as he very unwillingly reacts with fear, disgust, despair, or doubt,—a philosophy which should legitimate only emotions of the latter sort would be sure to leave the mind a prey to discontent and craving.

"But a second, more significant flaw in a philosophy, beyond contradicting our active urges, is its failure to provide any point of connection for them. A philosophy that is so disconnected from our deepest capabilities that it makes them irrelevant to universal matters, completely negating their motivations in one fell swoop, will be even less popular than pessimism. It’s better to face an enemy than to confront an endless void! This is why materialism will never be widely accepted, no matter how well it unifies views or how clearly it predicts eternal outcomes. Materialism denies meaning to nearly all the impulses we treasure. It claims that the true significance of these urges holds no emotional relevance for us. However, what we call extradition is just as central to our emotions as it is to our perception. Both highlight an object as the reason behind our current feelings. Fear itself carries a deep objective reference! Likewise, a person filled with joy or someone feeling down isn't just aware of their inner state; if they were, the intensity of their feelings would fade. Both believe there’s an external reason for how they feel: either 'What a wonderful world! Life is so good!' or 'What a dreadful monotony existence is!' Any philosophy that disregards the substance of those references by explaining away their objects or translating them into something emotionally irrelevant leaves the mind with little to care about or act upon. This isn’t exactly a nightmare, but when sharply experienced, it creates a related horror. In nightmares, we have motives to act but lack power; here we have power but no motives. A nameless, eerie feeling washes over us at the thought that there’s nothing eternal in our ultimate goals, or in the objects of our loves and aspirations that drive our deepest energies. The disturbingly unbalanced relationship between the universe and its knower, which we see as an understanding ideal, mirrors the equally unbalanced relationship between the universe and the doer. We demand a character within it that matches our emotions and active urges. Despite our insignificance, and the tiny point where the cosmos meets each of us, everyone wants to feel their response at that point aligns with the expectations of the vast whole, balancing it out, so to speak, and meeting what it requires of them. But since a person's ability to 'do' is completely tied to their natural inclinations; since they flourish on feelings like courage, hope, joy, admiration, seriousness, and the like; and since they resist responding with fear, disgust, despair, or doubt—a philosophy that only validates emotions of the latter sort is bound to leave the mind vulnerable to dissatisfaction and yearning."

"It is far too little recognized how entirely the intellect is built up of practical interests. The theory of Evolution is beginning to do very good service by its reduction of all mentality to the type of reflex action. Cognition, in this view, is but a fleeting moment, a cross-section at a certain point of what in its totality is a motor phenomenon. In the lower forms of life no one will pretend that cognition is anything more than a guide to appropriate action. The germinal question concerning[Pg 314] things brought for the first time before consciousness is not the theoretic 'What is that?' but the practical 'Who goes there?' or rather, as Horwicz has admirably put it, 'What is to be done?'—'Was fang' ich an?' In all our discussions about the intelligence of lower animals the only test we use is that of their acting as if for a purpose. Cognition, in short, is incomplete until discharged in act. And although it is true that the later mental development, which attains its maximum through the hypertrophied cerebrum of man, gives birth to a vast amount of theoretic activity over and above that which is immediately ministerial to practice, yet the earlier claim is only postponed, not effaced, and the active nature asserts its rights to the end.

"It’s commonly overlooked how much our intellect is influenced by practical interests. The theory of Evolution is proving valuable by explaining all mental activity as a kind of reflex action. From this viewpoint, cognition is merely a brief moment, a snapshot of what is fundamentally a physical phenomenon. In simpler life forms, it’s clear that cognition is nothing more than a means to guide actions. The fundamental question that arises when something first comes to our awareness isn't the theoretical 'What is that?' but the practical 'Who goes there?' or, as Horwicz brilliantly put it, 'What is to be done?'—'Was fang' ich an?' In all discussions about the intelligence of lower animals, the only criterion we consider is whether they act purposefully. Essentially, cognition is incomplete until it’s expressed through action. While it's true that the later stages of mental development, which culminate in the enlarged cerebrum of humans, generate substantial theoretical thought beyond what is directly practical, the earlier focus on action is only postponed, not eliminated, and our active nature continues to assert itself."

"If there be any truth at all in this view, it follows that however vaguely a philosopher may define the ultimate universal datum, he cannot be said to leave it unknown to us so long as he in the slightest degree pretends that our emotional or active attitude towards it should be of one sort rather than another. He who says, 'Life is real, life is earnest,' however much he may speak of the fundamental mysteriousness of things, gives a distinct definition to that mysteriousness by ascribing to it the right to claim from us the particular mood called seriousness, which means the willingness to live with energy, though energy bring pain. The same is true of him who says that all is vanity. Indefinable as the predicate vanity may be in se, it is clearly enough something which permits anæsthesia, mere escape from suffering, to be our rule of life. There is no more ludicrous incongruity than for agnostics to proclaim with one breath that the substance of things is unknowable, and with the next that the thought of it should inspire us with admiration of its glory, reverence, and a willingness to add our co-operative push in the direction towards which its manifestations seem to be drifting. The unknowable may be unfathomed, but if it make such distinct demands upon our activity, we surely are not ignorant of its essential quality.

"If there’s any truth to this perspective, it follows that no matter how vaguely a philosopher defines the ultimate universal truth, they can't claim to keep it a mystery from us as long as they suggest that our emotional or active response to it should be a specific way. When someone asserts, 'Life is real, life is serious,' even if they discuss the fundamental mystery of things, they give a specific definition to that mystery by implying it has the right to demand a certain attitude from us called seriousness, which means being ready to live energetically, even if that energy brings pain. The same holds for someone claiming everything is meaningless. However undefinable the term meaningless might be, it clearly allows for an anesthetic approach, simply escaping from suffering, to become our way of life. There's no greater contradiction than for agnostics to declare in one breath that the essence of things is unknowable, and the next, that such thoughts should inspire us with admiration for its glory, respect, and a willingness to contribute to the direction that its manifestations seem to be heading. The unknowable may be unfathomable, but if it makes such precise demands on our actions, we certainly aren’t ignorant of its essential nature."

"If we survey the field of history and ask what feature all great periods of revival, of expansion of the human mind, display in common, we shall find, I think, simply this: that each and all of them have said to the human being, 'The inmost nature of the reality is congenial to powers which you possess.' In what did the emancipating message of primitive Christianity consist, but in the announcement that God recognizes those weak and tender impulses which paganism had so rudely overlooked? Take repentance: the man who can do nothing rightly can at least repent of his failures. But for paganism this faculty of repentance was a pure supernumerary, a straggler too late for the fair. Christianity took it and made it the one power within us which appealed straight to the heart of God. And after the night of the Middle Ages had so long branded with obloquy even the generous impulses of the flesh, and defined the Reality to be such that only slavish natures could commune with it, in what did the Sursum corda! of the Renaissance lie but in the proclamation that the archetype of verity in things laid claim[Pg 315] on the widest activity of our whole æsthetic being? What were Luther's mission and Wesley's but appeals to powers which even the meanest of men might carry with them, faith and self-despair, but which were personal, requiring no priestly intermediation, and which brought their owner face to face with God? What caused the wild-fire influence of Rousseau but the assurance he gave that man's nature was in harmony with the nature of things, if only the paralyzing corruptions of custom would stand from between? How did Kant and Fichte, Goethe and Schiller, inspire their time with cheer, except by saying, 'Use all your powers; that is the only obedience which the universe exacts'? And Carlyle with his gospel of Work, of Fact, of Veracity, how does he move us except by saying that the universe imposes no tasks upon us but such as the most humble can perform? Emerson's creed that everything that ever was or will be is here in the enveloping Now; that man has but to obey himself—'He who will rest in what he is, is a part of Destiny'—is in like manner nothing but an exorcism of all scepticism as to the pertinency of one's natural faculties.

"If we examine history and consider what all significant periods of revival and expansion in human thought have in common, we’ll find this: every one of them has told humanity, 'The essence of reality aligns with your strengths.' The core message of early Christianity was simply that God recognizes those vulnerable and gentle instincts that paganism harshly ignored. Take repentance: someone who struggles to do anything right can at least feel remorse for their mistakes. But for paganism, this ability to repent was seen as completely unnecessary, an outsider arriving too late to the event. Christianity embraced it and transformed it into the one power within us that directly appealed to the heart of God. After the long dark age of the Middle Ages, which stifled even the noble instincts of humanity and defined reality in a way that only subservient natures could relate to, the Sursum corda! of the Renaissance proclaimed that the fundamental truth in everything demanded the fullest engagement of our entire aesthetic being. What were Luther's and Wesley's missions if not calls to powers that even the simplest people could carry within—faith and personal despair—that needed no priest to mediate and brought individuals face-to-face with God? What ignited Rousseau's passionate influence if not his assurance that human nature resonates with the nature of reality, provided we remove the stifling corruptions of social custom? How did Kant and Fichte, Goethe and Schiller, elevate their era with optimism if not by urging, 'Use all your capabilities; that is the only obedience the universe demands'? And how does Carlyle with his messages of Work, Truth, and Integrity inspire us except by stating that the universe imposes no tasks on us besides those that even the most humble can achieve? Emerson’s belief that everything that ever was or will be exists in the present moment, that one simply needs to follow their own nature—'He who will rest in what he is is a part of Destiny'—is likewise nothing more than a way to dispel doubts about the relevance of our natural abilities."

"In a word, 'Son of Man, stand upon thy feet and I will speak unto thee!' is the only revelation of truth to which the solving epochs have helped the disciple. But that has been enough to satisfy the greater part of his rational need. In se and per se the universal essence has hardly been more defined by any of these formulæ than by the agnostic x; but the mere assurance that my powers, such as they are, are not irrelevant to it, but pertinent, that it speaks to them and will in some way recognize their reply, that I can be a match for it if I will, and not a footless waif, suffices to make it rational to my feeling in the sense given above. Nothing could be more absurd than to hope for the definitive triumph of any philosophy which should refuse to legitimate, and to legitimate in an emphatic manner, the more powerful of our emotional and practical tendencies. Fatalism, whose solving word in all crises of behavior is 'All striving is vain,' will never reign supreme, for the impulse to take life strivingly is indestructible in the race. Moral creeds which speak to that impulse will be widely successful in spite of inconsistency, vagueness, and shadowy determination of expectancy. Man needs a rule for his will, and will invent one if one be not given him."

"In short, 'Son of Man, stand on your feet and I will speak to you!' is the only revelation of truth that the changing times have provided the disciple. But that's been sufficient to satisfy most of his rational needs. In se and per se, the universal essence has rarely been better defined by any of these formulas than by the agnostic x; but just the reassurance that my abilities, whatever they may be, are not irrelevant to it, but relevant, that it communicates with them and will somehow recognize their response, that I can engage with it if I choose to, without being a lost wanderer, is enough to rationalize my feelings as described above. Nothing could be more absurd than to hope for the ultimate victory of any philosophy that refuses to acknowledge, and to acknowledge firmly, our more powerful emotional and practical tendencies. Fatalism, which asserts in every moment of crisis 'All effort is pointless,' will never prevail, because the instinct to live with determination is unbreakable in humanity. Moral beliefs that resonate with that instinct will thrive despite inconsistencies, vagueness, and unclear expectations. People need a guideline for their will and will create one if none is provided."

After the emotional and active needs come the intellectual and æsthetic ones. The two great æsthetic principles, of richness and of ease, dominate our intellectual as well as our sensuous life. And, ceteris paribus, no system which should not be rich, simple, and harmonious would have a chance of being chosen for belief, if rich, simple, and harmonious systems were also there. Into the latter we should unhesitatingly settle, with that welcoming attitude of the will[Pg 316] in which belief consists. To quote from a remarkable book:

After the emotional and active needs come the intellectual and aesthetic ones. The two main aesthetic principles, richness and ease, influence both our intellectual and sensory experiences. And, ceteris paribus, no system that isn’t rich, simple, and harmonious would stand a chance of being accepted as a belief if there were also rich, simple, and harmonious systems available. We would easily choose the latter, with the open mindset of the will in which belief exists. To quote from a remarkable book:

"This law that our consciousness constantly tends to the minimum of complexity and to the maximum of definiteness, is of great importance for all our knowledge.... Our own activity of attention will thus determine what we are to know and what we are to believe. If things have more than a certain complexity, not only will our limited powers of attention forbid us to unravel this complexity, but we shall strongly desire to believe the things much simpler than they are. For our thoughts about them will have a constant tendency to become as simple and definite as possible. Put a man into a perfect chaos of phenomena—sounds, sights, feelings—and if the man continued to exist, and to be rational at all, his attention would doubtless soon find for him away to make up some kind of rhythmic regularity, which he would impute to the things about him, so as to imagine that he had discovered some laws of sequence in this mad new world. And thus, in every case where we fancy ourselves sure of a simple law of Nature, we must remember that a great deal of the fancied simplicity may be due, in the given case, not to Nature, but to the ineradicable prejudice of our own minds in favor of regularity and simplicity. All our thoughts are determined, in great measure, by this law of least effort, as it is found exemplified in our activity of attention.... The aim of the whole process seems to be to reach as complete and united a conception of reality as possible, a conception wherein the greatest fulness of data shall be combined with the greatest simplicity of conception. The effort of consciousness seems to be to combine the greatest richness of content with the greatest definiteness of organization."[314]

"The principle that our minds naturally prefer simplicity and clarity is crucial for our understanding. Our focus ultimately shapes what we know and believe. When things become more complex than a certain point, not only does our limited attention make it challenging to navigate this complexity, but we also strongly desire to believe that things are much simpler than they really are. Our thoughts on these matters will tend to aim for straightforwardness and clarity. If someone is thrown into total chaos—a mix of sounds, sights, and feelings—and manages to survive while keeping some rationality, their attention would likely create some kind of rhythmic pattern that they would attribute to the chaotic environment, as if they had uncovered certain laws in this new reality. Therefore, whenever we believe we understand a simple law of Nature, we should remember that much of that perceived simplicity may stem not from Nature itself but from our enduring bias toward order and simplicity. Our thoughts are largely influenced by this principle of least effort, which is clear in how we direct our attention. The goal of this entire process seems to be achieving the most comprehensive and coherent understanding of reality, where a broad range of information is integrated with the simplest concepts. Our consciousness seems to strive to combine the greatest richness of experience with the clearest structure."[314]

The richness is got by including all the facts of sense in the scheme; the simplicity, by deducing them out of the smallest possible number of permanent and independent primordial entities: the definite organization, by assimilating these latter to ideal objects between which relations of an inwardly rational sort obtain. What these ideal objects and rational relations are will require a separate chapter to show.[315] Meanwhile, enough has surely been said to justify the assertion made above that no general off-hand answer can be given as to which objects mankind shall choose as its realities. The fight is still under way. Our minds are yet chaotic; and at best we make a mixture and[Pg 317] a compromise, as we yield to the claim of this interest or that, and follow first one and then another principle in turn. It is undeniably true that materialistic, or so-called 'scientific,' conceptions of the universe have so far gratified the purely intellectual interests more than the mere sentimental conceptions have. But, on the other hand, as already remarked, they leave the emotional and active interests cold. The perfect object of belief would be a God or 'Soul of the World,' represented both optimistically and moralistically (if such a combination could be), and withal so definitely conceived as to show us why our phenomenal experiences should be sent to us by Him in just the very way in which they come. All Science and all History would thus be accounted for in the deepest and simplest fashion. The very room in which I sit, its sensible walls and floor, and the feeling the air and fire within it give me, no less than the 'scientific' conceptions which I am urged to frame concerning the mode of existence of all these phenomena when my back is turned, would then all be corroborated, not de-realized, by the ultimate principle of my belief. The World-soul sends me just those phenomena in order that I may react upon them; and among the reactions is the intellectual one of spinning these conceptions. What is beyond the crude experiences is not an alternative to them, but something that means them for me here and now. It is safe to say that, if ever such a system is satisfactorily excogitated, mankind will drop all other systems and cling to that one alone as real. Meanwhile the other systems coexist with the attempts at that one, and, all being alike fragmentary, each has its little audience and day.

The richness comes from including all the sensory facts in the plan; the simplicity comes from deriving them from the smallest possible number of basic, independent entities. The clear organization is achieved by relating these entities to ideal objects that have internally rational connections. Explaining what these ideal objects and rational relationships are will need a separate chapter to clarify.[315] In the meantime, it's clear enough to support the idea that there’s no quick answer to which objects humanity should choose as its reality. The struggle is still ongoing. Our thoughts remain chaotic; and at best, we create a mix and a compromise, as we give in to the claims of one interest or another, switching from one principle to another. It's undeniably true that materialistic, or so-called 'scientific,' views of the universe have satisfied purely intellectual interests more than sentimental views have. However, as noted earlier, they leave the emotional and active interests unfulfilled. The ideal belief would be in a God or 'World Soul,' depicted as both optimistic and moralistic (if such a combination is possible), and clearly defined enough to explain why our experiences are given to us in the exact way they come. All Science and all History would be explained in the simplest and deepest way. The very space I’m sitting in, its tangible walls and floor, and the sensations from the air and heat inside, as well as the 'scientific' ideas I'm prompted to develop about the existence of all these phenomena when I'm not paying attention, would all be confirmed, not negated, by the ultimate principle of my belief. The World Soul presents me with these experiences so I can respond to them; and one of these responses is the intellectual act of forming these concepts. What lies beyond the raw experiences is not an alternative to them, but something that gives meaning to them for me here and now. It’s fair to say that if such a system is ever thoroughly developed, humanity will abandon all other systems and hold onto that one as the only reality. Meanwhile, the other systems exist alongside attempts to create that one, and since all are equally partial, each has its own small audience and time in the spotlight.


I have now, I trust, shown sufficiently what the psychologic sources of the sense of reality are. Certain postulates are given in our nature; and whatever satisfies those postulates is treated as if real.[316] I might therefore finish the[Pg 318] chapter here, were it not that a few additional words will set the truth in a still clearer light.

I believe I’ve now demonstrated enough about the psychological origins of our sense of reality. There are certain innate assumptions in our nature, and anything that fulfills those assumptions is regarded as real.[316] I could end the[Pg 318] chapter here, but a few more words will make the truth even clearer.

DOUBT.

There is hardly a common man who (if consulted) would not say that things come to us in the first instance as ideas; and that if we take them for realities, it is because we add something to them, namely, the predicate of having also 'real existence outside of our thought.' This notion that a higher faculty than the mere having of a conscious content is needed to make us know anything real by its means has pervaded psychology from the earliest times, and is the tradition of Scholasticism, Kantism, and Common-sense. Just as sensations must come as inward affections and then be 'extradited;' as objects of memory must appear at first as presently unrealities, and subsequently be 'projected' backwards as past realities; so conceptions must be entia rationis till a higher faculty uses them as windows to look beyond the ego, into the real extra-mental world;—so runs the orthodox and popular account.

There's hardly a common person who, if asked, wouldn't say that things come to us initially as ideas; and that if we consider them as real, it's because we add something to them, specifically the belief that they also have 'real existence outside of our thought.' This idea that we need a higher ability than just having conscious thoughts to truly understand anything real has influenced psychology from ancient times and is a part of the tradition of Scholasticism, Kantism, and Common Sense. Just like sensations must first come as internal feelings and then be 'shared'; as memories must initially appear as non-realities and later be 'projected' back as past realities; so concepts must be entia rationis until a higher faculty uses them as windows to look beyond the self into the real extra-mental world;—this is how the mainstream and traditional view describes it.

And there is no question that this is a true account of the way in which many of our later beliefs come to pass. The logical distinction between the bare thought of an object and belief in the object's reality is often a chronological distinction as well. The having and the crediting of an[Pg 319] idea do not always coalesce; for often we first suppose and then believe; first play with the notion, frame the hypothesis, and then affirm the existence, of an object of thought. And we are quite conscious of the succession of the two mental acts. But these cases are none of them primitive cases. They only occur in minds long schooled to doubt by the contradictions of experience. The primitive impulse is to affirm immediately the reality of all that is conceived.[317] When we do doubt, however, in what does the subsequent resolution of the doubt consist? It either consists in a purely verbal performance, the coupling of the adjectives 'real' or 'outwardly existing' (as predicates) to the thing originally conceived (as subject); or it consists in the perception in the given case of that for which these adjectives, abstracted from other similar concrete cases, stand. But what these adjectives stand for, we now know well. They stand for certain relations (immediate, or through intermediaries) to ourselves. Whatever concrete objects have hitherto stood in those relations have been for us 'real,' 'outwardly existing.' So that when we now abstractly admit a thing to be 'real' (without perhaps going through any definite perception[Pg 320] of its relations), it is as if we said "it belongs in the same world with those other objects." Naturally enough, we have hourly opportunities for this summary process of belief. All remote objects in space or time are believed in this way. When I believe that some prehistoric savage chipped this flint, for example, the reality of the savage and of his act makes no direct appeal either to my sensation, emotion, or volition. What I mean by my belief in it is simply my dim sense of a continuity between the long dead savage and his doings and the present world of which the flint forms part. It is pre-eminently a case for applying our doctrine of the 'fringe' (see Vol I. p. 258). When I think the savage with one fringe of relationship, I believe in him; when I think him without that fringe, or with another one (as, e.g., if I should class him with 'scientific vagaries' in general), I disbelieve him. The word 'real' itself is, in short, a fringe.

And there’s no doubt that this is an accurate account of how many of our later beliefs develop. The logical difference between simply thinking about something and believing in its existence often reflects a chronological difference too. We don’t always fully connect having an idea with believing it; usually, we start by imagining something, then we form a hypothesis, and finally, we affirm that the thought corresponds to something real. We are very aware of the order in which these two mental actions happen. But none of these instances are primitive cases. They tend to occur in minds that have become accustomed to questioning due to the contradictions they encounter in life. The natural instinct is to immediately affirm the reality of everything we imagine.[317] However, when we do start to doubt, what does resolving that doubt look like? It either ends up being just a matter of words, linking the adjectives 'real' or 'existing' (as descriptions) to the initially conceived thing (as the subject); or it involves recognizing, in that specific case, what those adjectives, separated from other similar cases, represent. But we now understand well what these adjectives represent. They describe certain relationships (either directly or indirectly) to ourselves. Any concrete objects that have been in those relationships have been considered 'real' or 'existing.' So when we abstractly recognize something as 'real' (without necessarily perceiving its relationships), it’s as if we’re saying, "it belongs in the same realm as those other objects." Naturally, we have countless chances for this quick process of belief. All distant objects in space or time are believed in this way. For instance, when I believe that some prehistoric human shaped this flint, the reality of that person and their action doesn’t directly engage my senses, emotions, or will. My belief simply reflects a vague sense of a continuity between the long-gone person and their actions and the present world that includes the flint. This is a perfect situation for applying our idea of the 'fringe' (see Vol I. p. 258). When I think of that person with one fringe of connection, I believe in them; when I consider them without that fringe, or with a different one (like if I were to categorize them with 'scientific oddities' in general), I don’t believe in them. In short, the word 'real' itself is just a fringe.

RELATIONS OF BELIEF AND WILL.

We shall see in Chapter XXV that will consists in nothing but a manner of attending to certain objects, or consenting to their stable presence before the mind. The objects, in the case of will, are those whose existence depends on our thought, movements of our own body for example, or facts which such movements executed in future may make real. Objects of belief, on the contrary, are those which do not change according as we think regarding them. I will to get up early to-morrow morning; I believe that I got up late yesterday morning; I will that my foreign bookseller in Boston shall procure me a German book and write to him to that effect. I believe that he will make me pay three dollars for it when it comes, etc. Now the important thing to notice is that this difference between the objects of will and belief is entirely immaterial, as far as the relation of the mind to them goes. All that the mind does is in both cases the same; it looks at the object and consents to its existence, espouses it, says 'it shall be my reality.' It turns to it, in short, in the interested active emotional way. The rest is done by nature, which in some cases makes the objects real which we think of in this[Pg 321] manner, and in other cases does not. Nature cannot change the past to suit our thinking. She cannot change the stars or the winds; but she does change our bodies to suit our thinking, and through their instrumentality changes much besides; so the great practical distinction between objects which we may will or unwill, and objects which we can merely believe or disbelieve, grows up, and is of course one of the most important distinctions in the world. Its roots, however, do not lie in psychology, but in physiology; as the chapter on Volition will abundantly make plain. Will and Belief, in short, meaning a certain relation between objects and the Self, are two names for one and the same psychological phenomenon. All the questions which arise concerning one are questions which arise concerning the other. The causes and conditions of the peculiar relation must be the same in both. The free-will question arises as regards belief. If our wills are indeterminate, so must our beliefs be, etc. The first act of free-will, in short, would naturally be to believe in free-will, etc. In Chapter XXVI, I shall mention this again.

We will see in Chapter XXV that will consists of nothing but a way of focusing on certain objects or accepting their stable presence in our minds. The objects related to will are those whose existence relies on our thoughts, like movements of our own bodies, for example, or facts that those movements may make real in the future. On the other hand, objects of belief are those that remain unchanged regardless of how we think about them. I will get up early tomorrow morning; I believe that I got up late yesterday morning; I will that my foreign bookseller in Boston will get me a German book and I’ll write to him about it. I believe that he will charge me three dollars for it when it arrives, etc. The crucial thing to note is that this difference between the objects of will and belief is completely irrelevant regarding how the mind relates to them. In both cases, the mind does the same thing; it looks at the object and agrees to its existence, accepts it, and states, 'it shall be my reality.' It engages with it in an interested, active, emotional way. The rest is handled by nature, which in some instances makes the objects real that we think about in this[Pg 321] manner, while in other instances it does not. Nature cannot alter the past to match our thoughts. She cannot change the stars or the winds; but she does change our bodies to align with our thinking, and through those changes, much else is altered as well; hence, the significant practical difference between objects we can will or unwill, and those we can only believe or disbelieve emerges, and it is of course one of the most important distinctions in the world. However, its origins do not lie in psychology, but in physiology; as the chapter on Volition will clearly explain. Will and Belief, in short, represent a certain relationship between objects and the Self, and are two terms for the same psychological phenomenon. All questions that arise concerning one are also questions that arise concerning the other. The causes and conditions of this unique relationship must be the same for both. The free-will question arises concerning belief. If our wills are indeterminate, then our beliefs must be as well, etc. The first act of free will, in summary, would naturally be to believe in free will, etc. In Chapter XXVI, I will mention this again.


A practical observation may end this chapter. If belief consists in an emotional reaction of the entire man on an object, how can we believe at will? We cannot control our emotions. Truly enough, a man cannot believe at will abruptly. Nature sometimes, and indeed not very infrequently, produces instantaneous conversions for us. She suddenly puts us in an active connection with objects of which she had till then left us cold. "I realize for the first time," we then say, "what that means!" This happens often with moral propositions. We have often heard them; but now they shoot into our lives; they move us; we feel their living force. Such instantaneous beliefs are truly enough not to be achieved by will. But gradually our will can lead us to the same results by a very simple method: we need only in cold blood act as if the thing in question were real, and keep acting as if it were real, and it will infallibly end by growing into such a connection with our life that it will become real. It will become so knit with habit and emotion that our interests in it will be those which characterize belief.[Pg 322] Those to whom 'God' and 'Duty' are now mere names can make them much more than that, if they make a little sacrifice to them every day. But all this is so well known in moral and religious education that I need say no more.[318]

A practical observation might wrap up this chapter. If belief is an emotional response from the whole person towards something, how can we believe on command? We can’t control our emotions. It's true that a person can’t just believe suddenly at will. Nature sometimes gives us unexpected transformations. It suddenly connects us with things that had previously left us indifferent. “I realize for the first time,” we might say, “what that really means!” This often occurs with moral ideas. We’ve heard them many times, but suddenly they penetrate our lives; they inspire us, and we feel their real impact. Such instant beliefs can’t be achieved by sheer willpower. But gradually, our will can lead us to similar outcomes through a very straightforward approach: we just need to act as if what we’re considering is real, and keep acting as if it is, and eventually it will weave itself into our lives until it becomes real. It will become so intertwined with our habits and emotions that our interests will reflect what belief truly is. Those who only see 'God' and 'Duty' as mere terms can make them much more significant if they dedicate a little effort to them every day. But this is well-known in moral and religious education, so I won’t elaborate further.[Pg 322]


[287] Reprinted, with additions, from 'Mind' for July 1889.

[287] Reprinted, with additions, from 'Mind' for July 1889.

[288] Compare this psychological fact with the corresponding logical truth that all negation rests on covert assertion of something else than the thing denied. (See Bradley's Principles of Logic, bk. i. ch. 3.)

[288] Compare this psychological fact with the logical truth that every negation is based on an implied assertion of something other than what is being denied. (See Bradley's Principles of Logic, bk. i. ch. 3.)

[289] See that very remarkable little work, 'The Anæsthetic Revelation and the Gist of Philosophy,' by Benj. P. Blood (Amsterdam, N. Y., 1874). Compare also Mind, vii. 206.

[289] Check out that fascinating little book, 'The Anæsthetic Revelation and the Gist of Philosophy,' by Benj. P. Blood (Amsterdam, N. Y., 1874). Also, see Mind, vii. 206.

[290] "To one whose mind is healthy thoughts come and go unnoticed; with me they have to be faced, thought about in a peculiar fashion, and then disposed of as finished, and this often when I am utterly wearied and would be at peace; but the call is imperative. This goes on to the hindrance of all natural action. If I were told that the staircase was on fire and I had only a minute to escape, and the thought arose—'Have they sent for fire-engines? Is it probable that the man who has the key is on hand? Is the man a careful sort of person? Will the key be hanging on a peg? Am I thinking rightly? Perhaps they don't lock the depot'—my foot would be lifted to go down; I should be conscious to excitement that I was losing my chance; but I should be unable to stir until all these absurdities were entertained and disposed of. In the most critical moments of my life, when I ought to have been so engrossed as to leave no room for any secondary thoughts, I have been oppressed by the inability to be at peace. And in the most ordinary circumstances it is all the same. Let me instance the other morning I went to walk. The day was biting cold, but I was unable to proceed except by jerks. Once I got arrested, my feet in a muddy pool. One foot was lifted to go, knowing that it was not good to be standing in water, but there I was fast, the cause of detention being the discussing with myself the reasons why I should not stand in that pool." (T. S. Clouston, Clinical Lectures on Mental Diseases, 1883, p. 43. See also Berger, in Archiv f. Psychiatrie, vi. 217.)

[290] "For someone with a healthy mind, thoughts come and go without notice; for me, they need to be confronted, analyzed in a strange way, and then dismissed as finished, often when I’m completely worn out and just want peace. But the urge is strong. This disrupts all natural actions. If I were told that the staircase was on fire and I had only a minute to escape, and the thought popped up—'Have they called the fire trucks? Is the person with the key around? Is he careful? Is the key hanging on a peg? Am I thinking this through correctly? Maybe they don’t lock the depot'—I’d be ready to go down; I’d feel the urgency that I was losing my chance, but I wouldn’t be able to move until all these ridiculous thoughts were considered and dismissed. During the most critical moments of my life, when I should have been so focused that there was no room for any secondary thoughts, I’ve been burdened by my inability to find peace. And in the most ordinary situations, it’s the same. For example, the other morning I tried to take a walk. It was biting cold, but I could only move in fits and starts. I got stuck with my feet in a muddy puddle. I knew it wasn’t good to be standing in water, and one foot was raised to go, but I found myself stuck, held back by debating with myself about why I shouldn’t be standing in that puddle." (T. S. Clouston, Clinical Lectures on Mental Diseases, 1883, p. 43. See also Berger, in Archiv f. Psychiatrie, vi. 217.)

[291] Note to Jas. Mill's Analysis, i. 412-428.

[291] Note to Jas. Mill's Analysis, i. 412-428.

[292] For an excellent account of the history of opinion on this subject see A. Marty, in Vierteljahrsch. f. wiss. Phil., viii. 181 ff. (1884).

[292] For a great overview of the history of opinions on this topic, check out A. Marty, in Vierteljahrsch. f. wiss. Phil., viii. 181 ff. (1884).

[293] We saw near the end of Chapter XIX that a candle-image taking exclusive possession of the mind in this way would probably acquire the sensational vividness. But this physiological accident is logically immaterial to the argument in the text, which ought to apply as well to the dimmest sort of mental image as to the brightest sensation.

[293] We noted toward the end of Chapter XIX that a candle image fully occupying the mind like this would likely become very vivid. However, this physiological detail doesn’t really affect the argument in the text, which should be valid for the faintest mental image just as much as for the brightest sensation.

[294] In both existential and attributive judgments a synthesis is represented. The syllable ex in the word Existence, da in the word Dasein, express it. 'The candle exists' is equivalent to 'The candle is over there.' And the 'over there' means real space, space related to other reals. The proposition amounts to saying: 'The candle is in the same space with other reals.' It affirms of the candle a very concrete predicate—namely, this relation to other particular concrete things. Their real existence, as we shall later see, resolves itself into their peculiar relation to ourselves. Existence is thus no substantive quality when we predicate it of any object; it is a relation, ultimately terminating in ourselves, and at the moment when it terminates, becoming a practical relation. But of this more anon. I only wish now to indicate the superficial nature of the distinction between the existential and the attributive proposition.

[294] In both existential and attributive judgments, there is a synthesis being represented. The syllable ex in the word Existence and da in the word Dasein reflect this. Saying 'The candle exists' is the same as saying 'The candle is over there.' The 'over there' refers to real space, which is connected to other real things. The statement essentially means: 'The candle is in the same space as other real things.' It asserts a very specific predicate about the candle—specifically, its relationship to other concrete things. Their real existence, as we will explore later, comes down to how they relate to ourselves. Therefore, existence is not a substantive quality when we attribute it to any object; it's a relationship that ultimately leads back to us, and at that point, it becomes a practical relationship. But more on that later. I just want to highlight the superficial nature of the difference between existential and attributive propositions.

[295] I define the scientific universe here in the radical mechanical way. Practically, it is oftener thought of in a mongrel way and resembles in more points the popular physical world.

[295] I define the scientific universe here in a purely mechanical way. In practice, it's often viewed in a mixed-up manner and has more similarities to the everyday physical world.

[296] It thus comes about that we can say such things as that Ivanhoe did not really marry Rebecca, as Thackeray falsely makes him do. The real Ivanhoe-world is the one which Scott wrote down for us. In that world Ivanhoe does not marry Rebecca. The objects within that world are knit together by perfectly definite relations, which can be affirmed or denied. Whilst absorbed in the novel, we turn our backs on all other worlds, and, for the time, the Ivanhoe-world remains our absolute reality. When we wake from the spell, however, we find a still more real world, which reduces Ivanhoe, and all things connected with him, to the Active status, and relegates them to one of the sub-universes grouped under No. 5.

[296] So, we can say that Ivanhoe didn't really marry Rebecca, as Thackeray incorrectly claims he did. The true Ivanhoe world is the one that Scott created for us. In that world, Ivanhoe does not marry Rebecca. The elements in that world are connected by clear relationships that can be affirmed or denied. While we are engaged in the novel, we ignore all other worlds, and for that moment, the Ivanhoe world is our complete reality. However, when we wake from this enchantment, we discover an even more real world, which diminishes Ivanhoe and everything related to him to an Active status, placing them in one of the sub-universes categorized under No. 5.

[297] The world of dreams is our real world whilst we are sleeping, because our attention then lapses from the sensible world. Conversely, when we wake the attention usually lapses from the dream-world and that becomes unreal. But if a dream haunts us and compels our attention during the day it is very apt to remain figuring in our consciousness as a sort of sub-universe alongside of the waking world. Most people have probably had dreams which it is hard to imagine not to have been glimpses into an actually existing region of being, perhaps a corner of the 'spiritual world.' And dreams have accordingly in all ages been regarded as revelations, and have played a large part in furnishing forth mythologies and creating themes for faith to lay hold upon. The 'larger universe,' here, which helps us to believe both in the dream and in the waking reality which is its immediate reductive, is the total universe, of Nature plus the Supernatural. The dream holds true, namely, in one half of that universe; the waking perceptions in the other half. Even to-day dream-objects figure among the realities in which some 'psychic-researchers' are seeking to rouse our belief. All our theories, not only those about the supernatural, but our philosophic and scientific theories as well, are like our dreams in rousing such different degrees of belief in different minds.

[297] The world of dreams is our real world while we sleep, because our focus shifts away from the sensible world. On the other hand, when we wake up, our attention typically moves away from the dream world, making it feel unreal. However, if a dream lingers in our minds and draws our attention during the day, it often continues to exist as a sort of sub-universe alongside our waking reality. Most people have probably experienced dreams that feel like they offer a glimpse into an actual existing realm, perhaps a part of the 'spiritual world.' Throughout history, dreams have been seen as revelations, contributing significantly to mythologies and inspiring beliefs. The 'larger universe' here, which allows us to believe in both dreams and the waking reality they emerge from, is the total universe, consisting of Nature plus the Supernatural. Dreams hold truth in one part of that universe, while our waking perceptions belong to the other part. Even today, dream-related phenomena are among the realities that some 'psychic researchers' are trying to validate. All our theories, not just those about the supernatural but also our philosophical and scientific ideas, evoke varying degrees of belief in different people, much like our dreams.

[298] Distinguishes realities from unrealities, the essential from the rubbishy and neglectable.

[298] Differentiates between what's real and what's not, what's important and what's worthless.

[299] Inquiry concerning Hum. Understanding, sec. v. pt. 2 (slightly transposed in my quotation).

[299] Inquiry about Hum. Understanding, sec. v. pt. 2 (slightly adjusted in my quotation).

[300] Note to Jas. Mill's Analysis, i. 394.

[300] Note to Jas. Mill's Analysis, i. 394.

[301] Critique of Pure Reason, trans. Müller, ii. 515-17. Hume also: "When, after the simple conception of anything, we would conceive it as existent, we in reality make no addition to, or alteration of, our first idea. Thus, when we affirm that God is existent, we simply form the idea of such a being as He is represented to us; nor is the existence which we attribute to Him conceived by a particular idea, which we join to His other qualities, and can again separate and distinguish from them.... The belief of the existence joins no new idea to those which compose the ideas of the object. When I think of God, when I think of Him as existent, and when I believe Him to be existent, my idea of Him neither increases nor diminishes. But as 'tis certain there is a great difference betwixt the simple conception of the existence of an object and the belief of it, and as this difference lies not in the facts or compositions of the idea which we conceive, it follows that it must lie in the manner in which we conceive it." (Treatise of Human Nature, pt. iii. sec. 7.)

[301] Critique of Pure Reason, trans. Müller, ii. 515-17. Hume also: "When we try to think of something as existing after simply imagining it, we aren't adding anything new to our original idea or changing it at all. So, when we say that God exists, we're just imagining Him as He is described to us; the existence we attribute to Him isn't an extra idea we attach to His other qualities, nor can we separate it from them... The belief in existence doesn't add any new ideas to those that make up our understanding of the object. When I think of God, when I think of Him as existing, and when I believe that He exists, my idea of Him neither grows nor shrinks. However, there's a clear difference between simply conceiving the existence of an object and believing it exists, and since this difference doesn't come from the facts or combinations of the idea we have, it must be in the way we conceive it." (Treatise of Human Nature, pt. iii. sec. 7.)

[302] I use the notion of the Ego here, as common-sense uses it. Nothing is prejudged as to the results (or absence of results) of ulterior attempts to analyze the notion.

[302] I'm using the concept of the Ego here in the way that most people understand it. There's no assumption about the outcomes (or lack of outcomes) of any further attempts to analyze the concept.

[303] Griesinger, Mental Diseases, §§ 50, 98. The neologism we so often hear, that an experience 'gives us a realising sense' of the truth of some proposition or other, illustrates the dependence of the sense of reality upon excitement. Only what stirs us is 'realized.'

[303] Griesinger, Mental Diseases, §§ 50, 98. The term we frequently come across, that an experience 'gives us a realizing sense' of the truth of some statement or another, shows how our sense of reality relies on excitement. Only what moves us feels 'real.'

[304] The way in which sensations are pitted against systematized conceptions, and in which the one or the other then prevails according as the sensations are felt by ourselves or merely known by report, is interestingly illustrated at the present day by the state of public belief about 'spiritualistic' phenomena. There exist numerous narratives of movement without contact on the part of articles of furniture and other material objects, in the presence of certain privileged individuals called mediums. Such movement violates our memories, and the whole system of accepted physical 'science.' Consequently those who have not seen it either brand the narratives immediately as lies or call the phenomena 'illusions' of sense, produced by fraud or due to hallucination. But one who has actually seen such a phenomenon, under what seems to him sufficiently 'test-conditions,' will hold to his sensible experience through thick and thin, even though the whole fabric of 'science' should be rent in twain. That man would be a weak-spirited creature indeed who should allow any fly-blown generalities about 'the liability of the senses to be deceived' to bully him out of his adhesion to what for him was an indubitable experience of sight. A man may err in this obstinacy, sure enough, in any particular case. But the spirit that animates him is that on which ultimately the very life and health of Science rest.

[304] The way sensations clash with organized concepts, and how one prevails over the other based on whether we personally experience those sensations or just hear about them, is clearly seen today in the public's belief in 'spiritualist' phenomena. There are many stories of objects like furniture moving without any physical contact when certain special individuals, known as mediums, are present. This movement challenges our memories and contradicts the accepted principles of physical 'science.' As a result, those who have not witnessed it often dismiss these accounts as lies or label the phenomena as mere 'illusions' caused by trickery or hallucinations. However, someone who has actually seen such an event under what he believes are proper 'test conditions' will stick to his sensory experience no matter what, even if it means going against established 'science.' It would take a really weak person to let vague generalizations about 'the unreliability of the senses' pressure him into doubting what he clearly saw. Sure, he might be mistaken in this stubbornness in specific cases. But the spirit that drives him is what ultimately underpins the life and health of Science itself.

[305] Treatise of Human Nature, bk. i. pt. iii. sec. 7.

[305] Treatise of Human Nature, bk. i. pt. iii. sec. 7.

[306] Early Hist. of Mankind, p. 108.

[306] Early Hist. of Mankind, p. 108.

[307] See Vol. I. pp. 285-6; Vol. II. pp. 237 ff.

[307] See Vol. I. pp. 285-6; Vol. II. pp. 237 ff.

[308] See Theory of Vision, § 59.

[308] See Theory of Vision, § 59.

[309] Essay, bk. iv. chap. 2, § 14. In another place: "He that sees a candle burning and hath experimented the force of its flame by putting his finger into it, will little doubt that this is something existing without him, which does him harm and puts him to great pain.... And if our dreamer pleases to try whether the glowing heat of a glass furnace be barely a wandering imagination in a drowsy man's fancy by putting his hand into it, he may, perhaps, be awakened into a certainty greater than he could wish, that it is something more than bare imagination. So that the evidence is as great as we can desire, being as certain to us as our pleasure or pain, i.e. happiness or misery; beyond which we have no concernment, either of knowledge or being. Such an assurance of the existence of things without us is sufficient to direct us in the attaining the good and avoiding the evil which is caused by them, which is the important concernment we have of being made acquainted with them," (Ibid. bk. iv. chap. 11, § 8.)

[309] Essay, bk. iv. chap. 2, § 14. In another section: "Someone who sees a candle burning and has felt the heat of its flame by putting their finger in it won’t doubt that it’s something real that can harm them and cause great pain.... And if our dreamer wants to find out if the intense heat of a glass furnace is just a fleeting thought in a sleepy person's mind by putting their hand into it, they might, unfortunately, wake up to a reality that’s more than just imagination. So, the evidence we have is as strong as we could wish for, being just as certain to us as our pleasure or pain, or happiness and misery; there’s nothing beyond that which concerns us, whether in knowledge or existence. This certainty about the existence of things outside of us is enough to guide us in pursuing what is good and avoiding the harm caused by those things, which is the main thing we need to know about them," (Ibid. bk. iv. chap. 11, § 8.)

[310] W. Bagehot, 'The Emotion of Conviction,' Literary Studies, i. 412-17.

[310] W. Bagehot, 'The Emotion of Conviction,' Literary Studies, i. 412-17.

[311] Psychologie Rationnelle, ch. 12.

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[312] Two examples out of a thousand:

[312] Two examples out of a thousand:

Reid, Inquiry, ch. ii. § 9: "I remember, many years ago, a white ox was brought into the country, of so enormous size that people came many miles to see him. There happened, some months after, an uncommon fatality among women in child-hearing. Two such uncommon events, following one another, gave a suspicion of their connection, and occasioned a common opinion among the country people that the white ox was the cause of this fatality."

Reid, Inquiry, ch. ii. § 9: "I remember, many years ago, a white ox was brought into the country that was so huge that people traveled from far away just to see him. A few months later, there was an unusual number of deaths among women giving birth. These two unusual events happening one after the other led people to suspect a connection and caused a widespread belief among the locals that the white ox was responsible for these deaths."

H. M. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent, ii. 388: "On the third day of our stay at Mowa, feeling quite comfortable amongst the people, on account of their friendly bearing, I began to write in my note-book the terms for articles, in order to improve my already copious vocabulary of native words. I had proceeded only a few minutes when I observed a strange commotion amongst the people who had been flocking about me, and presently they ran away. In a short time we heard war-cries ringing loudly and shrilly over the table-land. Two hours afterwards a long line of warriors were seen descending the table-land and advancing towards our camp. There may have been between five and six hundred of them. We, on the other hand, had made but few preparations except such as would justify us replying to them in the event of the actual commencement of hostilities. But I had made many firm friends among them, and I firmly believed that I should be able to avert an open rupture. When they had assembled at about a hundred yards in front of our camp, Safeni and I walked up towards them and sat down midway. Some half-dozen of the Mowa people came near, and the shauri began.

H. M. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent, ii. 388: "On the third day of our stay at Mowa, feeling quite comfortable among the people due to their friendly attitudes, I started writing in my notebook the terms for items to enhance my already extensive vocabulary of native words. I had only been at it for a few minutes when I noticed a strange commotion among the people who had been gathering around me, and soon they ran away. Shortly after, we heard war cries ringing loudly and sharply over the plateau. Two hours later, a long line of warriors was seen coming down the plateau and approaching our camp. There might have been between five and six hundred of them. On our side, we had made only a few preparations that would allow us to respond if actual hostilities broke out. However, I had made many strong friends among them, and I genuinely believed I could prevent a conflict. When they gathered about a hundred yards in front of our camp, Safeni and I walked toward them and sat down in the middle. A few Mowa people came closer, and the discussion began."

"'What is the matter, my friends?' I asked. 'Why do you come with guns in your hands, in such numbers, as though you were coming to fight? Fight? fight us, your friends! Tut! this is some great mistake, surely.'

"'What's the matter, my friends?' I asked. 'Why are you coming with guns in your hands, in such numbers, as if you’re here to fight? Fight? Fight us, your friends! Come on! This must be a big misunderstanding, for sure.'"

"'Mundele,' replied one of them,... 'our people saw you yesterday make marks on some tara-tara [paper]. This is very bad. Our country will waste, our goats will die, our bananas will rot, and our women will dry up. What have we done to you that you should wish to kill us? We have sold you food and we have brought you wine each day. Your people are allowed to wander where they please without trouble. Why is the Mundele so wicked? We have gathered together to fight you if you do not burn that tara-tara now before our eyes. If you burn it we go away, and shall be your friends as heretofore.'

"'Mundele,' replied one of them, 'our people saw you yesterday making marks on some paper. This is very bad. Our land will be ruined, our goats will die, our bananas will rot, and our women will suffer. What have we done to you that you want to harm us? We have sold you food and brought you wine every day. Your people can go wherever they want without any issues. Why is the Mundele so cruel? We have come together to fight you if you don’t burn that paper now in front of us. If you burn it, we will leave and continue to be your friends like before.'”

"'I told them to rest there, and left Safeni in their hands as a pledge that I should return. My tent was not fifty yards from the spot, but while going towards it my brain was busy in devising some plan to foil this superstitious madness. My note-book contained a vast number of valuable notes.... I could not sacrifice it to the childish caprice of savages. As I was rummaging my book-box, I came across a volume of Shakespeare [Chandos edition] much worn, and well thumbed, and which was of the same size as my field-book; its cover was similar also, and it might be passed for the field-book, provided that no one remembered its appearance too well. I took it to them. 'Is this the tara-tara, friends, that you wish burned?'

"'I told them to rest there and left Safeni with them as a guarantee that I would come back. My tent was only fifty yards away, but as I made my way towards it, my mind was busy coming up with a plan to counter this superstitious nonsense. My notebook had a ton of valuable notes... I couldn't sacrifice it to the childish whims of savages. While I was digging through my book box, I found a worn-out, well-thumbed copy of Shakespeare [Chandos edition] that was the same size as my field notebook; the cover was similar too, and it could easily be mistaken for the field notebook as long as nobody remembered its appearance too clearly. I took it to them. 'Is this the tara-tara, friends, that you want burned?'"

"'Yes, yes, that is it.'

"Yes, that's it."

"'Well, take it, and burn it, or keep it.'

'Well, take it, and burn it, or keep it.'

"'M—m. No, no, no. We will not touch it. It is fetish. You must burn it.'

"'M—m. No, no, no. We won't touch it. It's a fetish. You have to burn it.'"

"'I! Well, let it be so. I will do anything to please my good friends of Mowa.'

"'I! Well, it’s settled then. I’ll do whatever it takes to make my good friends from Mowa happy.'"

"'We walked to the nearest fire. I breathed a regretful farewell to my genial companion, which, during my many weary hours of night, had assisted to relieve my mind when oppressed by almost intolerable woes, and then gravely consigned the innocent Shakespeare to the flames, heaping the brush fuel over it with ceremonious care.

"'We walked to the nearest fire. I sighed a regretful goodbye to my friendly companion, which had helped ease my mind during my long, exhausting nights when I was weighed down by almost unbearable troubles. Then, I solemnly cast the innocent Shakespeare into the flames, carefully piling the brush on top of it with deliberate attention."

"'A-h-h,' breathed the poor deluded natives sighing their relief.... 'There is no trouble now.'... And something approaching to a cheer was shouted among them, which terminated the episode of the burning of Shakespeare."

"'A-h-h,' sighed the poor misled locals, breathing a sigh of relief.... 'There’s no more trouble now.'... And something like a cheer was shouted among them, which wrapped up the incident of the burning of Shakespeare."

[313] 'Rationality, Activity, and Faith' (Princeton Review, July 1882, pp. 64-9).

[313] 'Rationality, Activity, and Faith' (Princeton Review, July 1882, pp. 64-9).

[314] J. Royce, The Religious Aspect of Philosophy (Boston, 1885). pp. 317-57.

[314] J. Royce, The Religious Aspect of Philosophy (Boston, 1885). pp. 317-57.

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[316] Prof. Royce puts this well in discussing idealism and the reality of an 'external' world. "If the history of popular speculation on these topics could be written, how much of cowardice and shuffling would be found in the behavior of the natural mind before the question, 'How dost thou know of an external reality?' Instead of simply and plainly answering: 'I mean by the external world in the first place something that I accept or demand, that I posit, postulate, actively construct on the basis of sense-data,' the natural man gives us all kinds of vague compromise answers.... Where shall these endless turnings and twistings have an end?... All these lesser motives are appealed to, and the one ultimate motive is neglected. The ultimate motive with the man of every-day life is the will to have an external world. Whatever consciousness contains, reason will persist in spontaneously adding the thought: 'But there shall be something beyond this.'... The popular assurance of an external world is the fixed determination to make one, now and henceforth." (Religious Aspect of Philosophy, p. 304—the italics are my own.) This immixture of the will appears most flagrantly in the fact that although external matter is doubted commonly enough, minds external to our own are never doubted. We need them too much, are too essentially social to dispense with them. Semblances of matter may suffice to react upon, but not semblances of communing souls. A psychic solipsism is too hideous a mockery of our wants, and, so far as I know, has never been seriously entertained.—Chapters ix and x of Prof. Royce's work are on the whole the clearest account of the psychology of belief with which I am acquainted.

[316] Prof. Royce expresses this well when discussing idealism and the reality of an 'external' world. "If we could write the history of popular thoughts on these topics, we would find a lot of cowardice and evasiveness in how the natural mind responds to the question, 'How do you know about an external reality?' Instead of answering simply and directly: 'By the external world, I mean something I accept or demand, something I posit, postulate, or actively construct based on sense data,' the natural person gives all sorts of vague, half-hearted answers.... Where will these endless twists and turns end?... All these lesser motivations are brought up, while the one fundamental motivation is overlooked. The fundamental motivation for everyday people is the will to have an external world. Whatever consciousness holds, reason will instinctively add the thought: 'But there must be something beyond this.'... The common belief in an external world is the strong determination to create one, now and always." (Religious Aspect of Philosophy, p. 304—the italics are my own.) This mix of will shows most clearly in the fact that, although external matter is often doubted, other minds are never questioned. We rely on them too much; we are too inherently social to do without them. Simulated matter might be enough to react to, but not simulated communicating souls. A psychic solipsism is too terrible a mockery of our needs and, as far as I know, has never been seriously considered.—Chapters ix and x of Prof. Royce's work provide, on the whole, the clearest explanation of the psychology of belief that I know of.

[317] "The leading fact in Belief, according to my view of it, is our Primitive Credulity. We begin by believing everything; whatever is, is true.... The animal born in the morning of a summer day proceeds upon the fact of daylight; assumes the perpetuity of that fact. Whatever it is disposed to do, it does without misgivings. If in the morning it began a round of operations continuing for hours, under the full benefit of daylight, it would unhesitatingly begin the same round in the evening. Its state of mind is practically one of unbounded confidence; but, as yet, it does not understand what confidence means.

[317] "The main idea in Belief, from my perspective, is our basic tendency to trust. We start off believing everything; whatever exists, is true.... An animal born on a summer morning acts based on the fact that it’s daylight; it assumes that this will always be the case. Whatever it wants to do, it does so without any doubts. If in the morning it starts a series of activities that lasts for hours in the full light of day, it would confidently repeat those activities in the evening. Its mindset is essentially one of complete trust; however, it doesn’t yet grasp what trust really means."

"The pristine assurance is soon met by checks; a disagreeable experience leading to new insight. To be thwarted and opposed is one of our earliest and most frequent pains. It develops the sense of a distinction between free and obstructed impulses; the unconsciousness of an open way is exchanged for consciousness; we are now said properly to believe in what has never been contradicted, as we disbelieve in what has been contradicted. We believe that, after the dawn of day, there is before us a continuance of light; we do not believe that this light is to continue forever.

"The pure certainty is quickly challenged by obstacles; an unpleasant experience that leads to new understanding. Being blocked and confronted is one of our earliest and most common struggles. It creates a distinction between free and blocked desires; the unawareness of a clear path is replaced with awareness; we now properly believe in what has never been questioned, just as we doubt what has been questioned. We believe that after daybreak, there will be a continuation of light; we do not believe that this light will last forever."

"Thus, the vital circumstance in belief is never to be contradicted—never to lose prestige. The number of repetitions counts for little in the process: we are as much convinced after ten as after fifty; we are more convinced by ten unbroken than by fifty for and one against." (Bain: The Emotions and the Will, pp. 511, 512.)

"Therefore, the essential factor in belief is never to be challenged—never to lose prestige. The frequency of repetitions matters very little in this process: we feel just as convinced after ten as we do after fifty; we are more convinced by ten consistent affirmations than by fifty that have one opposing view." (Bain: The Emotions and the Will, pp. 511, 512.)

[318] Literature. D. Hume: Treatise on Human Nature, part iii. §§ vii-x. A. Bain: Emotions and Will, chapter on Belief (also pp. 20 ff.). J. Sully: Sensation and Intuition, essay iv. J. Mill: Analysis of Human Mind, chapter xi. Ch. Renouvier: Psychologie Rationnelle, vol. ii. pt. ii. and Esquisse d'une Classification systématique des Doctrines Philosophiques, part vi. J. H. Newman: The Grammar of Assent. J. Venn: Some Characteristics of Belief. V. Brochard: De l'Erreur, part ii. chap. vi, ix; and Revue Philosophique, xxviii. 1. E. Rabier: Psychologie, chap xxi. Appendix. Ollé Laprune: La Certitude Morale (1881). G. F. Stout: On Genesis of Cognition of Physical Reality, in 'Mind,' Jan. 1890. J. Pikler: The Psychology of the Belief in Objective Existence (London, 1890).—Mill says that we believe present sensations; and makes our belief in all other things a matter of association with these. So far so good; but as he makes no mention of emotional or volitional reaction, Bain rightly charges him with treating belief as a purely intellectual state. For Bain belief is rather an incident of our active life. When a thing is such as to make us act on it, then we believe it, according to Bain. "But how about past things, or remote things, upon which no reaction of ours is possible? And how about belief in things which check action?" says Sully; who considers that we believe a thing only when "the idea of it has an inherent tendency to approximate in character and intensity to a sensation." It is obvious that each of these authors emphasizes a true aspect of the question. My own account has sought to be more complete, sensation, association, and active reaction all being acknowledged to be concerned. The most compendious possible formula perhaps would be that our belief and attention are the same fact. For the moment, what we attend to is reality; Attention is a motor reaction; and we are so made that sensations force attention from us. On Belief and Conduct see an article by Leslie Stephen, Fortnightly Review, July 1888.

[318] Literature. D. Hume: Treatise on Human Nature, part iii. §§ vii-x. A. Bain: Emotions and Will, chapter on Belief (also pp. 20 ff.). J. Sully: Sensation and Intuition, essay iv. J. Mill: Analysis of Human Mind, chapter xi. Ch. Renouvier: Psychologie Rationnelle, vol. ii. pt. ii. and Esquisse d'une Classification systématique des Doctrines Philosophiques, part vi. J. H. Newman: The Grammar of Assent. J. Venn: Some Characteristics of Belief. V. Brochard: De l'Erreur, part ii. chap. vi, ix; and Revue Philosophique, xxviii. 1. E. Rabier: Psychologie, chap xxi. Appendix. Ollé Laprune: La Certitude Morale (1881). G. F. Stout: On Genesis of Cognition of Physical Reality, in 'Mind,' Jan. 1890. J. Pikler: The Psychology of the Belief in Objective Existence (London, 1890).—Mill states that we believe in present sensations and that our belief in everything else is based on association with these sensations. That's reasonable, but since he doesn't mention emotional or willful responses, Bain correctly criticizes him for treating belief as solely an intellectual process. According to Bain, belief is more of a part of our active life; we believe in something when it prompts us to act on it. "But what about things from the past or distant things that we can't react to? And what about beliefs in things that prevent action?" questions Sully, who thinks we only believe in something when "the idea of it has a natural tendency to resemble, in character and intensity, a sensation." It's clear that each of these authors highlights a valid perspective on the topic. My own view aims to be more comprehensive, recognizing that sensation, association, and active response all play a role. Perhaps the simplest way to put it is that our belief and attention are essentially the same. Right now, what we focus on is reality; attention is a type of motor response, and we are wired so that sensations draw our attention. For insights on Belief and Conduct, refer to an article by Leslie Stephen in Fortnightly Review, July 1888.

A set of facts have been recently brought to my attention which I hardly know how to treat, so I say a word about them in this foot-note. I refer to a type of experience which has frequently found a place amongst the 'Yes' answers to the 'Census of Hallucinations,' and which is generally described by those who report it as an 'impression of the presence' of someone near them, although no sensation either of sight, hearing, or touch is involved. From the way in which this experience is spoken of by those who have had it, it would appear to be an extremely definite and positive state of mind, coupled with a belief in the reality of its object quite as strong as any direct sensation ever gives. And yet no sensation seems to be connected with it at all. Sometimes the person whose nearness is thus impressed is a known person, dead or living, sometimes an unknown one. His attitude and situation are often very definitely impressed, and so, sometimes (though not by way of hearing), are words which he wishes to say.

A set of facts has recently come to my attention that I’m not quite sure how to handle, so I’ll mention them in this footnote. I’m referring to a type of experience that often appears among the 'Yes' responses to the 'Census of Hallucinations.' People who report it typically describe it as an 'impression of the presence' of someone close by, even though there's no sensation of sight, hearing, or touch involved. Based on how those who have experienced it talk about it, it seems to be a very clear and definite state of mind, accompanied by a belief in the reality of its subject that’s as strong as any direct sensation can provide. Yet, no sensation seems to be connected with it at all. Sometimes the person who is felt nearby is someone known, either alive or deceased, and other times it’s someone unknown. Their demeanor and situation are often very clearly felt, and sometimes (though not through hearing), the words they want to say are also sensed.

The phenomenon would seem to be due to a pure conception becoming[Pg 323] saturated with the sort of stinging urgency which ordinarily only sensations bring. But I cannot yet persuade myself that the urgency in question consists in concomitant emotional and motor impulses. The 'impression' may come quite suddenly and depart quickly; it may carry no emotional suggestions, and wake no motor consequences beyond those involved in attending to it. Altogether, the matter is somewhat paradoxical, and no conclusion can be come to until more definite data are obtained.

The phenomenon appears to be a pure conception becoming[Pg 323] saturated with a kind of intense urgency that usually only comes from sensations. But I still can't convince myself that this urgency involves accompanying emotional and physical impulses. The 'impression' can come on suddenly and fade just as quickly; it might not carry any emotional weight and may not lead to any physical reactions aside from simply paying attention to it. Overall, it's a bit paradoxical, and no conclusions can be drawn until we have more concrete information.

Perhaps the most curious case of the sort which I have received is the following. The subject of the observation, Mr. P., is an exceptionally intelligent witness, though the words of the narrative are his wife's.

Perhaps the most interesting case I've come across is the following. The person being observed, Mr. P., is an exceptionally intelligent individual, although the account is told in his wife's words.

"Mr. P. has all his life been the occasional subject of rather singular delusions or impressions of various kinds. If I had belief in the existence of latent or embryo faculties, other than the five senses, I should explain them on that ground. Being totally blind, his other perceptions are abnormally keen and developed, and given the existence of a rudimentary sixth sense, it would be only natural that this also should be more acute in him than in others. One of the most interesting of his experiences in this line was the frequent apparition of a corpse some years ago, which may be worth the attention of your Committee on that subject. At the time Mr. P. had a music-room in Boston on Beacon Street, where he used to do severe and protracted practice with little interruption. Now, all one season it was a very familiar occurrence with him while in the midst of work to feel a cold draft of air suddenly upon his face, with a prickling sensation at the roots of his hair, when he would turn from the piano, and a figure which he knew to be dead would come sliding under the crack of the door from without, flattening itself to squeeze through and rounding out again to the human form. It was of a middle-aged man, and drew itself along the carpet on hands and knees, but with head thrown back till it reached the sofa, upon which it stretched itself. It remained some moments, but vanished always if Mr. P. spoke or made a decided movement. The most singular point in the occurrence was its frequent repetition. He might expect it on any day between two and four o'clock, and it came always heralded by the same sudden cold shiver, and was invariably the same figure which went through the same movements. He afterwards traced the whole experience to strong tea. He was in the habit of taking cold tea, which always stimulates him, for lunch, and on giving up this practice he never saw this or any other apparition again. However, even allowing, as is doubtless true, that the event was a delusion of nerves first fatigued by overwork and then excited by this stimulant, there is one point which is still wholly inexplicable and highly interesting to me. Mr. P. has no memory whatever of sight, nor conception of it. It is impossible for him to form any idea of what we mean by light or color, consequently he has no cognizance of any object which does not reach his sense of hearing or of touch, though these are so acute as to give a contrary impression sometimes to other people. When he becomes aware of the presence of a person or an object, by means which seem mysterious to outsiders, he can always trace it naturally and legitimately to slight echoes, perceptible only to his keen ears, or to differences in atmospheric pressure, perceptible only to his acute nerves of touch; but with the apparition described, for the only time in his experience, he was aware of presence, size, and appearance, without[Pg 324] the use of either of these mediums. The figure never produced the least sound nor came within a number of feet of his person, yet he knew that it was a man, that it moved, and in what direction, even that it wore a full beard, which, like the thick curly hair, was partially gray; also that it was dressed in the style of suit known as 'pepper and salt.' These points were all perfectly distinct and invariable each time. If asked how he perceived them, he will answer he cannot tell, he simply knew it, and so strongly and so distinctly that it is impossible to shake his opinion as to the exact details of the man's appearance. It would seem that in this delusion of the senses he really saw, as he has never done in the actual experiences of life, except in the first two years of childhood."

"Mr. P. has throughout his life been occasionally affected by rather unique delusions or perceptions of various kinds. If I believed in the existence of hidden or developing abilities beyond the five senses, I would explain them in that way. Being completely blind, his other senses are extraordinarily sharp and developed, and if there is a basic sixth sense, it's only natural that it would be more acute in him than in others. One of the most fascinating experiences he had in this regard was the frequent appearance of a corpse a few years back, which might interest your Committee on that topic. At the time, Mr. P. had a music room in Boston on Beacon Street, where he practiced intensively and for long periods with little interruption. Throughout one season, it became quite common for him, while engrossed in his work, to suddenly feel a cold draft on his face and a tingling sensation at the back of his head. Upon turning away from the piano, a figure he recognized as dead would slide under the door, flattening itself to get through and then rounding out into human form. It was that of a middle-aged man, and it crawled along the carpet on its hands and knees, with its head thrown back until it reached the sofa, where it would stretch out. It stayed for a few moments but always vanished if Mr. P. spoke or made any definite movement. What was most unusual about the occurrence was its consistent recurrence. He could anticipate it on any given day between two and four o'clock, always preceded by the same sudden chill, and it was invariably the same figure performing the same actions. He later attributed the entire experience to strong tea. He regularly drank cold tea for lunch, which always stimulated him, and after he stopped this practice, he never saw that or any other apparition again. However, even if we accept, as is likely true, that the event was a nerve delusion caused first by overwork and then triggered by this stimulant, there's one aspect that remains completely inexplicable and highly intriguing to me. Mr. P. has no memory of sight at all, nor any concept of it. He cannot picture what we mean by light or color, so he has no awareness of any object that doesn't reach his sense of hearing or touch, though those senses are so acute that they sometimes give a different impression to others. When he becomes aware of another person or object in ways that seem mysterious to outsiders, he can always trace it back to faint echoes that only his sharp ears can pick up, or to changes in atmospheric pressure that only his sensitive touch can feel. But with the described apparition, for the only time in his experience, he perceived presence, size, and appearance without the use of either of these senses. The figure made no sound and was never within a certain distance of him, yet he knew it was a man, how it moved, and in what direction, even noting that it had a full beard, which, like its thick curly hair, was partially gray; it was also dressed in what is called a 'pepper and salt' suit. These details were all entirely clear and consistent each time. If asked how he perceived them, he would say he cannot explain it, he just knew it, and so strongly and distinctly that it's impossible to sway his opinion about the exact features of the man's appearance. It seems that in this sensory delusion, he truly saw in a way he never has in real life, except for the first two years of childhood."

On cross-examining Mr. P., I could not make out that there was anything like visual imagination involved, although he was quite unable to describe in just what terms the false perception was carried on. It seemed to be more like an intensely definite conception than anything else, a conception to which the feeling of present reality was attached, but in no such shape as easily to fall under the heads laid down in my text.

On cross-examining Mr. P., I couldn't determine that there was anything resembling visual imagination involved, even though he was completely unable to explain in what terms the false perception occurred. It seemed more like an extremely clear concept than anything else, a concept that was connected to the feeling of present reality, but not in a way that fit neatly into the categories outlined in my text.


CHAPTER XXII.[319]

REASONING.

We talk of man being the rational animal; and the traditional intellectualist philosophy has always made a great point of treating the brutes as wholly irrational creatures. Nevertheless, it is by no means easy to decide just what is meant by reason, or how the peculiar thinking process called reasoning differs from other thought-sequences which may lead to similar results.

We say that humans are the rational animals, and traditional philosophy has emphasized that animals are completely irrational. However, it's not easy to determine exactly what we mean by reason or how the specific thinking process known as reasoning differs from other patterns of thought that might lead to similar outcomes.

Much of our thinking consists of trains of images suggested one by another, of a sort of spontaneous revery of which it seems likely enough that the higher brutes should be capable. This sort of thinking leads nevertheless to rational conclusions, both practical and theoretical. The links between the terms are either 'contiguity' or 'similarity,' and with a mixture of both these things we can hardly be very incoherent. As a rule, in this sort of irresponsible thinking, the terms which fall to be coupled together are empirical concretes, not abstractions. A sunset may call up the vessel's deck from which I saw one last summer, the companions of my voyage, my arrival into port, etc.; or it may make me think of solar myths, of Hercules' and Hector's funeral pyres, of Homer and whether he could write, of the Greek alphabet, etc. If habitual contiguities predominate, we have a prosaic mind; if rare contiguities, or similarities, have free play, we call the person fanciful, poetic, or witty. But the thought as a rule is of matters taken in their entirety. Having been thinking of one, we find later that we are thinking of another, to which we have been lifted along, we hardly know how. If an abstract[Pg 326] quality figures in the procession, it arrests our attention but for a moment, and fades into something else; and is never very abstract. Thus, in thinking of the sun-myths, we may have a gleam of admiration at the gracefulness of the primitive human mind, or a moment of disgust at the narrowness of modern interpreters. But, in the main, we think less of qualities than of whole things, real or possible, just as we may experience them.

A lot of our thinking is made up of a series of images that suggest one another, sort of like a spontaneous daydream that probably higher animals can also do. Despite this kind of thinking, we still reach rational conclusions, both practical and theoretical. The connections between these ideas are either based on 'contiguity' or 'similarity', and with a mix of both, we can hardly be incoherent. Generally, in this type of careless thinking, the ideas we link together are concrete experiences, not abstract concepts. For instance, a sunset might remind me of the deck of a ship where I watched one last summer, my travel companions, my arrival at the port, and so on; or it might lead me to think about solar myths, the funeral pyres of Hercules and Hector, Homer and whether he could actually write, the Greek alphabet, and more. If we predominantly have usual connections, we have a practical mind; if we often encounter rare connections or similarities, we might describe that person as imaginative, poetic, or witty. But our thoughts usually focus on complete matters. After thinking about one thing, we often find ourselves thinking about another, moved along without fully realizing how. If an abstract quality pops up in the mix, it grabs our attention for just a moment before fading into something else, and it’s usually not very abstract. So, when thinking about sun myths, we might catch a brief admiration for the creativity of early humans or a moment of frustration with the limited views of modern interpreters. But mostly, we think less about qualities and more about entire things, both real and possible, just as we might experience them.

The upshot of it may be that we are reminded of some practical duty: we write a letter to a friend abroad, or we take down the lexicon and study our Greek lesson. Our thought is rational, and leads to a rational act, but it can hardly be called reasoning in a strict sense of the term.

The result might be that we remember some practical task: we write a letter to a friend overseas, or we pull out the dictionary and go over our Greek lesson. Our thought is logical and leads to a logical action, but it can’t really be considered reasoning in the strictest sense.

There are other shorter flights of thought, single couplings of terms which suggest one another by association, which approach more to what would commonly be classed as acts of reasoning proper. Those are where a present sign suggests an unseen, distant, or future reality. Where the sign and what it suggests are both concretes which have been coupled together on previous occasions, the inference is common to both brutes and men, being really nothing more than association by contiguity. A and B, dinner-bell and dinner, have been experienced in immediate succession. Hence A no sooner falls upon the sense than B is anticipated, and steps are taken to meet it. The whole education of our domestic beasts, all the cunning added by age and experience to wild ones, and the greater part of our human knowingness consists in the ability to make a mass of inferences of this simplest sort. Our 'perceptions,' or recognitions of what objects are before us, are inferences of this kind. We feel a patch of color, and we say 'a distant house,' a whiff of odor crosses us, and we say 'a skunk,' a faint sound is heard, and we call it 'a railroad train.' Examples are needless; for such inferences of sensations not presented form the staple and tissue of our perceptive life, and our Chapter XIX was full of them, illusory or veracious. They have been called unconscious inferences. Certainly we are commonly unconscious that we are inferring at all. The sign and the signified melt into what seems to us the object of a single pulse of[Pg 327] thought. Immediate inferences would be a good name for these simple acts of reasoning requiring but two terms,[320] were it not that formal logic has already appropriated the expression for a more technical use.

There are shorter thought processes, quick connections between terms that suggest one another through association, which come closer to what we usually think of as proper reasoning. These are instances where a current sign indicates an unseen, distant, or future reality. When both the sign and what it suggests are concrete examples that have been linked on previous occasions, the inference is common to both animals and humans, essentially being just association by proximity. A and B, like the dinner bell and dinner, have been experienced one after the other. Thus, as soon as A is perceived, B is expected, and actions are taken to accommodate it. The entire training of our domestic animals, all the skills added through age and experience to wild ones, and most of our human understanding consist of the ability to make a lot of these simple inferences. Our perceptions, or recognitions of the objects in front of us, are these kinds of inferences. We see a patch of color and think 'a distant house,' catch a whiff of an odor and think 'a skunk,' hear a faint sound and identify it as 'a railroad train.' There’s no need for more examples; these inferences based on sensations that aren’t currently presented make up the core of our perceptual existence, and our Chapter XIX was full of them, whether they were illusions or truths. They have been referred to as unconscious inferences. Indeed, we often aren’t aware that we are inferring anything at all. The sign and the signified blend together into what appears to us as the object of a single thought process.[Pg 327] Immediate inferences would be a fitting term for these straightforward reasoning acts that only involve two terms,[320] if it weren’t for the fact that formal logic has already taken the term for more technical uses.

'RECEPTS.'

In these first and simplest inferences the conclusion may follow so continuously upon the 'sign' that the latter is not discriminated or attended to as a separate object by the mind. Even now we can seldom define the optical signs which lead us to infer the shapes and distances of the objects which by their aid we so unhesitatingly perceive. The objects, too, when thus inferred, are general objects. The dog crossing a scent thinks of a deer in general, or of another dog in general, not of a particular deer or dog. To these most primitive abstract objects Dr. G. J. Romanes gives the name of recepts or generic ideas, to distinguish them from concepts and general ideas properly so called.[321] They are not analyzed or defined, but only imagined.

In these initial and straightforward conclusions, the outcome may follow so closely from the 'sign' that the mind doesn't recognize or focus on it as a separate thing. Even now, we can hardly pinpoint the visual cues that lead us to deduce the shapes and distances of the objects we confidently perceive with their help. The objects, when inferred this way, are general objects. A dog following a scent is thinking of a deer in general, or another dog in general, rather than a specific deer or dog. To these most basic abstract objects, Dr. G. J. Romanes refers to them as recepts or generic ideas to differentiate them from concepts and properly defined general ideas.[321] They are not analyzed or defined, but only imagined.

"It requires but a slight analysis of our ordinary mental processes to prove that all our simpler ideas are group-arrangements which have been formed spontaneously or without any of that intentionally comparing, sifting, and combining process which is required in the higher departments of ideational activity. The comparing, sifting, and combining is here done, as it were, for the conscious agent, not by him. Recepts are received; it is only concepts that require to be conceived.... If I am crossing a street and hear behind me a sudden shout, I do not require to wait in order to predicate to myself that there is probably a hansom-cab just about to run me down: a cry of this kind, and in those circumstances, is so intimately associated in my mind with its[Pg 328] purpose, that the idea which it arouses need not rise above the level of a recept; and the adaptive movements on my part which that idea immediately prompts are performed without any intelligent reflection. Yet, on the other hand, they are neither reflex actions nor instinctive actions; they are what may be termed receptual actions, or actions depending on recepts."[322]

"A bit of analysis of our daily thought processes reveals that our simpler ideas are just groups of arrangements that have formed naturally, without the intentional comparing, sorting, and combining required for more complex thinking. The comparing, sorting, and combining occurs, in a way, for the thinker, not by them. We experience sensations; it’s only concepts that need deeper thought. For example, if I'm crossing the street and suddenly hear a shout behind me, I don't need to stop and remind myself that a cab might be about to hit me: that shout in that situation is so closely connected in my mind to its[Pg 328] purpose that the idea it triggers doesn’t have to rise above the level of a sensation; and my quick response to that idea happens without any conscious thought. However, these are not just reflexes or instincts; they can be described as receptual actions, or actions based on received sensations." [322]

"How far can this kind of unnamed or non-conceptional ideation extend?" Dr. Romanes asks; and answers by a variety of examples taken from the life of brutes, for which I must refer to his book. One or two of them, however, I will quote:

"How far can this kind of unnamed or non-conceptual thinking go?" Dr. Romanes asks and answers with various examples from the lives of animals, which I must direct you to his book for. However, I will quote one or two of them:

"Houzeau writes that while crossing a wide and arid plain in Texas, his two dogs suffered greatly from thirst, and that between thirty and forty times they rushed down the hollows to search for water. The hollows were not valleys, and there were no trees in them, or any other difference in the vegetation; and as they were absolutely dry, there could have been no smell of damp earth. The dogs behaved as if they knew that a dip in the ground offered them the best chance of finding water, and Houzeau has often witnessed the same behavior in other animals....

"Houzeau mentions that while crossing a vast, dry plain in Texas, his two dogs struggled with thirst, rushing down the depressions to search for water about thirty to forty times. The depressions weren't valleys, and there were no trees or other variations in the vegetation; since they were completely dry, there wasn't even the smell of wet earth. The dogs seemed to instinctively know that a dip in the ground was their best chance of finding water, and Houzeau has often observed the same behavior in other animals..."

"Mr. Darwin writes: 'When I say to my terrier in an eager voice (and I have made the trial many times), "Hi! hi! where is it?" she at once takes it as a sign that something is to be hunted, and generally first looks quickly all round, and then rushes into the nearest thicket, to scout for any game, but finding nothing she looks up into any neighboring tree for a squirrel. Now do not these actions clearly show that she had in her mind a general idea, or concept, that some animal is to be discovered and hunted?'"[323]

"Mr. Darwin states: 'When I call my terrier in an enthusiastic tone (and I've tested this many times), "Hi! hi! where is it?" she instantly interprets it as a signal that something needs to be hunted. Typically, she quickly glances around, then charges into the nearest bushes to look for any game. If she finds nothing, she looks up into any nearby tree for a squirrel. Don't these actions clearly show that she has a general idea or understanding that some animal is to be found and hunted?'"[323]

They certainly show this. But the idea in question is of an object about which nothing farther may be articulately known. The thought of it prompts to activity, but to no theoretic consequence. Similarly in the following example:

They definitely demonstrate this. But the idea in question is of an object about which nothing more can be clearly known. The thought of it encourages action, but leads to no theoretical result. Similarly in the following example:

"Water-fowl adopt a somewhat different mode of alighting upon land, or even upon ice, from that which they adopt when alighting upon water; and those kinds which dive from a height (such as terns and gannets) never do so upon land or upon ice. These facts prove that the animals have one recept answering to a solid surface, and another answering to a fluid. Similarly a man will not dive from a height over hard ground or over ice, nor will he jump into water in the same way as he jumps upon dry land. In other words, like the water-fowl[Pg 329] he has two distinct recepts, one of which answers to solid ground, and the other to an unresisting fluid. But unlike the water-fowl he is able to bestow upon each of these recepts a name, and thus to raise them both to the level of concepts. So far as the practical purposes of locomotion are concerned, it is of course immaterial whether or not he thus raises his recepts into concepts; but ... for many other purposes it is of the highest importance that he is able to do this."[324]

"Waterfowl have a different way of landing on land or even on ice compared to how they land on water; and species that dive from high up (like terns and gannets) never do this on land or ice. These facts show that they have one reaction for solid surfaces and another for fluids. Similarly, a person won’t dive from a height over hard ground or ice, nor will they jump into water the same way they jump onto dry land. In other words, like waterfowl, they have two distinct reactions: one for solid ground and another for a fluid environment. However, unlike waterfowl, they can name each of these reactions, which elevates them to the level of concepts. While it doesn’t really affect practical movement whether they elevate their reactions into concepts, being able to do this is extremely important for many other reasons."

IN REASONING, WE PICK OUT ESSENTIAL QUALITIES.

The chief of these purposes is predication, a theoretic function which, though it always leads eventually to some kind of action, yet tends as often as not to inhibit the immediate motor response to which the simple inferences of which we have been speaking give rise. In reasoning, A may suggest B; but B, instead of being an idea which is simply obeyed by us, is an idea which suggests the distinct additional idea C. And where the train of suggestion is one of reasoning distinctively so called as contrasted with mere revery or 'associative' sequence, the ideas bear certain inward relations to each other which we must proceed to examine with some care.

The main purpose here is predication, a theoretical function that, while it eventually leads to some kind of action, often tends to delay the immediate response that simple inferences usually trigger. In reasoning, A may lead to B; however, B isn't just an idea that we simply follow; it instead prompts the additional idea C. When the flow of ideas is based on distinct reasoning, as opposed to just daydreaming or 'associative' thinking, the ideas have specific internal relationships that we need to examine closely.

The result C yielded by a true act of reasoning is apt to be a thing voluntarily sought, such as the means to a proposed end, the ground for an observed effect, or the effect of an assumed cause. All these results may be thought of as concrete things, but they are not suggested immediately by other concrete things, as in the trains of simply associative thought. They are linked to the concretes which precede them by intermediate steps, and these steps are formed by general characters articulately denoted and expressly analyzed out. A thing inferred by reasoning need neither have been an habitual associate of the datum from which we infer it, nor need it be similar to it. It may be a thing entirely unknown to our previous experience, something which no simple association of concretes could ever have evoked. The great difference, in fact, between that simpler kind of rational thinking which consists in the concrete objects of past experience merely suggesting each other, and reasoning distinctively so called, is this, that[Pg 330] whilst the empirical thinking is only reproductive, reasoning is productive. An empirical, or 'rule-of-thumb,' thinker can deduce nothing from data with whose behavior and associates in the concrete he is unfamiliar. But put a reasoner amongst a set of concrete objects which he has neither seen nor heard of before, and with a little time, if he is a good reasoner, he will make such inferences from them as will quite atone for his ignorance. Reasoning helps us out of unprecedented situations—situations for which all our common associative wisdom, all the 'education' which we share in common with the beasts, leaves us without resource.

The result C produced by genuine reasoning tends to be something actively sought, like the means to achieve a goal, the basis for an observed effect, or the result of an assumed cause. All of these results can be seen as concrete things, but they are not immediately suggested by other concrete things, as happens in simple associative thinking. They connect to the preceding concrete elements through intermediate steps, which are constructed using general characteristics that are clearly stated and specifically analyzed. Something derived from reasoning doesn't have to be something we've habitually associated with the data from which we infer it, nor does it need to be similar. It can be something entirely unfamiliar to our past experiences, something that no simple association of concrete elements could have triggered. The significant distinction between that simpler type of rational thought—where concrete objects from past experiences merely evoke one another—and true reasoning is that[Pg 330] while empirical thinking is simply reproductive, reasoning is productive. An empirical or 'rule-of-thumb' thinker can't deduce anything from unfamiliar data and its concrete behaviors. However, if you place a reasoner in a situation with concrete objects they've never encountered before, given some time, if they are a skilled reasoner, they will draw inferences from them that compensate for their lack of knowledge. Reasoning aids us in unprecedented situations—those for which all our common associative knowledge, all the 'education' we share with animals, leaves us without a solution.


Let us make this ability to deal with novel data the technical differentia of reasoning. This will sufficiently mark it out from common associative thinking, and will immediately enable us to say just what peculiarity it contains.

Let's make the ability to handle new data the technical distinction of reasoning. This will clearly separate it from basic associative thinking and will immediately allow us to identify what makes it unique.

It contains analysis and abstraction. Whereas the merely empirical thinker stares at a fact in its entirety, and remains helpless, or gets 'stuck,' if it suggests no concomitant or similar, the reasoner breaks it up and notices some one of its separate attributes. This attribute he takes to be the essential part of the whole fact before him. This attribute has properties or consequences which the fact until then was not known to have, but which, now that it is noticed to contain the attribute, it must have.

It includes analysis and abstraction. While the purely empirical thinker looks at a fact as a whole and feels stuck if it doesn’t suggest anything similar, the reasoner breaks it down and focuses on one of its individual characteristics. This characteristic is seen as the essential part of the entire fact in front of them. This characteristic has properties or consequences that were previously unknown to be part of the fact, but now that it's recognized to contain that characteristic, it must have them.

Call the fact or concrete datum S;
the essential attribute M;
the attribute's property P.

Let's call the fact or specific data S;
the key attribute as M;
and the characteristic of the attribute as P.

Then the reasoned inference of P from S cannot be made without M's intermediation. The 'essence' M is thus that third or middle term in the reasoning which a moment ago was pronounced essential. For his original concrete S the reasoner substitutes its abstract property, M. What is true of M, what is coupled with M, then holds true of S, is coupled with S. As M is properly one of the parts of the entire S, reasoning may then be very well defined as the substitution of parts and their implications or consequences for wholes. And the art of the reasoner will consist of two stages:

Then the logical inference of P from S can't happen without M's involvement. The 'essence' of M is that third or middle term in the reasoning that was just mentioned as essential. For their original specific S, the reasoner replaces it with its abstract property, M. What applies to M, and what is associated with M, also applies to S and is associated with S. Since M is properly one of the parts of the whole S, reasoning can be well defined as the substitution of parts and their implications or consequences for wholes. The skill of the reasoner will consist of two stages:

First, sagacity,[325] or the ability to discover what part, M, lies embedded in the whole S which is before him;

First, wisdom,[325] or the ability to figure out which part, M, is embedded in the whole S that is in front of him;

Second, learning, or the ability to recall promptly M's consequences, concomitants, or implications.[326]

Second, learning, or the ability to quickly remember M's outcomes, related factors, or consequences.[326]

If we glance at the ordinary syllogism—

If we look at the typical syllogism—

M is P;
S is M;
Therefore S is P

M is P;
S is M;
So, S is P.

—we see that the second or minor premise, the 'subsumption' as it is sometimes called, is the one requiring the sagacity; the first or major the one requiring the fertility, or fulness of learning. Usually the learning is more apt to be ready than the sagacity, the ability to seize fresh aspects in concrete things, being rarer than the ability to learn old rules; so that, in most actual cases of reasoning, the minor premise, or the way of conceiving the subject, is the one that makes the novel step in thought. This is, to be sure, not always the case; for the fact that M carries P with it may also be unfamiliar and now formulated for the first time.

—we see that the second or minor premise, sometimes called the 'subsumption', is the one that requires insight; while the first or major premise requires depth of knowledge. Generally, people tend to have more readily available knowledge than insight, as the ability to recognize new perspectives in concrete situations is less common than the ability to learn established rules. Consequently, in most instances of reasoning, the minor premise, or the way of approaching the subject, is what introduces the new idea. This is not always the case, however, since the fact that M implies P may also be unfamiliar and newly articulated for the first time.

The perception that S is M is a mode of conceiving S. The statement that M is P is an abstract or general proposition. A word about both is necessary.

The idea that S is M is a way of understanding S. The claim that M is P is an abstract or general statement. We need to say a bit about both.

WHAT IS MEANT BY A MODE OF CONCEIVING.

When we conceive of S merely as M (of vermilion merely as a mercury-compound, for example), we neglect all the other attributes which it may have, and attend exclusively to this one. We mutilate the fulness of S's reality. Every reality has an infinity of aspects or properties. Even so simple a fact as a line which you trace in the air may be considered in respect to its form, its length, its direction, and its location. When we reach more complex facts, the number of ways in which we may regard them is literally endless. Vermilion is not only a mercury-compound, it is vividly red, heavy, and expensive, it comes from China, and so on, in infinitum. All objects are well-springs of properties, which are only little by little developed to our knowledge, and it is truly said that to know one thing thoroughly would be to know the whole universe. Mediately or immediately, that one thing is related to everything else; and to know all about it, all its relations need be known. But each relation forms one of its attributes, one angle by which some one may conceive it, and while so conceiving it may ignore the rest of it. A man is such a complex fact. But out of the complexity all that an army commissary picks out as important for his purposes is his property of eating so many pounds a day; the general,[Pg 333] of marching so many miles; the chair-maker, of having such a shape; the orator, of responding to such and such feelings; the theatre-manager, of being willing to pay just such a price, and no more, for an evening's amusement. Each of these persons singles out the particular side of the entire man which has a bearing on his concerns, and not till this side is distinctly and separately conceived can the proper practical conclusions for that reasoner be drawn; and when they are drawn the man's other attributes may be ignored.

When we think of S just as M (like vermilion only being a mercury compound, for example), we overlook all the other qualities it might have and focus only on this one. We diminish the full reality of S. Every reality has countless aspects or properties. Even something as simple as a line you draw in the air can be viewed in terms of its shape, length, direction, and position. When we consider more complex facts, the number of ways we can look at them is literally endless. Vermilion isn’t just a mercury compound; it’s bright red, heavy, and expensive, it comes from China, and so on, in infinitum. Every object is a source of properties, which are gradually revealed to us, and it’s often said that to truly know one thing would mean to know the entire universe. Directly or indirectly, that one thing is connected to everything else; to fully understand it, all its relationships need to be known. But each relationship becomes one of its attributes, one perspective by which someone might understand it, and while doing so, they could ignore the rest. A person is such a complex reality. But from this complexity, all that an army commissary considers important for his needs is that person’s ability to eat a certain number of pounds a day; the general, their capability of marching a given number of miles; the chair-maker, their shape; the orator, how they respond to specific feelings; the theater manager, their willingness to pay a certain price for an evening’s entertainment. Each of these individuals highlights the particular aspect of the whole person that relates to their interests, and only once this aspect is clearly identified can the appropriate practical conclusions for that thinker be drawn. When these conclusions are made, the other attributes of the person can be disregarded.

All ways of conceiving a concrete fact, if they are true ways at all, are equally true ways. There is no property absolutely essential to any one thing. The same property which figures as the essence of a thing on one occasion becomes a very inessential feature upon another. Now that I am writing, it is essential that I conceive my paper as a surface for inscription. If I failed to do that, I should have to stop my work. But if I wished to light a fire, and no other materials were by, the essential way of conceiving the paper would be as combustible material; and I need then have no thought of any of its other destinations. It is really all that it is: a combustible, a writing surface, a thin thing, a hydrocarbonaceous thing, a thing eight inches one way and ten another, a thing just one furlong east of a certain stone in my neighbor's field, an American thing, etc., etc., ad infinitum. Whichever one of these aspects of its being I temporarily class it under, makes me unjust to the other aspects. But as I always am classing it under one aspect or another, I am always unjust, always partial, always exclusive. My excuse is necessity—the necessity which my finite and practical nature lays upon me. My thinking is first and last and always for the sake of my doing, and I can only do one thing at a time. A God, who is supposed to drive the whole universe abreast, may also be supposed, without detriment to his activity, to see all parts of it at once and without emphasis. But were our human attention so to disperse itself we should simply stare vacantly at things at large and forfeit our opportunity of doing any particular act. Mr. Warner, in his Adirondack story, shot a bear by aiming, not at his eye or heart, but 'at him generally.'[Pg 334] But we cannot aim 'generally' at the universe; or if we do, we miss our game. Our scope is narrow, and we must attack things piecemeal, ignoring the solid fulness in which the elements of Nature exist, and stringing one after another of them together in a serial way, to suit our little interests as they change from hour to hour. In this, the partiality of one moment is partly atoned for by the different sort of partiality of the next. To me now, writing these words, emphasis and selection seem to be the essence of the human mind. In other chapters other qualities have seemed, and will again seem, more important parts of psychology.

All ways of understanding a concrete fact, if they are valid at all, are equally valid. There is no property totally essential to any one thing. The same property that represents the essence of a thing at one moment can become a very non-essential feature at another. As I write, it is crucial that I view my paper as a surface for writing. If I didn't think of it that way, I would have to stop my work. But if I wanted to start a fire, and there were no other materials around, the key way to look at the paper would be as something flammable; and then I wouldn't consider any of its other uses. It is really all that it is: a flammable item, a writing surface, a thin item, a hydrocarbon thing, a thing eight inches one way and ten the other, a thing just one furlong east of a certain stone in my neighbor's field, an American thing, etc., etc., ad infinitum. Whichever aspect of its existence I temporarily classify it under makes me overlook the other aspects. But since I am always classifying it under one aspect or another, I am always overlooking, always biased, always exclusive. My justification is necessity—the necessity that my limited and practical nature imposes on me. My thinking is always for the sake of my actions, and I can only do one thing at a time. A God, who is said to control the entire universe at once, might be assumed to see all parts of it simultaneously and without focus. But if our human attention were to spread out like that, we would simply stare blankly at everything and miss our chance to do anything specific. Mr. Warner, in his Adirondack story, shot a bear by aiming not at its eye or heart, but 'at him generally.'[Pg 334] But we can't aim 'generally' at the universe; if we do, we miss our target. Our focus is narrow, and we have to approach things piece by piece, ignoring the solid reality in which the elements of Nature exist, and connecting them one after another in a sequence that fits our little interests as they change hour by hour. In this way, the partiality of one moment is somewhat balanced by the different kind of partiality of the next. To me, as I write these words, emphasis and selection seem to be the essence of the human mind. In other chapters, different qualities have felt more significant and will again feel like more important parts of psychology.

Men are so ingrainedly partial that, for common-sense and scholasticism (which is only common-sense grown articulate), the notion that there is no one quality genuinely, absolutely, and exclusively essential to anything is almost unthinkable. "A thing's essence makes it what it is. Without an exclusive essence it would be nothing in particular, would be quite nameless, we could not say it was this rather than that. What you write on, for example,—why talk of its being combustible, rectangular, and the like, when you know that these are mere accidents, and that what it really is, and was made to be, is just paper and nothing else?" The reader is pretty sure to make some such comment as this. But he is himself merely insisting on an aspect of the thing which suits his own petty purpose, that of naming the thing; or else on an aspect which suits the manufacturer's purpose, that of producing an article for which there is a vulgar demand. Meanwhile the reality overflows these purposes at every pore. Our usual purpose with it, our commonest title for it, and the properties which this title suggests, have in reality nothing sacramental. They characterize us more than they characterize the thing. But we are so stuck in our prejudices, so petrified intellectually, that to our vulgarest names, with their suggestions, we ascribe an eternal and exclusive worth. The thing must be, essentially, what the vulgarest name connotes; what less usual names connote, it can be only in an 'accidental' and relatively unreal sense.[327]

Men are so inherently biased that, for both common sense and scholarly thought (which is just common sense expressed more clearly), the idea that nothing has one truly, absolutely, and uniquely essential quality is almost unimaginable. "The essence of a thing defines what it is. Without a definitive essence, it would be nothing in particular, completely nameless; we couldn't say it was this rather than that. For instance, take what you write on—why mention its combustibility, rectangular shape, and similar traits when you know these are just incidental? What it truly is, and what it was made to be, is simply paper and nothing else?" The reader is likely to respond with a comment like this. But they're merely focusing on an aspect of the thing that serves their own narrow purpose of naming it, or perhaps an aspect that fits the manufacturer's goal of creating a product that has mass appeal. Meanwhile, the reality of the thing surpasses these goals completely. Our standard way of interacting with it, our most common name for it, and the qualities that this name implies are really not sacred at all. They reflect us more than they define the thing. Yet we are so entrenched in our biases, so intellectually rigid, that we attribute eternal and exclusive value to our simplest names and their implications. The thing must be, essentially, what the simplest name suggests; anything indicated by less common names can only exist in an 'accidental' and relatively fictitious sense.[327]

Locke undermined the fallacy. But none of his successors, so far as I know, have radically escaped it, or seen that the only meaning of essence is teleological, and that classification and conception are purely teleological weapons of the mind. The essence of a thing is that one of its properties which is so important for my interests that in comparison with it I may neglect the rest. Amongst those other things which have this important property I class it, after this property I name it, as a thing endowed with this property I conceive it; and whilst so classing, naming, and conceiving it, all other truths about it become to me as naught.[328] The properties which are important vary from man to man and from hour to hour.[329] Hence divers appellations and[Pg 336] conceptions for the same thing. But many objects of daily use—as paper, ink, butter, horse-car—have properties of such constant unwavering importance, and have such stereotyped names, that we end by believing that to conceive them in those ways is to conceive them in the only true way. Those are no truer ways of conceiving them than any others; they are only more important ways, more frequently serviceable ways.[330]

Locke challenged the misconception. But none of his followers, as far as I know, have completely overcome it or realized that the only meaning of essence is teleological, and that classification and conception are purely teleological tools of the mind. The essence of a thing is that one property of it which is so significant for my interests that I can overlook everything else in comparison. Among the other things that share this important property, I categorize it, name it after this property, and understand it as something endowed with this property; and while I’m classifying, naming, and conceiving it, all other truths about it become irrelevant to me.[328] The properties that matter vary from person to person and from moment to moment.[329] This leads to different names and[Pg 336] concepts for the same thing. However, many everyday objects—like paper, ink, butter, and horse-drawn carriages—have properties of such consistent importance and have such established names that we end up believing that understanding them this way is the only true way. These methods of understanding are no more accurate than any others; they are just more significant, more frequently useful methods.[330]

So much for what is implied, when the reasoner conceives of the fact S before him as a case of which the essence is to be M. One word now as to what is involved in M's having properties, consequences, or implications, and we can go back to the study of the reasoning process again.

So much for what is implied when the thinker views the fact S in front of them as a case where the essence is M. One last thing about what it means for M to have properties, consequences, or implications, and then we can return to studying the reasoning process again.

WHAT IS INVOLVED IN GENERAL PROPOSITIONS.

M is not a concrete, or 'self-sufficient,' as Mr. Clay would say. It is an abstract character which may exist, embedded with other characters, in many concretes. Whether it be the character of being a writing surface, of being made in America or China, of being eight inches square, or of being in a certain part of space, this is always true of it. Now we might conceive of this being a world in which all such general characters were independent of each other, so that if any one of them were found in a subject S, we never could be sure what others would be found alongside of it. On one occasion there might be P with M, on another Q, and so on. In such a world there would be no general sequences or coexistences, and no universal laws. Each grouping would be sui generis; from the experience of the past no future could be predicted; and reasoning, as we shall presently see, would be an impossibility.

M is not a concrete or 'self-sufficient,' as Mr. Clay would say. It’s an abstract concept that can be found together with other concepts in many concrete examples. Whether it’s the concept of being a writing surface, being made in America or China, being eight inches square, or being located in a certain part of space, this remains true. Now, we could imagine a world where all these general concepts were independent of one another, so that if any one of them appeared in a subject S, we could never be sure which others would be present alongside it. One time there might be P with M, another time Q, and so on. In such a world, there would be no general sequences or coexistences, and no universal laws. Each grouping would be sui generis; from past experiences, no future could be predicted; and reasoning, as we will soon see, would be impossible.

But the world we live in is not one of this sort. Though many general characters seem indifferent to each other, there remain a number of them which affect constant habits of mutual concomitance or repugnance. They involve or imply each other. One of them is a sign to us that the other will be found. They hunt in couples, as it were; and such a proposition as that M is P, or includes P, or precedes or accompanies P, if it prove to be true in one instance, may very likely be true in every other instance which we meet. This is, in fact, a world in which general laws obtain, in which universal propositions are true, and in which reasoning is therefore possible. Fortunately for us: for since we cannot handle things as wholes, but only by conceiving them through some general character which for the time we call their essence, it would be a great pity if the matter ended there, and if the general character, once picked out and in our possession, helped us to no farther advance. In[Pg 338] Chapter XXVIII we shall have again to consider this harmony between our reasoning faculty and the world in which its lot is cast.[331]

But the world we live in isn't like that. Although many general traits seem disconnected from one another, there are some that consistently influence habits of mutual presence or rejection. They connect or imply each other. One signals to us that the other will be present. They work together, so to speak; and a statement like M is P, or includes P, or comes before or alongside P, if it turns out to be true in one case, is likely true in every other case we encounter. In reality, this is a world where general laws exist, where universal statements are true, and where reasoning is therefore possible. Thankfully for us: since we can't grasp things as complete entities, but only by understanding them through some general trait we temporarily call their essence, it would be unfortunate if that was the end of the matter, and if the general trait, once identified and in our grasp, offered us no further progress. In[Pg 338] Chapter XXVIII we will need to reassess this connection between our reasoning ability and the world it's a part of.[331]

To revert now to our symbolic representation of the reasoning process:

To return to our symbolic representation of the reasoning process:

M is P
S is M
———
S is P

M is P
S is M
Understood. Please provide the text for modernization.
S = P

M is discerned and picked out for the time being to be the essence of the concrete fact, phenomenon, or reality, S. But M in this world of ours is inevitably conjoined with P; so that P is the next thing that we may expect to find conjoined with the fact S. We may conclude or infer P, through the intermediation of the M which our sagacity began by discerning, when S came before it, to be the essence of the case.

M is identified and selected for now as the core of the concrete fact, phenomenon, or reality, S. However, M in our world is inevitably linked with P; therefore, P is what we can next expect to find connected with the fact S. We can conclude or deduce P through the mediation of M, which our insight initially recognized to be the essence of the matter when S was presented to it.

Now note that if P have any value or importance for us, M was a very good character for our sagacity to pounce upon and abstract. If, on the contrary, P were of no importance, some other character than M would have been a better essence for us to conceive of S by. Psychologically, as a rule, P overshadows the process from the start. We are seeking P, or something like P. But the bare totality of S does not yield it to our gaze; and casting about for some point in S to take hold of, which will lead us to P, we hit, if we are sagacious, upon M, because M happens to be just the character which is knit up with P. Had we wished Q instead of P, and were N a property of S conjoined with Q, we ought to have ignored M, noticed N, and conceived of S as a sort of N exclusively.

Now, note that if P has any value or importance to us, M is a great character for our insight to latch onto and analyze. On the other hand, if P is unimportant, another character besides M would be a better basis for us to understand S. Psychologically, typically, P dominates the process from the beginning. We are seeking P, or something similar to P. But the whole of S doesn’t reveal it to us; and while searching for a point in S to grasp that will lead us to P, if we're sharp, we’ll land on M, because M is the character that's connected to P. If we wanted Q instead of P and N was a property of S associated with Q, we should have ignored M, focused on N, and thought of S as a kind of N exclusively.

Reasoning is always for a subjective interest, to attain some particular conclusion, or to gratify some special curiosity. It not only breaks up the datum placed before it and conceives it abstractly; it must conceive it rightly too; and conceiving it rightly means conceiving it by that one particular abstract character which leads to the one[Pg 339] sort of conclusion which it is the reasoner's temporary interest to attain.[332]

Reasoning is always driven by a personal interest, aiming to reach a specific conclusion or satisfy a particular curiosity. It not only breaks down the information presented but also understands it in an abstract way; and understanding it correctly means grasping it by that one specific abstract characteristic that leads to the one kind of conclusion that the reasoner is currently interested in achieving.[Pg 339][332]

The results of reasoning may be hit upon by accident, The stereoscope was actually a result of reasoning; it is conceivable, however, that a man playing with pictures and mirrors might accidentally have hit upon it. Cats have been known to open doors by pulling latches, etc. But no cat, if the latch got out of order, could open the door again, unless some new accident of random fumbling taught her to associate some new total movement with the total phenomenon of the closed door. A reasoning man, however, would open the door by first analyzing the hindrance. He would ascertain what particular feature of the door was wrong. The lever, e.g., does not raise the latch sufficiently from its slot—case of insufficient elevation—raise door bodily on hinges! Or door sticks at top by friction against lintel—press it bodily down! Now it is obvious that a child or an idiot might without this reasoning learn the rule for opening that particular door. I remember a clock which the maid-servant had discovered would not go unless it were supported so as to tilt slightly forwards. She had stumbled on this method after many weeks of groping. The reason of the stoppage was the friction of the pendulum-bob against the back of the clock-case, a reason which an educated man would have analyzed out in five minutes. I[Pg 340] have a student's lamp of which the flame vibrates most unpleasantly unless the collar which bears the chimney be raised about a sixteenth of an inch. I learned the remedy after much torment by accident, and now always keep the collar up with a small wedge. But my procedure is a mere association of two totals, diseased object and remedy. One learned in pneumatics could have named the cause of the disease, and thence inferred the remedy immediately. By many measurements of triangles one might find their area always equal to their height multiplied by half their base, and one might formulate an empirical law to that effect. But a reasoner saves himself all this trouble by seeing that it is the essence (pro hac vice) of a triangle to be the half of a parallelogram whose area is the height into the entire base. To see this he must invent additional lines; and the geometer must often draw such to get at the essential property he may require in a figure. The essence consists in some relation of the figure to the new lines, a relation not obvious at all until they are put in. The geometer's sagacity lies in the invention of the new lines.

The results of reasoning might be stumbled upon by chance. The stereoscope was actually a product of reasoning; however, it’s possible that someone playing with pictures and mirrors might have inadvertently discovered it. Cats are known to open doors by pulling latches, etc. But no cat, if the latch were broken, could open the door again unless some new accidental fumbling taught it to connect a new total movement with the complete situation of the closed door. A reasoning person, on the other hand, would figure out how to open the door by first analyzing the obstacle. They would identify what specific part of the door was malfunctioning. For example, the lever doesn’t lift the latch high enough—this is a case of insufficient elevation—so elevate the door on its hinges! Or the door sticks at the top due to friction against the lintel—just press it down! It’s clear that a child or a fool might, without this reasoning, learn the rule for opening that specific door. I remember a clock that the maid discovered wouldn’t work unless it was tilted slightly forward. She stumbled upon this solution after weeks of trial and error. The reason it stopped was the friction of the pendulum bob against the back of the clock case, which an educated person could have figured out in five minutes. I have a student’s lamp where the flame flickers annoyingly unless the collar holding the chimney is raised about a sixteenth of an inch. I found the fix after much hassle by accident, and now I always keep the collar raised with a small wedge. But my method is just an association of two totalities, the faulty object and the fix. Someone knowledgeable in pneumatics could have identified the cause of the issue and immediately inferred the solution. By measuring triangles, one might find their area is always equal to their height multiplied by half their base, and they might come up with an empirical rule to that effect. But a reasoner saves all this effort by recognizing that the essence (pro hac vice) of a triangle is that it is half of a parallelogram whose area is height times the entire base. To see this, they must invent additional lines; and the geometer often needs to draw such lines to access the essential property they might need from a figure. The essence lies in some relation of the figure to the new lines, a relation that isn’t at all obvious until those lines are drawn. The geometer’s skill comes from inventing these new lines.

THUS, THERE ARE TWO GREAT POINTS IN REASONING:

First, an extracted character is taken as equivalent to the entire datum from which it comes; and,

First, an extracted character is considered equivalent to the whole data it comes from; and,

Second, the character thus taken suggests a certain consequence more obviously than it was suggested by the total datum as it originally came. Take them again, successively.

Secondly, the character taken indicates a specific consequence more clearly than it was indicated by the overall information as it initially appeared. Take them again, one after the other.


1. Suppose I say, when offered a piece of cloth, "I won't buy that; it looks as if it would fade," meaning merely that something about it suggests the idea of fading to my mind,—my judgment, though possibly correct, is not reasoned, but purely empirical; but, if I can say that into the color there enters a certain dye which I know to be chemically unstable, and that therefore the color will fade, my judgment is reasoned. The notion of the dye which is one of the parts of the cloth, is the connecting link between the latter and the notion of fading. So, again, an uneducated man will expect from past experience to see a piece of ice melt if placed near the fire, and the tip of his finger look coarse[Pg 341] if he views it through a convex glass. In neither of these cases could the result be anticipated without full previous acquaintance with the entire phenomenon. It is not a result of reasoning.

1. Suppose I say, when offered a piece of cloth, "I won't buy that; it looks like it will fade," meaning that something about it suggests fading to me. My judgment, while possibly correct, isn't based on reason but is purely based on observation. However, if I can explain that there’s a certain dye in the color that I know is chemically unstable, and that therefore the color will fade, my judgment is reasoned. The idea of the dye, which is part of the cloth, is the link between the cloth and the notion of fading. Similarly, an uneducated person might expect from past experience to see a piece of ice melt if placed near the fire, and to see the tip of their finger look coarse if viewed through a convex lens. In neither case could the outcome be predicted without a complete understanding of the entire phenomenon. It isn't a result of reasoning.

But a man who should conceive heat as a mode of motion, and liquefaction as identical with increased motion of molecules; who should know that curved surfaces bend light-rays in special ways, and that the apparent size of anything is connected with the amount of the 'bend' of its light-rays as they enter the eye,—such a man would make the right inferences for all these objects, even though he had never in his life had any concrete experience of them; and he would do this because the ideas which we have above supposed him to possess would mediate in his mind between the phenomena he starts with and the conclusions he draws. But these ideas or reasons for his conclusions are all mere extracted portions or circumstances singled out from the mass of characters which make up the entire phenomena. The motions which form heat, the bending of the light-waves, are, it is true, excessively recondite ingredients; the hidden pendulum I spoke of above is less so; and the sticking of a door on its sill in the earlier example would hardly be so at all. But each and all agree in this, that they bear a more evident relation to the conclusion than did the immediate data in their full totality.

But a person who thinks of heat as a form of movement and liquefaction as the result of increased movement of molecules; who understands that curved surfaces bend light rays in specific ways, and that the apparent size of anything is related to the degree of bending of its light rays as they enter the eye—such a person would draw the correct conclusions about these objects, even if they had never experienced them directly. They would do this because the ideas we've assumed they have would connect in their mind the phenomena they observe with the conclusions they reach. However, these ideas or reasons for their conclusions are just extracted parts or specific aspects taken from the vast array of characteristics that make up the entire phenomena. The motions that create heat and the bending of light waves are indeed very complex elements; the hidden pendulum I mentioned earlier is somewhat less so; and the issue of a door getting stuck on its sill in the previous example is hardly complicated at all. But they all share one thing: they have a more evident relation to the conclusion than the immediate data in their full complexity.

The difficulty is, in each case, to extract from the immediate data that particular ingredient which shall have this very evident relation to the conclusion. Every phenomenon or so-called 'fact' has an infinity of aspects or properties, as we have seen, amongst which the fool, or man with little sagacity, will inevitably go astray. But no matter for this point now. The first thing is to have seen that every possible case of reasoning involves the extraction of a particular partial aspect of the phenomena thought about, and that whilst Empirical Thought simply associates phenomena in their entirety, Reasoned Thought couples them by the conscious use of this extract.

The challenge, in every situation, is to pull out from the immediate data that specific element that clearly connects to the conclusion. Every phenomenon or so-called 'fact' has countless angles or characteristics, as we've noted, among which a foolish person or someone lacking insight will inevitably get lost. But let's set that aside for now. The essential point is to recognize that every instance of reasoning requires us to isolate a particular aspect of the phenomena being considered, and that while Empirical Thought just links phenomena as a whole, Reasoned Thought connects them through the intentional use of this isolated aspect.


2. And, now, to prove the second point: Why are the couplings, consequences, and implications of extracts more[Pg 342] evident and obvious than those of entire phenomena? For two reasons.

2. Now, to demonstrate the second point: Why are the connections, consequences, and implications of extracts more[Pg 342] clear and noticeable than those of complete phenomena? For two reasons.

First, the extracted characters are more general than the concretes, and the connections they may have are, therefore, more familiar to us, having been more often met in our experience. Think of heat as motion, and whatever is true of motion will be true of heat; but we have had a hundred experiences of motion for every one of heat. Think of the rays passing through this lens as bending towards the perpendicular, and you substitute for the comparatively unfamiliar lens the very familiar notion of a particular change in direction of a line, of which notion every day brings us countless examples.

First, the extracted characters are more general than the specifics, and the connections they may have are, therefore, more familiar to us, as we've encountered them more often in our experiences. Think of heat as motion, and whatever is true of motion will also apply to heat; however, we have experienced motion a hundred times for every time we've experienced heat. Picture the rays passing through this lens as bending towards the perpendicular, and you replace the relatively unfamiliar lens with the very familiar idea of a particular change in the direction of a line, an idea that we see countless examples of every day.

The other reason why the relations of the extracted characters are so evident is that their properties are so few, compared with the properties of the whole, from which we derived them. In every concrete total the characters and their consequences are so inexhaustibly numerous that we may lose our way among them before noticing the particular consequence it behooves us to draw. But, if we are lucky enough to single out the proper character, we take in, as it were, by a single glance all its possible consequences. Thus the character of scraping the sill has very few suggestions, prominent among which is the suggestion that the scraping will cease if we raise the door; whilst the entire refractory door suggests an enormous number of notions to the mind.

The other reason why the relationships of the extracted characters are so clear is that their properties are so few, compared to the properties of the whole from which we derived them. In every concrete total, the characters and their consequences are so incredibly numerous that we might get lost among them before noticing the specific consequence we need to focus on. However, if we manage to identify the right character, we can grasp all its possible consequences at a glance. For example, the character of scraping the sill has very few implications, with the main one being that the scraping will stop if we raise the door, while the entire stubborn door brings to mind a vast number of ideas.

Take another example. I am sitting in a railroad-car, waiting for the train to start. It is winter, and the stove fills the car with pungent smoke. The brakeman enters, and my neighbor asks him to "stop that stove smoking." He replies that it will stop entirely as soon as the car begins to move. "Why so?" asks the passenger. "It always does," replies the brakeman. It is evident from this 'always' that the connection between car moving and smoke stopping was a purely empirical one in the brakeman's mind, bred of habit. But, if the passenger had been an acute reasoner, he, with no experience of what that stove always did, might have anticipated the brakeman's reply, and spared his own question. Had he singled out of all the[Pg 343] numerous points involved in a stove's not smoking the one special point of smoke pouring freely out of the stove-pipe's mouth, he would, probably, owing to the few associations of that idea, have been immediately reminded of the law that a fluid passes more rapidly out of a pipe's mouth if another fluid be at the same time streaming over that mouth; and then the rapid draught of air over the stove-pipe's mouth, which is one of the points involved in the car's motion, would immediately have occurred to him.

Take another example. I’m sitting in a train car, waiting for the train to start. It’s winter, and the stove fills the car with strong smoke. The brakeman comes in, and my neighbor asks him to "stop that stove from smoking." He replies that it will stop completely as soon as the car starts moving. "Why's that?" asks the passenger. "It always does," replies the brakeman. It’s clear from this 'always' that the link between the car moving and the smoke stopping is something the brakeman has just gotten used to, based on experience. But if the passenger had been a sharp thinker, without any experience of what that stove usually did, he might have predicted the brakeman's answer and saved himself the question. If he had focused on just one specific aspect of a stove not smoking—the smoke pouring freely out of the stove pipe—he probably, due to how few connections that idea has, would have quickly remembered the principle that a fluid flows out of a pipe’s opening more swiftly if another fluid is simultaneously moving over it; and then the strong draft of air over the stove pipe, which is one of the factors connected to the car's movement, would have come to mind immediately.

Thus a couple of extracted characters, with a couple of their few and obvious connections, would have formed the reasoned link in the passenger's mind between the phenomena, smoke stopping and car moving, which were only linked as wholes in the brakeman's mind. Such examples may seem trivial, but they contain the essence of the most refined and transcendental theorizing. The reason why physics grows more deductive the more the fundamental properties it assumes are of a mathematical sort, such as molecular mass or wave-length, is that the immediate consequences of these notions are so few that we can survey them all at once, and promptly pick out those which concern us.

So, a few characters that were pulled together, along with some of their obvious connections, would have created a logical link in the passenger's mind between the events of smoke stopping and the car moving, which were only connected as a whole in the brakeman's mind. These examples might seem unimportant, but they capture the essence of the most sophisticated and profound theorizing. The reason physics becomes more deductive as it assumes more fundamental properties that are mathematical in nature, like molecular mass or wavelength, is because there are so few immediate consequences of these ideas that we can see them all at once and quickly identify the ones that matter to us.

Sagacity; or the Perception of the Essence.

To reason, then, we must be able to extract characters,—not any characters, but the right characters for our conclusion. If we extract the wrong character, it will not lead to that conclusion. Here, then, is the difficulty: How are characters extracted, and why does it require the advent of a genius in many cases before the fitting character is brought to light? Why cannot anybody reason as well as anybody else? Why does it need a Newton to notice the law of the squares, a Darwin to notice the survival of the fittest? To answer these questions we must begin a new research, and see how our insight into facts naturally grows.

To reason, we need to be able to identify the right characters—not just any characters—for our conclusion. If we pick the wrong character, it won't lead us to that conclusion. Here's the challenge: How do we extract characters, and why does it often take a genius to uncover the right one? Why can't everyone reason as effectively as anyone else? Why does it take someone like Newton to discover the law of the squares, or Darwin to recognize the survival of the fittest? To answer these questions, we need to start a new investigation and explore how our understanding of facts develops naturally.

All our knowledge at first is vague. When we say that a thing is vague, we mean that it has no subdivisions ab intra, nor precise limitations ab extra; but still all the forms of thought may apply to it. It may have unity, reality, externality, extent, and what not—thinghood, in a word, but[Pg 344] thinghood only as a whole.[333] In this vague way, probably, does the room appear to the babe who first begins to be conscious of it as something other than his moving nurse. It has no subdivisions in his mind, unless, perhaps, the window is able to attract his separate notice. In this vague way, certainly, does every entirely new experience appear to the adult. A library, a museum, a machine-shop, are mere confused wholes to the uninstructed, but the machinist, the antiquary, and the bookworm perhaps hardly notice the whole at all, so eager are they to pounce upon the details. Familiarity has in them bred discrimination. Such vague terms as 'grass,' 'mould,' and 'meat' do not exist for the botanist or the anatomist. They know too much about grasses, moulds, and muscles. A certain person said to Charles Kingsley, who was showing him the dissection of a caterpillar, with its exquisite viscera, "Why, I thought it was nothing but skin and squash!" A layman present at a shipwreck, a battle, or a fire is helpless. Discrimination has been so little awakened in him by experience that his consciousness leaves no single point of the complex situation accented and standing out for him to begin to act upon. But the sailor, the fireman, and the general know directly at what corner to take up the business. They 'see into the situation'—that is, they analyze it—with their first glance. It is full of delicately differenced ingredients which their education has little by little brought to their consciousness, but of which the novice gains no clear idea.

All our knowledge starts off as unclear. When we say something is vague, we mean it lacks internal subdivisions and clear boundaries; yet, all forms of thought can still apply to it. It might have unity, reality, externality, extent, and so on—essentially, it has 'thinghood,' but only as a whole. In this unclear way, the room likely appears to the baby who is just becoming aware of it as something different from their moving caregiver. It has no divisions in their mind, except maybe the window grabs their separate attention. Definitely, every completely new experience looks vague to an adult as well. A library, a museum, or a machine shop are just confusing wholes to someone untrained, while the machinist, the historian, and the book lover may hardly notice the whole at all, so focused are they on the details. Familiarity has allowed them to develop discernment. Vague terms like 'grass,' 'mold,' and 'meat' don’t exist for the botanist or the anatomist. They know too much about grasses, molds, and muscles. Someone once said to Charles Kingsley, who was showing him a caterpillar dissection with its intricate organs, "I thought it was just skin and squash!" A layperson at a shipwreck, a battle, or a fire is helpless. Their lack of experience hasn’t awakened much discernment, so their awareness doesn't highlight any single aspect of the complex situation for them to act upon. But the sailor, the firefighter, and the general quickly understand where to start. They ‘read the situation’—that is, they analyze it in an instant. It’s full of subtly different components that their education has gradually made clear to them, but the novice has no clear grasp of.

How this power of analysis was brought about we saw in our chapters on Discrimination and Attention. We dissociate the elements of originally vague totals by attending to them or noticing them alternately, of course. But what determines which element we shall attend to first? There are two immediate and obvious answers: first, our practical or instinctive interests; and, second, our æsthetic interests. The dog singles out of any situation its smells, and the horse its sounds, because they may reveal facts of practical moment, and are instinctively exciting to these several creatures.[Pg 345] The infant notices the candle-flame or the window, and ignores the rest of the room, because those objects give him a vivid pleasure. So, the country boy dissociates the blackberry, the chestnut, and the wintergreen, from the vague mass of other shrubs and trees, for their practical uses, and the savage is delighted with the beads, the bits of looking-glass, brought by an exploring vessel, and gives no heed to the features of the vessel itself, which is too much beyond his sphere. These æsthetic and practical interests, then, are the weightiest factors in making particular ingredients stand out in high relief. What they lay their accent on, that we notice; but what they are in themselves, we cannot say. We must content ourselves here with simply accepting them as irreducible ultimate factors in determining the way our knowledge grows.

How this power of analysis came about is discussed in our chapters on Discrimination and Attention. We break down initially vague groups by focusing on them or noticing them one at a time, of course. But what decides which element we’ll focus on first? There are two clear answers: first, our practical or instinctual interests; and second, our aesthetic interests. The dog picks out smells from any situation, and the horse identifies sounds because they can reveal important facts and are instinctively stimulating for these animals. The infant notices the candle flame or the window and ignores the rest of the room because those objects give him vivid pleasure. Similarly, the country boy distinguishes the blackberry, the chestnut, and the wintergreen from the indistinct mass of other shrubs and trees for their practical uses, while the savage is captivated by the beads and bits of mirror brought by an exploring ship, paying no attention to the ship itself, which is too far beyond his experience. These aesthetic and practical interests are key factors in making certain elements stand out. We notice what they highlight, but we can't say what they are in themselves. We must simply accept them as fundamental elements in shaping how our knowledge develops.[Pg 345]

Now, a creature which has few instinctive impulses, or interests, practical or æsthetic, will dissociate few characters, and will, at best, have limited reasoning powers; whilst one whose interests are very varied will reason much better. Man, by his immensely varied instincts, practical wants, and æsthetic feelings, to which every sense contributes, would, by dint of these alone, be sure to dissociate vastly more characters than any other animal; and accordingly we find that the lowest savages reason incomparably better than the highest brutes. The diverse interests lead, too, to a diversification of experiences, whose accumulation becomes a condition for the play of that law of dissociation by varying concomitants of which I treated in a former chapter (see Vol I. p. 506).

Now, a creature with few instinctive impulses or interests, whether practical or aesthetic, will display only a limited range of characteristics and will, at best, have limited reasoning skills; while one with a wide range of interests will reason much better. Humans, because of their incredibly varied instincts, practical needs, and aesthetic feelings that involve all their senses, would naturally dissociate many more traits than any other animal. As a result, we see that even the most basic savages reason incomparably better than the most advanced animals. The diverse interests also lead to a variety of experiences, and this accumulation of experiences is essential for the operation of that law of dissociation by varying concomitants that I discussed in a previous chapter (see Vol I. p. 506).

The Help given by Association by Similarity.

It is probable, also, that man's superior association by similarity has much to do with those discriminations of character on which his higher flights of reasoning are based. As this latter is an important matter, and as little or nothing was said of it in the chapter on Discrimination, it behooves me to dwell a little upon it here.

It’s likely that a person's superior association by similarity plays a significant role in the character distinctions that inform his advanced reasoning. Since this is an important topic and there wasn’t much discussion about it in the chapter on Discrimination, I should elaborate on it a bit here.

What does the reader do when he wishes to see in what the precise likeness or difference of two objects lies? He[Pg 346] transfers his attention as rapidly as possible, backwards and forwards, from one to the other. The rapid alteration in consciousness shakes out, as it were, the points of difference or agreement, which would have slumbered forever unnoticed if the consciousness of the objects compared had occurred at widely distant periods of time. What does the scientific man do who searches for the reason or law embedded in a phenomenon? He deliberately accumulates all the instances he can find which have any analogy to that phenomenon; and, by simultaneously filling his mind with them all, he frequently succeeds in detaching from the collection the peculiarity which he was unable to formulate in one alone; even though that one had been preceded in his former experience by all of those with which he now at once confronts it. These examples show that the mere general fact of having occurred at some time in one's experience, with varying concomitants, is not by itself a sufficient reason for a character to be dissociated now. We need something more; we need that the varying concomitants should in all their variety be brought into consciousness at once. Not till then will the character in question escape from its adhesion to each and all of them and stand alone. This will immediately be recognized by those who have read Mill's Logic as the ground of Utility in his famous 'four methods of experimental inquiry,' the methods of agreement, of difference, of residues, and of concomitant variations. Each of these gives a list of analogous instances out of the midst of which a sought-for character may roll and strike the mind.

What does a reader do when they want to see the exact similarities or differences between two objects? They quickly shift their attention back and forth between them. This fast switching of focus helps to reveal the differences or similarities that would have gone unnoticed if they had thought about the objects at very different times. What does a scientist do when looking for the reason or principle behind a phenomenon? They intentionally gather all the examples they can find that relate to that phenomenon. By filling their mind with all these instances at the same time, they often manage to identify the unique aspect they couldn't pinpoint in just one example, even if that example had been preceded by all the others they are now comparing it with. These examples show that simply having encountered something at some point in our experience, along with varying conditions, isn’t enough to separate a characteristic now. We need more; we need all those varying conditions to be brought into consciousness at once. Only then can the characteristic in question detach from all of them and stand on its own. Those who are familiar with Mill's Logic will recognize this as the basis of Utility in his well-known 'four methods of experimental inquiry': the methods of agreement, difference, residues, and concomitant variations. Each of these methods provides a list of similar instances from which a desired characteristic can emerge and capture the mind's attention.

Now it is obvious that any mind in which association by similarity is highly developed is a mind which will spontaneously form lists of instances like this. Take a present case A, with a character m in it. The mind may fail at first to notice this character m at all. But if A calls up C, D, E, and F,—these being phenomena which resemble A in possessing m, but which may not have entered for months into the experience of the animal who now experiences A, why, plainly, such association performs the part of the reader's deliberately rapid comparison referred to above, and of the systematic consideration of like cases by the[Pg 347] scientific investigator, and may lead to the noticing of m in an abstract way. Certainly this is obvious; and no conclusion is left to us but to assert that, after the few most powerful practical and æsthetic interests, our chief help towards noticing those special characters of phenomena, which, when once possessed and named, are used as reasons, class names, essences, or middle terms, is this association by similarity. Without it, indeed, the deliberate procedure of the scientific man would be impossible: he could never collect his analogous instances. But it operates of itself in highly-gifted minds without any deliberation, spontaneously collecting analogous instances, uniting in a moment what in nature the whole breadth of space and time keeps separate, and so permitting a perception of identical points in the midst of different circumstances, which minds governed wholly by the law of contiguity could never begin to attain.

It's clear that any mind that has a strong ability to link things by similarity will naturally create lists of examples like this. Take a specific case A, which has a characteristic m in it. The mind might not even notice this characteristic m at first. However, if A triggers memories of C, D, E, and F—these being situations that resemble A by including m, but which may not have been part of the experience of the individual encountering A for months—then this association acts like the rapid comparison we mentioned earlier and the methodical examination of similar cases by the[Pg 347] scientific researcher. It may lead to recognizing m in a more abstract way. This is certainly clear; and there's no conclusion left for us to reach other than to claim that, after the strongest practical and artistic interests, our main aid in identifying those specific features of phenomena, which, once recognized and named, are used as justifications, classification terms, essences, or middle terms, is this association by similarity. Without it, in fact, the careful work of a scientist would be impossible: they could never gather their comparable instances. But it functions automatically in exceptionally gifted minds without any thought, spontaneously gathering similar instances and instantly connecting what in nature is kept apart by vast distances of space and time, allowing a recognition of identical points amid different situations, which minds driven solely by the principle of contiguity could never hope to achieve.

Fig. 80.

Figure 80 shows this. If m, in the present representation A, calls up B, C, D, and E, which are similar to A in possessing it, and calls them up in rapid succession, then m, being associated almost simultaneously with such varying concomitants, will 'roll out' and attract our separate notice.

Figure 80 shows this. If m, in the current depiction A, calls up B, C, D, and E, which are similar to A in having it, and does so in quick succession, then m, being linked almost at the same time with such different companions, will 'roll out' and grab our individual attention.

If so much is clear to the reader, he will be willing to admit that the mind in which this mode of association most prevails will, from its better opportunity of extricating characters, be the one most prone to reasoned thinking; whilst, on the other hand, a mind in which we do not detect reasoned thinking will probably be one in which association by contiguity holds almost exclusive sway.

If the reader understands this well, they will likely agree that the mind where this type of association is most common will, due to its greater ability to sort out characters, be the one most inclined to logical thinking; whereas, on the other hand, a mind where we don't observe logical thinking will probably be one where association by closeness is almost completely dominant.

Geniuses are, by common consent, considered to differ from ordinary minds by an unusual development of association by similarity. One of Professor Bain's best strokes of work is the exhibition of this truth.[334] It applies to geniuses in the line of reasoning as well as in other lines. And as the genius is to the vulgarian, so the vulgar human mind is to the intelligence of a brute. Compared with men, it is probable that brutes neither attend to abstract characters, nor have associations by similarity. Their thoughts probably pass from one concrete object to its habitual concrete successor far more uniformly than is the case with us. In other words, their associations of ideas are almost exclusively by contiguity. It will clear up still farther our understanding of the reasoning process, if we devote a few pages to

Geniuses are generally seen as being different from ordinary people because of their unique ability to connect ideas based on similarities. One of Professor Bain's best contributions is showcasing this idea. It applies to geniuses in reasoning as well as in other areas. Just as a genius differs from an average person, an average person differs from a brute's intelligence. Compared to humans, it's likely that animals do not focus on abstract concepts or make connections based on similarities. Their thoughts probably move from one concrete object to the next habitual object in a much more straightforward manner than ours. In other words, their associations of ideas rely almost entirely on physical proximity. We can deepen our understanding of the reasoning process by spending a few pages on it.

THE INTELLECTUAL CONTRAST BETWEEN BRUTE AND MAN.

I will first try to show, by taking the best stories I can find of animal sagacity, that the mental process involved may as a rule be perfectly accounted for by mere contiguous association, based on experience. Mr. Darwin, in his 'Descent of Man,' instances the Arctic dogs, described by Dr. Hayes, who scatter, when drawing a sledge, as soon as the ice begins to crack. This might be called by some an exercise of reason. The test would be, Would the most intelligent Eskimo dogs that ever lived act so when placed upon ice for the first time together? A band of men from the tropics might do so easily. Recognizing cracking to be a sign of breaking, and seizing immediately the partial character that the point of rupture is the point of greatest[Pg 349] strain, and that the massing of weight at a given point concentrates there the strain, a Hindoo might quickly infer that scattering would stop the cracking, and, by crying out to his comrades to disperse, save the party from immersion. But in the dog's case we need only suppose that they have individually experienced wet skins after cracking, that they have often noticed cracking to begin when they were huddled together, and that they have observed it to cease when they scattered. Naturally, therefore, the sound would redintegrate all these former experiences, including that of scattering, which latter they would promptly renew. It would be a case of immediate suggestion or of that 'Logic of Recepts' as Mr. Romanes calls it, of which we spoke above on p. 327.

I will first try to show, by using the best stories I can find about animal intelligence, that the mental process involved can usually be fully explained by simple association based on experience. Mr. Darwin, in his 'Descent of Man,' mentions the Arctic dogs described by Dr. Hayes, who scatter while pulling a sled as soon as the ice starts to crack. Some might call this a use of reason. The question would be, would the smartest Eskimo dogs ever act this way if placed on ice for the first time together? A group of people from the tropics could easily do so. Recognizing cracking as a sign of breaking, and quickly understanding that the point of rupture is where the stress is greatest, and that adding weight at one spot increases that stress, a Hindu might quickly conclude that scattering would prevent the cracking and shout to his colleagues to disperse, saving the group from falling in. But in the case of the dogs, we only need to assume that they have personally experienced wet fur after cracking, that they have often noticed cracking starting when they were crowded together, and that they have seen it stop when they spread out. Naturally, this sound would bring back all those previous experiences, including the act of scattering, which they would quickly repeat. It would be a case of immediate suggestion, or what Mr. Romanes refers to as the 'Logic of Recepts,' which we mentioned above on p. 327.

A friend of the writer gave as a proof of the almost human intelligence of his dog that he took him one day down to his boat on the shore, but found the boat full of dirt and water. He remembered that the sponge was up at the house, a third of a mile distant; but, disliking to go back himself, he made various gestures of wiping out the boat and so forth, saying to his terrier, "Sponge, sponge; go fetch the sponge." But he had little expectation of a result, since the dog had never received the slightest training with the boat or the sponge. Nevertheless, off he trotted to the house, and, to his owner's great surprise and admiration, brought the sponge in his jaws. Sagacious as this was, it required nothing but ordinary contiguous association of ideas. The terrier was only exceptional in the minuteness of his spontaneous observation. Most terriers would have taken no interest in the boat-cleaning operation, nor noticed what the sponge was for. This terrier, in having picked those details out of the crude mass of his boat-experience distinctly enough to be reminded of them, was truly enough ahead of his peers on the line which leads to human reason. But his act was not yet an act of reasoning proper. It might fairly have been called so if, unable to find the sponge at the house, he had brought back a dipper or a mop instead. Such a substitution would have shown that, embedded in the very different appearances of these articles, he had been able to discriminate the identical partial attribute[Pg 350] of capacity to take up water, and had reflected, "For the present purpose they are identical." This, which the dog did not do, any man but the very stupidest could not fail to do.

A friend of the writer provided proof of his dog's almost human intelligence by sharing a story about taking the dog to his boat on the shore, only to find it filled with dirt and water. He remembered that the sponge was at his house, a third of a mile away, but rather than go back himself, he gestured toward cleaning the boat and said to his terrier, "Sponge, sponge; go fetch the sponge." He didn’t expect much since the dog had never been trained to associate the boat with the sponge. Surprisingly, the dog trotted off to the house and, to his owner's amazement, returned with the sponge in his mouth. While this was impressive, it was simply a case of ordinary associative thinking. The terrier was unique only in how keenly he observed details. Most terriers wouldn’t have cared about the boat-cleaning and wouldn’t have recognized the purpose of the sponge. This terrier, however, picked up those specific details from his experiences, showing he was ahead of his peers in the way that inches closer to human reasoning. But his action wasn’t really reasoning yet. It would have been more accurately called reasoning if, upon not finding the sponge, he had brought back a dipper or a mop instead. Such a substitution would have shown that he could identify the shared ability of these items to hold water and thought, "They work the same for what I need right now." This kind of reasoning, which the dog didn’t display, is something any person, except the very slow-witted, would easily do.

If the reader will take the trouble to analyze the best dog and elephant stories he knows, he will find that, in most cases, this simple contiguous calling up of one whole by another is quite sufficient to explain the phenomena. Sometimes, it is true, we have to suppose the recognition of a property or character as such, but it is then always a character which the peculiar practical interests of the animal may have singled out. A dog, noticing his master's hat on its peg, may possibly infer that he has not gone out. Intelligent dogs recognize by the tone of the master's voice whether the latter is angry or not. A dog will perceive whether you have kicked him by accident or by design, and behave accordingly. The character inferred by him, the particular mental state in you, however it be represented in his mind—it is represented probably by a 'recept' (p. 327) or set of practical tendencies, rather than by a definite concept or idea—is still a partial character extracted from the totality of your phenomenal being, and is his reason for crouching and skulking, or playing with you. Dogs, moreover, seem to have the feeling of the value of their master's personal property, or at least a particular interest in objects which their master uses. A dog left with his master's coat will defend it, though never taught to do so. I know of a dog accustomed to swim after sticks in the water, but who always refused to dive for stones. Nevertheless, when a fish-basket, which he had never been trained to carry, but merely knew as his master's, fell over, he immediately dived after it and brought it up. Dogs thus discern, at any rate so far as to be able to act, this partial character of being valuable, which lies hidden in certain things.[335] Stories are told of[Pg 351] dogs carrying coppers to pastry-cooks to get buns, and it is said that a certain dog, if he gave two coppers, would never[Pg 352] leave without two buns. This was probably mere contiguous association, but it is possible that the animal noticed the character of duality, and identified it as the same in the coin and the cake. If so, it is the maximum of canine abstract thinking. Another story told to the writer is this: a dog was sent to a lumber-camp to fetch a wedge, with which he was known to be acquainted. After half an hour, not returning, he was sought and found biting and tugging at the handle of an axe which was driven deeply into a stump. The wedge could not be found. The teller of the story thought that the dog must have had a clear perception of the common character of serving to split which was involved in both the instruments, and, from their identity in this respect, inferred their identity for the purposes required.

If you take the time to analyze the best dog and elephant stories you know, you'll find that, in most cases, simply recalling one situation because of another is enough to explain the behavior. Sometimes, we might have to assume that the animal recognizes a particular feature, but it's always a characteristic that their specific practical interests have drawn attention to. For example, a dog noticing its owner's hat on a hook might guess that the owner hasn't left home. Smart dogs can tell by the tone of their owner's voice whether they are upset or not. A dog will recognize whether you've accidentally kicked them or if it was intentional and will act accordingly. The characteristic inferred by the dog, the specific mental state it perceives in you—represented in its mind probably as a 'recept' (p. 327) or a set of practical tendencies, rather than a clear concept—is still a partial quality drawn from your whole being, which leads to its behavior of either hiding or wanting to play with you. Additionally, dogs seem to understand the value of their owner’s belongings, or at least have a special interest in items their owner uses. A dog left alone with its owner's coat will protect it, even if it hasn't been trained to do so. I know of a dog that was used to swimming after sticks in water but always refused to dive for stones. However, when a fish basket—something it had never been trained to carry, but recognized as its owner's—fell over, it immediately dove in after it and retrieved it. Dogs can thus recognize, at least enough to act, this partial characteristic of being valuable that certain objects possess.[335] There are stories of[Pg 351] dogs taking coins to bakers to get buns, and it’s said that a particular dog would always return with two buns if it handed over two coins. This was likely just a simple association, but it’s possible that the dog noticed the connection of duality, recognizing it in both the coin and the cake. If so, this would represent the peak of canine abstract thinking. Another story shared with me involves a dog sent to a lumber camp to get a wedge it was familiar with. After half an hour without returning, it was searched for and found tugging and biting at the handle of an axe deeply embedded in a stump. The wedge was nowhere to be found. The person telling this story believed that the dog must have clearly perceived the common function of splitting associated with both tools and inferred their equivalence for the task at hand.

It cannot be denied that this interpretation is a possible one, but it seems to me far to transcend the limits of ordinary canine abstraction. The property in question was not one which had direct personal interest for the dog, such as that of belonging to his master is in the case of the coat or the basket. If the dog in the sponge story had returned to the boat with a dipper it would have been no more remarkable. It seems more probable, therefore, that this wood-cutter's dog had also been accustomed to carry the axe, and now, excited by the vain hunt for the wedge, had discharged his carrying powers upon the former instrument in a sort of confusion—just as a man may pick up a sieve to carry water in, in the excitement of putting out a fire.[336]

It’s clear that this interpretation is one possibility, but it seems to go beyond what we usually expect from a dog’s understanding. The item in question wasn’t something that the dog had a personal interest in, like its owner’s coat or basket. If the dog in the sponge story had come back to the boat with a dipper, it wouldn’t have been any more surprising. It seems more likely that this woodcutter’s dog was also used to carrying the axe, and now, caught up in the fruitless search for the wedge, had confusedly picked up the axe instead—similar to how a person might grab a sieve to carry water when trying to put out a fire.[336]

Thus, then, the characters extracted by animals are very few, and always related to their immediate interests or emotions. That dissociation by varying concomitants, which in man is based so largely on association by similarity, hardly seems to take place at all in the mind of brutes. One total thought suggests to them another total thought, and they find themselves acting with propriety, they know not why. The great, the fundamental, defect of their minds seems to be the inability of their groups of ideas to break across in unaccustomed places. They are enslaved to routine, to cut-and-dried thinking; and if the most prosaic of human beings could be transported into his dog's mind, he would be appalled at the utter absence of fancy which reigns there.[337] Thoughts will not be found to call up their similars, but only their habitual successors. Sunsets will not suggest heroes' deaths, but supper-time. This is why man is the only metaphysical animal. To wonder why the universe should be as it is presupposes the notion of its being different, and a brute, which never reduces the actual to fluidity by breaking up its literal sequences in his imagination, can never form such a notion. He takes the world simply for granted, and never wonders at it at all.

So, the thoughts that animals have are very limited and mostly tied to their immediate needs or feelings. Unlike humans, who often make connections based on similarities, animals don’t really seem to do that at all. One complete thought leads to another complete thought, and they act appropriately without really knowing why. The major flaw in their thinking seems to be that their ideas can't cross into unexpected areas. They are stuck in routine, thinking in a fixed way; if the most ordinary human were to experience a dog's mind, they would be shocked by the complete lack of imagination there. Thoughts don't trigger related ideas, only the ones they're used to. Sunsets won't remind them of heroic deaths, but instead of dinner time. This is why humans are the only beings capable of deeper reflection. To question why the universe is the way it is assumes the idea that it could be different, and an animal, which never changes its rigid perceptions through imaginative thought, can't form that idea. They just accept the world as it is and never think twice about it at all.

Professor Strümpell quotes a dog-story which is probably a type of many others. The feat performed looks like abstract reasoning; but an acquaintance with all the circumstances shows it to have been a random trick learned by habit. The story is as follows:

Professor Strümpell shares a dog story that’s likely similar to many others. The action might seem like abstract reasoning, but understanding all the details reveals it to be a random trick learned out of habit. The story is as follows:

"I have two dogs, a small, long-legged pet dog and a rather large watch-dog. Immediately beyond the house-court is the garden, into which one enters through a low lattice-gate which is closed by a latch[Pg 354] on the yard-side. This latch is opened by lifting it. Besides this, moreover, the gate is fastened on the garden-side by a string nailed to the gate-post. Here, as often as one wished, could the following sight be observed. If the little dog was shut in the garden and he wished to get out, he placed himself before the gate and barked. Immediately the large dog in the court would hasten to him and raise the latch with his nose while the little dog on the garden-side leaped up and, catching the string in his teeth, bit it through; whereupon the big one wedged his snout between the gate and the post, pushed the gate open, and the little dog slipped through. Certainly reasoning seems here to prevail. In face of it, however, and although the dogs arrived of themselves, and without human aid, at their solution of the gate question, I am able to point out that the complete action was pieced together out of accidental experiences which the dogs followed, I might say, unconsciously. While the large dog was young, he was allowed, like the little one, to go into the garden, and therefore the gate was usually not latched, but simply closed. Now if he saw anyone go in, he would follow by thrusting his snout between gate and post, and so pushing the gate open. When he was grown I forbade his being taken in, and had the gate kept latched. But he naturally still tried to follow when anyone entered and tried in the old fashion to open it, which he could no longer do. Now it fell out that once, while making the attempt, he raised his nose higher than usual and hit the latch from below so as to lift it off its hook, and the gate unclosed. From thenceforth he made the same movement of the head when trying to open it, and, of course, with the same result. He now knew how to open the gate when it was latched.

"I have two dogs: a small, long-legged pet and a pretty big watchdog. Right outside the house is a garden that you can enter through a low lattice gate secured with a latch[Pg 354] on the yard side. You lift this latch to open it. Additionally, the gate is also tied with a string on the garden side that is nailed to the gate post. Usually, if the little dog was locked in the garden and wanted to get out, he would stand in front of the gate and bark. Immediately, the big dog in the courtyard would rush over, lift the latch with his nose, while the little dog jumped up, grabbed the string in his teeth, and bit it through; then the big dog would wedge his snout between the gate and the post, push the gate open, and the little dog would slip out. It certainly looks like they were reasoning things out. However, even though the dogs figured out the gate issue on their own without help from humans, I can note that the whole action was built from random experiences they followed almost unconsciously. When the big dog was young, he, just like the little dog, was allowed into the garden, so the gate was usually just closed and not latched. When he saw someone go in, he would follow by pushing his snout between the gate and post to open it. Once he grew up, I stopped letting him in and made sure the gate stayed latched. But he naturally still tried to follow when anyone went in and attempted to open it the old way, which no longer worked. Then, one time while trying, he lifted his nose higher than usual and hit the latch from below, lifting it off its hook, and the gate swung open. From then on, he made the same head movement when trying to open it, and of course, got the same result. He now knew how to open the gate even when it was latched."

"The little dog had been the large one's teacher in many things, especially in the chasing of cats and the catching of mice and moles; so when the little one was heard barking eagerly, the other always hastened to him. If the barking came from the garden, he opened the gate to get inside. But meanwhile the little dog, who wanted to get out the moment the gate opened, slipped out between the big one's legs, and so the appearance of his having come with the intention of letting him out arose. And that it was simply an appearance transpired from the fact that when the little dog did not succeed at once in getting out, the large one ran in and nosed about the garden, plainly showing that he had expected to find something there. In order to stop this opening of the gate I fastened a string on the garden-side which, tightly drawn, held the gate firm against the post, so that if the yard dog raised the latch and let go, it would every time fall back on to the hook. And this device was successful for quite a time, until it happened one day that on my return from a walk upon which the little dog had accompanied me I crossed the garden, and in passing through the gate the dog remained behind, and refused to come to my whistle. As it was beginning to rain, and I knew how he disliked to get wet, I closed the gate in order to punish him in this manner. But I had hardly readied the house ere he was before the gate, whining and crying most piteously,[Pg 355] for the rain was falling faster and faster. The big dog, to whom the rain was a matter of perfect indifference, was instantly on hand and tried his utmost to open the gate, but naturally without success. Almost in despair the little dog bit at the gate, at the same time springing into the air in the attempt to jump over it, when he chanced to catch the string in his teeth; it broke, and the gate flew open. Now he knew the secret and thenceforth bit the string whenever he wished to get out, so that I was obliged to change it.

The little dog had taught the big one a lot, especially how to chase cats and catch mice and moles. So whenever the little dog was heard barking excitedly, the big dog always rushed over. If the barking came from the garden, he would open the gate to go inside. But during this, the little dog, wanting to dash outside as soon as the gate opened, slipped out between the big dog's legs, giving the impression that he just wanted to let him out. This was just an illusion, proven by the fact that when the little dog couldn’t get out right away, the big dog would go inside and sniff around the garden, clearly expecting to find something there. To stop this constant gate opening, I tied a string on the garden side that, when pulled tight, kept the gate firmly against the post. So whenever the yard dog lifted the latch and let go, it would always fall back onto the hook. This worked for a while until one day, after a walk with the little dog, I crossed the garden. When I went through the gate, the little dog stayed behind and refused to come when I whistled. As it started to rain, and knowing how much he hated getting wet, I closed the gate to punish him. But before I even got to the house, he was whining and crying pitifully in front of the gate, as the rain came down harder. The big dog, who didn’t care about the rain, quickly came over and tried his best to open the gate, but clearly had no luck. Almost in despair, the little dog bit at the gate while trying to jump over it, and he happened to catch the string in his teeth; it broke, and the gate swung open. Now he knew the trick, and from then on, he would bite the string whenever he wanted to get out, so I had to change it.

"That the big dog in raising the latch did not in the least know that the latch closed the gate, that the raising of the same opened it, but that he merely repeated the automatic blow with his snout which had once had such happy consequences, transpires from the following: the gate leading to the barn is fastened with a latch precisely like the one on the garden-gate, only placed a little higher, still easily within the dog's reach. Here, too, occasionally the little dog is confined, and when he barks the big one makes every possible effort to open the gate, but it has never occurred to him to push the latch up. The brute cannot draw conclusions, that is, he cannot think."[338]

"That the big dog, by raising the latch, didn’t actually understand that the latch closed the gate or that raising it opened it, but instead just repeated the automatic motion with his snout that once had such positive outcomes, is clear from the following: the gate to the barn is secured with a latch just like the one on the garden gate, only a bit higher, yet still easily within the dog's reach. Here, too, the little dog is sometimes locked up, and when he barks, the big dog tries everything he can to open the gate, but it has never crossed his mind to push the latch up. The animal cannot draw conclusions; in other words, he cannot think."[338]

Other classical differentiæ of man besides that of being the only reasoning animal, also seem consequences of his unrivalled powers of similar association. He has, e.g., been called 'the laughing animal.' But humor has often been defined as the recognition of identities in things different. When the man in Coriolanus says of that hero that "there is no more mercy in him than there is milk in a male tiger," both the invention of the phrase and its enjoyment by the hearer depend on a peculiarly perplexing power to associate ideas by similarity.

Other classic differentiæ of humans, besides being the only reasoning animal, also seem to stem from our unmatched ability to associate similar ideas. For example, we’ve been called 'the laughing animal.' Humor is often defined as the ability to recognize similarities in things that are different. When the character in Coriolanus comments on that hero, saying "there is no more mercy in him than there is milk in a male tiger," both the creation of that phrase and the enjoyment it brings to the listener rely on a uniquely complex ability to connect ideas through similarity.

Man is known again as 'the talking animal'; and language[Pg 356] is assuredly a capital distinction between man and brute. But it may readily be shown how this distinction merely flows from those we have pointed out, easy dissociation of a representation into its ingredients, and association by similarity.

Man is referred to once more as 'the talking animal'; and language[Pg 356] is definitely a major distinction between humans and animals. However, it's easy to demonstrate how this distinction simply arises from those we've mentioned: the simple separation of a representation into its parts and the connection based on similarity.

Language is a system of signs, different from the things signified, but able to suggest them.

Language is a system of signs that differs from the things they represent but can still imply them.

No doubt brutes have a number of such signs. When a dog yelps in front of a door, and his master, understanding his desire, opens it, the dog may, after a certain number of repetitions, get to repeat in cold blood a yelp which was at first the involuntary interjectional expression of strong emotion. The same dog may be taught to 'beg' for food, and afterwards come to do so deliberately when hungry. The dog also learns to understand the signs of men, and the word 'rat' uttered to a terrier suggests exciting thoughts of the rat-hunt. If the dog had the varied impulse to vocal utterance which some other animals have, he would probably repeat the word 'rat' whenever he spontaneously happened to think of a rat-hunt—he no doubt does have it as an auditory image, just as a parrot calls out different words spontaneously from its repertory, and having learned the name of a given dog will utter it on the sight of a different dog. In each of these separate cases the particular sign may be consciously noticed by the animal, as distinct from the particular thing signified, and will thus, so far as it goes, be a true manifestation of language. But when we come to man we find a great difference. He has a deliberate intention to apply a sign to everything. The linguistic impulse is with him generalized and systematic. For things hitherto unnoticed or unfelt, he desires a sign before he has one. Even though the dog should possess his 'yelp' for this thing, his 'beg' for that, and his auditory image 'rat' for a third thing, the matter with him rests there. If a fourth thing interests him for which no sign happens already to have been learned, he remains tranquilly without it and goes no further. But the man postulates it, its absence irritates him, and he ends by inventing it. This general purpose constitutes, I take it, the peculiarity of human speech, and explains its prodigious development.

No doubt animals have a lot of these signs. When a dog barks in front of a door, and his owner understands what he wants and opens it, the dog might, after a number of repetitions, learn to bark on cue—something that initially was an instinctive outburst of strong feelings. The same dog can also be trained to 'beg' for food, and later do so purposefully when he's hungry. The dog also gets good at interpreting human signals, and when a terrier hears the word 'rat,' it triggers exciting thoughts of a rat hunt. If the dog had the same range of vocal expression as some other animals, he would probably bark 'rat' whenever he happened to think about a rat hunt—he certainly has it in his mind as a sound image, just like a parrot randomly calls out different words from its vocabulary and even repeats a dog’s name when it sees another dog. In each of these cases, the specific sign can be consciously recognized by the animal as separate from what it represents, and thus, to some extent, it is a true expression of language. But when we look at humans, there's a big difference. People have an intentional approach to assigning signs to everything. Their urge to communicate is generalized and systematic. For things they've never noticed or felt before, they want a sign before they even have one. Even if a dog has its 'yelp' for one thing, its 'beg' for another, and its sound image of 'rat' for yet another, that's as far as it goes. If something else captures the dog's interest that it hasn't learned a sign for yet, he just stays without it and doesn’t go any further. But a human anticipates it, its absence bothers him, and he ends up creating it. This general use is what makes human speech unique, and explains its incredible evolution.

How, then, does the general purpose arise? It arises as soon as the notion of a sign as such, apart from any particular import, is born; and this notion is born by dissociation from the outstanding portions of a number of concrete cases of signification. The 'yelp,' the 'beg,' the 'rat,' differ as to their several imports and natures. They agree only in so far as they have the same use—to be signs, to stand for something more important than themselves. The dog whom this similarity could strike would have grasped the sign per se as such, and would probably thereupon become a general sign-maker, or speaker in the human sense. But how can the similarity strike him? Not without the juxtaposition of the similars (in virtue of the law we have laid down (Vol. I. p. 506), that in order to be segregated an experience must be repeated with varying concomitants)—not unless the 'yelp' of the dog at the moment it occurs recalls to him his 'beg,' by the delicate bond of their subtle similarity of use—not till then can this thought flash through his mind: "Why, yelp and beg, in spite of all their unlikeness, are yet alike in this: that they are actions, signs, which lead to important boons. Other boons, any boons, may then be got by other signs!" This reflection made, the gulf is passed. Animals probably never make it, because the bond of similarity is not delicate enough. Each sign is drowned in its import, and never awakens other signs and other imports in juxtaposition. The rat-hunt idea is too absorbingly interesting in itself to be interrupted by anything so uncontiguous to it as the idea of the 'beg for food,' or of 'the door-open yelp,' nor in their turn do these awaken the rat-hunt idea.

How does the general purpose come about? It comes about as soon as the idea of a sign as such, separate from any specific meaning, is formed; and this idea forms by breaking away from the prominent aspects of various concrete cases of meaning. The 'yelp,' the 'beg,' and the 'rat' have different meanings and natures. They only share the same use—to be signs, to represent something more significant than themselves. A dog that recognizes this similarity would have understood the sign per se as such, and would likely become a general sign-maker or speaker in a human way. But how can it recognize the similarity? Only through the comparison of similar signs (according to the principle we established (Vol. I. p. 506), that to be identified, an experience must be repeated with varying factors)—not unless the 'yelp' of the dog at that moment reminds it of its 'beg,' through the subtle connection of their shared usage—not until then can it think: "Wow, the yelp and beg, despite all their differences, are alike in this: they are actions, signs, leading to significant rewards. Other rewards, any rewards, can then come from other signs!" Once this thought is made, the gap is crossed. Animals likely never reach this realization because the connection of similarity is not strong enough. Each sign is overshadowed by its meaning and never triggers other signs and meanings in comparison. The idea of the rat hunt is too compelling in itself to be disrupted by something as unrelated as the idea of 'begging for food' or 'the door-opening yelp,' and in turn, these do not evoke the rat-hunting idea.

In the human child, however, these ruptures of contiguous association are very soon made; far off cases of sign-using arise when we make a sign now; and soon language is launched. The child in each case makes the discovery for himself. No one can help him except by furnishing him with the conditions. But as he is constituted, the conditions will sooner or later shoot together into the result.[339]

In human children, these breaks in connected thinking happen very quickly; distant instances of using signs come into play as soon as we use a sign now, and soon language is developed. In each instance, the child discovers this on their own. No one can assist them except by providing the right conditions. But since of how they are built, those conditions will eventually come together and lead to the outcome.[339]

The exceedingly interesting account which Dr. Howe gives of the education of his various blind-deaf mutes illustrates this point admirably. He began to teach Laura Bridgman by gumming raised letters on various familiar articles. The child was taught by mere contiguity to pick out a certain number of particular articles when made to feel the letters. But this was merely a collection of particular signs, out of the mass of which the general purpose of signification had not yet been extracted by the child's mind. Dr. Howe compares his situation at this moment to that of one lowering a line to the bottom of the deep sea in which Laura's soul lay, and waiting until she should spontaneously take hold of it and be raised into the light. The moment came, 'accompanied by a radiant flash of intelligence and glow of joy'; she seemed suddenly to become aware of the general purpose imbedded in the different details of all these signs, and from that moment her education went on with extreme rapidity.

The incredibly fascinating account that Dr. Howe shares about the education of his various blind-deaf students perfectly illustrates this point. He started teaching Laura Bridgman by gluing raised letters onto different familiar objects. The child learned, through simple association, to identify a certain number of specific items when she felt the letters. But at this stage, she was just recognizing a collection of specific signs, without grasping the broader concept of signification in her mind. Dr. Howe likens his situation to lowering a line into the deep sea where Laura's soul resided, waiting for her to grab hold of it and be lifted into the light. The moment finally arrived, 'accompanied by a radiant flash of intelligence and a burst of joy'; she suddenly seemed to understand the general purpose embedded within all these different signs, and from then on, her education progressed at a remarkable pace.

Another of the great capacities in which man has been said to differ fundamentally from the animal is that of possessing[Pg 359] self-consciousness or reflective knowledge of himself as a thinker. But this capacity also flows from our criterion, for (without going into the matter very deeply) we may say that the brute never reflects on himself as a thinker, because he has never clearly dissociated, in the full concrete act of thought, the element of the thing thought of and the operation by which he thinks it. They remain always fused, conglomerated—just as the interjectional vocal sign of the brute almost invariably merges in his mind with the thing signified, and is not independently attended to in se.[340]

Another way in which humans are said to fundamentally differ from animals is our ability to have self-awareness or reflective knowledge of ourselves as thinkers. This ability also aligns with our standard, because (without diving too deep into the topic) we can say that animals never reflect on themselves as thinkers. This is because they haven't clearly separated, in the complete act of thought, the thing being thought about from the thinking process itself. They always remain combined, just like the vocal sounds made by animals typically blend in their minds with what they represent and are not considered independently.

Now, the dissociation of these two elements probably occurs first in the child's mind on the occasion of some error or false expectation which would make him experience the shock of difference between merely imagining a thing and getting it. The thought experienced once with the concomitant reality, and then without it or with opposite concomitants, reminds the child of other cases in which the same provoking phenomenon occurred. Thus the general ingredient of error may be dissociated and noticed per se, and from the notion of his error or wrong thought to that of his thought in general the transition is easy. The brute, no doubt, has plenty of instances of error and disappointment in his life, but the similar shock is in him most likely always swallowed up in the accidents of the actual case. An expectation disappointed may breed dubiety as to the realization of that particular thing when the dog next expects it. But that disappointment, that dubiety, while they are present in the mind, will not call up other cases, in which the material details were different, but this feature of possible[Pg 360] error was the same. The brute will, therefore, stop short of dissociating the general notion of error per se, and a fortiori will never attain the conception of Thought itself as such.

Now, the separation of these two elements likely happens first in a child's mind during some mistake or false expectation that makes them feel the shock of the difference between just imagining something and actually getting it. Experiencing the thought once with the reality and then without it—or with opposite realities—reminds the child of other times when the same surprising situation occurred. This way, the underlying aspect of error can be recognized on its own, making it easy to shift from the idea of their mistake or wrong thought to the idea of thinking in general. Animals, of course, experience many instances of error and disappointment in their lives, but for them, the similar shock is probably always overwhelmed by the specific circumstances of the moment. A disappointed expectation might lead to doubt about whether that specific thing will happen the next time a dog expects it. Yet, while that disappointment and doubt are present in their mind, they won’t connect it to other situations where the specifics were different but the feature of possible error was the same. Therefore, the animal will not fully separate the general notion of error on its own and, even more so, will never comprehend the idea of Thought itself as such.


We may then, we think, consider it proven that the most elementary single difference between the human mind and that of brutes lies in this deficiency on the brute's part to associate ideas by similarity—characters, the abstraction of which depends on this sort of association, must in the brute always remain drowned, swamped in the total phenomenon which they help constitute, and never used to reason from. If a character stands out alone, it is always some obvious sensible quality like a sound or a smell which is instinctively exciting and lies in the line of the animal's propensities; or it is some obvious sign which experience has habitually coupled with a consequence, such as, for the dog, the sight of his master's hat on and the master's going out.

We can then conclude that the most basic difference between the human mind and that of animals is the animal's inability to connect ideas through similarity—traits, which rely on this type of connection, will always remain lost and obscured in the overall experience they help form, and can never be used for reasoning. If a trait stands out on its own, it’s usually just a clear, noticeable quality like a sound or a smell that instinctively grabs attention and aligns with the animal's natural tendencies; or it’s a clear signal that experience has consistently linked to an outcome, like a dog seeing its owner's hat and knowing the owner is about to leave.

DIFFERENT ORDERS OF HUMAN GENIUS.

But, now, since nature never makes a jump, it is evident that we should find the lowest men occupying in this respect an intermediate position between the brutes and the highest men. And so we do. Beyond the analogies which their own minds suggest by breaking up the literal sequence of their experience, there is a whole world of analogies which they can appreciate when imparted to them by their betters, but which they could never excogitate alone. This answers the question why Darwin and Newton had to be waited for so long. The flash of similarity between an apple and the moon, between the rivalry for food in nature and the rivalry for man's selection, was too recondite to have occurred to any but exceptional minds. Genius, then, as has been already said, is identical with the possession of similar association to an extreme degree. Professor Bain says: "This I count the leading fact of genius. I consider it quite impossible to afford any explanation of intellectual originality except on the supposition of unusual energy on this point." Alike in the arts, in literature, in practical affairs, and in science, association by similarity is the prime condition of success.

But now, since nature never makes a jump, it's clear that we should find the lowest people occupying an intermediate position between animals and the most advanced humans. And we do. Beyond the connections their own minds draw by disrupting the literal flow of their experiences, there’s a whole world of connections they can understand when those connections are shared with them by more knowledgeable people, but which they could never figure out on their own. This explains why we had to wait so long for figures like Darwin and Newton. The link between an apple and the moon, between the struggle for survival in nature and the competition for human preference, was too obscure for anyone but exceptional minds to conceive. Genius, then, as has already been mentioned, is the extreme possession of similar associations. Professor Bain states: "This I count the leading fact of genius. I believe it’s impossible to explain intellectual originality without assuming unusual energy in this area." In the arts, literature, practical matters, and science, association by similarity is the main condition for success.

But as, according to our view, there are two stages in reasoned thought, one where similarity merely operates to call up cognate thoughts, and another farther stage, where the bond of identity between the cognate thoughts is noticed; so minds of genius may be divided into two main sorts, those who notice the bond and those who merely obey it. The first are the abstract reasoners, properly so called, the men of science, and philosophers—the analysts, in a word; the latter are the poets, the critics—the artists, in a word, the men of intuitions. These judge rightly, classify cases, characterize them by the most striking analogic epithets, but go no further. At first sight it might seem that the analytic mind represented simply a higher intellectual stage, and that the intuitive mind represented an arrested stage of intellectual development; but the difference is not so simple as this. Professor Bain has said that a man's advance to the scientific stage (the stage of noticing and abstracting the bond of similarity) may often be due to an absence of certain emotional sensibilities. The sense of color, he says, may no less determine a mind away from science than it determines it toward painting. There must be a penury in one's interest in the details of particular forms in order to permit the forces of the intellect to be concentrated on what is common to many forms.[341] In other words, supposing a mind fertile in the suggestion of analogies, but, at the same time, keenly interested in the particulars of each suggested image, that mind would be far less apt to single out the particular character which called up the analogy than one whose interests were less generally lively. A certain richness of the æsthetic nature may, therefore, easily keep one in the intuitive stage. All the poets are examples of this. Take Homer:

But as we see it, there are two stages in reasoned thought: one where similarity simply triggers related thoughts, and another further stage, where the connection between these related thoughts is recognized; so brilliant minds can be divided into two main types: those who recognize the connection and those who just follow it. The first group consists of abstract reasoners, properly speaking, the scientists and philosophers—the analysts, in short; the second group includes poets, critics—the artists, in brief, the intuitive thinkers. These individuals judge accurately, categorize situations, and describe them with the most striking analogical terms, but they don’t go beyond that. At first glance, it might seem that analytical minds represent a higher level of intellectual development, while intuitive minds reflect a stalled stage of intellectual growth; however, the distinction is not that straightforward. Professor Bain noted that a person's progression to the scientific stage (the stage of recognizing and abstracting the bond of similarity) may often result from an absence of certain emotional sensitivities. For example, he argues that a person's sense of color might steer them away from science just as much as it leads them toward painting. There has to be a lack of interest in the specifics of particular forms for the intellectual focus to shift to what is common across many forms.[341] In other words, if there's a mind that is rich in suggesting analogies but also deeply engaged with the details of each suggested image, that mind would be much less likely to pinpoint the specific feature that triggered the analogy than one whose interests are less broadly engaged. Thus, a certain richness of the aesthetic nature can easily keep someone in the intuitive stage. All poets exemplify this. Take Homer:

"Ulysses, too, spied round the house to see if any man were still alive and hiding, trying to get away from gloomy death. He found them all fallen in the blood and dirt, and in such number as the fish which the fishermen to the low shore, out of the foaming sea, drag with their meshy nets. These all, sick for the ocean water, are strewn around the sands, while the blazing sun takes their life from them. So there the suitors lay strewn round on one another." Or again:

"Ulysses looked around the house to check if any man was still alive and hiding, trying to escape death. He found them all fallen in blood and dirt, in numbers like the fish that fishermen pull in from the foaming sea with their nets on the shore. These fish, longing for the ocean waters, are scattered on the sands while the scorching sun drains their life away. So there the suitors lay sprawled out on top of each other."

"And as when a Mæonian or a Carian woman stains ivory with purple to be a cheek-piece for horses, and it is kept in the chamber, and many horsemen have prayed to bear it off; but it is kept a treasure for a king, both a trapping for his horse and a glory to the driver—in such wise were thy stout thighs, Menelaos, and legs and fair ankles stained with blood."[342]

"And just like when a woman from Mæonia or Caria dyes ivory with purple to create a cheek-piece for horses, stored in a chamber with many horsemen hoping to take it away; yet it remains a treasure for a king, both a decoration for his horse and a point of pride for the driver—in this way were your strong thighs, Menelaos, and legs and beautiful ankles stained with blood."[342]

A man in whom all the accidents of an analogy rise up as vividly as this, may be excused for not attending to the ground of the analogy. But he need not on that account be deemed intellectually the inferior of a man of drier mind, in whom the ground is not as liable to be eclipsed by the general splendor. Barely are both sorts of intellect, the splendid and the analytic, found in conjunction. Plato among philosophers, and M. Taine, who cannot quote a child's saying without describing the 'voix chantante, étonnée, heureuse' in which it is uttered, are only exceptions whose strangeness proves the rule.

A man who experiences all the elements of an analogy as clearly as this can be forgiven for not focusing on the foundation of the analogy. However, this doesn’t mean he should be considered less intelligent than someone with a more rational mind, where the foundation isn’t as easily overshadowed by the overall brilliance. It’s rare to find both types of intellect, the brilliant and the analytical, combined in one person. Philosophers like Plato and M. Taine, who can't quote a child without also describing the 'voix chantante, étonnée, heureuse' in which it’s said, are just exceptions that highlight the rule.

An often-quoted writer has said that Shakespeare possessed more intellectual power than any one else that ever lived. If by this he meant the power to pass from given premises to right or congruous conclusions, it is no doubt true. The abrupt transitions in Shakespeare's thought astonish the reader by their unexpectedness no less than they delight him by their fitness. Why, for instance, does the death of Othello so stir the spectator's blood and leave him with a sense of reconcilement? Shakespeare himself could very likely not say why; for his invention, though rational, was not ratiocinative. Wishing the curtain to fall upon a reinstated Othello, that speech about the turbaned Turk suddenly simply flashed across him as the right end of all that went before. The dry critic who comes after can, however, point out the subtle bonds of identity that guided Shakespeare's pen through that speech to the death of the Moor. Othello is sunk in ignominy, lapsed from his height at the beginning of the play. What better way to rescue him at last from this abasement than to make him for an instant identify himself in memory with the old Othello of better days, and then execute justice on his present disowned body, as he used then to smite all enemies of[Pg 363] the State? But Shakespeare, whose mind supplied these means, could probably not have told why they were so effective.

A frequently quoted writer said that Shakespeare had more intellectual power than anyone else who ever lived. If he meant the ability to move from given ideas to correct or fitting conclusions, then that's definitely true. The sudden shifts in Shakespeare's thoughts amaze the reader with their unpredictability as much as they please with their appropriateness. For example, why does Othello's death so deeply affect the audience and leave them feeling reconciled? Shakespeare himself probably couldn’t explain it; his creativity, while logical, wasn’t based on strict reasoning. Wanting the curtain to fall on a restored Othello, that line about the turbaned Turk suddenly came to him as a fitting end to everything that came before. However, a dry critic later can point out the subtle connections that guided Shakespeare's writing through that line to the Moor's death. Othello has fallen into disgrace, far from his high status at the start of the play. What better way to finally lift him from this humiliation than to have him briefly remember the old Othello of better times, and then deliver justice onto his now-disowned self, just as he used to strike down all enemies of[Pg 363] the State? But Shakespeare, who created these elements, likely wouldn’t have been able to articulate why they were so effective.

But though this is true, and though it would be absurd in an absolute way to say that a given analytic mind was superior to any intuitional one, yet it is none the less true that the former represents the higher stage. Men, taken historically, reason by analogy long before they have learned to reason by abstract characters. Association by similarity and true reasoning may have identical results. If a philosopher wishes to prove to you why you should do a certain thing, he may do so by using abstract considerations exclusively; a savage will prove the same by reminding you of a similar case in which you notoriously do as he now proposes, and this with no ability to state the point in which the cases are similar. In all primitive literature, in all savage oratory, we find persuasion carried on exclusively by parables and similes, and travellers in savage countries readily adopt the native custom. Take, for example, Dr. Livingstone's argument with the negro conjuror. The missionary was trying to dissuade the savage from his fetichistic ways of invoking rain. "You see," said he, "that, after all your operations, sometimes it rains and sometimes it does not, exactly as when you have not operated at all." "But," replied the sorcerer, "it is just the same with you doctors; you give your remedies, and sometimes the patient gets well and sometimes he dies, just as when you do nothing at all." To that the pious missionary replied: "The doctor does his duty, after which God performs the cure if it pleases Him." "Well," rejoined the savage, "it is just so with me. I do what is necessary to procure rain, after which God sends it or withholds it according to His pleasure."[343]

But even though this is true, and it would be ridiculous to say that a given analytical mind is superior to any intuitive one, it’s still true that the former represents a higher stage. Historically, people reason by analogy long before they learn to reason using abstract concepts. Association by similarity and genuine reasoning might lead to the same outcomes. If a philosopher wants to convince you to do something, he might rely solely on abstract ideas; a primitive person, on the other hand, would make his case by referencing a similar situation where you already do what he proposes, and he might not even be able to explain how the cases are alike. In all early literature and in the speeches of primitive people, persuasion is often achieved through parables and comparisons, and travelers in primitive lands quickly adopt these native methods. Take, for instance, Dr. Livingstone’s discussion with the African sorcerer. The missionary was trying to persuade the native to abandon his fetishistic practices for bringing rain. "You see," he said, "that after all your rituals, sometimes it rains and sometimes it doesn’t, just like when you haven’t done anything at all." "But," the sorcerer replied, "it’s the same with you doctors; you prescribe your treatments, and sometimes the patient recovers and sometimes he dies, just like when you do nothing." To that, the devout missionary responded, "The doctor does his duty, and then God heals the patient if it’s His will." "Well," the primitive man countered, "it’s the same with me. I do what’s needed to bring the rain, after which God sends it or holds it back as He chooses."[343]

This is the stage in which proverbial philosophy reigns supreme. "An empty sack can't stand straight" will stand for the reason why a man with debts may lose his honesty; and "a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush" will serve to back up one's exhortations to prudence. Or we answer the question: "Why is snow white?" by saying, "For the[Pg 364] same reason that soap-suds or whipped eggs are white"—in other words, instead of giving the reason for a fact, we give another example of the same fact. This offering a similar instance, instead of a reason, has often been criticised as one of the forms of logical depravity in men. But manifestly it is not a perverse act of thought, but only an incomplete one. Furnishing parallel cases is the necessary first step towards abstracting the reason imbedded in them all.

This is the stage where common wisdom rules. "An empty sack can't stand straight" explains why a man with debts might lose his integrity; and "a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush" supports advice about being cautious. Or we respond to the question: "Why is snow white?" by saying, "For the same reason that soap suds or whipped eggs are white"—meaning that instead of giving the reason for a fact, we provide another example of the same fact. Offering a similar instance instead of a reason has often been criticized as a form of flawed thinking. However, it clearly isn't a twisted thought process, just an incomplete one. Providing parallel cases is the necessary first step towards understanding the underlying reason in all of them.

As it is with reasons, so it is with words. The first words are probably always names of entire things and entire actions, of extensive coherent groups. A new experience in the primitive man can only be talked about by him in terms of the old experiences which have received names. It reminds him of certain ones from among them, but the points in which it agrees with them are neither named nor dissociated. Pure similarity must work before the abstraction can work which is based upon it. The first adjectives will therefore probably be total nouns embodying the striking character. The primeval man will say, not 'the bread is hard,' but 'the bread is stone'; not 'the face is round,' but 'the face is moon'; not 'the fruit is sweet,' but 'the fruit is sugar-cane.' The first words are thus neither particular nor general, but vaguely concrete; just as we speak of an 'oval' face, a 'velvet' skin, or an 'iron' will, without meaning to connote any other attributes of the adjective-noun than those in which it does resemble the noun it is used to qualify. After a while certain of these adjectively-used nouns come only to signify the particular quality for whose sake they are oftenest used; the entire thing which they originally meant receives another name, and they become true abstract and general terms. Oval, for example, with us suggests only shape. The first abstract qualities thus formed are, no doubt, qualities of one and the same sense found in different objects—as big, sweet; next analogies between different senses, as 'sharp' of taste, 'high' of sound, etc.; then analogies of motor combinations, or form of relation, as simple, confused, difficult, reciprocal, relative, spontaneous, etc. The extreme degree of subtlety in analogy is[Pg 365] reached in such cases as when we say certain English art critics' writing reminds us of a close room in which pastilles have been burning, or that the mind of certain Frenchmen is like old Roquefort cheese. Here language utterly fails to hit upon the basis of resemblance.

As it is with reasons, so it is with words. The first words are probably always names for entire things and actions, representing cohesive groups. A new experience for primitive man can only be described in terms of old experiences that already have names. It reminds him of certain familiar ones, but the aspects in which it relates to those experiences are neither named nor distinguished. Pure similarity must be recognized before the abstraction based on it can take place. The first adjectives will likely be total nouns that capture the striking characteristics. Primitive man will say not 'the bread is hard,' but 'the bread is stone'; not 'the face is round,' but 'the face is moon'; not 'the fruit is sweet,' but 'the fruit is sugar-cane.' The first words are thus neither specific nor broad, but vaguely concrete; just as we say 'oval' face, 'velvet' skin, or 'iron' will, without intending to imply any other qualities of the adjective-noun than those in which it does resemble the noun it qualifies. Over time, certain of these nouns used as adjectives come to signify the specific quality for which they are most often used; the entire thing they originally referred to gets another name, and they become true abstract and general terms. Oval, for instance, suggests only shape to us. The first abstract qualities formed are, no doubt, qualities of the same sense found in different objects, like big, sweet; next, analogies between different senses, such as 'sharp' for taste, 'high' for sound, etc.; then, analogies of motor combinations or relational forms, like simple, confused, difficult, reciprocal, relative, spontaneous, etc. The extreme subtlety in analogy is reached in cases like when we say certain English art critics' writing reminds us of a closed room where pastilles have been burning, or that the minds of some Frenchmen are like aged Roquefort cheese. Here, language completely fails to identify the basis of resemblance.

Over immense departments of our thought we are still, all of us, in the savage state. Similarity operates in us, but abstraction has not taken place. We know what the present case is like, we know what it reminds us of, we have an intuition of the right course to take, if it be a practical matter. But analytic thought has made no tracks, and we cannot justify ourselves to others. In ethical, psychological, and æsthetic matters, to give a clear reason for one's judgment is universally recognized as a mark of rare genius. The helplessness of uneducated people to account for their likes and dislikes is often ludicrous. Ask the first Irish girl why she likes this country better or worse than her home, and see how much she can tell you. But if you ask your most educated friend why he prefers Titian to Paul Veronese, you will hardly get more of a reply; and you will probably get absolutely none if you inquire why Beethoven reminds him of Michael Angelo, or how it comes that a bare figure with unduly flexed joints, by the latter, can so suggest the moral tragedy of life. His thought obeys a nexus, but cannot name it. And so it is with all those judgments of experts, which even though unmotived are so valuable. Saturated with experience of a particular class of materials, an expert intuitively feels whether a newly-reported fact is probable or not, whether a proposed hypothesis is worthless or the reverse. He instinctively knows that, in a novel case, this and not that will be the promising course of action. The well-known story of the old judge advising the new one never to give reasons for his decisions, "the decisions will probably be right, the reasons will surely be wrong," illustrates this. The doctor will feel that the patient is doomed, the dentist will have a premonition that the tooth will break, though neither can articulate a reason for his foreboding. The reason lies imbedded, but not yet laid bare, in all the countless previous cases dimly suggested by the actual one, all calling up the same conclusion,[Pg 366] which the adept thus finds himself swept on to, he knows not how or why.

Over vast areas of our thinking, we’re still, all of us, in a primitive state. Similarities influence us, but we haven’t moved into abstract thinking. We understand what the current situation resembles, we know what it reminds us of, and we have a gut feeling about the best way to handle practical matters. But analytical thinking has left no mark, and we can’t explain ourselves to others. In ethical, psychological, and aesthetic issues, being able to clearly reason for one's opinion is widely seen as a sign of exceptional talent. The inability of uneducated people to explain their likes and dislikes can often be comical. Ask the first Irish girl why she prefers this country over her home, and see how much she can tell you. But if you ask your most educated friend why he favors Titian over Paul Veronese, you’ll likely get just as vague a response; and you probably won’t get any answer at all if you ask why Beethoven brings to mind Michelangelo, or how it is that a figure with overly bent joints from the latter can convey the moral tragedy of life so effectively. His thoughts follow a connection but he can’t name it. The same goes for all those judgments of experts, which, even if they lack motivation, are incredibly valuable. Experienced in a specific area, an expert can instinctively sense whether a new fact is plausible or not, and whether a proposed hypothesis is worthless or not. They have a gut feeling that, in a new situation, this approach rather than that will be the most effective. The famous advice from the old judge to the new one to never explain his rulings—"the decisions will probably be right, the reasons will surely be wrong"—demonstrates this. The doctor might sense the patient is in grave trouble, and the dentist may have a hunch that the tooth will break, even though neither can clearly explain their worry. The reasoning is embedded in all the countless past cases that vaguely echo in the current one, all leading to the same conclusion,[Pg 366] and thus the expert finds himself carried along, not knowing how or why.


A physiological conclusion remains to be drawn. If the principles laid down in Chapter XIV are true, then it follows that the great cerebral difference between habitual and reasoned thinking must be this: that in the former an entire system of cells vibrating at any one moment discharges in its totality into another entire system, and that the order of the discharges tends to be a constant one in time; whilst in the latter a part of the prior system still keeps vibrating in the midst of the subsequent system, and the order—which part this shall be, and what shall be its concomitants in the subsequent system—has little tendency to fixedness in time. This physical selection, so to call it, of one part to vibrate persistently whilst the others rise and subside, we found, in the chapter in question, to be the basis of similar association. (See especially Vol. I. pp. 578-81.) It would seem to be but a minor degree of that still more urgent and importunate localized vibration which we can easiest conceive to underlie the mental fact of interest, attention, or dissociation. In terms of the brain-process, then, all these mental facts resolve themselves into a single peculiarity: that of indeterminateness of connection between the different tracts, and tendency of action to focalize itself, so to speak, in small localities which vary infinitely at different times, and from which irradiation may proceed in countless shifting ways. (Compare figure 80, p. 347.) To discover, or (what more befits the present stage of nerve-physiology) to adumbrate by some possible guess, on what chemical or molecular-mechanical fact this instable equilibrium of the human brain may depend, should be the next task of the physiologist who ponders over the passage from brute to man. Whatever the physical peculiarity in question may be, it is the cause why a man, whose brain has it, reasons so much, whilst his horse, whose brain lacks it, reasons so little. We can but bequeath the problem to abler hands than our own.

A physiological conclusion still needs to be made. If the principles outlined in Chapter XIV are accurate, then it follows that the significant difference between habitual thinking and reasoned thinking in the brain is this: in habitual thinking, a whole system of cells vibrates at the same moment and fully transfers energy to another entire system, and the sequence of these discharges tends to be consistent over time; while in reasoned thinking, a part of the first system continues to vibrate amid the second system, and the sequence of which part this will be, and what its accompanying elements in the second system are, tends to vary over time. This selective physical process, so to speak, of one part vibrating consistently while the others fluctuate, we found in the relevant chapter to be the foundation of similar associations. (See especially Vol. I. pp. 578-81.) It appears to be a slight variation of that more intense and persistent localized vibration which we can most easily imagine underlies the mental experiences of interest, attention, or dissociation. In terms of brain processes, all these mental experiences boil down to one key aspect: the lack of a fixed connection between the different paths, and the tendency for actions to concentrate, in a sense, in small areas that vary infinitely at different times, from which signals may spread in countless changing ways. (Compare figure 80, p. 347.) To uncover, or (which is more suitable for the current state of nerve physiology) to outline through some educated guess, what chemical or molecular-mechanical factors this unstable balance of the human brain may rely on should be the next goal for physiologists who reflect on the transition from animals to humans. Whatever the specific physical characteristic may be, it is the reason why a man, whose brain possesses it, reasons significantly, while his horse, whose brain does not have it, reasons very little. We can only pass the problem on to those more capable than ourselves.

But, meanwhile, this mode of stating the matter suggests a couple of other inferences. The first is brief. If focalization[Pg 367] of brain-activity be the fundamental fact of reasonable thought, we see why intense interest or concentrated passion makes us think so much more truly and profoundly. The persistent focalization of motion in certain tracts is the cerebral fact corresponding to the persistent domination in consciousness of the important feature of the subject. When not 'focalized,' we are scatter-brained; but when thoroughly impassioned, we never wander from the point. None but congruous and relevant images arise. When roused by indignation or moral enthusiasm, how trenchant are our reflections, how smiting are our words! The whole network of petty scruples and by-considerations which, at ordinary languid times, surrounded the matter like a cobweb, holding back our thought, as Gulliver was pinned to the earth by the myriad Lilliputian threads, are dashed through at a blow, and the subject stands with its essential and vital lines revealed.

But in the meantime, this way of explaining things hints at a couple of other conclusions. The first is simple. If focalization[Pg 367] of brain activity is the core of rational thought, it makes sense that intense interest or strong passion allows us to think more clearly and deeply. The continuous focalization of certain neural pathways corresponds to the ongoing importance of the key aspect of the topic in our consciousness. When we’re not 'focalized,' we tend to be scattered; but when we’re truly passionate, we stay focused on the main issue. Only relevant and appropriate images come to mind. When we’re stirred by indignation or moral fervor, our thoughts are sharp, and our words are powerful! The whole web of minor doubts and distractions that, during ordinary sluggish moments, surrounded the issue like a spider's web—holding our thoughts back like how Gulliver was pinned down by countless tiny threads—are shattered in an instant, and the topic stands out with its essential and vital features laid bare.


The last point is relative to the theory that what was acquired habit in the ancestor may become congenital tendency in the offspring. So vast a superstructure is raised upon this principle that the paucity of empirical evidence for it has alike been matter of regret to its adherents, and of triumph to its opponents. In Chapter XXVIII we shall see what we may call the whole beggarly array of proof. In the human race, where our opportunities for observation are the most complete, we seem to have no evidence whatever which would support the hypothesis, unless it possibly be the law that city-bred children are more apt to be near-sighted than country children. In the mental world we certainly do not observe that the children of great travellers get their geography lessons with unusual ease, or that a baby whose ancestors have spoken German for thirty generations will, on that account, learn Italian any the less easily from its Italian nurse. But if the considerations we have been led to are true, they explain perfectly well why this law should not be verified in the human race, and why, therefore, in looking for evidence on the subject, we should confine ourselves exclusively to lower animals. In them fixed habit is the essential and[Pg 368] characteristic law of nervous action. The brain grows to the exact modes in which it has been exercised, and the inheritance of these modes—then called instincts—would have in it nothing surprising. But in man the negation of all fixed modes is the essential characteristic. He owes his whole pre-eminence as a reasoner, his whole human quality of intellect, we may say, to the facility with which a given mode of thought in him may suddenly be broken up into elements, which recombine anew. Only at the price of inheriting no settled instinctive tendencies is he able to settle every novel case by the fresh discovery by his reason of novel principles. He is, par excellence, the educable animal. If, then, the law that habits are inherited were found exemplified in him, he would, in so far forth, fall short of his human perfections; and, when we survey the human races, we actually do find that those which are most instinctive at the outset are those which, on the whole, are least educated in the end. An untutored Italian is, to a great extent, a man of the world; he has instinctive perceptions, tendencies to behavior, reactions, in a word, upon his environment, which the untutored German wholly lacks. If the latter be not drilled, he is apt to be a thoroughly loutish personage; but, on the other hand, the mere absence in his brain of definite innate tendencies enables him to advance by the development, through education, of his purely reasoned thinking, into complex regions of consciousness that the Italian may probably never approach.

The last point relates to the idea that habits acquired by ancestors can become inherent tendencies in their descendants. A significant amount of theory is built on this principle, leading to frustration for its supporters due to the lack of empirical evidence, and satisfaction for its critics. In Chapter XXVIII we’ll explore what we might call the disappointing evidence surrounding this. In humans, where we have the most extensive opportunities for observation, we seem to find no evidence supporting this hypothesis, except perhaps the observation that children raised in cities tend to be more nearsighted than those raised in rural areas. We certainly don’t see that the children of avid travelers learn geography any more easily, or that a baby whose ancestors spoke German for thirty generations learns Italian less easily from its Italian nurse. However, if our earlier points are accurate, they clearly explain why this principle should not apply to humans, and why, in seeking evidence on this topic, we should focus solely on lower animals. In these animals, fixed habits are fundamental to how their nervous systems operate. The brain develops according to the specific ways it has been used, and inheriting these methods—then referred to as instincts—would be completely understandable. But in humans, the absence of fixed methods is what stands out. He owes his superiority as a thinker, essentially, to his ability to suddenly break down a mode of thought into its components, which can then be reassembled in new ways. Only by not inheriting established instinctive tendencies can he handle new situations by discovering new principles through reasoning. He is, par excellence, the educable being. Therefore, if the principle that habits are inherited were demonstrated in humans, he would lose some of his unique human qualities; and when we look at human societies, we actually observe that those that begin with strong instincts tend to be less educated in the long run. An untrained Italian is, to a large extent, a worldly person; he has intuitive insights, behavioral tendencies, and responses to his environment that the untrained German lacks entirely. If the latter isn’t properly guided, he can be quite dull; however, the lack of specific innate tendencies in his brain allows him to develop, through education, a reasoned understanding that can take him into complex areas of thought that the Italian may never reach.

We observe an identical difference between men as a whole and women as a whole. A young woman of twenty reacts with intuitive promptitude and security in all the usual circumstances in which she may be placed.[344] Her likes[Pg 369] and dislikes are formed; her opinions, to a great extent, the same that they will be through life. Her character is, in fact, finished in its essentials. How inferior to her is a boy of twenty in all these respects! His character is still gelatinous, uncertain what shape to assume, 'trying it on' in every direction. Feeling his power, yet ignorant of the manner in which he shall express it, he is, when compared with his sister, a being of no definite contour. But this absence of prompt tendency in his brain to set into particular modes is the very condition which insures that it shall ultimately become so much more efficient than the woman's. The very lack of preappointed trains of thought is the ground on which general principles and heads of classification grow up; and the masculine brain deals with new and complex matter indirectly by means of these, in a manner which the feminine method of direct intuition, admirably and rapidly as it performs within its limits, can vainly hope to cope with.

We notice a clear difference between men and women as groups. A twenty-year-old woman responds quickly and confidently to the usual situations she encounters. Her likes and dislikes are formed; her opinions, to a large extent, are the same as they will be throughout her life. Her character is essentially complete. By contrast, a twenty-year-old boy is inferior in all these ways! His character is still fluid, uncertain about what form to take, trying things out in every direction. He feels his potential but doesn’t know how to express it; compared to his sister, he lacks a clear shape. However, this inability to immediately settle into specific patterns is what ultimately makes his brain more efficient than a woman's. The absence of predetermined thought patterns provides the foundation for general principles and categories to develop; the masculine brain approaches new and complex issues indirectly through these, in a way that the feminine method of direct intuition, while effective and quick within its scope, cannot hope to match.


In looking back over the subject of reasoning, one feels how intimately connected it is with conception; and one realizes more than ever the deep reach of that principle of selection on which so much stress was laid towards the close of Chapter IX. As the art of reading (after a certain stage in one's education) is the art of skipping, so the art of being wise is the art of knowing what to overlook. The first effect on the mind of growing cultivated is that processes once multiple get to be performed by a single act. Lazarus has called this the progressive 'condensation' of thought. But in the psychological sense it is less a condensation than a loss, a genuine dropping out and throwing overboard of conscious content. Steps really sink from sight. An advanced thinker sees the relations of his topics in such masses and so instantaneously that when he comes to explain to younger minds it is often hard to say which grows the more perplexed, he or the pupil. In every university there are admirable investigators who are notoriously bad lecturers. The reason is that they never spontaneously see the subject in the minute articulate way in which the student needs to have it offered to his slow[Pg 370] reception. They grope for the links, but the links do not come. Bowditch, who translated and annotated Laplace's Mécanique Céleste, said that whenever his author prefaced a proposition by the words 'it is evident,' he knew that many hours of hard study lay before him.

Looking back on reasoning, it’s clear how closely it’s tied to understanding; and I really get now how important that principle of selection, which was emphasized at the end of Chapter IX, is. Just like learning to read (after a certain point in education) becomes about skipping some parts, becoming wise is about knowing what to ignore. The first effect of becoming more educated is that tasks that used to require many steps are now done in one go. Lazarus called this the progressive 'condensation' of thought. But in a psychological sense, it’s less about condensing and more about losing something—actually dropping parts of our conscious thought. Some steps just fade away. A sophisticated thinker can see how their ideas connect in such large chunks and so quickly that when they try to explain things to less experienced learners, it’s often hard to tell who’s more confused, them or the student. In every university, there are excellent researchers who are really poor lecturers. This happens because they don’t naturally see the material in the detailed, organized way that students need for it to sink in. They try to find the connections, but they just don’t appear. Bowditch, who translated and annotated Laplace's Mécanique Céleste, noted that whenever his author started a proposition with 'it is evident,' he knew he was in for many hours of tough studying.

When two minds of a high order, interested in kindred subjects, come together, their conversation is chiefly remarkable for the summariness of its allusions and the rapidity of its transitions. Before one of them is half through a sentence the other knows his meaning and replies. Such genial play with such massive materials, such an easy flashing of light over far perspectives, such careless indifference to the dust and apparatus that ordinarily surround the subject and seem to pertain to its essence, make these conversations seem true feasts for gods to a listener who is educated enough to follow them at all. His mental lungs breathe more deeply, in an atmosphere more broad and vast than is their wont. On the other hand, the excessive explicitness and short-windedness of an ordinary man are as wonderful as they are tedious to the man of genius. But we need not go as far as the ways of genius. Ordinary social intercourse will do. There the charm of conversation is in direct proportion to the possibility of abridgment and elision, and in inverse ratio to the need of explicit statement. With old friends a word stands for a whole story or set of opinions. With new-comers everything must be gone over in detail. Some persons have a real mania for completeness, they must express every step. They are the most intolerable of companions, and although their mental energy may in its way be great, they always strike us as weak and second-rate. In short, the essence of plebeianism, that which separates vulgarity from aristocracy, is perhaps less a defect than an excess, the constant need to animadvert upon matters which for the aristocratic temperament do not exist. To ignore, to disdain to consider, to overlook, are the essence of the 'gentleman.' Often most provokingly so; for the things ignored may be of the deepest moral consequence. But in the very midst of our indignation with the gentleman, we have a consciousness that his preposterous inertia and[Pg 371] negativeness in the actual emergency is, somehow or other, allied with his general superiority to ourselves. It is not only that the gentleman ignores considerations relative to conduct, sordid suspicions, fears, calculations, etc., which the vulgarian is fated to entertain; it is that he is silent where the vulgarian talks; that he gives nothing but results where the vulgarian is profuse of reasons; that he does not explain or apologize; that he uses one sentence instead of twenty; and that, in a word, there is an amount of interstitial thinking, so to call it, which it is quite impossible to get him to perform, but which is nearly all that the vulgarian mind performs at all. All this suppression of the secondary leaves the field clear,—for higher flights, should they choose to come. But even if they never came, what thoughts there were would still manifest the aristocratic type and wear the well-bred form. So great is our sense of harmony and ease in passing from the company of a philistine to that of an aristocratic temperament, that we are almost tempted to deem the falsest views and tastes as held by a man of the world, truer than the truest as held by a common person. In the latter the best ideas are choked, obstructed, and contaminated by the redundancy of their paltry associates. The negative conditions, at least, of an atmosphere and a free outlook are present in the former.

When two highly intelligent people who care about similar topics come together, their conversation is notable for its quick references and fast changes of subject. Before one of them finishes a sentence, the other understands the point and responds. This playful exchange of deep ideas, the effortless illumination of distant concepts, and the carefree disregard for the usual details surrounding the topic make these conversations feel like true feasts for an educated listener who can keep up. They breathe more deeply in an atmosphere that feels broader and more expansive than usual. Conversely, the excessive clarity and brevity of an average person’s speech can be remarkable yet tedious to a genius. But we don’t need to look at genius to find examples. Ordinary social interactions can illustrate this well. The charm of a conversation is directly related to how much can be cut down or skipped over and inversely related to the need for detailed explanations. With old friends, a single word can represent an entire story or set of beliefs. With newcomers, everything has to be explained in detail. Some people have a real obsession with completeness and insist on expressing every step. They are the most frustrating companions, and while their mental energy might be significant in its own way, they often come across as weak and second-rate. Essentially, what distinguishes commonness from refinement may not be a flaw but rather an excess—the constant need to comment on matters that are irrelevant to a more sophisticated temperament. To ignore, disdain, or overlook is at the core of what it means to be a ‘gentleman.’ Often this is irritating, because the ignored matters might carry profound moral weight. Yet, amid our frustration with the gentleman, we can’t help but feel that his absurd passivity and lack of response in critical situations somehow connect to his overall superiority over us. It’s not just that he disregards concerns about behavior, petty doubts, fears, calculations, etc., which the average person feels compelled to consider; it’s that he remains silent where the average person speaks; he provides only results where the average person goes on about reasons; he neither explains nor apologizes; he uses one sentence instead of twenty; and, in short, there’s a level of interstitial thinking, if you will, that he simply won’t engage in, while it’s nearly all the average mind can do. This suppression of the secondary leaves space clear for greater thoughts, should they arise. But even if they never do, whatever thoughts do emerge will still reflect an aristocratic style and maintain a polished form. Our appreciation of the harmony and ease in transitioning from a common person to someone of an aristocratic mindset is so strong that we’re nearly tempted to believe the most misguided views and tastes of a worldly person are truer than the best held by a common individual. In the latter, the finest ideas are stifled, blocked, and tainted by the triviality of their associations. Conversely, the essential conditions for an expansive atmosphere and clear perspective are generally present in the former.

I may appear to have strayed from psychological analysis into æsthetic criticism. But the principle of selection is so important that no illustrations seem redundant which may help to show how great is its scope. The upshot of what I say simply is that selection implies rejection as well as choice; and that the function of ignoring, of inattention, is as vital a factor in mental progress as the function of attention itself.

I might seem to have moved from psychological analysis to aesthetic criticism. However, the principle of selection is so crucial that no examples seem unnecessary if they help demonstrate its wide-ranging impact. What I'm really saying is that selection involves rejection as well as choice; and that the process of ignoring, or inattention, is just as important for mental progress as the function of attention itself.


[319] The substance of this chapter, and a good many pages of the text, originally appeared in an article entitled 'Brute and Human Intellect,' in the Journal of Speculative Philosophy for July 1878 (vol. xii. p. 236).

[319] The content of this chapter, along with several pages of the text, was first published in an article called 'Brute and Human Intellect' in the Journal of Speculative Philosophy in July 1878 (vol. xii. p. 236).

[320] I see no need of assuming more than two terms in this sort of reasoning—first, the sign, and second, the thing inferred from it. Either may be complex, but essentially it is but A calling up B, and no middle term is involved. M. Binet, in his most intelligent little book, La Psychologie du Raisonnement, maintains that there are three terms. The present sensation or sign must, according to him, first evoke from the past an image which resembles it and fuses with it, and the things suggested or inferred are always the contiguous associates of this intermediate image, and not of the immediate sensation. The reader of Chapter XIX will see why I do not believe in the 'image' in question as a distinct psychic fact.

[320] I don’t think it’s necessary to assume more than two elements in this type of reasoning—first, the sign, and second, the thing it implies. Both may be complex, but essentially it’s just A triggering B, and there’s no third element involved. M. Binet, in his insightful little book, La Psychologie du Raisonnement, argues that there are three elements. He believes that the current sensation or sign must first evoke an image from the past that resembles it and merges with it, and the things suggested or inferred are always the related associates of this intermediate image, not of the immediate sensation. The reader of Chapter XIX will understand why I don’t believe in the 'image' in question as a separate mental fact.

[321] Mental Evolution in Man (1889), chapters iii and iv. See especially pp. 68-80, and later 353, 396.

[321] Mental Evolution in Man (1889), chapters iii and iv. See especially pp. 68-80, and later 353, 396.

[322] Loc. cit. p. 50.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same place p. 50.

[323] P. 52.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 52.

[324] Loc. cit. p. 74.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same source p. 74.

[325] J. Locke, Essay conc. Hum. Understanding, bk. iv. chap. ii. § 3.

[325] J. Locke, Essay concerning Human Understanding, bk. iv. chap. ii. § 3.

[326] To be sagacious is to be a good observer. J. S. Mill has a passage which is so much in the spirit of the text that I cannot forbear to quote it. "The observer is not he who merely sees the thing which is before his eyes, but he who sees what parts that thing is composed of. To do this well is a rare talent. One person, from inattention, or attending only in the wrong place, overlooks half of what he sees; another sets down much more than he sees, confounding it with what he imagines, or with what he infers; another takes note of the kind of all the circumstances, but being inexpert in estimating their degree, leaves the quantity of each vague and uncertain; another sees indeed the whole, but makes such an awkward division of it into parts, throwing things into one mass which require to be separated, and separating others which might more conveniently be considered as one, that the result is much the same, sometimes even worse, than if no analysis had been attempted at all. It would be possible to point out what qualities of mind, and modes of mental culture, fit a person for being a good observer: that, however, is a question not of Logic, but of the Theory of Education, in the most enlarged sense of the term. There is not properly an Art of Observing. There may be rules for observing. But these, like rules for inventing, are properly instructions for the preparation of one's own mind; for putting it into the state in which it will be most fitted to observe, or most likely to invent. They are, therefore, essentially rules of self-education, which is a different thing from Logic. They do not teach how to do the thing, but how to make ourselves capable of doing it. They are an art of strengthening the limbs, not an art of using them. The extent and minuteness of observation which may be requisite, and the degree of decomposition to which it may be necessary to carry the mental analysis, depend on the particular purpose in view. To ascertain the state of the whole universe at any particular moment is impossible, but would also be useless. In making chemical experiments, we do not think it necessary to note the position of the planets; because experience has shown, as a very superficial experience is sufficient to show, that in such cases that circumstance is not material to the result: and accordingly, in the ages when man believed in the occult influences of the heavenly bodies, it might have been unphilosophical to omit ascertaining the precise condition of those bodies at the moment of the experiment." (Logic, bk. iii. chap. vii. § 1. Cf. also bk. iv. chap. ii.)

[326] Being astute means being a keen observer. J. S. Mill has a passage that captures this idea so well that I can't resist quoting it. "An observer isn’t just someone who looks at what’s directly in front of them, but someone who perceives the elements that make up that thing. Doing this well is a rare skill. One person, being inattentive or focusing on the wrong details, misses half of what they witness; another records much more than they actually see, mixing it up with what they imagine or infer; another observes the type of all the circumstances but, lacking skill in assessing their degree, ends up leaving the quantity of each unclear and uncertain; still another manages to see the whole but awkwardly divides it into parts, blending items together that should be separate and separating things that would make more sense together, resulting in an analysis that often is as ineffective, if not worse, than no analysis at all. It would be possible to identify the mental qualities and forms of mental training that prepare someone to be a good observer; however, that is a question not of Logic but of the Theory of Education in the broadest sense. There isn't really an Art of Observing. There may be rules for observing, but like rules for inventing, they primarily serve as instructions for preparing our minds, getting them into a state where they are most prepared to observe or likely to create. Thus, they are fundamentally rules of self-education, which is different from Logic. They don't teach you how to do the task, but how to make yourself capable of doing it. They are like a guide for strengthening your abilities, not a guide on how to use them. The extent and detail of observation required, as well as the level of analysis needed, depend on the specific goal in mind. It’s impossible to determine the state of the entire universe at any given moment, and it would also be pointless to try. When conducting chemical experiments, we don’t find it necessary to consider the positions of the planets, because experience—often just a little experience—has shown that in these cases, that factor doesn’t impact the results. Consequently, in times when people believed in the mysterious influences of celestial bodies, it might have seemed unphilosophical to ignore the exact state of those bodies at the time of the experiment." (Logic, bk. iii. chap. vii. § 1. Cf. also bk. iv. chap. ii.)

[327] Readers brought up on Popular Science may think that the molecular structure of things is their real essence in an absolute sense, and that water is H-O-H more deeply and truly than it is a solvent of sugar or a slaker of thirst. Not a whit! It is all of these things with equal reality, and the only reason why for the chemist it is H-O-H primarily, and only secondarily the other things, is that for his purpose of deduction and compendious definition, the H-O-H aspect of it is the more useful one to bear in mind.

[327] Readers raised on Popular Science might believe that the molecular structure of things is their true essence in a definitive way, and that water is H-O-H more fundamentally and authentically than it is a solvent for sugar or something that quenches thirst. Not at all! It is all of these things with equal importance, and the only reason why for the chemist it is H-O-H primarily, and only the other aspects secondarily, is that for the purposes of deduction and concise definition, the H-O-H perspective is the more practical one to consider.

[328] "We find that we take for granted irresistibly that each kind [of thing] has some character which distinguishes it from other classes.... What is the foundation of this postulate? What is the ground of this assumption that there must exist a definition which we have never seen, and which perhaps no one has seen in a satisfactory form?... I reply that our conviction that there must needs be characteristic marks by which things can be defined in words is founded upon the assumption of the necessary possibility of reasoning." (W. Whewell: Hist. of Scientific Ideas, bk. viii. chap. i, § 9.)

[328] "We tend to take for granted that each type of thing has distinct characteristics that set it apart from other categories. What’s the basis of this belief? Why do we assume that there must be a definition that we’ve never encountered, and that maybe no one has seen in a clear way? I believe our confidence that there must be defining traits by which things can be described in words is based on the assumption of the necessary possibility of reasoning." (W. Whewell: Hist. of Scientific Ideas, bk. viii. chap. i, § 9.)

[329] I may quote a passage from an article entitled 'The Sentiment of Rationality,' published in vol. iv of Mind, 1879: "What is a conception? It is a teleological instrument. It is a partial aspect of a thing which for our purpose we regard as its essential aspect, as the representative of the entire thing. In comparison with this aspect, whatever other properties and qualities the thing may have are unimportant accidents which we may without blame ignore. But the essence, the ground of conception, varies with the end we have in view. A substance like oil has as many different essences as it has uses to different individuals. One man conceives it as a combustible, another as a lubricator, another as a food; the chemist thinks of it as a hydrocarbon; the furniture-maker as a darkener of wood; the speculator as a commodity whose market-price to-day is this and to-morrow that. The soap-boiler, the physicist, the clothes-scourer severally ascribe to it other essences in relation to their needs. Ueberweg's doctrine that the essential quality of a thing is the quality of most worth is strictly true; but Ueberweg has failed to note that the worth is wholly relative to the temporary interests of the conceiver. And, even, when his interest is distinctly defined in his own mind, the discrimination of the quality in the object which has the closest connection with it is a thing which no rules can teach. The only a priori advice that can be given to a man embarking on life with a certain purpose is the somewhat barren counsel: Be sure that in the circumstances that meet you, you attend to the right ones for your purpose. To pick out the right ones is the measure of the man. 'Millions,' says Hartmann, 'stare at the phenomenon before a genialer Kopf pounces on the concept.' The genius is simply he to whom, when he opens his eyes upon the world, the 'right' characters are the prominent ones. The fool is he who, with the same purposes as the genius, infallibly gets his attention tangled amid the accidents."

[329] I can quote a passage from an article titled 'The Sentiment of Rationality,' published in vol. iv of Mind, 1879: "What is a conception? It’s a teleological instrument. It’s a partial view of a thing that we consider its essential aspect for our purpose, representing the whole thing. Compared to this view, any other properties and qualities that the thing has are minor details that we can ignore without guilt. However, the essence, the basis of the conception, changes depending on the goal we have in mind. A substance like oil has as many different essences as it has uses for different people. One person sees it as a fuel, another as a lubricant, another as food; the chemist views it as a hydrocarbon; the furniture-maker sees it as a wood stain; the speculator thinks of it as a commodity with a market price that fluctuates. The soap-maker, the physicist, and the laundry worker each attribute other essences based on their needs. Ueberweg's idea that the essential quality of a thing is the quality of greatest worth is absolutely correct; but he overlooks the fact that worth is entirely relative to the temporary interests of the person conceiving it. And even when their interest is clearly defined in their mind, identifying the quality in the object that is most relevant to their interest is something that no rules can teach. The only a priori advice that can be given to someone starting life with a particular goal is the somewhat unhelpful suggestion: Make sure that in the situations you encounter, you focus on the right ones for your purpose. Choosing the right ones is what defines a person. 'Millions,' says Hartmann, 'stare at the phenomenon before a genialer Kopf pounces on the concept.' The genius is simply the person who, when they look at the world, sees the 'right' features as the most notable. The fool is the one who, with the same intentions as the genius, inevitably gets distracted by the trivial details."

[330] Only if one of our purposes were itself truer than another, could one of our conceptions become the truer conception. To be a truer purpose, however, our purpose must conform more to some absolute standard of purpose in things to which our purposes ought to conform. This shows that the whole doctrine of essential characters is intimately bound up with a teleological view of the world. Materialism becomes self-contradictory when it denies teleology, and yet in the same breath calls atoms, etc., the essential facts. The world contains consciousness as well as atoms—and the one must be written down as just as essential as the other, in the absence of any declared purpose regarding them on the creator's part, or in the absence of any creator. As far as we ourselves go, the atoms are worth more for purposes of deduction, the consciousness for purposes of inspiration. We may fairly write the Universe in either way, thus: Atoms-producing-consciousness; or Consciousness-produced-by-atoms. Atoms alone, or consciousness alone, are precisely equal mutilations of the truth. If, without believing in a God, I still continue to talk of what the world 'essentially is,' I am just as much entitled to define it as a place in which my nose itches, or as a place where at a certain corner I can get a mess of oysters for twenty cents, as to call it an evolving nebula differentiating and integrating itself. It is hard to say which of the three abstractions is the more rotten or miserable substitute for the world's concrete fulness. To conceive it merely as 'God's work' would be a similar mutilation of it, so long as we said not what God, or what kind of work. The only real truth about the world, apart from particular purposes, is the total truth.

[330] Only if one of our goals were truer than another could one of our ideas become the truer idea. To be a truer goal, however, our aim must align more closely with some absolute standard of purpose in things that our purposes should meet. This indicates that the entire concept of essential characters is closely connected to a teleological view of the world. Materialism becomes self-contradictory when it denies teleology, yet also refers to atoms and similar entities as the essential facts. The world includes both consciousness and atoms—and both should be regarded as equally essential in the absence of any stated purpose from the creator, or if there is no creator at all. For our purposes, atoms are more valuable for deduction, while consciousness is more valuable for inspiration. We could reasonably describe the Universe in either way: Atoms-producing-consciousness; or Awareness-produced-by-atoms. Atoms alone or consciousness alone are equally distorted representations of the truth. If I continue to talk about what the world 'essentially is' without believing in a God, I have as much right to define it as a place where my nose itches, or as a spot where I can get a plate of oysters for twenty cents, as to call it an evolving nebula that differentiates and integrates itself. It's hard to determine which of these three abstractions is the more flawed or pathetic substitute for the world's concrete fullness. To view it merely as 'God's work' would also be a similar distortion, unless we specify what God or what kind of work. The only real truth about the world, aside from particular purposes, is the total truth.

[331] Compare Lotze, Metaphysik, §§ 58, 67, for some instructive remarks on ways in which the world's constitution might differ from what it actually is. Compare also Chapter XXVIII.

[331] See Lotze, Metaphysik, §§ 58, 67, for some helpful insights on how the structure of the world could be different from what it actually is. Also, check Chapter XXVIII.

[332] Sometimes, it must be confessed, the conceiver's purpose falls short of reasoning and the only conclusion he cares to reach is the bare naming of the datum. "What is that?" is our first question relative to any unknown thing. And the ease with which our curiosity is quenched as soon as we are supplied with any sort of a name to call the object by, is ridiculous enough. To quote from an unpublished essay by a former student of mine, Mr. R. W. Black: "The simplest end which a thing's predicate can serve is the satisfaction of the desire for unity itself, the mere desire that the thing shall be the same with something else. Why, the other day, when I mistook a portrait of Shakespeare for one of Hawthorne, was I not, on psychological principles, as right as if I had correctly named it?—the two pictures had a common essence, bald forehead, mustache, flowing hair. Simply because the only end that could possibly be served by naming it Hawthorne was my desire to have it so. With reference to any other end that classification of it would not serve. And every unity, every identity, every classification is rightly called fanciful unless it serves some other end than the mere satisfaction, emotion, or inspiration caught by momentarily believing in it."

[332] Sometimes, it's true, the creator's intent falls short of logic, and the only conclusion they want to reach is simply naming the fact. "What is that?" is our first question whenever we encounter something unknown. It's amusing how quickly our curiosity is satisfied as soon as we have any kind of name for the object. As my former student Mr. R. W. Black wrote in an unpublished essay: "The simplest purpose of a thing's description is to fulfill the need for unity itself, the basic desire that the thing should be the same as something else. For instance, when I mistakenly identified a portrait of Shakespeare as one of Hawthorne, wasn’t I, from a psychological standpoint, just as correct as if I had named it right?—the two pictures shared a common look: bald forehead, mustache, flowing hair. The only reason I wanted to call it Hawthorne was my desire to do so, with no other purpose that classification would serve. Every sense of unity, identity, or classification is rightly seen as fanciful unless it fulfills some other purpose beyond just meeting that fleeting desire, emotion, or inspiration sparked by momentarily believing in it."

[333] See above, p. 8.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See above, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

[334] See his Study of Character, chap. xv; also Senses and Intellect, 'Intellect,' chap. ii, the latter half.

[334] See his Study of Character, chap. xv; also Senses and Intellect, 'Intellect,' chap. ii, the latter half.

[335] Whether the dog has the notion of your being angry or of your property being valuable in any such abstract way as we have these notions is more than doubtful. The conduct is more likely an impulsive result of a conspiracy of outward stimuli; the beast feels like acting so when these stimuli are present, though conscious of no definite reason why. The distinction of recept and concept is useful here. Some breeds of dogs, e.g. collies, seem instinctively to defend their master's property. The case is similar to that of a dog's barking at people after dark, at whom he would not bark in daylight. I have heard this quoted as evidence of the dog's reasoning power. It is only, as Chapter III has shown us, the impulsive result of a summation of stimuli, and has no connection with reasoning.

[335] Whether a dog understands that you're angry or recognizes your belongings as valuable in any way similar to how we think about them is highly questionable. Their behavior is more likely an impulsive reaction to a mix of outside triggers; the animal feels like acting in that way when those triggers are present, without any clear reason why. The distinction between perception and concept is relevant here. Some dog breeds, like collies, seem to instinctively protect their owner's property. It's similar to a dog barking at people at night, whom it wouldn't bark at during the day. I've heard this mentioned as proof of a dog's ability to reason. However, as shown in Chapter III, it's just an impulsive result of combined stimuli and doesn't involve reasoning.

In certain stages of the hypnotic trance the subject seems to lapse into the non-analytic state. If a sheet of ruled foolscap paper, or a paper with a fine monotonous ornamental pattern printed on it, be shown to the subject, and one of the ruled lines or elements of the pattern be pointed to for an instant, and the paper immediately removed, he will then almost always, when after a short interval the paper is presented to him again, pick out the indicated line or element with infallible correctness. The operator, meanwhile, has either to keep his eye fixed upon it, or to make sure of its position by counting, in order not to lose its place. Just so we may remember a friend's house in a street by the single character of its number rather than by its general look. The trance-subject would seem, in these instances, to surrender himself to the general look. He disperses his attention impartially over the sheet. The place of the particular line touched is part of a 'total effect' which he gets in its entirety, and which would be distorted if another line were touched instead. This total effect is lost upon the normal looker-on, bent as he is on concentration, analysis, and emphasis. What wonder, then, that, under these experimental conditions, the trance-subject excels him in touching the right line again? If he has time given him to count the line, he will excel the trance-subject; but if the time be too short to count, he will best succeed by following the trance-method, abstaining from analysis, and being guided by the 'general look' of the line's place on the sheet. One is surprised at one's success in this the moment one gives up one's habitually analytic state of mind.

In certain stages of a hypnotic trance, the subject seems to enter a non-analytic state. If a sheet of ruled paper or a page with a simple, repetitive pattern is shown to the subject, and one of the ruled lines or elements of the pattern is pointed out for a moment before the paper is quickly taken away, he will almost always, after a short interval when the paper is presented again, be able to correctly identify the indicated line or element. Meanwhile, the operator has to either keep his eye on it or make sure to note its position by counting so he doesn’t lose track of it. It’s similar to how we might remember a friend's house on a street by its number rather than by its overall appearance. In these cases, the trance-subject seems to give himself over to the overall appearance instead. He spreads his attention evenly across the sheet. The location of the specific line touched becomes part of a 'total effect' that he perceives completely, and it would look different if another line were touched instead. This total effect is lost on a regular observer, who is focused on concentration, analysis, and emphasis. So, it’s no surprise that under these experimental conditions, the trance-subject is better at selecting the correct line again. If given enough time to count the lines, he would outdo the trance-subject; however, if time is too short for counting, he will do best by using the trance method, avoiding analysis, and relying on the 'general look' of the line’s position on the sheet. One is surprised by their success as soon as they let go of their usual analytic mindset.

Is it too much to say that we have in this dispersion of the attention and subjection to the 'general effect' something like a relapse into the state of mind of brutes? The trance-subject never gives any other reason for his optical discriminations, save that 'it looks so.' So a man, on a road once traversed inattentively before, takes a certain turn for no reason except that he feels as if it must be right. He is guided by a sum of impressions, not one of which is emphatic or distinguished from the rest, not one of which is essential, not one of which is conceived, but all of which together drive him to a conclusion to which nothing but that sum-total leads. Are not some of the wonderful discriminations of animals explicable in the same way? The cow finds her own stanchions in the long stable, the horse stops at the house he has once stopped at in the monotonous street, because no other stanchions, no other house, yield impartially all the impressions of the previous experience. The man, however, by seeking to make some one impression characteristic and essential, prevents the rest from having their effect. So that, if the (for him) essential feature be forgotten or changed, he is too apt to be thrown off altogether, and then the brute or the trance-subject may seem to outstrip him in sagacity.

Is it too much to say that in this scattering of attention and yielding to the 'general effect' we are experiencing something like a return to a primitive state of mind? The person in a trance never provides any other explanation for their visual judgments other than that 'it looks like that.' Similarly, a man, on a road he previously walked without paying attention, takes a certain turn simply because he feels it must be right. He is guided by a collection of impressions, none of which stand out or are distinct from the others, none of which are crucial, and none of which are thought out, but all of which together drive him to a conclusion that only that total sum leads to. Aren't some of the amazing distinctions made by animals explainable in the same way? A cow finds her spot in the long stable, and a horse stops at the house it has been to before in the dull street, because no other spots, no other houses, provide impartially all the impressions from the previous experience. However, the man, by trying to make one impression stand out as characteristic and essential, prevents the others from having their impact. Thus, if the (for him) essential feature is forgotten or altered, he is likely to be completely thrown off, and in that case, the animal or the person in a trance may seem to surpass him in insight.

Dr. Romanes's already quoted distinction between 'receptual' and 'conceptual' thought (published since the body of my text and my note were written) connotes conveniently the difference which I seek to point out. See also his Mental Evolution in Man, p. 197 ff., for proofs of the fact that in a receptual way brutes cognize the mental states of other brutes and men.

Dr. Romanes's previously mentioned distinction between 'receptual' and 'conceptual' thought (published after I wrote the main text and my note) conveniently highlights the difference I want to emphasize. See also his Mental Evolution in Man, p. 197 ff., for evidence that animals grasp the mental states of other animals and humans in a receptual way.

[336] This matter of confusion is important and interesting. Since confusion is mistaking the wrong part of the phenomenon for the whole, whilst reasoning is, according to our definition, based on the substitution of the right part for the whole, it might be said that confusion and reasoning are generically the same process. I believe that they are so, and that the only difference between a muddle-head and a genius is that between extracting wrong characters and right ones. In other words, a muddle-headed person is a genius spoiled in the making. I think it will be admitted that all eminently muddle-headed persons have the temperament of genius. They are constantly breaking away from the usual consecutions of concretes. A common associator by contiguity is too closely tied to routine to get muddle-headed.

[336] This issue of confusion is both important and interesting. Confusion happens when someone mistakes the wrong part of a situation for the whole, while reasoning, as we define it, involves replacing the whole with the right part. It could be argued that confusion and reasoning are essentially the same process. I believe that's true, and the only difference between a confused person and a genius is whether they extract the wrong characteristics or the right ones. In other words, a confused person is essentially a genius who got messed up in the process. I think it's widely accepted that all truly confused individuals have a temperament akin to genius. They constantly break away from typical sequences of concrete ideas. A regular thinker who associates by proximity is too attached to routine to become confused.

[337] The horse is a densely stupid animal, as far as everything goes except contiguous association. We reckon him intelligent, partly because he looks so handsome, partly because he has such a wonderful faculty of contiguous association and can be so quickly moulded into a mass of set habits. Had he anything of reasoning intelligence, he would be a less faithful slave than he is.

[337] The horse is a remarkably simple creature, at least when it comes to everything beyond direct association. We think of him as smart, partly because he looks so beautiful, and partly because he has an impressive ability to connect things and can easily develop a bunch of routine habits. If he had any real reasoning ability, he would be a less obedient servant than he is.

[338] Th. Schumann: Journal Daheim, No. 19, 1878. Quoted by Strümpell: Die Geisteskräfte der Menschen verglicken mit denen der Thiere (Leipzig, 1878), p. 39. Cats are notorious for the skill with which they will open latches, locks, etc. Their feats are usually ascribed to their reasoning powers. But Dr. Romanes well remarks (Mental Evolution, etc., p. 351, note) that we ought first to be sure that the actions are not due to mere association. A cat is constantly playing with things with her paws; a trick accidentally hit upon may be retained. Romanes notes the fact that the animals most skilled in this way need not be the most generally intelligent, but those which have the best corporeal members for handling things, cat's paws, horse's lips, elephant's trunk, cow's horns. The monkey has both the corporeal and the intellectual superiority. And my deprecatory remarks on animal reasoning in the text apply far less to the quadrumana than to quadrupeds.—On the possible fallacies in interpreting animals' minds, compare C. L. Morgan in Mind, xi. 174 (1886).

[338] Th. Schumann: Journal Daheim, No. 19, 1878. Quoted by Strümpell: The mental abilities of humans are compared to those of animals (Leipzig, 1878), p. 39. Cats are well-known for their ability to open latches, locks, and similar things. Their actions are usually attributed to their reasoning skills. However, Dr. Romanes points out (Mental Evolution, etc., p. 351, note) that we should first confirm that these actions aren’t just due to simple association. A cat often plays with objects using her paws; a trick that is accidentally discovered might be remembered. Romanes observes that the animals most adept at this are not necessarily the most intelligent overall, but those that have the best physical tools for manipulating objects, such as cat's paws, horse's lips, elephant's trunks, and cow's horns. Monkeys possess both physical and intellectual advantages. And my critical comments on animal reasoning in the text apply much less to primates than to quadrupeds.—For possible errors in interpreting animals' minds, see C. L. Morgan in Mind, xi. 174 (1886).

[339] There are two other conditions of language in the human being, additional to association by similarity, that assist its action, or rather pave the way for it. These are: first, the great natural loquacity; and, second, the great imitativeness of man. The first produces the original reflex interjectional sign; the second (as Bleek has well shown) fixes it, stamps it, and ends by multiplying the number of determinate specific signs which are a requisite preliminary to the general conscious purpose of sign-making, which I have called the characteristic human element in language. The way in which imitativeness fixes the meaning of signs is this: When a primeval man has a given emotion, he utters his natural interjection; or when (to avoid supposing that the reflex sounds are exceedingly determinate by nature) a group of such men experience a common emotion, and one takes the lead in the cry, the others cry like him from sympathy or imitativeness. Now, let one of the group hear another, who is in presence of the experience, utter the cry; he, even without the experience, will repeat the cry from pure imitativeness. But, as he repeats the sign, he will be reminded by it of his own former experience. Thus, first, he has the sign with the emotion; then, without it; then, with it again. It is "dissociated by change of concomitants"; he feels it as a separate entity and yet as having a connection with the emotion. Immediately it becomes possible for him to couple it deliberately with the emotion, in cases where the latter would either have provoked no interjectional cry or not the same one. In a word, his mental procedure tends to fix this cry on that emotion; and when this occurs, in many instances, he is provided with a stock of signs, like the yelp, beg, rat of the dog, each of which suggests a determinate image. On this stock, then, similarity works in the way above explained.

[339] There are two other ways language functions in humans, in addition to similarity-based connections, that help it operate or make it easier to do so. These are: first, our natural tendency to talk a lot; and second, our strong ability to imitate. The first leads to the development of natural, reflexive expressions; the second (as Bleek has clearly shown) defines, solidifies, and ultimately increases the number of specific signs needed before we can consciously create signs, which I refer to as the key human aspect of language. The way imitativeness establishes the meaning of signs is as follows: When early humans feel a certain emotion, they express it with a natural interjection; or when a group of them shares an emotion, one person leads the reaction and the others mimic him out of sympathy or imitation. If one member of the group hears another in the midst of the experience cry out, he will repeat the cry purely out of imitation, even if he hasn't had that experience himself. However, while doing so, he’ll remember his own past feelings associated with that cry. In this way, he first has the sign linked to an emotion; then, without that emotional connection; and then, back with it again. It becomes "dissociated by change of accompaniments"; he perceives it as a distinct entity yet still connected to the emotion. This allows him to intentionally link the cry with the emotion, even in situations where the emotion might not evoke any interjection or a different one. In short, his thought process aims to fix this cry to that emotion; and when this happens, he often ends up with a variety of signs, like the yelp, beg, or rat of a dog, each of which brings to mind a specific image. Therefore, through a process of similarity, these signs operate in the way mentioned above.

[340] See the 'Evolution of Self-consciousness' in 'Philosophical Discussions,' by Chauncey Wright (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1877). Dr. Romanes, in the book from which I have already quoted, seeks to show that the 'consciousness of truth as truth' and the deliberate intention to predicate (which are the characteristics of higher human reasoning) presuppose a consciousness of ideas as such, as things distinct from their objects; and that this consciousness depends on our having made signs for them by language. My text seems to me to include Dr. Romanes's facts, and formulates them in what to me is a more elementary way, though the reader who wishes to understand the matter better should go to his clear and patient exposition also.

[340] See the 'Evolution of Self-consciousness' in 'Philosophical Discussions,' by Chauncey Wright (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1877). Dr. Romanes, in the book I’ve already quoted, tries to show that the 'awareness of truth as truth' and the intentional act of asserting (which are the traits of advanced human reasoning) require an awareness of ideas as separate from their objects; and that this awareness relies on our ability to represent them through language. My interpretation seems to include Dr. Romanes's points and expresses them in what I find to be a simpler way, although anyone who wants to understand the topic more deeply should also refer to his clear and thorough explanation.

[341] Study of Character, p. 317.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Character Study, p. 317.

[342] Translated by my colleague, Professor G. H. Palmer.

[342] Translated by my colleague, Professor G. H. Palmer.

[343] Quoted by Renouvier, Critique Philosophique, October 19, 1879.

[343] Quoted by Renouvier, Philosophical Critique, October 19, 1879.

[344] Social and domestic circumstances, that is, not material ones. Perceptions of social relations seem very keen in persons whose dealings with the material world are confined to knowing a few useful objects, principally animals, plants, and weapons. Savages and boors are often as tactful and astute socially as trained diplomatists. In general, it is probable that the consciousness of how one stands with other people occupies a relatively larger and larger part of the mind, the lower one goes in the scale of culture. Woman's intuitions, so fine in the sphere of personal relations, are seldom first-rate in the way of mechanics. All boys teach themselves how a clock goes: few girls. Hence Dr. Whately's jest, "Woman is the unreasoning animal, and pokes the fire from on top."

[344] Social and domestic situations, not material ones. People who have limited interactions with the material world, mostly knowing a few practical objects like animals, plants, and tools, seem to have a sharp awareness of social dynamics. Those who are less refined in culture can often be just as tactful and perceptive in social settings as skilled diplomats. Generally, the awareness of one's social standing becomes a more significant aspect of the mind as one moves down the cultural hierarchy. Women often have keen intuitions regarding personal relationships but are typically not as proficient with mechanics. All boys learn how to fix a clock; few girls do. This brings to mind Dr. Whately's joke, "Woman is the unreasoning animal, and pokes the fire from on top."


CHAPTER XXIII.

THE PRODUCTION OF MOVEMENT.

The reader will not have forgotten, in the jungle of purely inward processes and products through which the last chapters have borne him, that the final result of them all must be some form of bodily activity due to the escape of the central excitement through outgoing nerves. The whole neural organism, it will be remembered, is, physiologically considered, but a machine for converting stimuli into reactions; and the intellectual part of our life is knit up with but the middle or 'central' portion of the machine's operations. Let us now turn to consider the final or emergent operations, the bodily activities, and the forms of consciousness connected therewithal.

The reader probably hasn’t forgotten that, amidst the purely internal processes and outcomes we've explored in the last chapters, the ultimate result of all this must be some type of physical activity triggered by the release of central excitement through outgoing nerves. The entire neural system, as we recall, is essentially a machine that transforms stimuli into responses; and the intellectual aspect of our lives is intertwined with just the central part of this machine's functions. Now, let's focus on the final or resulting actions, the physical activities, and the types of consciousness associated with them.

Every impression which impinges on the incoming nerves produces some discharge down the outgoing ones, whether we be aware of it or not. Using sweeping terms and ignoring exceptions, we might say that every possible feeling produces a movement, and that the movement is a movement of the entire organism, and of each and all its parts. What happens patently when an explosion or a flash of lightning startles us, or when we are tickled, happens latently with every sensation which we receive. The only reason why we do not feel the startle or tickle in the case of insignificant sensations is partly its very small amount, partly our obtuseness. Professor Bain many years ago gave the name of the Law of Diffusion to this phenomenon of general discharge, and expressed it thus: "According as an impression is accompanied with Feeling, the aroused currents diffuse themselves over the brain, leading to a general agitation of the moving organs, as well as affecting the viscera."

Every impression that hits our nerves causes some sort of response in the outgoing nerves, whether we notice it or not. Broadly speaking, we could say that every possible feeling triggers a movement, and that movement involves the whole organism and all its parts. What clearly occurs when an explosion or a flash of lightning surprises us, or when we feel tickled, also happens in a hidden way with every sensation we experience. The only reason we don’t feel the surprise or tickle with less significant sensations is partly because they are so minor and partly due to our insensitivity. Professor Bain labeled this phenomenon of general response the Law of Diffusion many years ago, and he put it this way: "As an impression is accompanied by Feeling, the aroused currents spread throughout the brain, causing a general agitation of the moving organs as well as affecting the viscera."

In cases where the feeling is strong the law is too familiar to require proof. As Prof. Bain says:

In situations where the emotion is intense, the law is well-known enough not to need evidence. As Prof. Bain states:

"Each of us knows in our own experience that a sudden shock of feeling is accompanied with movements of the body generally, and with other effects. When no emotion is present, we are quiescent; a slight feeling is accompanied with slight manifestations; a more intense shock has a more intense outburst. Every pleasure and every pain, and every mode of emotion, has a definite wave of effects, which our observation makes known to us; and we apply the knowledge to infer other men's feelings from their outward display.... The organs first and prominently affected, in the diffused wave of nervous influence, are the moving members, and of these, by preference, the features of the face (with the ears in animals), whose movements constitute the expression of the countenance. But the influence extends to all the parts of the moving system, voluntary and involuntary; while an important series of effects are produced on the glands and viscera—the stomach, lungs, heart, kidneys, skin, together with the sexual and mammary organs.... The circumstance is seemingly universal, the proof of it does not require a citation of instances in detail; on the objectors is thrown the burden of adducing unequivocal exceptions to the law."[345]

"We all know from personal experience that a sudden emotional shock usually comes with physical reactions and other effects. When we aren't experiencing emotions, we stay still; a light emotion results in minimal expressions, while a stronger shock triggers a more intense response. Every type of pleasure, pain, and emotional state has a specific range of effects that we can observe; we use this information to infer how others are feeling based on their outward expressions. The first and most noticeable parts affected by this widespread nervous influence are the moving parts of the body, especially the facial features (and the ears in animals), whose movements create the expression of the face. However, this influence reaches all areas of the movement system, both voluntary and involuntary, while a significant series of effects also occur on the glands and internal organs—the stomach, lungs, heart, kidneys, skin, as well as the sexual and mammary organs. This seems to be a universal phenomenon, and demonstrating it doesn't require specific examples; it's up to the critics to present clear exceptions to this rule." [345]

There are probably no exceptions to the diffusion of every impression through the nerve-centres. The effect of the wave through the centres may, however, often be to interfere with processes, and to diminish tensions already existing there; and the outward consequences of such inhibitions may be the arrest of discharges from the inhibited regions and the checking of bodily activities already in process of occurrence. When this happens it probably is like the draining or siphoning of certain channels by currents flowing through others. When, in walking, we suddenly stand still because a sound, sight, smell, or thought catches our attention, something like this occurs. But there are cases of arrest of peripheral activity which depend, not on central inhibition, but on stimulation of centres which discharge outgoing currents of an inhibitory sort. Whenever we are startled, for example, our heart momentarily stops or slows its beating, and then palpitates with accelerated speed. The brief arrest is due to an outgoing current down the pneumogastric nerve. This nerve, when stimulated, stops or slows the heart-beats, and this[Pg 374] particular effect of startling fails to occur if the nerve be cut.

There are likely no exceptions to how every impression spreads through the nerve centers. The effect of the waves traveling through these centers can often disrupt processes and reduce existing tensions there, which can lead to halted discharges from the affected areas and a slowdown of physical activities already in progress. When this happens, it’s similar to draining or siphoning certain channels while currents move through others. For instance, when we're walking and suddenly stop because a sound, sight, smell, or thought grabs our attention, this kind of thing happens. However, there are instances where peripheral activity stops not because of central inhibition, but due to stimulation of centers that send out inhibitory currents. For example, whenever we’re startled, our heart may briefly stop or slow down before speeding up again. This temporary pause is caused by an outgoing current through the pneumogastric nerve. When this nerve is stimulated, it stops or slows the heartbeats, and this[Pg 374] effect of being startled doesn’t happen if the nerve is severed.

In general, however, the stimulating effects of a sense-impression preponderate over the inhibiting effects, so that we may roughly say, as we began by saying, that the wave of discharge produces an activity in all parts of the body. The task of tracing out all the effects of any one incoming sensation has not yet been performed by physiologists. Recent years have, however, begun to enlarge our information; and although I must refer to special treatises for the full details, I can briefly string together here a number of separate observations which prove the truth of the law of diffusion.

In general, though, the stimulating effects of a sensory impression outweigh the inhibiting effects, so we can roughly say, as we initially stated, that the discharge wave creates activity in all parts of the body. The job of identifying all the effects of any single incoming sensation hasn't been fully done by physiologists yet. However, recent years have started to expand our knowledge; and while I need to point you to specific studies for the complete details, I can briefly list several observations here that demonstrate the validity of the law of diffusion.

Fig. 81.

First take effects upon the circulation. Those upon the heart we have just seen. Haller long ago recorded that the blood from an open vein flowed out faster at the beat of a drum.[346] In Chapter III. (Vol. I. p. 98) we learned how instantaneously, according to Mosso, the circulation in the brain is altered by changes of sensation and of the course of thought. The effect of objects of fear, shame, and anger upon the blood-supply of the skin, especially the skin of the face, are too well known to need remark. Sensations of the higher senses produce, according to Couty and Charpentier, the most varied effects upon the pulse-rate and blood-pressure in dogs. Fig. 81, a pulse-tracing from these authors, shows the tumultuous effect on a dog's heart of hearing the screams of another dog. The changes of blood-pressure still occurred when the pneumogastric nerves were cut, showing the vaso-motor effect to be direct and not dependent on the heart. When Mosso invented that simple instrument, the plethysmograph, for recording the fluctuations in volume of the members of the body, what most astonished him, he says, "in the first experiments which he made in Italy, was the extreme unrest of the blood-vessels of the hand, which at every smallest emotion, whether during waking or during sleep, changed their volume in surprising fashion."[347] Figure 82 (from Féré[348])[Pg 375]
[Pg 376]
shows the way in which the pulse of one subject was modified by the exhibition of a red light lasting from the moment marked a to that marked b.

First, let's look at effects on the circulation. We've just discussed those on the heart. Haller noted long ago that blood from an open vein flowed out faster when a drum was beat.[346] In Chapter III. (Vol. I. p. 98) we learned how quickly, according to Mosso, the circulation in the brain changes with shifts in sensation and thought processes. The impact of fear, shame, and anger on blood supply to the skin, especially on the face, is well-known and doesn’t need further mention. According to Couty and Charpentier, sensations from the higher senses have varying effects on pulse rate and blood pressure in dogs. Fig. 81, a pulse tracing from these authors, illustrates the chaotic effect on a dog's heart when it hears another dog's screams. Blood pressure changes still happened even when the pneumogastric nerves were cut, indicating that the vaso-motor effect is direct and not reliant on the heart. When Mosso created that simple device, the plethysmograph, to record the volume changes in body parts, what took him by surprise, he says, "in the first experiments he conducted in Italy, was the extreme agitation of the blood vessels in the hand, which changed volume dramatically with the slightest emotion, whether awake or asleep."[347] Figure 82 (from Féré[348])[Pg 375]
[Pg 376]
shows how the pulse of one subject was altered by the presentation of a red light from the moment marked a to the moment marked b.

Fig. 82.
Fig. 83.—Respiratory curve of B: a, with eyes open; b, with eyes closed.

The effects upon respiration of sudden sensory stimuli are also too well known to need elaborate comment. We 'catch our breath' at every sudden sound. We 'hold our breath' whenever our attention and expectation are strongly engaged, and we sigh when the tension of the situation is relieved. When a fearful object is before us we pant and cannot deeply inspire; when the object makes us angry it is, on the contrary, the act of expiration which is hard. I subjoin a couple of figures from Féré which explain themselves.[Pg 377] They show the effects of light upon the breathing of two of his hysteric patients.[349]

The effects on breathing from sudden sensory stimuli are so well known that they don’t require much explanation. We 'catch our breath' at any sudden noise. We 'hold our breath' whenever our focus and anticipation are heightened, and we sigh when the stress of the moment is lifted. When something frightening is in front of us, we pant and can’t take a deep breath; on the other hand, when something makes us angry, it’s actually the act of exhaling that becomes difficult. I’m including a couple of figures from Féré that speak for themselves.[Pg 377] They illustrate how light affects the breathing of two of his hysterical patients.[349]

Fig. 84. Respiratory curve of L: a, with yellow light; b with green light; c, with red light. The red has the strongest effect.

On the sweat-glands, similar consequences of sensorial stimuli are observed. Tarchanoff, testing the condition of the sweat-glands by the power of the skin to start a[Pg 378] galvanic current through electrodes applied to its surface, found that "nearly every kind of nervous activity, from the simplest sensations and impressions, to voluntary motions and the highest forms of mental exertion, is accompanied by an increased activity in the glands of the skin."[350] On the pupil observations are recorded by Sanders which show that a transitory dilatation follows every sensorial stimulus applied during sleep, even if the stimulus be not strong enough to wake the subject up. At the moment of awaking there is a dilatation, even if strong light falls on the eye.[351] The pupil of children can easily be observed to dilate enormously under the influence of fear. It is said to dilate in pain and fatigue; and to contract, on the contrary, in rage.

On the sweat glands, similar effects of sensory stimuli are noted. Tarchanoff, examining the condition of the sweat glands by using the skin's ability to conduct a[Pg 378] galvanic current through electrodes placed on its surface, found that "almost every type of nervous activity, from basic sensations and impressions to voluntary movements and the most complex forms of mental effort, is associated with increased activity in the skin glands."[350] On the pupil, Sanders recorded observations showing that a temporary dilation occurs with every sensory stimulus applied during sleep, even if the stimulus isn't strong enough to wake the person up. At the moment of awakening, there is dilation, even in the presence of bright light.[351] The pupils of children can be observed to dilate significantly under the influence of fear. It is said to dilate in response to pain and fatigue, and to contract, on the other hand, when experiencing anger.

As regards effects on the abdominal viscera, they unquestionably exist, but very few accurate observations have been made.[352]

As for effects on the abdominal organs, they definitely exist, but there have been very few precise observations made.[352]

The bladder, bowels, and uterus respond to sensations, even indifferent ones. Mosso and Pellicani, in their plethysmographic investigations on the bladder of dogs, found all sorts of sensorial stimuli to produce reflex contractions of this organ, independent of those of the abdominal walls. They call the bladder 'as good an æsthesiometer as the iris,' and refer to the not uncommon reflex effects of psychic stimuli in the human female upon this organ.[353] M. Féré has registered the contractions of the sphincter ani which even indifferent sensations will produce. In some pregnant women the fœtus is felt to move after almost every sensorial excitement received by the mother. The only natural explanation is that it is stimulated at such moments by reflex contractions of the womb.[354] That the glands are affected in emotion is patent enough in the case of the tears of grief, the dry mouth, moist skin, or diarrhœa[Pg 379] of fear, the biliary disturbances which sometimes follow upon rage, etc. The watering of the mouth at the sight of succulent food is well known. It is difficult to follow the smaller degrees of all these reflex changes, but it can hardly be doubted that they exist in some degree, even where they cease to be traceable, and that all our sensations have some visceral effects. The sneezing produced by sunshine, the roughening of the skin (goose-flesh) which certain strokings, contacts, and sounds, musical or non-musical, provoke, are facts of the same order as the shuddering and standing up of the hair in fear, only of less degree.

The bladder, intestines, and uterus react to sensations, even the neutral ones. Mosso and Pellicani, in their studies on the bladder of dogs, found that all sorts of sensory stimuli caused reflex contractions of this organ, separate from those of the abdominal walls. They describe the bladder as "just as good an aesthesiometer as the iris" and mention the common reflex effects of psychological stimuli in women on this organ.[353] M. Féré noted the contractions of the anal sphincter that even neutral sensations can trigger. In some pregnant women, the fetus can be felt moving after almost every sensory stimulus experienced by the mother. The most straightforward explanation is that it gets stimulated at such times by reflex contractions of the womb.[354] It's quite evident that emotions impact the glands, as shown by tears from grief, a dry mouth, sweaty skin, or diarrhea from fear, and the bile issues that sometimes follow episodes of anger, etc. It's well known that seeing delicious food causes the mouth to water. While it’s hard to track the smaller degrees of these reflex changes, it’s hardly questionable that they occur to some extent, even when they become untraceable, and that all our sensations have some visceral effects. Sneezing triggered by sunlight and the prickly sensation (goosebumps) that certain touches, contacts, and sounds—musical or not—can evoke, are similar phenomena to shivering and hair standing on end due to fear, albeit to a lesser degree.

Effects on Voluntary Muscles. Every sensorial stimulus not only sends a special discharge into certain particular muscles dependent on the special nature of the stimulus in question—some of these special discharges we have studied in Chapter XI, others we shall examine under the heads of Instinct and Emotion—but it innervates the muscles generally. M. Féré has given very curious experimental proofs of this. The strength of contraction of the subject's hand was measured by a self-registering dynamometer. Ordinarily the maximum strength, under simple experimental conditions, remains the same from day to day. But if simultaneously with the contraction the subject received a sensorial impression, the contraction was sometimes weakened, but more often increased. This reinforcing effect has received the name of dynamogeny. The dynamogenic value of simple musical notes seems to be proportional to their loudness and height. Where the notes are compounded into sad strains, the muscular strength diminishes. If the strains are gay, it is increased.—The dynamogenic value of colored lights varies with the color. In a subject[355] whose normal strength was expressed by 23, it became 24 when a blue light was[Pg 380] thrown on the eyes, 28 for green, 30 for yellow, 35 for orange, and 42 for red. Red is thus the most exciting color. Among tastes, sweet has the lowest value, next comes salt, then bitter, and finally sour, though, as M. Féré remarks, such a sour as acetic acid excites the nerves of pain and smell as well as of taste. The stimulating effects of tobacco-smoke, alcohol, beef-extract (which is innutritious), etc., etc., may be partly due to a dynamogenic action of this sort.—Of odors, that of musk seems to have a peculiar dynamogenic power. Fig. 85 is a copy of one of M. Féré's dynamographic tracings, which explains itself. The smaller contractions are those without stimulus; the stronger ones are due to the influence of red rays of light.

Effects on Voluntary Muscles. Every sensory stimulus not only activates specific muscles based on the nature of the stimulus but also affects muscles overall. Some of these specific responses have been discussed in Chapter XI, while others will be looked at under the categories of Instinct and Emotion. M. Féré provided interesting experimental evidence for this. The strength of the hand's contraction was measured using a self-registering dynamometer. Usually, the maximum strength, under simple experimental conditions, remains consistent day after day. However, if the subject experienced a sensory impression while contracting, the contraction sometimes weakened, but more often, it increased. This boosting effect is known as dynamogeny. The dynamogenic value of simple musical notes appears to relate to their volume and pitch. When notes are combined into sad melodies, muscular strength decreases. In contrast, when the melodies are cheerful, strength increases. The dynamogenic value of colored lights varies by color. For a subject[355] with a normal strength rating of 23, it increased to 24 with blue light, 28 with green, 30 with yellow, 35 with orange, and 42 with red. Thus, red is the most stimulating color. Among tastes, sweetness has the lowest value, followed by salt, then bitterness, and finally sourness, although, as M. Féré notes, sour substances like acetic acid can also stimulate pain and smell nerves, in addition to taste. The stimulating effects of tobacco smoke, alcohol, beef extract (which lacks nutrition), etc., may partly result from this kind of dynamogenic action. Of odors, musk seems to possess a unique dynamogenic power. Fig. 85 is a reproduction of one of M. Féré's dynamographic traces, which is self-explanatory. The smaller contractions occur without a stimulus, while the stronger contractions happen under the influence of red light rays.

Fig. 85.

Everyone is familiar with the patellar reflex, or jerk upwards of the foot, which is produced by smartly tapping the tendon below the knee-pan when the leg hangs over the other knee. Drs. Weir Mitchell and Lombard have found that when other sensations come in simultaneously with the tap, the jerk is increased.[356] Heat, cold, pricking, itching, or faradic stimulation of the skin, sometimes strong optical impressions, music, all have this dynamogenic effect, which also results whenever voluntary movements are set up in other parts of the body, simultaneously with the tap.[357]

Everyone knows about the patellar reflex, which is the upward jerk of the foot that happens when you tap the tendon below the kneecap while the leg is resting over the other knee. Doctors Weir Mitchell and Lombard discovered that if other sensations occur at the same time as the tap, the jerk becomes stronger.[356] Heat, cold, pricking, itching, or electrical stimulation of the skin, as well as sometimes strong visual stimuli or music, all create this energizing effect. This also occurs when voluntary movements are activated in other parts of the body at the same time as the tap.[357]

These 'dynamogenic' effects, in which one stimulation[Pg 381] simply reinforces another already under way, must not be confounded with reflex acts properly so called, in which new activities are originated by the stimulus. All instinctive performances and manifestations of emotion are reflex acts. But underneath those of which we are conscious there seem to go on continually others smaller in amount, which probably in most persons might be called fluctuations of muscular tone, but which in certain neurotic subjects can be demonstrated ocularly. M. Féré figures some of them in the article to which I have already referred.[358]

These 'dynamogenic' effects, where one stimulus simply boosts another that's already happening, shouldn't be confused with reflex actions, where new activities are triggered by the stimulus. All instinctive behaviors and expressions of emotion are reflex actions. However, beneath our conscious actions, there seem to be ongoing smaller activities that most people might refer to as fluctuations of muscular tone, but which can be visually demonstrated in certain neurotic individuals. M. Féré illustrates some of these in the article I mentioned earlier.[358]


Looking back over all these facts, it is hard to doubt the truth of the law of diffusion, even where verification is beyond reach. A process set up anywhere in the centres reverberates everywhere, and in some way or other affects the organism throughout, making its activities either greater or less. We are brought again to the assimilation which was expressed on a previous page of the nerve-central mass to a good conductor charged with electricity, of which the tension cannot be changed anywhere without changing it everywhere.

Looking back at all these facts, it's hard to doubt the truth of the law of diffusion, even when verification is out of reach. A process initiated anywhere in the centers resonates everywhere and somehow impacts the entire organism, making its activities either stronger or weaker. We're brought back to the comparison made on a previous page of the nerve-central mass to a good conductor charged with electricity, where the tension cannot be altered in one place without affecting it everywhere.


Herr Schneider has tried to show, by an ingenious and suggestive zoological review,[359] that all the special movements which highly evolved animals make are differentiated from the two originally simple movements, of contraction and expansion, in which the entire body of simple organisms takes part. The tendency to contract is the source of all the self-protective impulses and reactions which are later developed, including that of flight. The tendency to expand splits up, on the contrary, into the impulses and instincts of an aggressive kind, feeding, fighting, sexual intercourse, etc. Schneider's articles are well worth reading, if only for the careful observations on animals which they embody. I cite them here as a sort of evolutionary reason to add to the mechanical a priori reason why there ought to be the diffusive wave which our a posteriori instances have shown to exist.

Herr Schneider has attempted to demonstrate, through an insightful and thought-provoking zoological review,[359] that all the specific movements exhibited by highly evolved animals are distinct from the two basic movements of contraction and expansion found in simple organisms. The tendency to contract leads to all the protective instincts and responses that develop later on, including the instinct to flee. Conversely, the tendency to expand breaks down into aggressive instincts and drives such as feeding, fighting, and sexual activity. Schneider's articles are definitely worth reading, if only for the thorough observations of animals they present. I reference them here as an evolutionary justification to complement the mechanical a priori reasons for the existence of the diffusive wave, which our a posteriori examples have demonstrated.

I will now proceed to a detailed study of the more[Pg 382] important classes of movement consequent upon cerebro-mental change. They may be enumerated as—

I will now move on to a detailed study of the more[Pg 382] important types of movement resulting from changes in the brain and mind. They can be listed as—

1) Instinctive or Impulsive Performances;

Instinctive or Impulsive Actions;

2) Expressions of Emotion; and

Expressions of Emotion; and

3) Voluntary Deeds;

Voluntary Actions;

and each shall have a chapter to itself.

and each will have its own chapter.


[345] Emotions and Will, pp. 4, 5.

[345] Feelings and Intent, pp. 4, 5.

[346] Cf. Féré. Sensation et Mouvement (1887), p. 56.

[346] See Féré. Sensation and Movement (1887), p. 56.

[347] La Paura (1884), p. 117. Compare Féré: Sensation et Mouvement, chap. xvii.

[347] La Paura (1884), p. 117. See Féré: Sensation and Movement, chap. xvii.

[348] Revue Philosophique, xxiv. 570.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Philosophical Review, xxiv. 570.

[349] Revue Phil., xxiv. pp. 566-7.—For further information about the relations between the brain and respiration, see Danilewsky's Essay in the Biologisches Centralblatt, ii. 690.

[349] Revue Phil., xxiv. pp. 566-7.—For more information about the connections between the brain and breathing, check out Danilewsky's essay in the Biologisches Centralblatt, ii. 690.

[350] Quoted from the report of Tarchanoff's paper (in Pflüger's Archiv, xlvi. 46) in the American Journal of Psych., ii. 652.

[350] Cited from Tarchanoff's paper (in Pflüger's Archiv, xlvi. 46) in the American Journal of Psych., ii. 652.

[351] Archiv f. Psychiatrie, vii. 652; ix. 129.

[351] Archives of Psychiatry, vol. 7, p. 652; vol. 9, p. 129.

[352] Sensation et Mouvement, 57-8.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Sensation and Movement, 57-8.

[353] R. Accad. dei Lincei (1881-2). I follow the report in Hofmann Schwalbe's Jahresbericht, x. ii. 93.

[353] R. Accad. dei Lincei (1881-2). I'm referencing the report in Hofmann Schwalbe's Annual Report, x. ii. 93.

[354] Cf. Féré, Sensation et Mouvement, chap. xiv.

[354] See Féré, Sensation and Movement, chapter 14.

[355] The figures given are from an hysterical subject, and the differences are greater than normal. M. Féré considers that the unstable nervous system of the hysteric ('ces grenouilles de la psychologie') shows the law on a quantitatively exaggerated scale, without altering the qualitative relations. The effects remind us a little of the influence of sensations upon minimal sensations of other orders discovered by Urbantschitsch, and reported on page 29 of this volume.

[355] The numbers provided come from a person with hysteria, and the differences are more pronounced than usual. M. Féré believes that the unstable nervous system of a hysterical individual ('these frogs of psychology') demonstrates the law on a significantly exaggerated scale, without changing the essential relationships. The effects are somewhat reminiscent of the impact that sensations have on minimal sensations of different types discovered by Urbantschitsch, as noted on page 29 of this volume.

[356] Mitchell in (Philadelphia) Medical News (Feb. 13 and 20, 1886); Lombard in American Journal of Psychology (Oct. 1887).

[356] Mitchell in (Philadelphia) Medical News (Feb. 13 and 20, 1886); Lombard in American Journal of Psychology (Oct. 1887).

[357] Prof. H. P. Bowditch has made the interesting discovery that if the reinforcing movement be as much as 0.4 of a second late, the reinforcement fails to occur, and is transformed into a positive inhibition of the knee-jerk for retardations of between 0.4' and 1.7'. The knee-jerk fails to be modified at all by voluntary movements made later than 1.7' after the patellar ligament is tapped (see Boston Med. and Surg. Journ., May 31, 1888).

[357] Prof. H. P. Bowditch has made an interesting discovery that if the reinforcing movement is delayed by even 0.4 seconds, the reinforcement doesn’t happen and instead turns into a positive inhibition of the knee-jerk for delays between 0.4 and 1.7 seconds. The knee-jerk isn’t affected at all by voluntary movements made more than 1.7 seconds after the patellar ligament is tapped (see Boston Med. and Surg. Journ., May 31, 1888).

[358] Revue Phil., xxiv. 572 ff.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Review Phil., 24, 572 ff.

[359] In the Vierteljahrschrift für wiss. Philos., iii. 294.

[359] In the Quarterly Journal for Scientific Philosophy, iii. 294.


CHAPTER XXIV.[360]

INSTINCT.

Instinct is usually defined as the faculty of acting in such a way as to produce certain ends, without foresight of the ends, and without previous education in the performance. That instincts, as thus defined, exist on an enormous scale in the animal kingdom needs no proof. They are the functional correlatives of structure. With the presence of a certain organ goes, one may say, almost always a native aptitude for its use.

Instinct is typically described as the ability to act in a way that achieves specific outcomes, without awareness of those outcomes and without prior training in how to perform. The existence of such instincts, as defined here, is clearly evident on a large scale in the animal kingdom. They are closely linked to the physical structures of organisms. Wherever a particular organ is found, there is usually a natural ability to use it effectively.

"Has the bird a gland for the secretion of oil? She knows instinctively how to press the oil from the gland, and apply it to the feather. Has the rattlesnake the grooved tooth and gland of poison? He knows without instruction how to make both structure and function most effective against his enemies. Has the silk-worm the function of secreting the fluid silk? At the proper time she winds the cocoon such as she has never seen, as thousands before have done; and thus without instruction, pattern, or experience, forms a safe abode for herself in the period of transformation. Has the hawk talons? She knows by instinct how to wield them effectively against the helpless quarry."[361]

"Does the bird have a gland that produces oil? She knows instinctively how to squeeze the oil from the gland and apply it to her feathers. Does the rattlesnake have grooved fangs and a poison gland? He instinctively knows how to make both the structure and function effective against his enemies. Does the silk worm have the ability to produce silk? At the right moment, she spins a cocoon that she has never seen, just like thousands before her have done; and so, without any instruction, pattern, or experience, she creates a safe space for herself during her transformation. Does the hawk have talons? She instinctively knows how to use them effectively against her helpless prey." [361]

A very common way of talking about these admirably definite tendencies to act is by naming abstractly the purpose they subserve, such as self-preservation, or defence, or care for eggs and young—and saying the animal has an instinctive fear of death or love of life, or that she has an instinct of self-preservation, or an instinct of maternity and the like. But this represents the animal as obeying abstractions which not once in a million cases is it possible it can have framed. The strict physiological way of interpreting[Pg 384] the facts leads to far clearer results. The actions we call instinctive all conform to the general reflex type; they are called forth by determinate sensory stimuli in contact with the animal's body, or at a distance in his environment. The cat runs after the mouse, runs or shows fight before the dog, avoids falling from walls and trees, shuns fire and water, etc., not because he has any notion either of life or of death, or of self, or of preservation. He has probably attained to no one of these conceptions in such a way as to react definitely upon it. He acts in each case separately, and simply because he cannot help it; being so framed that when that particular running thing called a mouse appears in his field of vision he must pursue; that when that particular barking and obstreperous thing called a dog appears there he must retire, if at a distance, and scratch if close by; that he must withdraw his feet from water and his face from flame, etc. His nervous system is to a great extent a preorganized bundle of such reactions—they are as fatal as sneezing, and as exactly correlated to their special excitants as it is to its own. Although the naturalist may, for his own convenience, class these reactions under general heads, he must not forget that in the animal it is a particular sensation or perception, or image which calls them forth.

A common way to describe these clear tendencies to act is by naming the purpose they serve, like self-preservation, defense, or caring for eggs and young—claiming that the animal has an instinctive fear of death or love of life, or that it has an instinct for self-preservation or maternity, and so on. However, this suggests that the animal is following abstract ideas that it likely can't even form in reality. A strictly physiological interpretation of the facts leads to much clearer results. The actions we refer to as instinctive all fit the general reflex type; they are triggered by specific sensory stimuli in contact with the animal’s body or in its environment. For instance, a cat chases a mouse, shows aggression or runs away from a dog, avoids falling from heights, and steers clear of fire and water—not because it understands concepts like life or death, or self, or preservation. It hasn’t likely developed any understanding of these ideas that would influence its reactions. Instead, it acts in each situation separately, simply because it can't help it; its instincts are such that when it sees a mouse, it must chase it; when it sees a barking dog, it must retreat if it's far away, or scratch if it’s close; it must pull its feet from water and its face from flames, and so on. Its nervous system is largely a prewired collection of these reactions—they are instinctive like sneezing and are precisely linked to their specific triggers. While a naturalist might categorize these reactions for convenience, they must remember that it is a particular sensation or perception, or image that prompts them.

At first this view astounds us by the enormous number of special adjustments it supposes animals to possess ready-made in anticipation of the outer things among which they are to dwell. Can mutual dependence be so intricate and go so far? Is each thing born fitted to particular other things, and to them exclusively, as locks are fitted to their keys? Undoubtedly this must be believed to be so. Each nook and cranny of creation, down to our very skin and entrails, has its living inhabitants, with organs suited to the place, to devour and digest the food it harbors and to meet the dangers it conceals; and the minuteness of adaptation thus shown in the way of structure knows no bounds. Even so are there no bounds to the minuteness of adaptation in the way of conduct which the several inhabitants display.

At first, this perspective amazes us with the vast number of specific adaptations that animals seem to have developed in anticipation of the environments they inhabit. Can mutual dependence be so complex and extensive? Is each organism designed to fit with certain other organisms uniquely, much like locks fit their keys? We must accept that this is likely the case. Every corner of creation, down to our very skin and intestines, is filled with living beings, equipped with organs suited to their environment, capable of consuming and digesting the food available and facing the dangers it presents; the level of adaptation evident in structure is limitless. Similarly, there is no end to the intricacy of adaptation regarding conduct that these various inhabitants exhibit.

The older writings on instinct are ineffectual wastes of words, because their authors never came down to this definite[Pg 385] and simple point of view, but smothered everything in vague wonder at the clairvoyant and prophetic power of the animals—so superior to anything in man—and at the beneficence of God in endowing them with such a gift. But God's beneficence endows them, first of all, with a nervous system; and, turning our attention to this, makes instinct immediately appear neither more nor less wonderful than all the other facts of life.

The older writings on instinct are just pointless ramblings because the authors never got to this clear and straightforward perspective. Instead, they clouded everything with vague admiration for the animals' clairvoyant and prophetic powers, which seem so much greater than anything humans have, and for God's goodness in giving them such abilities. But God's goodness first gives them a nervous system; and if we focus on that, instinct becomes no more or less amazing than any other aspect of life.


Every instinct is an impulse. Whether we shall call such impulses as blushing, sneezing, coughing, smiling, or dodging, or keeping time to music, instincts or not, is a mere matter of terminology. The process is the same throughout. In his delightfully fresh and interesting work, Der Thierische Wille, Herr G. H. Schneider subdivides impulses (Triebe) into sensation-impulses, perception-impulses, and idea-impulses. To crouch from cold is a sensation-impulse; to turn and follow, if we see people running one way, is a perception-impulse; to cast about for cover, if it begins to blow and rain, is an imagination-impulse. A single complex instinctive action may involve successively the awakening of impulses of all three classes. Thus a hungry lion starts to seek prey by the awakening in him of imagination coupled with desire; he begins to stalk it when, on eye, ear, or nostril, he gets an impression of its presence at a certain distance; he springs upon it, either when the booty takes alarm and flees, or when the distance is sufficiently reduced; he proceeds to tear and devour it the moment he gets a sensation of its contact with his claws and fangs. Seeking, stalking, springing, and devouring are just so many different kinds of muscular contraction, and neither kind is called forth by the stimulus appropriate to the other.

Every instinct is an impulse. Whether we call impulses like blushing, sneezing, coughing, smiling, dodging, or even keeping time to music instincts or not is just a matter of wording. The process is the same in all cases. In his engaging and insightful work, Der Thierische Wille, Herr G. H. Schneider breaks down impulses (Triebe) into sensation-impulses, perception-impulses, and idea-impulses. Crouching from the cold is a sensation-impulse; turning and following when we see people running in one direction is a perception-impulse; looking for shelter when it starts to rain and blow is an imagination-impulse. A single complex instinctive action can involve the activation of all three types of impulses in succession. For example, a hungry lion starts to seek prey when imagination and desire awaken within it; it begins to stalk the prey once it gets a signal of its presence through sight, sound, or smell at a certain distance; it springs at the prey when it becomes alarmed and runs away or when it gets close enough; it then tears and devours it the moment it feels the prey's presence with its claws and fangs. Seeking, stalking, springing, and devouring are simply different types of muscular contractions, and none of them is triggered by the stimulus that is appropriate for the others.

Schneider says of the hamster, which stores corn in its hole:

Schneider talks about the hamster that keeps corn in its burrow:

"If we analyze the propensity of storing, we find that it consists of three impulses: First, an impulse to pick up the nutritious object, due to perception; second, an impulse to carry it off into the dwelling-place, due to the idea of this latter; and third, an impulse to lay it down there, due to the sight of the place. It lies in the nature of the hamster that it should never see a full ear of corn without feeling a desire[Pg 386] to strip it; it lies in its nature to feel, as soon as its cheek-pouches are filled, an irresistible desire to hurry to its home; and finally, it lies in its nature that the sight of the storehouse should awaken the impulse to empty the cheeks" (p. 208).

"When we examine the tendency to store items, we find that it involves three instincts: First, the instinct to pick up the nutritious item based on what we perceive; second, the instinct to carry it away to our home because of the image we have of that place; and third, the instinct to set it down there, driven by the sight of the location. Hamsters cannot see a full ear of corn without feeling the urge[Pg 386] to strip it; it's in their nature that when their cheek pouches are full, they feel an intense desire to hurry back home; and finally, it's also part of their nature that just seeing the storage area triggers the urge to empty their cheeks" (p. 208).

In certain animals of a low order the feeling of having executed one impulsive step is such an indispensable part of the stimulus of the next one, that the animal cannot make any variation in the order of its performance.

In some lower-order animals, the feeling of having taken one impulsive step is such a crucial part of what drives the next step that the animal can’t change the sequence of its actions.


Now, why do the various animals do what seem to us such strange things, in the presence of such outlandish stimuli? Why does the hen, for example, submit herself to the tedium of incubating such a fearfully uninteresting set of objects as a nestful of eggs, unless she have some sort of a prophetic inkling of the result? The only answer is ad hominem. We can only interpret the instincts of brutes by what we know of instincts in ourselves. Why do men always lie down, when they can, on soft beds rather than on hard floors? Why do they sit round the stove on a cold day? Why, in a room, do they place themselves, ninety-nine times out of a hundred, with their faces towards its middle rather than to the wall? Why do they prefer saddle of mutton and champagne to hard-tack and ditch-water? Why does the maiden interest the youth so that everything about her seems more important and significant than anything else in the world? Nothing more can be said than that these are human ways, and that every creature likes its own ways, and takes to the following them as a matter of course. Science may come and consider these ways, and find that most of them are useful. But it is not for the sake of their utility that they are followed, but because at the moment of following them we feel that that is the only appropriate and natural thing to do. Not one man in a billion, when taking his dinner, ever thinks of utility. He eats because the food tastes good and makes him want more. If you ask him why he should want to eat more of what tastes like that, instead of revering you as a philosopher he will probably laugh at you for a fool. The connection between the savory sensation and the act it awakens is for him absolute and selbstverständlich, an 'a priori synthesis'[Pg 387] of the most perfect sort, needing no proof but its own evidence. It takes, in short, what Berkeley calls a mind debauched by learning to carry the process of making the natural seem strange, so far as to ask for the why of any instinctive human act. To the metaphysician alone can such questions occur as: Why do we smile, when pleased, and not scowl? Why are we unable to talk to a crowd as we talk to a single friend? Why does a particular maiden turn our wits so upside-down? The common man can only say, "Of course we smile, of course our heart palpitates at the sight of the crowd, of course we love the maiden, that beautiful soul clad in that perfect form, so palpably and flagrantly made from all eternity to be loved!"

So, why do different animals do what seems like such weird things, in response to such unusual stimuli? Why does a hen, for example, put herself through the boredom of sitting on such a dull collection of objects as a bunch of eggs, unless she has some kind of intuitive sense of what’s going to happen? The only answer is ad hominem. We can only understand the instincts of animals through what we know about our own instincts. Why do people always lie down, when they can, on soft beds rather than on hard floors? Why do they gather around the stove on a cold day? Why, in a room, do they usually position themselves, ninety-nine times out of a hundred, facing towards the middle rather than the wall? Why do they prefer roast mutton and champagne over hardtack and ditch water? Why does a girl captivate a guy so much that everything about her seems more significant and important than anything else in the world? The only conclusion is that these are human habits, and every creature enjoys its own habits, naturally following them. Science can come along and examine these habits, and find that most of them serve a purpose. But it’s not out of their usefulness that they’re followed—it's because, in the moment of doing them, we feel that’s the only fitting and natural response. Not one man in a billion, when having dinner, ever thinks about utility. He eats because the food tastes good and makes him want more. If you ask him why he should want to eat more of something that tastes like that, instead of appreciating you as a philosopher, he’ll probably laugh at you for being naive. The link between the pleasant sensation and the action it triggers is for him clear and selbstverständlich, an 'a priori synthesis'[Pg 387] of the highest order, needing no proof besides its own clarity. In short, it takes what Berkeley calls a mind corrupted by knowledge to make the natural seem strange enough to question the why of any instinctive human action. Such questions as: Why do we smile when happy and not frown? Why can't we speak to a crowd as we do to a single friend? Why does a specific girl turn our minds upside-down? The average person can only say, "Of course we smile, of course our hearts race at the sight of a crowd, of course we love the girl, that beautiful soul wrapped in that perfect form, so obviously and undeniably meant to be loved from all eternity!"

And so, probably, does each animal feel about the particular things it tends to do in presence of particular objects. They, too, are a priori syntheses. To the lion it is the lioness which is made to be loved; to the bear, the she-bear. To the broody hen the notion would probably seem monstrous that there should be a creature in the world to whom a nestful of eggs was not the utterly fascinating and precious and never-to-be-too-much-sat-upon object which it is to her.[362]

And so, probably, each animal feels a certain way about the specific things it tends to do around certain objects. They, too, have innate understandings. To the lion, it is the lioness who is meant to be cherished; to the bear, it’s the she-bear. To the broody hen, the idea that there could be a creature in the world for whom a nest full of eggs isn’t utterly fascinating, precious, and deserving of constant sitting would probably seem outrageous.[362]

Thus we may be sure that, however mysterious some animals' instincts may appear to us, our instincts will appear no less mysterious to them. And we may conclude that, to the animal which obeys it, every impulse and every step of every instinct shines with its own sufficient light, and seems at the moment the only eternally right and proper thing to do. It is done for its own sake exclusively. What voluptuous[Pg 388] thrill may not shake a fly, when she at last discovers the one particular leaf, or carrion, or bit of dung, that out of all the world can stimulate her ovipositor to its discharge? Does not the discharge then seem to her the only fitting thing? And need she care or know anything about the future maggot and its food?

Thus we can be sure that, no matter how mysterious some animals' instincts may seem to us, our instincts will appear just as mysterious to them. We can conclude that, for the animal that follows them, every impulse and step of every instinct shines with its own clear light, seeming at that moment to be the only right and proper thing to do. It is done solely for its own sake. What intense thrill might a fly experience when she finally finds the one particular leaf, or carcass, or piece of dung that can trigger her ovipositor to release its eggs? Doesn’t that release then seem like the only appropriate action? And does she need to care or know anything about the future maggot and what it will eat?


Since the egg-laying instincts are simple examples to consider, a few quotations about them from Schneider may be serviceable:

Since the egg-laying instincts are straightforward examples to think about, a few quotes about them from Schneider might be helpful:

"The phenomenon so often talked about, so variously interpreted, so surrounded with mystification, that an insect should always lay her eggs in a spot appropriate to the nourishment of her young, is no more marvellous than the phenomenon that every animal pairs with a mate capable of bearing posterity, or feeds on materials capable of affording him nourishment.... Not only the choice of a place for laying the eggs, but all the various acts for depositing and protecting them, are occasioned by the perception of the proper object, and the relation of this perception to the various stages of maternal impulse. When the burying beetle perceives a carrion, she is not only impelled to approach it and lodge her eggs in it, but also to go through the movements requisite for burying it; just us a bird who sees his hen-bird is impelled to caress her, to strut around her, dance before her, or in some other way to woo her; just as a tiger, when he sees an antelope, is impelled to stalk it, to pounce upon it, and to strangle it. When the tailor-bee cuts out pieces of rose-leaf, bends them, carries them into a caterpillar- or mouse-hole in trees or in the earth, covers their seams again with other pieces, and so makes a thimble-shaped case—when she fills this with honey and lays an egg in it, all these various appropriate expressions of her will are to be explained by supposing that at the time when the eggs are ripe within her, the appearance of a suitable caterpillar- or mouse-hole and the perception of rose-leaves are so correlated in the insect with the several impulses in question, that the performances follow as a matter of course when the perceptions take place....

"The phenomenon that's often talked about, interpreted in many different ways, and full of mystery—an insect always laying her eggs in a suitable spot for her young—is just as remarkable as the fact that every animal pairs with a mate to reproduce or feeds on what sustains them. The choice of where to lay eggs is important, and all the various actions involved in depositing and protecting them are driven by recognizing the right object and how this recognition relates to the different stages of maternal instinct. When a burying beetle finds carrion, she’s not just motivated to approach it and lay her eggs there; she’s also driven to bury it. Similarly, a bird that sees its mate feels compelled to court her, show off, dance, or woo her in some way, and a tiger, upon spotting an antelope, is driven to stalk, pounce on, and overpower it. When the tailor bee cuts pieces of rose leaf, shapes them, carries them into a caterpillar or mouse hole in trees or the ground, covers them with other pieces, and makes a thimble-shaped case—then fills this with honey and lays an egg inside—all these intentional actions can be explained by suggesting that when her eggs are mature, the sight of a suitable caterpillar or mouse hole and the presence of rose leaves are so strongly linked in the insect's mind that her actions naturally follow from these perceptions."

"The perception of the empty nest, or of a single egg, seems in birds to stand in such a close relation to the physiological functions of oviparation, that it serves as a direct stimulus to these functions, while the perception of a sufficient number of eggs has just the opposite effect. It is well known that hens and ducks lay more eggs if we keep removing them than if we leave them in the nest. The impulse to sit arises, as a rule, when a bird sees a certain number of eggs in her nest. If this number is not yet to be seen there, the ducks continue to lay, although they perhaps have laid twice as many eggs as they are accustomed to sit upon.... That sitting, also, is independent of any idea of purpose and is a pure perception-impulse is evident, among other things,[Pg 389] from the fact that many birds, e.g. wild ducks, steal eggs from each other.... The bodily disposition to sit is, it is true, one condition [since broody hens will sit where there are no eggs], but the perception of the eggs is the other condition of the activity of the incubating impulse. The propensity of the cuckoo and of the cow-bird to lay their eggs in the nests of other species must also be interpreted as a pure perception-impulse. These birds have no bodily disposition to become broody, and there is therefore in them no connection between the perception of an egg and the impulse to sit upon it. Eggs ripen, however, in their oviducts, and the body tends to get rid of them. And since the two birds just named do not drop their eggs anywhere on the ground, but in nests, which are the only places where they may preserve the species, it might easily appear that such preservation of the species was what they had in view, and that they acted with full consciousness of the purpose. But this is not so.... The cuckoo is simply excited by the perception of quite determinate sorts of nest, which already contain eggs, to drop her own into them, and throw the others out, because this perception is a direct stimulus to these acts. It is impossible that she should have any notion of the other bird coming and sitting on her egg."[363]

The way birds see an empty nest or a single egg is closely linked to the biological process of laying eggs; this serves as a direct trigger for these actions, while seeing several eggs has the opposite effect. It’s well known that hens and ducks lay more eggs when we remove them compared to leaving them in the nest. Normally, a bird will start sitting on eggs when there’s a specific number in her nest. If that number isn't met yet, ducks will keep laying, even if they’ve already laid twice as many eggs as they typically would sit on. The act of sitting isn’t about having a clear intention but is purely driven by perception; this is clear, among other things, because many birds, like wild ducks, steal eggs from one another. While the physical ability to sit is one factor—since brood hens will sit even without eggs—the perception of the eggs is another key factor that triggers the impulse to incubate. The behavior of cuckoos and cowbirds, which lay their eggs in the nests of other birds, should also be seen as a simple response to perception. These birds don’t have a physical instinct to sit on eggs, so there’s no connection between seeing an egg and the urge to incubate it. Eggs develop in their reproductive tracts, and their bodies need to get rid of them. Since these birds don’t drop their eggs on the ground but in nests—where they can ensure the survival of their species—it might seem like they act with a conscious purpose to preserve their species. But that’s not the case. The cuckoo is simply stimulated by seeing certain kinds of nests that already contain eggs, prompting her to lay her own and remove the others, as this perception directly triggers her actions. She has no way of knowing that another bird might come along and sit on her egg.[Pg 389]

INSTINCTS NOT ALWAYS BLIND OR INVARIABLE.

Remember that nothing is said yet of the origin of instincts, but only of the constitution of those that exist fully formed. How stands it with the instincts of mankind?

Remember that nothing has been said yet about where instincts come from, only about the structure of those that are already fully formed. What's the situation with human instincts?

Nothing is commoner than the remark that Man differs from lower creatures by the almost total absence of instincts, and the assumption of their work in him by 'reason.' A fruitless discussion might be waged on this point by two theorizers who were careful not to define their terms. 'Reason' might be used, as it often has been, since Kant, not as the mere power of 'inferring,' but also as a name for the tendency to obey impulses of a certain lofty sort, such as duty, or universal ends. And 'instinct' might have its significance so broadened as to cover all impulses whatever, even the impulse to act from the idea of a distant fact, as well as the impulse to act from a present sensation. Were the word instinct used in this broad way, it would of course be impossible to restrict it, as we began by doing, to actions done with no prevision of an end. We must of course avoid a quarrel about words, and the facts of the case are[Pg 390] really tolerably plain. Man has a far greater variety of impulses than any lower animal; and any one of these impulses, taken in itself, is as 'blind' as the lowest instinct can be; but, owing to man's memory, power of reflection, and power of inference, they come each one to be felt by him, after he has once yielded to them and experienced their results, in connection with a foresight of those results. In this condition an impulse acted out may be said to be acted out, in part at least, for the sake of its results. It is obvious that every instinctive act, in an animal with memory, must cease to be 'blind' after being once repeated, and must be accompanied with foresight of its 'end' just so far as that end may have fallen under the animal's cognizance. An insect that lays her eggs in a place where she never sees them hatched must always do so 'blindly;' but a hen who has already hatched a brood can hardly be assumed to sit with perfect 'blindness' on her second nest. Some expectation of consequences must in every case like this be aroused; and this expectation, according as it is that of something desired or of something disliked, must necessarily either re-enforce or inhibit the mere impulse. The hen's idea of the chickens would probably encourage her to sit; a rat's memory, on the other hand, of a former escape from a trap would neutralize his impulse to take bait from anything that reminded him of that trap. If a boy sees a fat hopping-toad, he probably has incontinently an impulse (especially if with other boys) to smash the creature with a stone, which impulse we may suppose him blindly to obey. But something in the expression of the dying toad's clasped hands suggests the meanness of the act, or reminds him of sayings he has heard about the sufferings of animals being like his own; so that, when next he is tempted by a toad, an idea arises which, far from spurring him again to the torment, prompts kindly actions, and may even make him the toad's champion against less reflecting boys.

Nothing is more common than the statement that humans differ from lower creatures because of their almost complete lack of instincts, with their behavior being driven by 'reason.' Two theorists could argue endlessly about this, being careful not to clarify their terms. 'Reason' might be defined, as it often has been since Kant, not just as the simple ability to 'infer,' but also as the tendency to follow certain high-level impulses, like duty or universal goals. Similarly, 'instinct' could be broadly defined to include all kinds of impulses, even the urge to act based on the idea of a distant fact, as well as the urge to act on a present sensation. If we use the word instinct in this broad sense, it would be impossible to limit it, as we initially intended, to actions taken without any awareness of an outcome. We should definitely avoid getting into a dispute about terminology, and the facts of the situation are[Pg 390] fairly clear. Humans have a much wider range of impulses than any lower animal, and any one impulse, considered alone, is as 'blind' as the most basic instinct. However, due to human memory, ability to reflect, and power to infer, each impulse is felt by the individual after they have given in to it and experienced the results, along with a foresight of those results. In this state, acting on an impulse can be viewed as being done, at least in part, for the sake of its results. It's clear that every instinctive act in an animal with memory must stop being 'blind' after it has been repeated once, and must be accompanied by foresight of its 'end' to the extent that the outcome has come within the animal's understanding. An insect that lays eggs in a place where it never sees them hatch must always do so 'blindly'; but a hen that has already hatched some chicks can hardly be thought to sit on her second nest with complete 'blindness.' There must always be some expectation of the consequences in such cases, and this expectation—whether it involves something desired or something unpleasant—will either strengthen or inhibit the simple impulse. The hen's idea of her chicks would likely encourage her to sit; in contrast, a rat's memory of a previous escape from a trap would counteract its impulse to take bait from anything resembling that trap. If a boy spots a fat hopping toad, he likely feels an immediate urge (especially in the presence of other boys) to smash it with a stone, which we can assume he blindly follows. However, something about the dying toad’s clasped hands evokes the unkindness of the act, or reminds him of things he’s heard about the suffering of animals being similar to his own; so when he faces a toad again, an idea arises that, instead of driving him back to torment it, encourages kind actions and might even turn him into the toad's defender against less thoughtful boys.

It is plain, then, that, no matter how well endowed an animal may originally be in the way of instincts, his resultant actions will be much modified if the instincts combine with experience, if in addition to impulses he have memories, associations, inferences, and expectations, on any considerable scale. An[Pg 391] object O, on which he has an instinctive impulse to react in the manner A, would directly provoke him to that reaction. But O has meantime become for him a sign of the nearness of P, on which he has an equally strong impulse to react in the manner B, quite unlike A. So that when he meets O the immediate impulse A and the remote impulse B struggle in his breast for the mastery. The fatality and uniformity said to be characteristic of instinctive actions will be so little manifest that one might be tempted to deny to him altogether the possession of any instinct about the object O. Yet how false this judgment would be! The instinct about O is there; only by the complication of the associative machinery it has come into conflict with another instinct about P.

It’s clear, then, that no matter how well an animal is initially equipped with instincts, its actions will be greatly affected if those instincts are combined with experience. If, in addition to impulses, the animal has memories, associations, inferences, and expectations, even to a significant degree. An[Pg 391] object O, which he instinctively feels the urge to react to in the way A, would directly provoke that reaction. But O has meanwhile become for him a sign of the approach of P, which he has an equally strong urge to respond to in the way B, which is quite different from A. So when he encounters O, the immediate urge A and the distant urge B compete within him for control. The consistency and predictability that are said to define instinctive actions may seem so diminished that one might be inclined to deny that he has any instinct regarding the object O at all. Yet how misguided this assessment would be! The instinct regarding O is present; it’s just that the complexity of associative processes has caused it to clash with another instinct regarding P.

Here we immediately reap the good fruits of our simple physiological conception of what an instinct is. If it be a mere excito-motor impulse, due to the pre-existence of a certain 'reflex arc' in the nerve-centres of the creature, of course it must follow the law of all such reflex arcs. One liability of such arcs is to have their activity 'inhibited,' by other processes going on at the same time. It makes no difference whether the arc be organized at birth, or ripen spontaneously later, or be due to acquired habit, it must take its chances with all the other arcs, and sometimes succeed, and sometimes fail, in drafting off the currents through itself. The mystical view of an instinct would make it invariable. The physiological view would require it to show occasional irregularities in any animal in whom the number of separate instincts, and the possible entrance of the same stimulus into several of them, were great. And such irregularities are what every superior animal's instincts do show in abundance.[364]

Here we quickly see the benefits of our straightforward understanding of what an instinct is. If it's just a simple impulse triggered by a specific "reflex arc" in the creature's nerve centers, it must follow the rules that govern all such reflex arcs. One issue with these arcs is that their activity can be "inhibited" by other processes happening simultaneously. It doesn't matter if the arc is formed at birth, develops later, or is learned through experience; it still has to compete with all the other arcs and may occasionally succeed or fail in directing the impulses through it. A mystical perspective on instinct would suggest it is always consistent. In contrast, a physiological perspective expects it to display some irregularities in any animal that has many different instincts and where similar stimuli can activate several of them. Such irregularities are indeed what we observe in abundance in the instincts of more advanced animals.[364]

Wherever the mind is elevated enough to discriminate; wherever several distinct sensory elements must combine to discharge the reflex-arc; wherever, instead of plumping into action instantly at the first rough intimation of what sort of a thing is there, the agent waits to see which one of its kind it is and what the circumstances are of its appearance; wherever different individuals and different circumstances can impel him in different ways; wherever these are the conditions—we have a masking of the elementary constitution of the instinctive life. The whole story of our dealings with the lower wild animals is the history of our taking advantage of the way in which they judge of everything by its mere label, as it were, so as to ensnare or kill them. Nature, in them, has left matters in this rough way, and made them act always in the manner which would be oftenest right. There are more worms unattached to hooks than impaled upon them; therefore, on the whole, says Nature to her fishy children, bite at every worm and take your chances. But as her children get higher, and their lives more precious, she reduces the risks. Since what seems to be the same object may be now a genuine food and now a bait; since in gregarious species each individual may prove to be either the friend or the rival, according to the circumstances, of another; since any entirely unknown object may be fraught with weal or woe, Nature implants contrary impulses to act on many classes of things, and leaves it to slight alterations in the conditions of the individual case to decide which impulse shall carry the day. Thus, greediness and suspicion, curiosity and timidity, coyness and desire, bashfulness and vanity, sociability and pugnacity, seem to shoot over into each other as quickly, and to remain in as unstable equilibrium, in the higher birds and mammals as in man. They are all impulses, congenital, blind at first, and productive of motor reactions of a rigorously determinate sort. Each one of them, then, is an instinct, as instincts are commonly defined. But they contradict each other—'experience' in each particular opportunity[Pg 393] of application usually deciding the issue. The animal that exhibits them, loses the 'instinctive' demeanor and appears to lead a life of hesitation and choice, an intellectual life; not, however, because he has no instincts—rather because he has so many that they block each other's path.

Wherever the mind is advanced enough to differentiate; wherever various distinct sensory elements need to come together to activate the reflex-arc; wherever, instead of jumping into action immediately at the first rough hint of what type of thing is present, the agent pauses to identify which specific one it is and what the circumstances are surrounding its appearance; wherever different individuals and different situations can influence him in varying ways; wherever these conditions exist—we have a masking of the basic makeup of instinctive life. The entire story of our interactions with lower wild animals is about how we take advantage of the way they evaluate everything by its mere label, so to ensnare or kill them. Nature has left these creatures in this crude state, making them act in a way that is mostly correct. There are more worms not caught on hooks than those that are; therefore, overall, Nature tells her fishy children, bite at every worm and take your chances. But as her offspring become more advanced, and their lives hold more value, she reduces the risks. Since what appears to be the same object could now be genuine food or now be bait; since in social species each individual may be either a friend or a competitor, depending on the situation; since any completely unknown object could bring either good or harm, Nature embeds conflicting impulses regarding many types of things and allows slight changes in individual circumstances to determine which impulse will prevail. Thus, greed and suspicion, curiosity and fear, shyness and desire, bashfulness and vanity, sociability and aggression seem to easily shift into one another and maintain an unstable balance in higher birds and mammals just as they do in humans. They are all impulses, inherent, initially blind, and lead to specific motor reactions. Each of them, therefore, is an instinct, as instincts are usually defined. But they contradict each other—experience in each specific situation typically determines the outcome. The animal that displays them loses the 'instinctive' behavior and seems to lead a life of hesitation and choice, an intellectual life; not, however, because it lacks instincts—rather because it has so many that they interfere with one another.

Thus, then, without troubling ourselves about the words instinct and reason, we may confidently say that however uncertain man's reactions upon his environment may sometimes seem in comparison with those of lower creatures, the uncertainty is probably not due to their possession of any principles of action which he lacks. On the contrary, man possesses all the impulses that they have, and a great many more besides. In other words, there is no material antagonism between instinct and reason. Reason, per se, can inhibit no impulses; the only thing that can neutralize an impulse is an impulse the other way. Reason may, however, make an inference which will excite the imagination so as to set loose the impulse the other way; and thus, though the animal richest in reason might be also the animal richest in instinctive impulses too, he would never seem the fatal automaton which a merely instinctive animal would be.

So, without worrying too much about the terms instinct and reason, we can confidently say that even though human reactions to their environment may sometimes seem less predictable than those of simpler creatures, this uncertainty is likely not because humans lack any guiding principles that those creatures have. In fact, humans have all the impulses they do, plus many more. In other words, there is no real conflict between instinct and reason. Reason, by itself, doesn’t suppress any impulses; the only thing that can counter an impulse is another impulse in the opposite direction. However, reason can make an inference that stimulates the imagination and triggers the opposite impulse; thus, the most reasoning-rich animal could also be the one with the most instinctive impulses, yet it would never appear as the mindless automaton that a purely instinctive animal would be.


Let us now turn to human impulses with a little more detail. All we have ascertained so far is that impulses of an originally instinctive character may exist, and yet not betray themselves by automatic fatality of conduct. But in man what impulses do exist? In the light of what has been said, it is obvious that an existing impulse may not always be superficially apparent even when its object is there. And we shall see that some impulses may be masked by causes of which we have not yet spoken.

Let’s now take a closer look at human impulses. So far, we’ve only determined that instinctive impulses can exist without necessarily showing themselves through automatic behavior. But what impulses are present in humans? Based on what we've discussed, it’s clear that an impulse might not always be immediately noticeable, even if its target is present. We will also explore how some impulses might be hidden by factors we haven’t yet addressed.

TWO PRINCIPLES OF NON-UNIFORMITY IN INSTINCTS.

Were one devising an abstract scheme, nothing would be easier than to discover from an animal's actions just how many instincts he possessed. He would react in one way only upon each class of objects with which his life had to deal; he would react in identically the same way upon every specimen of a class; and he would react invariably during his whole life. There would be no gaps among his[Pg 394] instincts; all would come to light without perversion or disguise. But there are no such abstract animals, and nowhere does the instinctive life display itself in such a way. Not only, as we have seen, may objects of the same class arouse reactions of opposite sorts in consequence of slight changes in the circumstances, in the individual object, or in the agent's inward condition; but two other principles of which we have not yet spoken, may come into play and produce results so striking that observers as eminent as Messrs. D. A. Spalding and Romanes do not hesitate to call them 'derangements of the mental constitution,' and to conclude that the instinctive machinery has got out of gear.

If someone were creating an abstract theory, it would be easy to figure out how many instincts an animal has just by looking at its behavior. The animal would respond in a specific way to each type of object it encounters; it would react the same way to every individual within that type, and it would respond consistently throughout its life. There wouldn't be any gaps in its instincts; everything would be clear without distortion or disguise. But there are no such abstract animals, and instinctive behavior doesn't show up like that in reality. Not only, as we've seen, can objects of the same type trigger opposite reactions due to minor changes in circumstances, in the specific object, or in the agent's internal state, but two other factors that we haven't discussed yet can also come into play. These factors can lead to such notable outcomes that well-respected observers like Messrs. D. A. Spalding and Romanes readily label them as 'derangements of the mental constitution' and conclude that the instinctive system has gone off track.

These principles are those

These principles are these

1. Of the inhibition of instincts by habits; and

1. Of the control of instincts by habits; and

2. Of the transitoriness of instincts.

2. Of the fleeting nature of instincts.

Taken in conjunction with the two former principles—that the same object may excite ambiguous impulses, or suggest an impulse different from that which it excites, by suggesting a remote object—they explain any amount of departure from uniformity of conduct, without implying any getting out of gear of the elementary impulses from which the conduct flows.

Taken together with the previous two principles—that the same object can trigger mixed feelings, or suggest a feeling different from the one it triggers, by bringing to mind a distant object—they clarify a significant range of variations in behavior, without suggesting any malfunction of the basic impulses that drive the behavior.


1. The law of inhibition of instincts by habits is this: When objects of a certain class elicit from an animal a certain sort of reaction, it often happens that the animal becomes partial to the first specimen of the class on which it has reacted, and will not afterward react on any other specimen.

1. The law of how habits can suppress instincts is this: When objects of a certain type trigger a specific reaction in an animal, it often happens that the animal becomes attached to the first example of that type it reacted to and will not respond to any other example afterward.

The selection of a particular hole to live in, of a particular mate, of a particular feeding-ground, a particular variety of diet, a particular anything, in short, out of a possible multitude, is a very wide-spread tendency among animals, even those low down in the scale. The limpet will return to the same sticking-place in its rock, and the lobster to its favorite nook on the sea-bottom. The rabbit will deposit its dung in the same corner; the bird makes its nest on the same bough. But each of these preferences carries with it an insensibility to other opportunities and occasions—an insensibility which can only be described physiologically as an inhibition of[Pg 395] new impulses by the habit of old ones already formed. The possession of homes and wives of our own makes us strangely insensible to the charms of those of other people. Few of us are adventurous in the matter of food; in fact, most of us think there is something disgusting in a bill of fare to which we are unused. Strangers, we are apt to think, cannot be worth knowing, especially if they come from distant cities, etc. The original impulse which got us homes, wives, dietaries, and friends at all, seems to exhaust itself in its first achievements and to leave no surplus energy for reacting on new cases. And so it comes about that, witnessing this torpor, an observer of mankind might say that no instinctive propensity toward certain objects existed at all. It existed, but it existed miscellaneously, or as an instinct pure and simple, only before habit was formed. A habit, once grafted on an instinctive tendency, restricts the range of the tendency itself, and keeps us from reacting on any but the habitual object, although other objects might just as well have been chosen had they been the first-comers.

Choosing a specific place to live, a particular partner, a feeding area, a type of diet—essentially anything out of countless options—is a common behavior among animals, even those lower on the evolutionary scale. The limpet goes back to the same spot on its rock, and the lobster returns to its favorite hole on the ocean floor. Rabbits leave their droppings in the same corner, and birds build their nests on the same branch. However, each of these preferences comes with a blindness to other opportunities—this insensitivity can be described physiologically as a blockage of new impulses by the habits of old ones that have already formed. Owning our homes and partners makes us oddly unaware of the appeals of others. Most of us aren’t adventurous with food; in fact, many of us find something off-putting about a menu we’re not familiar with. We tend to think that strangers aren’t worth our time, especially if they’re from far-off places. The initial drive that led us to find homes, partners, diets, and friends seems to wear itself out with those first successes, leaving little energy to engage with new situations. Because of this, an observer of humanity might conclude that no instinctive drive toward certain things exists at all. It does exist, but in a random manner, or as pure instinct, only before the formation of habits. Once a habit takes hold of an instinctive tendency, it limits the scope of that tendency and prevents us from responding to anything other than what we’re used to, even though other options could have easily been chosen if they had come first.

Another sort of arrest of instinct by habit is where the same class of objects awakens contrary instinctive impulses. Here the impulse first followed toward a given individual of the class is apt to keep him from ever awakening the opposite impulse in us. In fact, the whole class may be protected by this individual specimen from the application to it of the other impulse. Animals, for example, awaken in a child the opposite impulses of fearing and fondling. But if a child, in his first attempts to pat a dog, gets snapped at or bitten, so that the impulse of fear is strongly aroused, it may be that for years to come no dog will excite in him the impulse to fondle again. On the other hand, the greatest natural enemies, if carefully introduced to each other when young and guided at the outset by superior authority, settle down into those 'happy families' of friends which we see in our menageries. Young animals, immediately after birth, have no instinct of fear, but show their dependence by allowing themselves to be freely handled. Later, however, they grow 'wild,' and, if left to themselves, will not let man approach them. I am told by farmers in the[Pg 396] Adirondack wilderness that it is a very serious matter if a cow wanders off and calves in the woods and is not found for a week or more. The calf, by that time, is as wild and almost as fleet as a deer, and hard to capture without violence. But calves rarely show any particular wildness to the men who have been in contact with them during the first days of their life, when the instinct to attach themselves is uppermost, nor do they dread strangers as they would if brought up wild.

Another way that habits can prevent instinct from developing is when the same type of objects trigger opposing instinctive responses. In this case, the initial instinct towards a specific individual from that category can keep them from ever sparking the opposite instinct in us. In fact, this individual can shield the entire category from tapping into that other instinct. For instance, animals can evoke mixed feelings of fear and affection in a child. However, if a child gets snapped at or bitten while trying to pet a dog, and the fear instinct becomes strongly activated, they might not feel inclined to be affectionate with any dog for many years. Conversely, the most natural enemies can become friends if introduced to one another as young ones and guided by a caring authority figure right from the beginning, leading to those 'happy families' we observe in zoos. Newborn animals initially lack the instinct to be afraid and show their dependence by allowing themselves to be handled freely. However, as they grow, they become 'wild,' and if left to their own devices, they will avoid human contact. I've heard from farmers in the[Pg 396] Adirondack wilderness that it becomes a serious problem if a cow wanders off to give birth in the woods and goes unsearched for a week or more. By that time, the calf is as wild and swift as a deer, making it hard to catch without force. Nonetheless, calves usually do not show much fear towards the people who handled them during their first days of life, when their instinct to bond is strongest, nor do they shy away from strangers as they would if raised in the wild.

Chickens give a curious illustration of the same law. Mr. Spalding's wonderful article on instinct shall supply us with the facts. These little creatures show opposite instincts of attachment and fear, either of which may be aroused by the same object, man. If a chick is born in the absence of the hen, it

Chickens provide an interesting example of the same principle. Mr. Spalding's fascinating article on instinct will provide us with the details. These small creatures display conflicting instincts of attachment and fear, both of which can be triggered by the same object, which is humans. If a chick is born without the hen present, it

"will follow any moving object. And, when guided by sight alone, they seem to have no more disposition to follow a hen than to follow a duck or a human being. Unreflecting lookers-on, when they saw chickens a day old running after me," says Mr. Spalding, "and older ones following me for miles, and answering to my whistle, imagined that I must have some occult power over the creatures: whereas I had simply allowed them to follow me from the first. There is the instinct to follow; and the ear, prior to experience, attaches them to the right object."[365]

"They will follow any moving object. When relying solely on sight, they don’t appear to prefer following a hen over a duck or a human. Uninformed observers, seeing day-old chicks chase after me," Mr. Spalding explains, "and older ones following me for miles and responding to my whistle, assumed I must have some hidden influence over them. In reality, I simply let them follow me from the beginning. There’s an instinct to follow, and their instincts, before they gain experience, help them connect with the right object."[365]

But if a man presents himself for the first time when the instinct of fear is strong, the phenomena are altogether reversed. Mr. Spalding kept three chickens hooded until they were nearly four days old, and thus describes their behavior:

But if a guy shows up for the first time when the instinct of fear is strong, everything changes completely. Mr. Spalding kept three chickens covered until they were almost four days old, and here's how he describes their behavior:

"Each of them, on being unhooded, evinced the greatest terror to me, dashing off in the opposite direction whenever I sought to approach it. The table on which they were unhooded stood before a window, and each in its turn beat against the window like a wild bird. One of them darted behind some books, and, squeezing itself into a corner, remained cowering for a length of time. We might guess at the meaning of this strange and exceptional wildness; but the odd fact is enough for my present purpose. Whatever might have been the meaning of this marked change in their mental constitution—had they been unhooded on the previous day they would have run to me instead of from me—it could not have been the effect of experience; it must have resulted wholly from changes in their own organizations."[366]

"Once the hood was taken off, each of them showed extreme fear towards me, running away in the opposite direction whenever I tried to get closer. The table where they were unhooded was in front of a window, and each one, in turn, smashed against the window like a frantic bird. One of them rushed behind some books and curled up in a corner, staying there trembling for quite some time. We can guess why they reacted with such strange and intense fear, but the unusual fact itself is enough for what I need to say right now. Regardless of the reason for this noticeable change in their mental state—if they had been unhooded the day before, they would have come towards me instead of fleeing—it couldn't have been due to experience; it must have been entirely because of their own changing circumstances." [366]

Their case was precisely analogous to that of the Adirondack calves. The two opposite instincts relative to the same object ripen in succession. If the first one engenders a habit, that habit will inhibit the application of the second instinct to that object. All animals are tame during the earliest phase of their infancy. Habits formed then limit the effects of whatever instincts of wildness may later be evolved.

Their situation was exactly like that of the Adirondack calves. The two opposing instincts related to the same thing develop one after the other. If the first one creates a habit, that habit will prevent the second instinct from being applied to that object. All animals are docile during the early stages of their lives. Habits formed during this time restrict the influence of any wild instincts that may develop later.

Mr. Romanes gives some very curious examples of the way in which instinctive tendencies may be altered by the habits to which their first 'objects' have given rise. The cases are a little more complicated than those mentioned in the text, inasmuch as the object reacted on not only starts a habit which inhibits other kinds of impulse toward it (although such other kinds might be natural), but even modifies by its own peculiar conduct the constitution of the impulse which it actually awakens.

Mr. Romanes provides some intriguing examples of how instinctive tendencies can change based on the habits formed around their initial 'objects.' These cases are a bit more complex than those mentioned in the text, as the object not only triggers a habit that suppresses other types of impulses toward it (even though those impulses might be natural) but also alters the nature of the impulse it actually stimulates through its own unique behavior.

Two of the instances in question are those of hens who hatched out broods of chicks after having (in three previous years) hatched ducks. They strove to coax or to compel their new progeny to enter the water, and seemed much perplexed at their unwillingness. Another hen adopted a brood of young ferrets which, having lost their mother, were put under her. During all the time they were left with her she had to sit on the nest, for they could not wander like young chicks. She obeyed their hoarse growling as she would have obeyed her chickens' peep. She combed out their hair with her bill, and "used frequently to stop and look with one eye at the wriggling nestful, with an inquiring gaze, expressive of astonishment." At other times she would fly up with a loud scream, doubtless because the orphans had nipped her in their search for teats. Finally, a Brahma hen nursed a young peacock during the enormous period of eighteen months, and never laid any eggs during all this time. The abnormal degree of pride which she showed in her wonderful chicken is described by Dr. Romanes as ludicrous.[367]

Two of the examples being discussed are hens that raised chicks after having hatched ducks for three previous years. They tried to encourage or force their new chicks to go into the water and seemed confused by their reluctance. Another hen took in a group of young ferrets that had lost their mother and were placed under her care. While they were with her, she had to stay on the nest since they couldn't roam like chicks. She responded to their hoarse growls as she would to her chicks' peeps. She would groom their fur with her beak and often pause to glance at the wriggling nest of ferrets, looking surprised. At times, she would jump up with a loud squawk, probably because the orphans had bitten her in their search for food. Lastly, a Brahma hen raised a young peacock for a lengthy period of eighteen months and didn’t lay any eggs during that time. The unusual pride she displayed in her remarkable chick is described by Dr. Romanes as hilarious.[367]

2. This leads us to the law of transitoriness, which is this: Many instincts ripen at a certain age and then fade away. A consequence of this law is that if, during the time of such an instinct's vivacity, objects adequate to arouse it are met with, a habit of acting on them is formed, which remains when the original instinct has passed away; but that if no such objects are met with, then no habit will be formed; and, later on in life, when the animal meets the objects, he will altogether fail to react, as at the earlier epoch he would instinctively have done.

2. This brings us to the law of transitoriness, which states: Many instincts develop at a certain age and then fade away. A result of this law is that if, during the time when an instinct is strong, the right objects that can trigger it are encountered, a habit of responding to them is established, which persists even after the original instinct has faded; however, if no such objects are encountered, then no habit will be formed. Later in life, when the animal encounters those objects, it will not react at all, unlike how it would have instinctively responded during the earlier stage.

No doubt such a law is restricted. Some instincts are far less transient than others—those connected with feeding and 'self-preservation' may hardly be transient at all, and some, after fading out for a time, recur as strong as ever, e.g., the instincts of pairing and rearing young. The law, however, though not absolute, is certainly very widespread, and a few examples will illustrate just what it means.

No doubt such a law is limited. Some instincts are much more persistent than others—those related to feeding and self-preservation may hardly be temporary at all, and some, after fading for a while, come back just as strong as ever, like the instincts for pairing and raising young. The law, however, while not absolute, is definitely quite common, and a few examples will show exactly what it means.

In the chickens and calves above mentioned, it is obvious that the instinct to follow and become attached fades out after a few days, and that the instinct of flight then takes its place, the conduct of the creature toward man being decided by the formation or non-formation of a certain habit during those days. The transiency of the chicken's instinct to follow is also proved by its conduct toward the hen. Mr. Spalding kept some chickens shut up till they were comparatively old, and, speaking of these, he says:

In the chickens and calves mentioned above, it's clear that the instinct to follow and bond diminishes after a few days, and the instinct to flee takes over. How the animal behaves toward humans depends on whether a certain habit was formed during that time. The temporary nature of a chicken's instinct to follow is also shown in its behavior toward the hen. Mr. Spalding kept some chickens confined until they were older, and, regarding these, he says:

"A chicken that has not heard the call of the mother till until eight or ten days old then hears it as if it heard it not. I regret to find that on this point my notes are not so full as I could wish, or as they might have been. There is, however, an account of one chicken that could not be returned to the mother when ten days old. The hen followed it, and tried to entice it in every way; still, it continually left her and ran to the house or to any person of whom it caught sight. This it persisted in doing, though beaten back with a small branch dozens of times, and, indeed, cruelly maltreated. It was also placed under the mother at night, but it again left her in the morning."

"A chick that hasn’t heard its mother’s call until it’s eight or ten days old will react as if it has never heard it at all. I wish my notes on this topic were more detailed than they are. However, I have a case of one chick that couldn’t be returned to its mother when it was ten days old. The hen tried everything to call it back, but the chick kept running away, either to the house or towards anyone it saw. It persisted in this behavior even after being pushed away with a small stick many times, and it was treated quite roughly. They even put it back under the mother at night, but it left her again in the morning."

The instinct of sucking is ripe in all mammals at birth, and leads to that habit of taking the breast which, in the human infant, may be prolonged by daily exercise long beyond[Pg 399] its usual term of a year or a year and a half. But the instinct itself is transient, in the sense that if, for any reason, the child be fed by spoon during the first few days of its life and not put to the breast, it may be no easy matter after that to make it suck at all. So of calves. If their mother die, or be dry, or refuse to let them suck for a day or two, so that they are fed by hand, it becomes hard to get them to suck at all when a new nurse is provided. The ease with which sucking creatures are weaned, by simply breaking the habit and giving them food in a new way, shows that the instinct, purely as such, must be entirely extinct.

The sucking instinct is fully developed in all mammals at birth, which leads to the habit of breastfeeding that, in human infants, can continue through daily practice well beyond[Pg 399] the typical one to one and a half years. However, this instinct is temporary. If, for any reason, an infant is fed by spoon during the first few days of life and isn't breastfed, it can be difficult to encourage sucking later on. The same is true for calves. If their mother dies, is dry, or refuses to let them suck for a day or two, and they are hand-fed, it becomes tough to get them to suck when a new nurse is introduced. The fact that sucking animals can be weaned easily by breaking the habit and offering food in a different way shows that the instinct, in its pure form, must become completely lost.

Assuredly the simple fact that instincts are transient, and that the effect of later ones may be altered by the habits which earlier ones have left behind, is a far more philosophical explanation than the notion of an instinctive constitution vaguely 'deranged' or 'thrown out of gear.'

Certainly, the straightforward fact that instincts are temporary, and that the impact of later instincts can be influenced by the habits left by earlier ones, is a much more thoughtful explanation than the idea of an instinctive nature being vaguely 'disrupted' or 'out of whack.'

I have observed a Scotch terrier, born on the floor of a stable in December, and transferred six weeks later to a carpeted house, make, when he was less than four months old, a very elaborate pretence of burying things, such as gloves, etc., with which he had played till he was tired. He scratched the carpet with his forefeet, dropped the object from his mouth upon the spot, and then scratched all about it (with both fore-and hind-feet, if I remember rightly), and finally went away and let it lie. Of course, the act was entirely useless. I saw him perform it at that age, some four or five times, and never again in his life. The conditions were not present to fix a habit which should last when the prompting instinct died away. But suppose meat instead of a glove, earth instead of a carpet, hunger-pangs instead of a fresh supper a few hours later, and it is easy to see how this dog might have got into a habit of burying superfluous food, which might have lasted all his life. Who can swear that the strictly instructive part of the food-burying propensity in the wild Canidæ may not be as short-lived as it was in this terrier?

I watched a Scotch terrier, born in a stable in December and moved to a carpeted house six weeks later, pretend to bury things like gloves when he was less than four months old. He would scratch the carpet with his front paws, drop the object from his mouth on the spot, then scratch around it (with both front and back paws, if I remember correctly), and finally walk away and leave it there. Of course, this action was completely pointless. I saw him do it about four or five times at that age, but never again for the rest of his life. The right conditions weren't there to establish a habit that would stick when the instinct faded away. But imagine if it were meat instead of a glove, dirt instead of carpet, and hunger instead of having a fresh meal a few hours later, and you can easily see how this dog could have developed a habit of burying extra food that might have lasted his entire life. Who can say that the practical part of the food-burying behavior in wild Canidæ isn't as fleeting as it was in this terrier?

A similar instance is given by Dr. H. D. Schmidt[368] of New Orleans:

A similar example is provided by Dr. H. D. Schmidt[368] of New Orleans:

"I may cite the example of a young squirrel which I had tamed, a number of years ago, when serving in the army, and when I had sufficient leisure and opportunity to study the habits of animals. In the autumn, before the winter sets in, adult squirrels bury as many nuts as they can collect, separately, in the ground. Holding the nut firmly between their teeth, they first scratch a hole in the ground, and, after pointing their ears in all directions to convince themselves that no enemy is near, they ram—the head, with the nut still between the front teeth, serving as a sledge-hammer—the nut into the ground, and then fill up the hole by means of their paws. The whole process is executed with great rapidity, and, as it appeared to me, always with exactly the same movements; in fact, it is done so well that I could never discover the traces of the burial-ground. Now, as regards the young squirrel, which, of course, never had been present at the burial of a nut, I observed that, after having eaten a number of hickory-nuts to appease its appetite, it would take one between its teeth, then sit upright and listen in all directions. Finding all right, it would scratch upon the smooth blanket on which I was playing with it as if to make a hole, then hammer with the nut between its teeth upon the blanket, and finally perform all the motions required to fill up a hole—in the air; after which it would jump away, leaving the nut, of course, uncovered."

"I can share a story about a young squirrel I trained a few years ago while I was in the army, when I had the chance to study animal behavior. In the fall, before winter hits, adult squirrels bury as many nuts as they can find, each one in a different spot in the ground. They grip the nut tightly with their teeth, dig a hole in the ground, and then, after listening carefully to make sure no predators are around, they use their heads—still holding the nut like a hammer—to push it into the ground. After that, they cover the hole with their paws. They do this really quickly and, to me, always in the same way; in fact, they're so good at it that I’ve never been able to find where they hid their nuts. As for the young squirrel, which had never seen a nut being buried, I noticed that after munching on some hickory nuts to satisfy its hunger, it would grab one in its mouth, sit up straight, and listen all around. Once it felt everything was okay, it would scratch the smooth surface where we were playing as if trying to dig a hole, then it would bang the nut against the surface, and finally go through all the motions needed to fill a hole—in the air; afterward, it would jump away, leaving the nut clearly uncovered."

The anecdote, of course, illustrates beautifully the close relation of instinct to reflex action—a particular perception calls forth particular movements, and that is all. Dr. Schmidt writes me that the squirrel in question soon passed away from his observation. It may fairly be presumed that, if he had been long retained prisoner in a cage, he would soon have forgotten his gesticulations over the hickory-nuts.

The story clearly shows the strong connection between instinct and reflex action—a specific perception triggers specific movements, and that’s it. Dr. Schmidt tells me that the squirrel in question quickly left his sight. It’s reasonable to assume that if he had been kept locked up in a cage for a while, he would have quickly forgotten the way he gestured over the hickory nuts.

One might, indeed, go still further with safety, and expect that, if such a captive squirrel were then set free, he would never afterwards acquire this peculiar instinct of his tribe.[369]

One could actually take it a step further and assume that if such a captured squirrel were set free, it would never regain the unique instinct of its species.[369]


Leaving lower animals aside, and turning to human instincts, we see the law of transiency corroborated on the[Pg 401] widest scale by the alternation of different interests and passions as human life goes on. With the child, life is all play and fairy-tales and learning the external properties of 'things;' with the youth, it is bodily exercises of a more systematic sort, novels of the real world, boon-fellowship and song, friendship and love, nature, travel and adventure, science and philosophy; with the man, ambition and policy, acquisitiveness, responsibility to others, and the selfish zest of the battle of life. If a boy grows up alone at the age of games and sports, and learns neither to play ball, nor row, nor sail, nor ride, nor skate, nor fish, nor shoot, probably he will be sedentary to the end of his days; and, though the best of opportunities be afforded him for learning these things later, it is a hundred to one but he will pass them by and shrink back from the effort of taking those necessary first steps the prospect of which, at an earlier age, would have filled him with eager delight. The sexual passion expires after a protracted reign; but it is well known that its peculiar manifestations in a given individual depend almost entirely on the habits he may form during the early period of its activity. Exposure to bad company then makes him a loose liver all his days; chastity kept at first makes the same easy later on. In all pedagogy the great thing is to strike the iron while hot, and to seize the wave of the pupil's interest in each successive subject before its ebb has come, so that knowledge may be got and a habit of skill acquired—a headway of interest, in short, secured, on which afterward the individual may float. There is a happy moment for fixing skill in drawing, for making boys collectors in natural history, and presently dissectors and botanists; then for initiating them into the harmonies of mechanics and the wonders of physical and chemical law. Later, introspective psychology and the metaphysical and religious mysteries take their turn; and, last of all, the drama of human affairs and worldly wisdom in the widest sense of the term. In each of us a saturation-point is soon reached in all these things; the impetus of our purely intellectual zeal expires, and unless the topic be one associated with some urgent personal need that keens our wits constantly whetted about it, we[Pg 402] settle into an equilibrium, and live on what we learned when our interest was fresh and instinctive, without adding to the store. Outside of their own business, the ideas gained by men before they are twenty-five are practically the only ideas they shall have in their lives. They cannot get anything new. Disinterested curiosity is past, the mental grooves and channels set, the power of assimilation gone. If by chance we ever do learn anything about some entirely new topic we are afflicted with a strange sense of insecurity, and we fear to advance a resolute opinion. But, with things learned in the plastic days of instinctive curiosity we never lose entirely our sense of being at home. There remains a kinship, a sentiment of intimate acquaintance, which, even when we know we have failed to keep abreast of the subject, flatters us with a sense of power over it, and makes us feel not altogether out of the pale.

Leaving lower animals aside and focusing on human instincts, we see the law of transience confirmed on the[Pg 401] broadest scale by the changing interests and passions throughout a person's life. For children, life revolves around play, fairy tales, and discovering the outside world; for teenagers, it shifts to organized sports, realistic novels, friendships, love, nature, travel, adventure, science, and philosophy; for adults, it becomes about ambition, strategy, accumulating wealth, obligations to others, and the thrill of life’s challenges. If a boy grows up alone during his play years and doesn't learn to play ball, row, sail, ride, skate, fish, or shoot, he’s likely to remain inactive for the rest of his life. Even if given the best opportunities to learn these skills later, he will probably avoid them and hesitate to make the effort to take those necessary first steps, which would have excited him at a young age. Sexual passion fades after a long period; however, its specific expressions in a person are largely shaped by the habits formed during its early phase. Bad influences during this time can lead to a promiscuous lifestyle, while practicing chastity early on can make it easier to keep later. In education, the key is to take advantage of moments of interest and engage a student in various subjects before that interest dwindles, enabling them to gain knowledge and develop skills—essentially creating a foundation of interest they can build on later. There’s an ideal moment to cultivate skills in drawing, make boys passionate about natural history, and later introduce them to mechanics, physics, and chemistry. Afterwards, introspective psychology and metaphysical or religious topics come into play, and finally, the complexities of human affairs and worldly knowledge. Each of us reaches a saturation point with these subjects; our intellectual enthusiasm wanes, and unless the topic is associated with a pressing personal need that keeps our interest alive, we[Pg 402] settle into a balance, relying on what we learned when our interest was high without adding to our knowledge bank. Beyond their careers, the ideas that men accumulate before they turn twenty-five are mostly all the ideas they will have for life. They cannot learn anything new. Disinterested curiosity fades, mental pathways are set, and the ability to absorb new information diminishes. If we accidentally learn about something entirely new, we often feel insecure and hesitate to share definitive opinions. However, the things we learned during our formative years of curiosity always maintain a sense of familiarity. There's a connection, a feeling of being personally acquainted, that lingers even when we realize we've fallen behind on the subject, giving us a sense of control over it and making us feel somewhat included.

Whatever individual exceptions might be cited to this are of the sort that 'prove the rule.'

Whatever individual exceptions might be mentioned actually serve to confirm the rule.

To detect the moment of the instinctive readiness for the subject is, then, the first duty of every educator. As for the pupils, it would probably lead to a more earnest temper on the part of college students if they had less belief in their unlimited future intellectual potentialities, and could be brought to realize that whatever physics and political economy and philosophy they are now acquiring are, for better or worse, the physics and political economy and philosophy that will have to serve them to the end.

To recognize when students are instinctively ready to learn is the primary responsibility of every educator. If college students developed a more serious attitude, it might help if they were less convinced about their endless potential for growth and instead understood that the physics, political economy, and philosophy they are currently studying are, for better or worse, the ones they will rely on for the long haul.

The natural conclusion to draw from this transiency of instincts is that most instincts are implanted for the sake of giving rise to habits, and that, this purpose once accomplished, the instincts themselves, as such, have no raison d'être in the psychical economy, and consequently fade away. That occasionally an instinct should fade before circumstances permit of a habit being formed, or that, if the habit be formed, other factors than the pure instinct should modify its course, need not surprise us. Life is full of the imperfect adjustment to individual cases, of arrangements which, taking the species as a whole, are quite orderly and regular. Instinct cannot be expected to escape this general risk.

The natural conclusion from the temporary nature of instincts is that most instincts are built to create habits, and once that purpose is achieved, the instincts themselves lose their function in the mental framework and eventually disappear. It's not surprising that sometimes an instinct fades away before circumstances allow a habit to form, or that if a habit does develop, other factors besides the instinct itself can influence its development. Life is full of imperfect adjustments to individual situations where, when looking at the species as a whole, things are quite orderly and regular. Instincts can’t be expected to be exempt from this general risk.

SPECIAL HUMAN INSTINCTS.

Let us now test our principles by turning to human instincts in more detail. We cannot pretend in these pages to be minute or exhaustive. But we can say enough to set all the above generalities in a more favorable light. But first, what kind of motor reactions upon objects shall we count as instincts? This, as aforesaid, is a somewhat arbitrary matter. Some of the actions aroused in us by objects go no further than our own bodies. Such is the bristling up of the attention when a novel object is perceived, or the 'expression' on the face or the breathing apparatus of an emotion it may excite. These movements merge into ordinary reflex actions like laughing when tickled, or making a wry face at a bad taste. Other actions take effect upon the outer world. Such are flight from a wild beast, imitation of what we see a comrade do, etc. On the whole it is best to be catholic, since it is very hard to draw an exact line; and call both of these kinds of activity instinctive, so far as either may be naturally provoked by the presence of specific sorts of outward fact.

Let’s now examine our principles by looking more closely at human instincts. We can't cover everything in detail here, but we can provide enough information to present the earlier general ideas more positively. First, what kinds of reactions to objects should we consider instincts? As mentioned before, this is somewhat subjective. Some reactions triggered by objects are limited to our own bodies, like the heightened attention we show when we see something new or the expressions on our faces and our breathing that reflect emotions. These movements blend into typical reflex actions, like laughing when tickled or making a face at something that tastes bad. Other actions impact the external world, such as running away from a wild animal or copying what a friend does. Overall, it’s better to be inclusive since it’s difficult to draw a precise line; we can label both types of activities as instinctive as long as they can be naturally triggered by specific types of external events.

Professor Preyer, in his careful little work, 'Die Seele des Kindes,' says "instinctive acts are in man few in number, and, apart from those connected with the sexual passion, difficult to recognize after early youth is past." And he adds, "so much the more attention should we pay to the instinctive movements of new-born babies, sucklings, and small children." That instinctive acts should be easiest recognized in childhood would be a very natural effect of our principles of transitoriness, and of the restrictive influence of habits once acquired; but we shall see how far they are from being 'few in number' in man. Professor Preyer divides the movements of infants into impulsive, reflex, and instinctive. By impulsive movements he means random movements of limbs, body, and voice, with no aim, and before perception is aroused. Among the first reflex movements are crying on contact with the air, sneezing, snuffling, snoring, coughing, sighing, sobbing, gagging, vomiting, hiccuping, starting, moving the limbs when tickled, touched, or blown upon, etc., etc.

Professor Preyer, in his careful little work, 'Die Seele des Kindes,' says "instinctive acts in humans are few in number, and, aside from those related to sexual passion, hard to identify after early youth has passed." He adds, "we should pay even more attention to the instinctive movements of newborns, infants, and small children." The idea that instinctive acts would be easiest recognized in childhood aligns with our principles of transience and the limiting effect of habits once formed; however, we'll see how far they are from being 'few in number' in humans. Professor Preyer categorizes the movements of infants into impulsive, reflex, and instinctive. By impulsive movements, he refers to random movements of limbs, body, and voice with no specific purpose, and occurring before perception is triggered. Among the first reflex movements are crying upon exposure to air, sneezing, snuffling, snoring, coughing, sighing, sobbing, gagging, vomiting, hiccuping, starting, moving the limbs when tickled, touched, or blown upon, etc., etc.

Of the movements called by him instinctive in the child, Professor Preyer gives a full account. Herr Schneider does the same; and as their descriptions agree with each other and with what other writers about infancy say, I will base my own very brief statement on theirs.

Of the movements he referred to as instinctive in children, Professor Preyer provides a comprehensive overview. Herr Schneider does the same, and since their descriptions align with each other and with what other authors on infancy have written, I will base my own very brief statement on theirs.

Sucking: almost perfect at birth; not coupled with any congenital tendency to seek the breast, this being a later acquisition. As we have seen, sucking is a transitory instinct.

Sucking: almost perfect at birth; not linked with any congenital urge to seek the breast, which develops later. As we have noted, sucking is a temporary instinct.

Biting an object placed in the mouth, chewing and grinding the teeth; licking sugar; making characteristic grimaces over bitter and sweet tastes; spitting out.

Biting something in your mouth, chewing and grinding your teeth; licking sugar; making distinct faces in response to bitter and sweet flavors; spitting it out.

Clasping an object which touches the fingers or toes. Later, attempts to grasp at an object seen at a distance. Pointing at such objects, and making a peculiar sound expressive of desire, which, in my own three children, was the first manifestation of speech, occurring many weeks before other significant sounds.

Holding an object that touches the fingers or toes. Later, trying to grab an object seen from afar. Pointing at those objects and making a distinctive sound that shows desire, which, in my own three kids, was the first sign of speech, happening many weeks before other important sounds.

Carrying to the mouth of the object, when grasped. This instinct, guided and inhibited by the sense of taste, and combined with the instincts of biting, chewing, sucking, spitting-out, etc., and with the reflex act of swallowing, leads in the individual to a set of habits which constitute his function of alimentation, and which may or may not be gradually modified as life goes on.

Bringing food to the mouth of the object when held. This instinct, influenced and restricted by the sense of taste, along with the instincts of biting, chewing, sucking, spitting out, etc., and the reflex action of swallowing, leads to a series of habits that make up his function of eating, which may or may not change gradually as life progresses.

Crying at bodily discomfort, hunger, or pain, and at solitude. Smiling at being noticed, fondled, or smiled at by others. It seems very doubtful whether young infants have any instinctive fear of a terrible or scowling face. I have been unable to make my own children, under a year old, change their expression when I changed mine; at most they manifested attention or curiosity. Preyer instances a protrusion of the lips, which, he says, may be so great as to remind one of that in the chimpanzee, as an instinctive expression of concentrated attention in the human infant.

Babies cry when they feel discomfort, hunger, or pain, and when they're alone. They smile when they get attention, are touched, or see someone else smile at them. It's really questionable if young infants have any natural fear of a frightening or angry face. I've found that my own kids, who are under a year old, don’t change their expressions when I change mine; at most, they just show attention or curiosity. Preyer mentions a pouting of the lips that can be so pronounced it reminds one of what you see in chimpanzees; he describes it as an instinctual sign of focused attention in human infants.

Turning the head aside as a gesture of rejection, a gesture usually accompanied with a frown and a bending back of the body, and with holding the breath.

Turning the head away as a sign of rejection, a sign typically paired with a frown, a leaning back of the body, and holding one's breath.

Holding head erect.

Head held high.

Sitting up.

Propping up.

Standing.

On your feet.

Locomotion. The early movements of children's limbs are more or less symmetrical. Later a baby will move his legs in alternation if suspended in the air. But until the impulse to walk awakens by the natural ripening of the nerve-centres, it seems to make no difference how often the child's feet may be placed in contact with the ground; the legs remain limp, and do not respond to the sensation of contact in the soles by muscular contractions pressing downwards. No sooner, however, is the standing impulse born, than the child stiffens his legs and presses downward as soon as he feels the floor. In some babies this is the first locomotory reaction. In others it is preceded by the instinct to creep, which arises, as I can testify, often in a very sudden way. Yesterday the baby sat quite contentedly wherever he was put; to-day it has become impossible to keep him sitting at all, so irresistible is the impulse, aroused by the sight of the floor, to throw himself forward upon his hands. Usually the arms are too weak, and the ambitious little experimenter falls on his nose. But his perseverance is dauntless, and he ends in a few days by learning to travel rapidly around the room in the quadrupedal way. The position of the legs in 'creeping' varies much from one child to another. My own child, when creeping, was often observed to pick up objects from the floor with his mouth, a phenomenon which, as Dr. O. W. Holmes has remarked, like the early tendency to grasp with the toes, easily lends itself to interpretation as a reminiscence of prehuman ancestral habits.

Locomotion. In the beginning, children's limb movements are pretty much symmetrical. Later, if you hold a baby in the air, they will start moving their legs alternately. But until the natural urge to walk kicks in as their nerve centers develop, it doesn't matter how often their feet touch the ground; their legs stay limp and don’t react to the sensation of feeling the ground beneath them by contracting their muscles to press down. As soon as the impulse to stand arises, however, the child stiffens their legs and pushes down the moment they feel the floor. For some babies, this is their first movement response. For others, this urge to creep comes first, which I can personally confirm happens quite suddenly. Yesterday, the baby was perfectly happy sitting wherever placed; today, it's impossible to keep them sitting still because the sight of the floor drives them to throw themselves forward onto their hands. Usually, their arms aren't strong enough, leading the eager little explorer to fall on their face. But their determination is impressive, and within a few days, they figure out how to move quickly around the room on all fours. The way they position their legs while 'creeping' varies greatly from child to child. My own child often picked things up from the floor with their mouth while creeping, a behavior that, as Dr. O. W. Holmes mentioned, can be interpreted as a throwback to ancestral behaviors of our prehuman relatives.

The walking instinct may awaken with no less suddenness, and its entire education be completed within a week's compass, barring, of course, a little 'grogginess' in the gait. Individual infants vary enormously; but on the whole it is safe to say that the mode of development of these locomotor instincts is inconsistent with the account given by the older English associationist school, of their being results of the individual's education, due altogether to the gradual association of certain perceptions with certain haphazard movements and certain resultant pleasures. Mr.[Pg 406] Bain has tried,[370] by describing the demeanor of new-born lambs, to show that locomotion is learned by a very rapid experience. But the observation recorded proves the faculty to be almost perfect from the first; and all others who have observed new-born calves, lambs, and pigs agree that in these animals the powers of standing and walking, and of interpreting the topographical significance of sights and sounds, are all but fully developed at birth. Often in animals who seem to be 'learning' to walk or fly the semblance is illusive. The awkwardness shown is not due to the fact that 'experience' has not yet been there to associate the successful movements and exclude the failures, but to the fact that the animal is beginning his attempts before the co-ordinating centres have quite ripened for their work. Mr. Spalding's observations on this point are conclusive as to birds.

The instinct to walk can kick in suddenly, and babies can learn to walk within a week, though they might have a bit of unsteadiness in their gait at first. Each baby is different, but generally speaking, it’s fair to say that the way these walking instincts develop goes against what the older English associationist school suggested—that walking is purely a result of individual learning through gradual associations of certain perceptions with random movements and resulting pleasures. Mr. Bain has attempted to illustrate by describing the behavior of newborn lambs that locomotion is learned through very quick experience. However, the observations show that this ability is nearly perfect from the start, and others who have watched newborn calves, lambs, and piglets agree that their abilities to stand, walk, and understand the spatial significance of sights and sounds are almost fully developed at birth. Often in animals that seem to be ‘learning’ to walk or fly, the appearance of learning is misleading. The awkwardness isn’t because they lack the 'experience' to connect successful movements with failures, but because they’re starting their attempts before their coordination centers are fully developed for the job. Mr. Spalding’s observations on this matter are definitive when it comes to birds.

"Birds," he says, "do not learn to fly. Two years ago I shut up five unfledged swallows in a small box, not much larger than the nest from which they were taken. The little box, which had a wire front, was hung on the wall near the nest, and the young swallows were fed by their parents through the wires. In this confinement, where they could not even extend their wings, they were kept until after they were fully fledged.... On going to set the prisoners free, one was found dead.... The remaining four were allowed to escape one at a time. Two of these were perceptibly wavering and unsteady in their flight. One of them, after a flight of some ninety yards, disappeared among some trees." No. 3 and No. 4 "never flew against anything, nor was there, in their avoiding objects, any appreciable difference between them and the old birds. No. 3 swept round the Wellingtonia, and No. 4 rose over the hedge, just as we see the old swallows doing every hour of the day. I have this summer verified these observations. Of two swallows I had similarly confined, one, on being set free, flew a yard or two close to the ground, rose in the direction of a beech-tree, which it gracefully avoided; it was seen for a considerable time sweeping round the beeches and performing magnificent evolutions in the air high above them. The other, which was observed to beat the air with its wings more than usual, was soon lost to sight, behind some trees. Titmice, tomtits, and wrens I have made the subjects of similar observations, and with similar results."[371]

"Birds," he says, "don't learn to fly. Two years ago, I kept five young swallows in a small box, not much bigger than the nest they were taken from. The little box, which had a wire front, was hung on the wall near the nest, and their parents fed them through the wires. In this confinement, where they couldn't even stretch their wings, they were kept until they were fully fledged.... When I went to set them free, I found one dead.... The other four were allowed to escape one at a time. Two of them were noticeably shaky and unsteady in their flight. One of them, after flying about ninety yards, disappeared among some trees." No. 3 and No. 4 "never crashed into anything, nor was there any obvious difference in how they avoided obstacles compared to the adult birds. No. 3 circled around the Wellingtonia, and No. 4 flew over the hedge, just like we see adult swallows do all day. I confirmed these observations this summer. Of two swallows I had similarly confined, one, when released, flew a couple of yards close to the ground, then rose toward a beech tree, which it gracefully avoided; it was seen for quite some time circling around the beeches and performing beautiful aerial maneuvers high above them. The other, which was seen flapping its wings more than usual, soon disappeared from sight behind some trees. I have made similar observations with titmice, tomtits, and wrens, with similar outcomes."[371]

In the light of this report, one may well be tempted to make a prediction about the human child, and say that if a[Pg 407] baby were kept from getting on his feet for two or three weeks after the first impulse to walk had shown itself in him,—a small blister on each sole would do the business,—he might then be expected to walk about as well, through the mere ripening of his nerve-centres, as if the ordinary process of 'learning' had been allowed to occur during all the blistered time. It is to be hoped that some scientific widower, left alone with his offspring at the critical moment, may ere long test this suggestion on the living subject. Climbing on trees, fences, furniture, banisters, etc., is a well-marked instinctive propensity which ripens after the fourth year.

In light of this report, one might be tempted to predict something about the human child and say that if a[Pg 407] baby were kept from standing for two or three weeks after showing the first signs of wanting to walk—a small blister on each foot would do the trick—he could be expected to walk just as well, simply due to the natural development of his nerve centers, as if he had gone through the usual process of 'learning' during that time. It is hoped that some scientific parent, left alone with their child at this crucial moment, will soon test this idea on a living subject. Climbing on trees, fences, furniture, banisters, etc., is a well-known instinct that develops after the age of four.

Vocalization. This may be either musical or significant. Very few weeks after birth the baby begins to express its spirits by emitting vowel sounds, as much during inspiration as during expiration, and will lie on its back cooing and gurgling to itself for nearly an hour. But this singing has nothing to do with speech. Speech is sound significant. During the second year a certain number of significant sounds are gradually acquired; but talking proper does not set in till the instinct to imitate sounds ripens in the nervous system; and this ripening seems in some children to be quite abrupt. Then speech grows rapidly in extent and perfection. The child imitates every word he hears uttered, and repeats it again and again with the most evident pleasure at his new power. At this time it is quite impossible to talk with him, for his condition is that of 'Echolalia,'—instead of answering the question, he simply reiterates it. The result is, however, that his vocabulary increases very fast; and little by little, with teaching from above, the young prattler understands, puts words together to express his own wants and perceptions, and even makes intelligent replies. From a speechless, he has become a speaking, animal. The interesting point with regard to this instinct is the oftentimes very sudden birth of the impulse to imitate sounds. Up to the date of its awakening the child may have been as devoid of it as a dog. Four days later his whole energy may be poured into this new channel. The habits of articulation formed during the plastic age of childhood are in most persons sufficient to inhibit the formation[Pg 408] of new ones of a fundamentally different sort—witness the inevitable 'foreign accent' which distinguishes the speech of those who learn a language after early youth.

Vocalization. This can be either musical or meaningful. Just a few weeks after birth, babies start to show their feelings by making vowel sounds, both when they breathe in and out, and they can spend almost an hour lying on their backs cooing and gurgling to themselves. However, this singing isn’t related to actual speech. Speech involves meaningful sounds. During the second year, children gradually pick up a number of meaningful sounds, but real talking doesn’t begin until the instinct to imitate sounds develops in the nervous system, which seems to happen suddenly for some children. Once this happens, their speech rapidly expands and improves. The child mimics every word they hear and repeats it over and over, clearly excited about their new ability. At this stage, it's nearly impossible to have a conversation with them because they are in a state of 'Echolalia'—instead of answering questions, they just repeat them. Nevertheless, this helps them build their vocabulary quickly, and gradually, with guidance from adults, the young chatterbox starts to understand, combines words to express their wants and thoughts, and even gives intelligent responses. From being speechless, they have become a speaking being. The fascinating aspect of this instinct is how the impulse to imitate sounds can seem to emerge suddenly. Until that moment, the child might have been as mute as a dog. Four days later, all their energy might be focused on this new skill. The articulation habits formed during the flexible period of childhood usually prevent the development of fundamentally different ones—just look at the ‘foreign accent’ that often characterizes the speech of those who learn a language after early childhood.

Imitation. The child's first words are in part vocables of his own invention, which his parents adopt, and which, as far as they go, form a new human tongue upon the earth; and in part they are his more or less successful imitations of words he hears the parents use. But the instinct of imitating gestures develops earlier than that of imitating sounds,—unless the sympathetic crying of a baby when it hears another cry may be reckoned as imitation of a sound. Professor Preyer speaks of his child imitating the protrusion of the father's lips in its fifteenth week. The various accomplishments of infancy, making 'pat-a-cake,' saying 'bye-bye,' 'blowing out the candle,' etc., usually fall well inside the limits of the first year. Later come all the various imitative games in which childhood revels, playing 'horse,' 'soldiers,' etc., etc. And from this time onward man is essentially the imitative animal. His whole educability and in fact the whole history of civilization depend on this trait, which his strong tendencies to rivalry, jealousy, and acquisitiveness reinforce. 'Humani nihil a me alienum puto,' is the motto of each individual of the species; and makes him, whenever another individual shows a power or superiority of any kind, restless until he can exhibit it himself. But apart from this kind of imitation, of which the psychological roots are complex, there is the more direct propensity to speak and walk and behave like others, usually without any conscious intention of so doing. And there is the imitative tendency which shows itself in large masses of men, and produces panics, and orgies, and frenzies of violence, and which only the rarest individuals can actively withstand. This sort of imitativeness is possessed by man in common with other gregarious animals, and is an instinct in the fullest sense of the term, being a blind impulse to act as soon as a certain perception occurs. It is particularly hard not to imitate gaping, laughing, or looking and running in a certain direction, if we see others doing so. Certain mesmerized subjects must automatically imitate whatever motion their[Pg 409] operator makes before their eyes.[372] A successful piece of mimicry gives to both bystanders and mimic a peculiar kind of æsthetic pleasure. The dramatic impulse, the tendency to pretend one is someone else, contains this pleasure of mimicry as one of its elements. Another element seems to be a peculiar sense of power in stretching one's own personality so as to include that of a strange person. In young children this instinct often knows no bounds. For a few months in one of my children's third year, he literally hardly ever appeared in his own person. It was always, "Play I am So-and-so, and you are So-and-so, and the chair is such a thing, and then we'll do this or that." If you called him by his name, H., you invariably got the reply, "I'm not H., I'm a hyena, or a horse-car," or whatever the feigned object might be. He outwore this impulse after a time; but while it lasted, it had every appearance of being the automatic result of ideas, often suggested by perceptions, working out irresistible motor effects. Imitation shades into

Imitation. A child's first words are partly made-up sounds of their own creation that their parents adopt, forming a new form of human language; and partly, they are attempts to mimic words they hear from their parents. However, the instinct to imitate gestures develops earlier than the instinct to imitate sounds—unless you count a baby crying sympathetically when it hears another baby cry as sound imitation. Professor Preyer notes that his child imitated the way the father pursed his lips by the fifteenth week. The various skills learned in infancy, such as 'pat-a-cake,' saying 'bye-bye,' and 'blowing out the candle,' typically happen within the first year. After that, children engage in imitative games like playing 'horse' and 'soldiers.' From this point, humans are fundamentally the imitative species. Our ability to learn and the entire history of civilization hinge on this trait, bolstered by our strong tendencies toward rivalry, jealousy, and desire for acquisition. 'Humani nihil a me alienum puto' is the motto for every individual in our species, making them restless whenever another individual displays an ability or superiority until they can show it themselves. Beyond this form of imitation, which has complex psychological roots, there's a more straightforward tendency to speak, walk, and behave like others, often without any conscious intention. There's also a collective imitative tendency among large groups that leads to panic, wild behavior, and violence, which only the rarest individuals can resist. This level of imitativeness is shared among humans and other social animals and is a true instinct, representing a blind urge to act when a certain perception arises. It’s especially difficult not to mimic actions like yawning, laughing, or moving in a specific direction when we see others doing it. Certain hypnotized subjects will automatically replicate any movement their operator makes in front of them. A successful act of mimicry provides a unique aesthetic pleasure for both the bystanders and the mimicker. The dramatic urge, the desire to pretend to be someone else, includes this pleasure of mimicry as part of its nature. Another aspect seems to be a distinct sense of power in extending one’s own personality to include that of someone else. In young children, this instinct often has no limits. For several months during one of my child's third year, he barely acted as himself. It was always, "Play I'm So-and-so, and you are So-and-so, and the chair is something else, and then we’ll do this or that." If you called him by his name, H., he would always respond, “I’m not H., I’m a hyena, or a streetcar,” or whatever the imagined character was. He eventually moved past this impulse, but while it lasted, it seemed to be an automatic outcome of ideas, often triggered by perceptions, leading to irresistible physical reactions. Imitation shades into

Emulation or Rivalry, a very intense instinct, especially rife with young children, or at least especially undisguised. Everyone knows it. Nine-tenths of the work of the world is done by it. We know that if we do not do the task someone else will do it and get the credit, so we do it. It has very little connection with sympathy, but rather more with pugnacity, which we proceed in turn to consider.

Emulation or Rivalry, a strong instinct, especially common among young children, or at least particularly obvious. Everyone is aware of it. Most of the work in the world gets done because of it. We realize that if we don't handle a task, someone else will take it on and receive the recognition, so we take action. It has little to do with sympathy and more to do with competitiveness, which we will now discuss.

Pugnacity; anger; resentment. In many respects man is the most ruthlessly ferocious of beasts. As with all gregarious animals, 'two souls,' as Faust says, 'dwell within his breast,' the one of sociability and helpfulness, the other of jealousy and antagonism to his mates. Though in a general way he cannot live without them, yet, as regards certain individuals, it often falls out that he cannot live with them either. Constrained to be a member of a tribe, he still has a right to decide, as far as in him lies, of which other members the tribe shall consist. Killing off a few[Pg 410] obnoxious ones may often better the chances of those that remain. And killing off a neighboring tribe from whom no good thing comes, but only competition, may materially better the lot of the whole tribe. Hence the gory cradle, the bellum omnium contra omnes, in which our race was reared; hence the fickleness of human ties, the ease with which the foe of yesterday becomes the ally of to-day, the friend of to-day the enemy of to-morrow; hence the fact that we, the lineal representatives of the successful enactors of one scene of slaughter after another, must, whatever more pacific virtues we may also possess, still carry about with us, ready at any moment to burst into flame, the smouldering and sinister traits of character by means of which they lived through so many massacres, harming others, but themselves unharmed.

Pugnacity; anger; resentment. In many ways, humans are the most brutally fierce of animals. Like all social creatures, 'two souls,' as Faust puts it, 'dwell within his breast': one of friendliness and cooperation, the other of jealousy and hostility towards his peers. Although he generally cannot survive without them, there are certain individuals with whom he often finds it impossible to coexist. Forced to be part of a group, he still has the right to decide, as much as he can, which other members will be part of that group. Eliminating a few troublesome individuals can sometimes improve the prospects for those who remain. And wiping out a rival tribe that brings no benefit, only competition, can significantly enhance the circumstances for the entire tribe. This leads to a violent upbringing, the bellum omnium contra omnes, in which our species was raised; it explains the instability of human relationships, the ease with which yesterday's enemy becomes today's ally, today's friend becomes tomorrow's foe; it accounts for the fact that we, the direct descendants of those who repeatedly enacted scenes of slaughter, must, despite whatever peaceful values we might also embody, always carry with us, ready to ignite at any moment, the smoldering and dark traits of character that allowed them to survive through countless massacres, harming others while remaining unscathed.

Sympathy is an emotion as to whose instinctiveness psychologists have held hot debate, some of them contending that it is no primitive endowment, but, originally at least, the result of a rapid calculation of the good consequences to ourselves of the sympathetic act. Such a calculation, at first conscious, would grow more unconscious as it became more habitual, and at last, tradition and association aiding, might prompt to actions which could not be distinguished from immediate impulses. It is hardly needful to argue against the falsity of this view. Some forms of sympathy, that of mother with child, for example, are surely primitive, and not intelligent forecasts of board and lodging and other support to be reaped in old age. Danger to the child blindly and instantaneously stimulates the mother to actions of alarm or defence. Menace or harm to the adult beloved or friend excites us in a corresponding way, often against all the dictates of prudence. It is true that sympathy does not necessarily follow from the mere fact of gregariousness. Cattle do not help a wounded comrade; on the contrary, they are more likely to dispatch him. But a dog will lick another sick dog, and even bring him food; and the sympathy of monkeys is proved by many observations to be strong. In man, then, we may lay it down that the sight of suffering or danger to others is a direct exciter of interest, and an immediate stimulus, if[Pg 411] no complication hinders, to acts of relief. There is nothing unaccountable or pathological about this—nothing to justify Professor Bain's assimilation of it to the 'fixed ideas' of insanity, as 'clashing with the regular outgoings of the will.' It may be as primitive as any other 'outgoing,' and may be due to a random variation selected, quite as probably as gregariousness and maternal love are, even in Spencer's opinion, due to such variations.

Sympathy is an emotion that psychologists have debated intensely regarding its instinctiveness. Some argue that it’s not a primitive trait but rather the outcome of a quick assessment of the benefits we gain from sympathetic actions. Initially, this assessment would be conscious, but over time, it would become more automatic and habitual, eventually leading to actions that seem like spontaneous impulses. It's hardly necessary to argue against the validity of this perspective. Certain forms of sympathy, like that between a mother and her child, are undoubtedly primitive and not just clever calculations about future support in old age. When the child is in danger, the mother instinctively reacts with alarm or defense. Similarly, threats to a beloved adult or friend provoke us to respond, often disregarding common sense. While it’s true that sympathy doesn’t automatically emerge from simply being social, as seen with cattle that don’t aid an injured member and might even harm it, dogs will care for sick companions and bring them food. Monkeys also exhibit strong sympathetic behavior based on numerous observations. In humans, we can say that witnessing suffering or danger to others directly sparks interest and serves as an immediate motivation—unless some other factor interferes—for acts of help. There’s nothing mysterious or pathological about this; it doesn’t warrant Professor Bain’s comparison to the 'fixed ideas' of insanity, which 'clash with the regular workings of the will.' It can be as fundamental as any other natural impulse and might arise from random variations that are just as likely to occur as those leading to social behavior and maternal affection, even according to Spencer's viewpoint.

It is true that sympathy is peculiarly liable to inhibition from other instincts which its stimulus may call forth. The traveller whom the good Samaritan rescued may well have prompted such instinctive fear or disgust in the priest and Levite who passed him by, that their sympathy could not come to the front. Then, of course, habits, reasoned reflections, and calculations may either check or reinforce one's sympathy; as may also the instincts of love or hate, if these exist, for the suffering individual. The hunting and pugnacious instincts, when aroused, also inhibit our sympathy absolutely. This accounts for the cruelty of collections of men hounding each other on to bait or torture a victim. The blood mounts to the eyes, and sympathy's chance is gone.[373]

It's true that sympathy can easily be blocked by other instincts it triggers. The traveler whom the good Samaritan helped might have evoked such instinctive fear or disgust in the priest and Levite who ignored him that their sympathy couldn't emerge. Additionally, habits, reasoned thoughts, and calculations can either suppress or strengthen one's sympathy; the emotions of love or hate for the person in pain can do the same. When instincts related to hunting or aggression are stirred up, they completely inhibit our sympathy. This explains the cruelty in groups of people encouraging each other to taunt or torture a victim. Anger takes over, and sympathy is lost.[373]

The hunting instinct has an equally remote origin in the evolution of the race.[374] The hunting and the fighting instinct[Pg 412] combine in many manifestations. They both support the emotion of anger; they combine in the fascination which stories of atrocity have for most minds; and the utterly blind excitement of giving the rein to our fury when our blood is up (an excitement whose intensity is greater than that of any other human passion save one) is only explicable as an impulse aboriginal in character, and having more to do with immediate and overwhelming tendencies to muscular discharge than to any possible reminiscences of effects of experience, or association of ideas. I say this here, because the pleasure of disinterested cruelty has been thought a paradox, and writers have sought to show that it is no primitive attribute of our nature, but rather a resultant of the subtile combination of other less malignant elements of mind. This is a hopeless task. If evolution and the survival of the fittest be true at all, the destruction of prey and of human rivals must have been among the most important of man's primitive functions, the fighting and the chasing instincts must have become ingrained. Certain perceptions must immediately, and without the intervention of inferences and ideas, have prompted emotions and motor discharges; and both the latter must, from the nature of the case, have been very violent, and therefore, when unchecked, of an intensely pleasurable kind. It is just because human bloodthirstiness is such a primitive part of us that it is so hard to eradicate, especially where a fight or a hunt is promised as part of the fun.[375]

The hunting instinct has a similarly distant origin in our evolution.[374] The hunting and fighting instincts[Pg 412] combine in various ways. They both fuel anger; they merge in the fascination that most people feel for stories of violence; and the raw thrill of unleashing our rage when we're fired up (a thrill that is more intense than any other human passion except one) can only be understood as a primal impulse, closely linked to immediate and overwhelming physical reactions rather than to any memories of past experiences or associations. I mention this here because the pleasure derived from cruelty without benefit to oneself has been considered a paradox, and some writers try to argue that it’s not a basic part of our nature, but rather a complex result of less harmful mental elements. This reasoning is futile. If evolution and the survival of the fittest are valid concepts, then the killing of prey and rivals has to have been among the most crucial of early human actions; the fighting and hunting instincts must have become deeply embedded in us. Certain perceptions must have triggered emotions and physical reactions instantly, without the need for reasoning or ideas; and those reactions must have been very intense and, therefore, when unrestrained, incredibly pleasurable. It’s precisely because our bloodthirstiness is such a fundamental part of human nature that it’s so difficult to eliminate, especially when fighting or hunting is presented as part of the enjoyment.[375]

As Rochefoucauld says, there is something in the misfortunes of our very friends that does not altogether displease us; and an apostle of peace will feel a certain vicious thrill run through him, and enjoy a vicarious brutality, as he turns to the column in his newspaper at the top of which 'Shocking Atrocity' stands printed in large capitals. See how the crowd flocks round a street-brawl! Consider the enormous annual sale of revolvers to persons, not one in a thousand of whom has any serious intention of using them, but of whom each one has his carnivorous self-consciousness agreeably tickled by the notion, as he clutches the handle of his weapon, that he will be rather a dangerous customer to meet. See the ignoble crew that escorts every great pugilist—parasites who feel as if the glory of his brutality rubbed off upon them, and whose darling hope, from day to day, is to arrange some set-to of which they may share the rapture without enduring the pains! The first blows at a prize-fight are apt to make a refined spectator sick; but his blood is soon up in favor of one party, and it will then seem as if the other fellow could not be banged and pounded and mangled enough—the refined spectator would like to reinforce the blows himself. Over the sinister orgies of blood of certain depraved and insane persons let a curtain be drawn, as well as over the ferocity with which otherwise fairly decent men may be animated, when (at the sacking of a town, for instance), the excitement of victory long delayed,[Pg 414] the sudden freedom of rapine and of lust, the contagion of a crowd, and the impulse to imitate and outdo, all combine to swell the blind drunkenness of the killing-instinct, and carry it to its extreme. No! those who try to account for this from above downwards, as if it resulted from the consequences of the victory being rapidly inferred, and from the agreeable sentiments associated with them in the imagination, have missed the root of the matter. Our ferocity is blind, and can only be explained from below. Could we trace it back through our line of descent, we should see it taking more and more the form of a fatal reflex response, and at the same time becoming more and more the pure and direct emotion that it is.[376]

As Rochefoucauld says, there's something about the misfortunes of our friends that doesn’t completely upset us; and a peacemaker might feel a certain twisted thrill run through him and enjoy a vicarious brutality as he turns to the column in his newspaper where 'Shocking Atrocity' is printed in big letters. Look at how the crowd gathers around a street fight! Think about the huge annual sales of revolvers to people, almost none of whom have any real intention of using them, but each one feels their competitive edge pleasantly stimulated by the idea, as they grip the handle of their weapon, that they’ll be rather dangerous to face. Check out the unsavory entourage that follows every famous boxer—people who feel as if the glory of his brutality reflects on them, and whose favorite hope, day by day, is to set up some confrontation where they can revel in the excitement without facing any of the pain! The first punches in a prizefight can make a refined spectator feel nauseous; but they quickly get caught up in rooting for one side, and soon it will seem like the other guy can’t be hit, beaten, or mangled enough—the refined spectator would want to join in on the beating themselves. Let’s draw a curtain over the brutal blood rituals of certain depraved and insane individuals, as well as the ferocity that otherwise decent people may exhibit when (like in the sacking of a town, for example) the thrill of long-awaited victory, the sudden influx of looting and lust, the crowd’s frenzy, and the urge to imitate and outdo each other all combine to swell the blind intoxication of the killing instinct and push it to its limits. No! Those who try to analyze this by looking down from above, as if it results from the consequences of victory being quickly connected to pleasurable feelings in our imagination, have missed the core of the issue. Our ferocity is blind, and can only be explained from below. If we could trace it back through our lineage, we would see it increasingly take on the form of a fatal reflex response, while also becoming more and more the pure and direct emotion that it is.[376]

In childhood it takes this form. The boys who pull out grasshoppers' legs and butterflies' wings, and disembowel every frog they catch, have no thought at all about the matter. The creatures tempt their hands to a fascinating occupation, to which they have to yield. It is with them as with the 'boy-fiend' Jesse Pomeroy, who cut a little girl's throat, 'just to see how she'd act.' The normal provocatives of the impulse are all living beasts, great and small, toward which a contrary habit has not been formed—all human beings in whom we perceive a certain intent towards us, and a large number of human beings who offend us peremptorily, either by their look, or gait, or by some circumstance in their lives which we dislike. Inhibited by sympathy, and by reflection calling up impulses of an opposite kind, civilized men lose the habit of acting out their pugnacious instincts in a perfectly natural way, and a passing feeling of anger, with its comparatively faint bodily[Pg 415] expressions, may be the limit of their physical combativeness. Such a feeling as this may, however, be aroused by a wide range of objects. Inanimate things, combinations of color and sound, bad bills of fare, may in persons who combine fastidious taste with an irascible temperament produce real ebullitions of rage. Though the female sex is often said to have less pugnacity than the male, the difference seems connected more with the extent of the motor consequences of the impulse than with its frequency. Women take offence and get angry, if anything, more easily than men, but their anger is inhibited by fear and other principles of their nature from expressing itself in blows. The hunting-instinct proper seems to be decidedly weaker in them than in men. The latter instinct is easily restricted by habit to certain objects, which become legitimate 'game,' while other things are spared. If the hunting-instinct be not exercised at all, it may even entirely die out, and a man may enjoy letting a wild creature live, even though he might easily kill it. Such a type is now becoming frequent; but there is no doubt that in the eyes of a child of nature such a personage would seem a sort of moral monster.

In childhood, it takes this form. The boys who rip off grasshoppers' legs, tear butterflies' wings, and gut every frog they catch don’t think about it at all. The creatures draw them into a captivating activity that they can’t resist. It’s similar to the 'boy-fiend' Jesse Pomeroy, who cut a little girl’s throat 'just to see how she’d react.' The typical triggers for this impulse are all living beings, large and small, toward which a different habit hasn't been formed—all human beings where we sense a certain intention toward us, and many humans who irritate us outright, whether by their appearance, walk, or some aspect of their lives that we dislike. Held back by empathy and reflection, which stir up opposite impulses, civilized individuals lose the urge to act on their aggressive instincts in a completely natural way. A fleeting feeling of anger, along with its relatively weak physical expressions, may be the extent of their combativeness. However, this feeling can be triggered by a wide array of things. Inanimate objects, combinations of colors and sounds, unsatisfactory menus, can provoke real outbursts of anger in those who have a picky taste coupled with an irritable temperament. Although it is often said that women are less aggressive than men, the difference seems more related to the extent of the impulse's physical consequences than to how often it occurs. Women can take offense and get angry more easily than men, but their anger is held back by fear and other aspects of their nature, preventing it from showing in physical violence. The hunting instinct appears to be significantly weaker in women than in men. This instinct can readily become limited by habit to specific targets, which then become deemed 'game,' while other creatures are spared. If the hunting instinct isn't exercised at all, it can fade away entirely, leading a man to appreciate allowing a wild creature to live, even when he could easily kill it. This type is becoming more common now; however, there’s no doubt that to a natural child, such a person would seem like a moral monster.

Fear is a reaction aroused by the same objects that arouse ferocity. The antagonism of the two is an interesting study in instinctive dynamics. We both fear, and wish to kill, anything that may kill us; and the question which of the two impulses we shall follow is usually decided by some one of those collateral circumstances of the particular case, to be moved by which is the mark of superior mental natures. Of course this introduces uncertainty into the reaction; but it is an uncertainty found in the higher brutes as well as in men, and ought not to be taken as proof that we are less instinctive than they. Fear has bodily expressions of an extremely energetic kind, and stands, beside lust and anger, as one of the three most exciting emotions of which our nature is susceptible. The progress from brute to man is characterized by nothing so much as by the decrease in frequency of proper occasions for fear. In civilized life, in particular, it has at last become possible for large numbers of people to pass from the cradle to the grave without ever having had a pang of genuine[Pg 416] fear. Many of us need an attack of mental disease to teach us the meaning of the word. Hence the possibility of so much blindly optimistic philosophy and religion. The atrocities of life become 'like a tale of little meaning though the words are strong;' we doubt if anything like us ever really was within the tiger's jaws, and conclude that the horrors we hear of are but a sort of painted tapestry for the chambers in which we lie so comfortably at peace with ourselves and with the world.

Fear is a response triggered by the same things that provoke aggression. The conflict between these two emotions is an intriguing exploration of instinctual behavior. We both fear and want to eliminate anything that poses a threat to our lives; and which of these two impulses we ultimately act on is often determined by specific collateral circumstances of the situation, the ability to be influenced by which indicates a higher level of intelligence. This undoubtedly adds an element of unpredictability to our reactions; however, this unpredictability exists in both higher animals and humans, and should not be seen as evidence that we are less instinctual than they are. Fear has powerful physical expressions and ranks alongside lust and anger as one of the three most intense emotions we experience. The transition from animal to human is primarily marked by a reduction in genuine situations that elicit fear. In civilized society, especially, it has become possible for many people to go from birth to death without ever feeling a real sense of [Pg 416] fear. For some of us, it takes a mental health crisis to truly understand the concept of fear. This leads to an abundance of blindly optimistic philosophies and religions. The harsh realities of life seem 'like a tale of little meaning though the words are strong;' we wonder if anything like us has ever actually faced such threats, and we conclude that the horrors we hear about are merely decorative tapestries in the rooms where we rest so comfortably at peace with ourselves and the world.

Be this as it may, fear is a genuine instinct, and one of the earliest shown by the human child. Noises seem especially to call it forth. Most noises from the outer world, to a child bred in the house, have no exact significance. They are simply startling. To quote a good observer, M. Perez:

Be that as it may, fear is a real instinct, and it's one of the first things a human child shows. Noises seem to particularly trigger this response. Most noises from the outside world, for a child raised in a home, don’t have any clear meaning. They are just surprising. To quote a keen observer, M. Perez:

"Children between three and ten months are less often alarmed by visual than by auditory impressions. In cats, from the fifteenth day, the contrary is the case. A child, three and a half months old, in the midst of the turmoil of a conflagration, in presence of the devouring flames and ruined walls, showed neither astonishment nor fear, but smiled at the woman who was taking care of him, while his parents were busy. The noise, however, of the trumpet of the firemen, who were approaching, and that of the wheels of the engine, made him start and cry. At this age I have never yet seen an infant startled at a flash of lightning, even when intense; but I have seen many of them alarmed at the voice of the thunder.... Thus fear comes rather by the ears than by the eyes, to the child without experience. It is natural that this should be reversed, or reduced, in animals organized to perceive danger afar. Accordingly, although I have never seen a child frightened at his first sight of fire, I have many a time seen young dogs, young cats, young chickens, and young birds frightened thereby.... I picked up some years ago a lost cat about a year old. Some months afterward at the onset of cold weather I lit the fire in the grate of my study, which was her reception-room. She first looked at the flame in a very frightened way. I brought her near to it. She leaped away and ran to hide under the bed. Although the fire was lighted every day, it was not until the end of the winter that I could prevail upon her to stay upon a chair near it. The next winter, however, all apprehension had disappeared.... Let us, then, conclude that there are hereditary dispositions to fear, which are independent of experience, but which experiences may end by attenuating very considerably. In the human infant I believe them to be particularly connected with the ear."[377]

"Children aged three to ten months are usually less affected by what they see than by what they hear. In cats, however, this is the opposite starting around day fifteen. A three-and-a-half-month-old baby caught in the chaos of a fire, with flames raging and walls collapsing, showed no surprise or fear; instead, he smiled at the woman caring for him while his parents were distracted. But the sound of the firemen's trumpet and the engine's wheels made him flinch and cry. At this age, I've never seen an infant startled by a flash of lightning, no matter how bright; however, I've seen many babies scared by thunder... So it appears that babies are more prone to fear through their ears than through their eyes. It makes sense that this might be different or less intense in animals that are built to detect danger from a distance. Although I’ve never seen a child afraid during their first encounter with fire, I've often witnessed young dogs, cats, chickens, and birds get frightened by it... A few years ago, I found a lost cat that was about a year old. Months later, as the cold weather came, I lit a fire in my study, which was her room. At first, she watched the flames very nervously. I brought her closer, but she jumped back and ran to hide under the bed. Even though I lit the fire every day, it took until the end of winter for her to sit on a chair near it. The next winter, though, all her fear was gone... So, we can conclude that there are inherited tendencies to fear that exist without prior experience, although experiences can significantly reduce those fears over time. In human infants, I believe these tendencies are especially related to the sense of hearing." [377]

The effect of noise in heightening any terror we may feel in adult years is very marked. The howling of the storm, whether on sea or land, is a principal cause of our anxiety when exposed to it. The writer has been interested in noticing in his own person, while lying in bed, and kept awake by the wind outside, how invariably each loud gust of it arrested momentarily his heart. A dog, attacking us, is much more dreadful by reason of the noises he makes.

The impact of noise on increasing any fear we might feel as adults is quite significant. The howling of a storm, whether on the sea or land, is a major source of our anxiety when we’re in it. The author has observed in himself, while lying in bed and kept awake by the wind outside, how each loud gust consistently caught his breath for a moment. A dog attacking us is much more terrifying because of the sounds it makes.

Strange men, and strange animals, either large or small, excite fear, but especially men or animals advancing toward us in a threatening way. This is entirely instinctive and antecedent to experience. Some children will cry with terror at their very first sight of a cat or dog, and it will often be impossible for weeks to make them touch it. Others will wish to fondle it almost immediately. Certain kinds of 'vermin,' especially spiders and snakes, seem to excite a fear unusually difficult to overcome. It is impossible to say how much of this difference is instinctive and how much the result of stories heard about these creatures. That the fear of 'vermin' ripens gradually, seemed to me to be proved in a child of my own to whom I gave a live frog once, at the age of six to eight months, and again when he was a year and a half old. The first time he seized it promptly, and holding it, in spite of its struggling, at last got its head into his mouth. He then let it crawl up his breast, and get upon his face, without showing alarm. But the second time, although he had seen no frog and heard no story about a frog between whiles, it was almost impossible to induce him to touch it. Another child, a year old, eagerly took some very large spiders into his hand. At present he is afraid, but has been exposed meanwhile to the teachings of the nursery. One of my children from her birth upwards saw daily the pet pug-dog of the house, and never betrayed the slightest fear until she was (if I recollect[Pg 418] rightly) about eight months old. Then the instinct suddenly seemed to develop, and with such intensity that familiarity had no mitigating effect. She screamed whenever the dog entered the room, and for many months remained afraid to touch him. It is needless to say that no change in the pug's unfailingly friendly conduct had anything to do with this change of feeling in the child.

Strange men and strange animals, whether big or small, trigger fear, especially when they approach us in a threatening manner. This reaction is purely instinctual and comes before any real experience. Some children will scream in terror at their first glance of a cat or dog and may refuse to touch it for weeks. Others want to pet it almost right away. Certain types of 'vermin,' especially spiders and snakes, seem to cause an unusually hard-to-overcome fear. It's hard to determine how much of this fear is instinctual and how much is influenced by stories they've heard about these creatures. The gradual development of fear towards 'vermin' was evident in my own child when I once gave him a live frog at around six to eight months and again when he was a year and a half. The first time, he grabbed it right away, and despite its squirming, he managed to get its head in his mouth. He then let it crawl on his chest and face without showing any fear. However, the second time, even without having seen or heard about frogs in the meantime, it was nearly impossible to get him to touch it. Another child, at one year old, happily picked up some really big spiders. Now he is afraid, likely because he's been exposed to nursery teachings in the meantime. One of my children saw the household's pet pug every day from birth and showed no sign of fear until, if I remember correctly, she was about eight months old. Suddenly, her instinct kicked in with such force that familiarity didn’t help. She screamed whenever the dog came into the room and was scared to touch him for many months. It goes without saying that there was no change in the pug's consistently friendly behavior that could explain this shift in the child's feelings.

Preyer tells of a young child screaming with fear on being carried near to the sea. The great source of terror to infancy is solitude. The teleology of this is obvious, as is also that of the infant's expression of dismay—the never-failing cry—on waking up and finding himself alone.

Preyer describes a young child screaming in fear when being taken near the sea. The main source of fear for babies is loneliness. This is clearly purposeful, just as it's obvious why infants express distress—the constant cry—upon waking up and discovering they're alone.

Black things, and especially dark places, holes, caverns, etc., arouse a peculiarly gruesome fear. This fear, as well as that of solitude, of being 'lost,' are explained after a fashion by ancestral experience. Says Schneider:

Black things, and especially dark places, holes, caverns, etc., evoke a uniquely intense fear. This fear, along with the fear of solitude and of being 'lost', can be traced back to ancestral experiences. Schneider states:

"It is a fact that men, especially in childhood, fear to go into a dark cavern or a gloomy wood. This feeling of fear arises, to be sure, partly from the fact that we easily suspect that dangerous beasts may lurk in these localities—a suspicion due to stories we have heard and read. But, on the other hand, it is quite sure that this fear at a certain perception is also directly inherited. Children who have been carefully guarded from all ghost-stories are nevertheless terrified and cry if led into a dark place, especially if sounds are made there. Even an adult can easily observe that an uncomfortable timidity steals over him in a lonely wood at night, although he may have the fixed conviction that not the slightest danger is near.

"It's true that men, especially as kids, are scared to enter a dark cave or a spooky forest. This fear is partly due to the idea that dangerous animals could be lurking there—a thought shaped by stories we've heard and read. However, it’s also evident that this fear at certain times is something we inherit. Kids who’ve been shielded from all ghost stories can still get frightened and cry if they're taken into a dark place, especially if there are noises. Even adults can easily feel an uncomfortable fear settle over them in a lonely forest at night, even when they're completely sure there’s no danger around."

"This feeling of fear occurs in many men even in their own house after dark, although it is much stronger in a dark cavern or forest. The fact of such instinctive fear is easily explicable when we consider that our savage ancestors through innumerable generations were accustomed to meet with dangerous beasts in caverns, especially bears, and were for the most part attacked by such beasts during the night and in the woods, and that thus an inseparable association between the perceptions of darkness of caverns and woods, and fear took place, and was inherited."[378]

"This feeling of fear can happen to many men even in their own homes after dark, though it’s much stronger in a dark cave or forest. This instinctive fear makes sense when we consider how our early ancestors faced dangerous animals in caves, especially bears, and how they were often attacked by these animals at night and in the woods. Because of this, a strong link developed between the darkness of caves and forests and the feeling of fear, which has been passed down through generations." [378]

High places cause fear of a peculiarly sickening sort, though here, again, individuals differ enormously. The utterly blind instinctive character of the motor impulses here is shown by the fact that they are almost always[Pg 419] entirely unreasonable, but that reason is powerless to suppress them. That they are a mere incidental peculiarity of the nervous system, like liability to sea-sickness, or love of music, with no teleological significance, seems more than probable. The fear in question varies so much from one person to another, and its detrimental effects are so much more obvious than its uses, that it is hard to see how it could be a selected instinct. Man is anatomically one of the best fitted of animals for climbing about high places. The best psychical complement to this equipment would seem to be a 'level head' when there, not a dread of going there at all. In fact, the teleology of fear, beyond a certain point, is very dubious. Professor Mosso, in his interesting monograph, 'La Paura' (which has been translated into French), concludes that many of its manifestations must be considered pathological rather than useful; Bain, in several places, expresses the same opinion; and this, I think, is surely the view which any observer without a priori prejudices must take. A certain amount of timidity obviously adapts us to the world we live in, but the fear-paroxysm is surely altogether harmful to him who is its prey.

High places create a uniquely nauseating fear, although people react very differently to it. The instinctive nature of the fear responses is evident in how they are often[Pg 419] completely irrational, yet reason has no power to hold them back. It's likely that this fear is just an incidental quirk of the nervous system, similar to seasickness or a love for music, without any specific purpose. The fear varies significantly among individuals, and its negative impact is much clearer than any potential benefits, making it hard to see how it could be an instinct that evolved through selection. Anatomically, humans are well-suited for climbing in high places. The ideal mental state for this ability would likely be a clear mind when in those situations, rather than a fear of being there at all. In fact, the purpose of fear, beyond a certain threshold, is quite questionable. Professor Mosso, in his intriguing monograph 'La Paura' (which has been translated into French), concludes that many expressions of this fear should be viewed as pathological rather than beneficial; Bain also shares this view in various works. I believe this perspective is one that any unbiased observer would arrive at. A certain degree of caution is beneficial for adapting to our environment, but the fear-paroxysm is undoubtedly detrimental to anyone who suffers from it.

Fear of the supernatural is one variety of fear. It is difficult to assign any normal object for this fear, unless it were a genuine ghost. But, in spite of psychical research-societies, science has not yet adopted ghosts; so we can only say that certain ideas of supernatural agency, associated with real circumstances, produce a peculiar kind of horror. This horror is probably explicable as the result of a combination of simpler horrors. To bring the ghostly terror to its maximum, many usual elements of the dreadful must combine, such as loneliness, darkness, inexplicable sounds, especially of a dismal character, moving figures half discerned (or, if discerned, of dreadful aspect), and a vertiginous baffling of the expectation. This last element, which is intellectual, is very important. It produces a strange emotional 'curdle' in our blood to see a process with which we are familiar deliberately taking an unwonted course. Any one's heart would stop beating if he perceived his chair sliding unassisted across the floor. The lower animals appear to be sensitive to the mysteriously exceptional as[Pg 420] well as ourselves. My friend Professor W. K. Brooks, of the Johns Hopkins University, told me of his large and noble dog being frightened into a sort of epileptic fit by a bone being drawn across the floor by a thread which the dog did not see. Darwin and Romanes have given similar experiences.[379] The idea of the supernatural involves that the usual should be set at naught. In the witch and hobgoblin supernatural, other elements still of fear are brought in—caverns, slime and ooze, vermin, corpses, and the like.[380] A human corpse seems normally to produce an instinctive dread, which is no doubt somewhat due to its mysteriousness, and which familiarity rapidly dispels. But, in view of the fact that cadaveric, reptilian, and underground horrors play so specific and constant a part in many nightmares and forms of delirium, it seems not altogether unwise to ask whether these forms of dreadful circumstance may not at a former period have been more normal objects of the environment than now. The ordinary cock-sure evolutionist ought to have no difficulty in explaining these terrors, and the scenery that provokes them, as relapses into the consciousness of the cave-men, a consciousness usually overlaid in us by experiences of more recent date.

Fear of the supernatural is a type of fear. It's hard to pin down a typical object for this fear, unless we're talking about a real ghost. However, despite psychic research groups, science hasn't accepted the existence of ghosts yet. So, we can only say that certain ideas of supernatural forces, linked to real situations, create a unique kind of horror. This horror likely stems from a mix of simpler fears. To amplify ghostly terror, many common elements of dread need to come together, such as loneliness, darkness, eerie sounds—especially gloomy ones, vaguely seen figures (or figures that are frightening if seen clearly), and an unsettling feeling of confusion about what to expect. This last factor, which is intellectual, is crucial. It creates a strange emotional 'curdle' in our blood when we witness something familiar unexpectedly taking a strange turn. Anyone's heart would race if they saw their chair slide across the floor by itself. Animals also seem sensitive to mysterious anomalies just like we are. My friend Professor W. K. Brooks from Johns Hopkins University shared that his large, noble dog was scared into a kind of epileptic seizure when a bone was dragged across the floor by a thread that the dog couldn't see. Darwin and Romanes have noted similar experiences.[379] The concept of the supernatural suggests that the normal should be disregarded. In the supernatural involving witches and goblins, additional fear elements are introduced—like caverns, slime, vermin, corpses, and the like.[380] A human corpse typically triggers an instinctive dread, likely attributed to its mysterious nature, though familiarity tends to lessen this fear quickly. However, considering the significant role that cadaverous, reptilian, and underground horrors play in many nightmares and bouts of delirium, it may not be unwise to wonder if these frightening scenarios were more common in our environment in the past than they are now. A typical evolutionist should find it easy to explain these fears and the landscapes that provoke them as throwbacks to the mindset of cave dwellers, which is usually overshadowed in us by more recent experiences.

There are certain other pathological fears, and certain peculiarities in the expression of ordinary fear, which might receive an explanatory light from ancestral conditions, even infra-human ones. In ordinary fear, one may[Pg 421] either run, or remain semi-paralyzed. The latter condition reminds us of the so-called death-shamming instinct shown by many animals. Dr. Lindsay, in his work 'Mind in Animals,' says this must require great self-command in those that practise it. But it is really no feigning of death at all, and requires no self-command. It is simply a terror-paralysis which has been so useful as to become hereditary. The beast of prey does not think the motionless bird, insect, or crustacean dead. He simply fails to notice them at all; because his senses, like ours, are much more strongly excited by a moving object than by a still one. It is the same instinct which leads a boy playing 'I spy' to hold his very breath when the seeker is near, and which makes the beast of prey himself in many cases motionlessly lie in wait for his victim or silently 'stalk' it, by rapid approaches alternated with periods of immobility. It is the opposite of the instinct which makes us jump up and down and move our arms when we wish to attract the notice of some one passing far away, and makes the shipwrecked sailor frantically wave a cloth upon the raft where he is floating when a distant sail appears. Now, may not the statue-like, crouching immobility of some melancholiacs, insane with general anxiety and fear of everything, be in some way connected with this old instinct? They can give no reason for their fear to move; but immobility makes them feel safer and more comfortable. Is not this the mental state of the 'feigning' animal?

There are certain other irrational fears and unique expressions of typical fear that might be explained by ancestral conditions, even those from before humans. With regular fear, someone can either run away or become somewhat paralyzed. This latter response is reminiscent of the so-called death-feigning instinct seen in many animals. Dr. Lindsay, in his work 'Mind in Animals,' states that this must require a lot of self-control for those who practice it. However, it’s not really a feigning of death at all and doesn’t require self-control. It’s simply a freeze response to fear that has been so beneficial that it has become a hereditary trait. A predator doesn’t think the still bird, insect, or crustacean is dead; it simply doesn’t notice them because its senses, like ours, are much more stimulated by moving objects than by stationary ones. This instinct is similar to how a boy playing 'I spy' holds his breath when the seeker is nearby, and how predators often lie in wait for their prey or silently stalk it by alternating quick movements with periods of stillness. It contrasts with the instinct that makes us jump up and down and wave our arms to get the attention of someone far away, like when a shipwrecked sailor frantically waves a cloth on the raft when he spots a distant sail. Now, could the statue-like, crouching immobility of some melancholics, who are overwhelmed with anxiety and fear of everything, be linked to this ancient instinct? They can’t provide a reason for their fear of moving, but being still makes them feel safer and more at ease. Isn’t this like the mental state of the 'feigning' animal?

Again, take the strange symptom which has been described of late years by the rather absurd name of agoraphobia. The patient is seized with palpitation and terror at the sight of any open place or broad street which he has to cross alone. He trembles, his knees bend, he may even faint at the idea. Where he has sufficient self-command he sometimes accomplishes the object by keeping safe under the lee of a vehicle going across, or joining himself to a knot of other people. But usually he slinks round the sides of the square, hugging the houses as closely as he can. This emotion has no utility in a civilized man, but when we notice the chronic agoraphobia of our domestic cats, and see the tenacious way[Pg 422] in which many wild animals, especially rodents, cling to cover, and only venture on a dash across the open as a desperate measure—even then making for every stone or bunch of weeds which may give a momentary shelter—when we see this we are strongly tempted to ask whether such an odd kind of fear in us be not due to the accidental resurrection, through disease, of a sort of instinct which may in some of our ancestors have had a permanent and on the whole a useful part to play?

Once again, consider the strange symptom known in recent years by the rather ridiculous term agoraphobia. The person experiencing this condition feels intense fear and rapid heartbeat at the sight of any open area or wide street they have to cross alone. They tremble, their knees buckle, and they might even faint at the thought. When they manage to stay calm, they sometimes achieve crossing by hiding behind a vehicle or joining a group of people. However, most of the time, they sneak around the edges of the square, trying to stay as close to the buildings as possible. This type of anxiety is pointless in a civilized society, but when we observe the chronic agoraphobia in our domestic cats and see how stubbornly many wild animals, especially rodents, stick to cover, only darting across open spaces as a last resort—even then seeking every stone or patch of weeds for brief shelter—we are left wondering if this peculiar fear in us might be the accidental revival, due to illness, of an instinct that may have played a significant and generally beneficial role for some of our ancestors?

Appropriation or Acquisitiveness. The beginnings of acquisitiveness are seen in the impulse which very young children display, to snatch at, or beg for, any object which pleases their attention. Later, when they begin to speak, among the first words they emphasize are 'me' and 'mine.'[381] Their earliest quarrels with each other are about questions of ownership; and parents of twins soon learn that it conduces to a quiet house to buy all presents in impartial duplicate. Of the later evolution of the proprietary instinct I need not speak. Everyone knows how difficult a thing it is not to covet whatever pleasing thing we see, and how the sweetness of the thing often is as gall to us so long as it is another's. When another is in possession, the impulse to appropriate the thing often turns into the impulse to harm him—what is called envy, or jealousy, ensues. In civilized life the impulse to own is usually checked by a variety of considerations, and only passes over into action under circumstances legitimated by habit and common consent, an additional example of the way in which one instinctive tendency may be inhibited by others. A variety of the proprietary instinct is the impulse to form collections of the same sort of thing. It differs much in individuals, and shows in a striking way how instinct and habit interact. For, although[Pg 423] a collection of any given thing—like postage-stamps—need not be begun by any given person, yet the chances are that if accidentally it be begun by a person with the collecting instinct, it will probably be continued. The chief interest of the objects, in the collector's eyes, is that they are a collection, and that they are his. Rivalry, to be sure, inflames this, as it does every other passion, yet the objects of a collector's mania need not be necessarily such as are generally in demand. Boys will collect anything that they see another boy collect, from pieces of chalk and peach-pits up to books and photographs. Out of a hundred students whom I questioned, only four or five had never collected anything.[382]

Appropriation or Acquisitiveness. The roots of acquisitiveness can be seen in the instinct that very young children show to grab or ask for any object that catches their interest. As they begin to speak, among the first words they emphasize are 'me' and 'mine.'[381] Their earliest disputes with one another are about ownership; parents of twins quickly find that buying gifts in even amounts helps maintain peace in the house. I won't delve into the later development of the proprietary instinct. Everyone knows how hard it is not to desire whatever appealing thing we see, and how the enjoyment of that thing often turns bitter as long as it belongs to someone else. When someone else has it, the desire to claim it can turn into a desire to harm them—what we call envy or jealousy arises. In civilized society, the wish to own is usually restrained by various considerations and only translates into action under circumstances that are accepted by social norms, showcasing how one instinctive urge can be controlled by others. A variation of the proprietary instinct is the urge to create collections of similar things. This varies greatly among individuals and illustrates how instinct and habit interact. Though a collection of any specific item—like postage stamps—doesn't have to be started by anyone in particular, if it happens to be started by someone with a collecting instinct, it’s likely to continue. The main appeal of the items, to the collector, is that they form a collection and that they belong to him. Rivalry certainly intensifies this, as it does with any passion, yet the items of a collector's obsession do not necessarily have to be ones that are widely sought after. Boys will collect anything they see another boy collecting, from pieces of chalk and peach pits to books and photographs. Out of a hundred students I asked, only four or five had never collected anything.[382]

The associationist psychology denies that there is any blind primitive instinct to appropriate, and would explain all acquisitiveness, in the first instance, as a desire to secure the 'pleasures' which the objects possessed may yield; and, secondly, as the association of the idea of pleasantness with the holding of the thing, even though the pleasure originally got by it was only gained through its expense or destruction. Thus the miser is shown to us as one who has transferred to the gold by which he may buy the goods of this life all the emotions which the goods themselves would yield; and who thereafter loves the gold for its own sake, preferring the means of pleasure to the pleasure itself. There can be little doubt that much of this analysis a broader view of the facts would have dispelled. 'The miser' is an abstraction. There are all kinds of misers. The common sort, the excessively niggardly man, simply exhibits the psychological law that the potential has often a far greater influence over our mind than the actual. A man will not marry now, because to do so puts an end to his indefinite potentialities of choice of a partner. He prefers the latter. He will not use open fires or wear his good clothes, because the day may come when he will have to use the furnace or dress in a worn-out coat, 'and then where will he be?'[Pg 424] For him, better the actual evil than the fear of it; and so it is with the common lot of misers. Better to live poor now, with the power of living rich, than to live rich at the risk of losing the power. These men value their gold, not for its own sake, but for its powers. Demonetize it, and see how quickly they will get rid of it! The associationist theory is, as regards them, entirely at fault: they care nothing for the gold in se.

The associationist psychology argues that there’s no basic, blind instinct to accumulate, and instead explains all greed primarily as a desire to secure the 'pleasures' that the objects can provide; and secondarily, as the connection of the idea of enjoyment with the ownership of the item, even if the pleasure originally gained from it was only achieved through its cost or destruction. Thus, we see the miser as someone who has transferred all the feelings that the actual goods could provide onto the gold he uses to buy life's necessities; and who then ends up loving the gold for itself, choosing the means of pleasure over the pleasure itself. It’s clear that a broader perspective on the facts would likely challenge much of this analysis. 'The miser' is a generalization. There are various types of misers. The typical excessively stingy person simply shows the psychological principle that what could be is often far more influential on our minds than what actually is. A man might hesitate to marry now because doing so limits his endless potential to choose a partner. He prefers the possibility over reality. He won't use open fires or wear his nice clothes, fearing that one day he might have to rely on the heating or wear an old jacket, asking himself, 'and then where will he be?' For him, it's better to face a current hardship than to worry about a future one; and this is true for the common experience of misers. They’d rather live in poverty now, holding on to the power of potentially living riches, than live rich at the risk of losing that potential. These individuals value their gold not for what it is, but for what it can do. Take away its value, and watch how quickly they’ll part with it! The associationist theory, in relation to them, is completely mistaken: they have no interest in the gold in se.

With other misers there combines itself with this preference of the power over the act the far more instinctive element of the simple collecting propensity. Every one collects money, and when a man of petty ways is smitten with the collecting mania for this object he necessarily becomes a miser. Here again the associationist psychology is wholly at fault. The hoarding instinct prevails widely among animals as well as among men. Professor Silliman has thus described one of the hoards of the California wood-rat, made in an empty stove of an unoccupied house:

With other misers, this preference for control over action is combined with the more instinctive urge to collect. Everyone collects money, and when a small-minded person becomes obsessed with gathering it, they inevitably turn into a miser. Once again, associationist psychology misses the mark. The instinct to hoard is common among both animals and humans. Professor Silliman described one of the hoards created by a California wood-rat, which was made in an empty stove of an unoccupied house:

"I found the outside to be composed entirely of spikes, all laid with symmetry, so as to present the points of the nails outward. In the centre of this mass was the nest, composed of finely-divided fibres of hemp-packing. Interlaced with the spikes were the following: about two dozen knives, forks, and spoons; all the butcher's knives, three in number; a large carving-knife, fork, and steel; several large plugs of tobacco,... an old purse containing some silver, matches, and tobacco; nearly all the small tools from the tool-closets, with several large augers,... all of which must have been transported some distance, as they were originally stored in different parts of the house.... The outside casing of a silver watch was disposed of in one part of the pile, the glass of the same watch in another, and the works in still another."[383]

"I found the outside completely covered in spikes, all arranged symmetrically to point the tips outward. In the center of this mass was the nest, made of finely shredded hemp packing. Mixed in with the spikes were about two dozen knives, forks, and spoons; all three butcher's knives; a large carving knife, fork, and steel; several large plugs of tobacco; an old purse containing some silver, matches, and tobacco; nearly all the small tools from the tool cabinets, along with several large augers—all of which must have been moved from a distance, as they were originally stored in different parts of the house. The outer casing of a silver watch was placed in one section of the pile, the glass of the same watch in another, and the mechanism in yet another." [383]

In every lunatic asylum we find the collecting instinct developing itself in an equally absurd way. Certain patients will spend all their time picking pins from the floor and hoarding them. Others collect bits of thread, buttons, or rags, and prize them exceedingly. Now, 'the Miser' par excellence of the popular imagination and of melodrama, the monster of squalor and misanthropy, is simply one of these mentally deranged persons. His intellect may in many matters be clear, but his instincts,[Pg 425] especially that of ownership, are insane, and their insanity has no more to do with the association of ideas than with the precession of the equinoxes. As a matter of fact his hoarding usually is directed to money; but it also includes almost anything besides. Lately in a Massachusetts town there died a miser who principally hoarded newspapers. These had ended by so filling all the rooms of his good-sized house from floor to ceiling that his living-space was restricted to a few narrow channels between them. Even as I write, the morning paper gives an account of the emptying of a miser's den in Boston by the City Board of Health. What the owner hoarded is thus described:

In every mental health facility, we see the collecting instinct manifesting in equally strange ways. Some patients will spend all their time picking up pins from the floor and saving them. Others collect pieces of thread, buttons, or scraps of fabric, and value them highly. Now, 'the Miser' par excellence in popular culture and melodrama, known for his extreme stinginess and dislike of people, is just one of these mentally unwell individuals. His intellect might be clear in many areas, but his instincts, especially the desire for ownership, are irrational, and their irrationality has nothing to do with logical associations. In fact, his hoarding usually revolves around money, but it also includes almost anything else. Recently, in a Massachusetts town, a miser died who primarily hoarded newspapers. These newspapers ended up filling every room of his fairly large house from floor to ceiling, leaving him with only a few narrow pathways to move through. Even as I write this, the morning paper is reporting on the clearing out of a miser's home in Boston by the City Board of Health. The owner’s hoarded items are described as follows:

"He gathered old newspapers, wrapping-paper, incapacitated umbrellas, canes, pieces of common wire, cast-off clothing, empty barrels, pieces of iron, old bones, battered tin-ware, fractured pots, and bushels of such miscellany as is to be found only at the city 'dump.' The empty barrels were filled, shelves were filled, every hole and corner was filled, and in order to make more storage-room, 'the hermit' covered his store-room with a network of ropes, and hung the ropes as full as they could hold of his curious collections. There was nothing one could think of that wasn't in that room. As a wood-sawyer, the old man had never thrown away a saw-blade or a wood-buck. The bucks were rheumatic and couldn't stand up, and the saw-blades were worn down to almost nothing in the middle. Some had been actually worn in two, but the ends were carefully saved and stored away. As a coal-heaver, the old man had never cast off a worn-out basket, and there were dozens of the remains of the old things, patched up with canvas and rope-yarns, in the store-room. There were at least two dozen old hats, fur, cloth, silk, and straw," etc.

"He collected old newspapers, wrapping paper, broken umbrellas, canes, pieces of wire, discarded clothes, empty barrels, scraps of metal, old bones, battered tinware, cracked pots, and loads of random stuff you'd only find at the city dump. The empty barrels were filled, shelves were crammed, every nook and cranny was packed, and to create more storage space, 'the hermit' draped ropes across his storeroom, hanging them full of his odd collections. There was nothing you could think of that wasn't in that room. As a woodworker, the old man never tossed out a saw blade or a sawhorse. The sawhorses were wobbly and couldn’t stand, and the saw blades were worn down to almost nothing in the middle. Some were actually worn in half, but the ends were carefully saved and stored away. As a coal worker, he never got rid of a worn-out basket, and there were dozens of old items patched up with canvas and rope in the storeroom. There were at least two dozen old hats made of fur, cloth, silk, and straw."

Of course there may be a great many 'associations of ideas' in the miser's mind about the things he hoards. He is a thinking being, and must associate things; but, without an entirely blind impulse in this direction behind all his ideas, such practical results could never be reached.[384]

Of course, the miser might have a lot of 'associations of ideas' in his mind about the things he hoards. He is a thinking person and naturally makes connections between things; however, without a completely blind impulse driving all his thoughts, he could never achieve such practical outcomes.[384]

Kleptomania, as it is called, is an uncontrollable impulse to appropriate, occurring in persons whose 'associations of ideas' would naturally all be of a counteracting sort.[Pg 426] Kleptomaniacs often promptly restore, or permit to be restored, what they have taken; so the impulse need not be to keep, but only to take. But elsewhere hoarding complicates the result. A gentleman, with whose case I am acquainted, was discovered, after his death, to have a hoard in his barn of all sorts of articles, mainly of a trumpery sort, but including pieces of silver which he had stolen from his own dining-room, and utensils which he had stolen from his own kitchen, and for which he had afterward bought substitutes with his own money.

Kleptomania is what it’s called, and it’s an uncontrollable urge to take things, found in people whose “thought associations” would usually work against this behavior.[Pg 426] Kleptomaniacs often quickly return or allow the items they took to be returned; so the impulse isn’t necessarily to keep the items, but just to take them. However, in some cases, hoarding makes things more complicated. A man I know about was found, after his death, to have a stash in his barn filled with all kinds of items, mostly worthless trinkets, but also including silverware that he had stolen from his own dining room and kitchen utensils taken from his own kitchen, for which he later bought replacements with his own money.

Constructiveness is as genuine and irresistible an instinct in man as in the bee or the beaver. Whatever things are plastic to his hands, those things he must remodel into shapes of his own, and the result of the remodelling, however useless it may be, gives him more pleasure than the original thing. The mania of young children for breaking and pulling apart whatever is given them is more often the expression of a rudimentary constructive impulse than of a destructive one. 'Blocks' are the playthings of which they are least apt to tire. Clothes, weapons, tools, habitations, and works of art are the result of the discoveries to which the plastic instinct leads, each individual starting where his forerunners left off, and tradition preserving all that once is gained. Clothing, where not necessitated by cold, is nothing but a sort of attempt to remodel the human body itself—an attempt still better shown in the various tattooings, tooth-filings, scarrings, and other mutilations that are practised by savage tribes. As for habitation, there can be no doubt that the instinct to seek a sheltered nook, open only on one side, into which he may retire and be safe, is in man quite as specific as the instinct of birds to build a nest. It is not necessarily in the shape of a shelter from wet and cold that the need comes before him, but he feels less exposed and more at home when not altogether uninclosed than when lying all abroad. Of course the utilitarian origin of this instinct is obvious. But to stick to bare facts at present and not to trace origins, we must admit that this instinct now exists, and probably always has existed, since man was man. Habits[Pg 427] of the most complicated kind are reared upon it. But even in the midst of these habits we see the blind instinct cropping out; as, for example, in the fact that we feign a shelter within a shelter, by backing up beds in rooms with their heads against the wall, and never lying in them the other way—just as dogs prefer to get under or upon some piece of furniture to sleep, instead of lying in the middle of the room. The first habitations were caves and leafy grottoes, bettered by the hands; and we see children to-day, when playing in wild places, take the greatest delight in discovering and appropriating such retreats and 'playing house' there.

Constructiveness is as genuine and strong an instinct in people as it is in bees or beavers. Whatever materials are easy for them to handle, they feel compelled to reshape into forms of their own, and the outcome of this reshaping, no matter how pointless it may be, brings them more satisfaction than the original item. The tendency of young children to break and dismantle whatever they get is often more a sign of a basic constructive instinct rather than a destructive one. 'Blocks' are the toys they are least likely to grow bored with. Clothing, tools, homes, and works of art are the products of the discoveries made by this creative instinct, with each individual starting where those before them left off, and tradition keeping all that has been achieved. Clothing, when not needed for warmth, is simply an effort to reshape the human body itself—an effort that's even more evident in various tattoos, tooth modifications, scars, and other body alterations that certain tribes practice. When it comes to shelter, it's clear that the instinct to look for a protected spot, open on just one side, where one can retreat and feel safe, is as specific in humans as the instinct of birds to build nests. It's not necessarily about creating a shelter from rain or cold; rather, people feel less exposed and more at ease when they are somewhat enclosed than when they are completely out in the open. The practical origins of this instinct are evident. However, for now, let's focus on the present and not delve into origins; we must acknowledge that this instinct exists now, and probably has always existed, since humans became humans. Complex habits have developed from it. Yet even amid these habits, the basic instinct makes its presence known; for instance, we create a pretend shelter within a shelter by positioning beds against walls and never lying in them the opposite way—just like dogs prefer to squeeze under or on top of furniture to sleep rather than lying in the middle of a room. The earliest homes were caves and leafy grottos, improved by human hands; and today we see children, when playing in nature, joyfully discover and claim such hideaways to 'play house' there.


Play. The impulse to play in special ways is certainly instinctive. A boy can no more help running after another boy who runs provokingly near him, than a kitten can help running after a rolling ball. A child trying to get into its own hand some object which it sees another child pick up, and the latter trying to get away with the prize, are just as much slaves of an automatic prompting as are two chickens or fishes, of which one has taken a big morsel into its mouth and decamps with it, while the other darts after in pursuit. All simple active games are attempts to gain the excitement yielded by certain primitive instincts, through feigning that the occasions for their exercise are there. They involve imitation, hunting, fighting, rivalry, acquisitiveness, and construction, combined in various ways; their special rules are habits, discovered by accident, selected by intelligence, and propagated by tradition; but unless they were founded in automatic impulses, games would lose most of their zest. The sexes differ somewhat in their play-impulses. As Schneider says:

Play. The urge to play in specific ways is definitely instinctual. A boy can’t help but chase after another boy who is teasingly close, just like a kitten can’t resist running after a rolling ball. A child trying to grab an object that another child picked up, while the latter tries to escape with it, is just as much driven by an automatic urge as two chickens or fish, where one takes a big bite of food and runs off while the other chases after it. All simple active games are attempts to capture the excitement from certain basic instincts by pretending that the situations for those instincts are present. They include imitation, hunting, fighting, rivalry, possessiveness, and building, combined in different ways; their specific rules are habits that are discovered by chance, chosen through intelligence, and passed down through tradition. However, if they weren’t rooted in automatic impulses, games would lose most of their excitement. There are some differences between the sexes in their play impulses. As Schneider says:

"The little boy imitates soldiers, models clay into an oven, builds houses, makes a wagon out of chairs, rides on horseback upon a stick, drives nails with the hammer, harnesses his brethren and comrades together and plays the stage-driver, or lets himself be captured as a wild horse by some one else. The girl, on the contrary, plays with her doll, washes and dresses it, strokes it, clasps and kisses it, puts it to bed and tucks it in, sings it a cradle-song, or speaks with it as if it were a living being.... This fact that a sexual difference exists in the play-impulse, that a boy gets more pleasure from a horse and[Pg 428] rider and a soldier than from a doll, while with the girl the opposite is the case, is proof that an hereditary connection exists between the perception of certain things (horse, doll, etc.), and the feeling of pleasure, as well as between this latter and the impulse to play."[385]

"The little boy pretends to be a soldier, molds clay into a stove, builds houses, creates a wagon from chairs, rides a stick like a horse, hammers nails, partners with his friends to play stagecoach driver, or lets someone else catch him like a wild horse. Meanwhile, the girl plays with her doll, cleans and dresses it, hugs and kisses it, puts it to bed and tucks it in, sings it a lullaby, or talks to it as if it were real.... The difference in how boys and girls play—where a boy prefers a horse and rider or a soldier over a doll, while for a girl, it’s the opposite—suggests there’s an inherited link between how we view certain things (like horses and dolls) and the pleasure we feel related to them, as well as between those feelings and the desire to play.

There is another sort of human play, into which higher æsthetic feelings enter. I refer to that love of festivities, ceremonies, ordeals, etc., which seems to be universal in our species. The lowest savages have their dances, more or less formally conducted. The various religions have their solemn rites and exercises, and civic and military power symbolize their grandeur by processions and celebrations of divers sorts. We have our operas and parties and masquerades. An element common to all these ceremonial games, as they may be called, is the excitement of concerted action as one of an organized crowd. The same acts, performed with a crowd, seem to mean vastly more than when performed alone. A walk with the people on a holiday afternoon, an excursion to drink beer or coffee at a popular 'resort,' or an ordinary ball-room, are examples of this. Not only are we amused at seeing so many strangers, but there is a distinct stimulation at feeling our share in their collective life. The perception of them is the stimulus; and our reaction upon it is our tendency to join them and do what they are doing, and our unwillingness to be the first to leave off and go home alone. This seems a primitive element in our nature, as it is difficult to trace any association of ideas that could lead up to it; although, once granting it to exist, it is very easy to see what its uses to a tribe might be in facilitating prompt and vigorous collective action. The formation of armies and the undertaking of military expeditions would be among its fruits. In the ceremonial games it is but the impulsive starting-point. What particular things the crowd then shall do, depends for the most part on the initiative of individuals, fixed by imitation and habit, and continued by tradition. The co-operation of other æsthetic pleasures with games, ceremonial or other, has a great deal to do with the selection of such as shall become stereotyped and[Pg 429] habitual. The peculiar form of excitement called by Professor Bain the emotion of pursuit, the pleasure of a crescendo, is the soul of many common games. The immense extent of the play-activities in human life is too obvious to be more than mentioned.[386]

There’s another type of human play that involves deeper aesthetic feelings. I’m talking about the love for celebrations, ceremonies, challenges, and so on, which seems to be universal among us. Even the simplest societies have their dances, whether formal or not. Various religions have their serious rituals and practices, while civic and military authorities showcase their significance through parades and various celebrations. We have our operas, parties, and costume balls. A common element in all these ceremonial activities, which we could call games, is the thrill of participating in a group as part of an organized crowd. The same actions done with a crowd seem to carry much more meaning than when done alone. A stroll with others on a holiday afternoon, a trip to enjoy beer or coffee at a popular spot, or simply a regular dance party exemplify this. We not only enjoy seeing so many strangers, but there’s also a unique energy from being part of their collective experience. The awareness of the crowd energizes us, prompting us to join in and do what they are doing, while also making us reluctant to be the first to leave and head home alone. This seems to be a fundamental aspect of our nature, as it’s hard to identify any specific ideas that might lead to it; however, once we acknowledge its existence, it’s clear how beneficial it could be for a group in promoting quick and active collective actions. The creation of armies and the initiation of military campaigns would be some of its results. In ceremonial activities, it serves merely as the impulsive starting point. What specific actions the crowd chooses to take later mostly depends on the initiative of individuals, shaped by imitation and habit, and passed down through tradition. The collaboration of other aesthetic pleasures with games, whether ceremonial or not, greatly influences which activities become established and routine. The distinct excitement known as the emotion of pursuit, or the joy of a crescendo, is the essence of many common games. The vast scope of playful activities in human life is too apparent to need more than a mention.[Pg 429]


Curiosity. Already pretty low down among vertebrates we find that any object may excite attention, provided it be only novel, and that attention may be followed by approach and exploration by nostril, lips, or touch. Curiosity and fear form a couple of antagonistic emotions liable to be awakened by the same outward thing, and manifestly both useful to their possessor. The spectacle of their alternation is often amusing enough, as in the timid approaches and scared wheelings which sheep or cattle will make in the presence of some new object they are investigating. I have seen alligators in the water act in precisely the same way towards a man seated on the beach in front of them—gradually drawing near as long as he kept still, frantically careering back as soon as he made a movement. Inasmuch as new objects may always be advantageous, it is better that an animal should not absolutely fear them. But, inasmuch as they may also possibly be harmful, it is better that he should not be quite indifferent to them either, but on the whole remaining on the qui vive, ascertain as much about them, and what they may be likely to bring forth, as he can, before settling down to rest in their presence. Some such susceptibility for being excited and irritated by the mere novelty, as such, of any movable feature of the environment must form the instinctive basis of all human curiosity; though, of course, the superstructure absorbs contributions from so many other factors of the emotional life that the original root may be hard to find. With what[Pg 430] is called scientific curiosity, and with metaphysical wonder, the practical instinctive root has probably nothing to do. The stimuli here are not objects, but ways of conceiving objects; and the emotions and actions they give rise to are to be classed, with many other æsthetic manifestations, sensitive and motor, as incidental features of our mental life. The philosophic brain responds to an inconsistency or a gap in its knowledge, just as the musical brain responds to a discord in what it hears. At certain ages the sensitiveness to particular gaps and the pleasure of resolving particular puzzles reach their maximum, and then it is that stores of scientific knowledge are easiest and most naturally laid in. But these effects may have had nothing to do with the uses for which the brain was originally given; and it is probably only within a few centuries, since religious beliefs and economic applications of science have played a prominent part in the conflicts of one race with another, that they may have helped to 'select' for survival a particular type of brain. I shall have to consider this matter of incidental and supernumerary faculties in Chapter XXVIII.

Curiosity. Even among vertebrates, we see that any object can catch attention as long as it is novel, and that attention can lead to approaching and exploring it through smell, touch, or sight. Curiosity and fear are two opposing emotions that can be triggered by the same external stimulus, and both are clearly beneficial to those who experience them. This alternation between the two can be quite entertaining, as seen in how timid sheep or cattle cautiously approach and then retreat when confronted with a new object. I've witnessed alligators in the water behave in exactly the same manner toward a person sitting on the shore—slowly getting closer as long as the person remains still, then rapidly fleeing as soon as there’s movement. Since new objects can always be beneficial, it’s better for an animal not to completely fear them. However, because they could also be dangerous, it’s wise for an animal not to be entirely indifferent to them either. Overall, it should stay alert, learn as much as it can about these objects and what they might bring, before feeling safe enough to relax around them. Some level of excitement and irritation from the novelty of any new aspect of the environment likely forms the instinctual foundation of all human curiosity; although, of course, this foundation is influenced by many other emotional factors, making the original source difficult to pinpoint. With what is referred to as scientific curiosity, and with metaphysical wonder, the basic instinctive roots likely have nothing to do with it. Here, the stimuli aren’t objects, but rather the ways of understanding those objects; the emotions and actions they provoke are to be categorized alongside many other aesthetic experiences, both sensitive and motor, as incidental elements of our mental lives. The philosophical mind responds to inconsistencies or gaps in knowledge just as the musical mind reacts to dissonance in sound. At certain stages of life, sensitivity to specific gaps and the enjoyment of solving certain puzzles peak, making it the ideal time to acquire scientific knowledge easily and naturally. However, these effects might not have any relation to the original purposes for which the brain was developed; it's likely only over the past few centuries, since religious beliefs and practical applications of science have significantly influenced the interactions between different cultures, that they may have contributed to selecting for survival a certain type of brain. I will need to explore the topic of incidental and extra faculties in Chapter XXVIII.

Sociability and Shyness. As a gregarious animal, man is excited both by the absence and by the presence of his kind. To be alone is one of the greatest of evils for him. Solitary confinement is by many regarded as a mode of torture too cruel and unnatural for civilized countries to adopt. To one long pent up on a desert island, the sight of a human footprint or a human form in the distance would be the most tumultuously exciting of experiences. In morbid states of mind, one of the commonest symptoms is the fear of being alone. This fear may be assuaged by the presence of a little child, or even of a baby. In a case of hydrophobia known to the writer, the patient insisted on keeping his room crowded with neighbors all the while, so intense was his fear of solitude. In a gregarious animal, the perception that he is alone excites him to vigorous activity. Mr. Galton thus describes the behavior of the South African cattle whom he had such good opportunities for observing:

Sociability and Shyness. As a social creature, humans are energized by both the absence and the presence of others. Being alone is one of the worst things for them. Many people see solitary confinement as an inhumane form of torture that shouldn't be used in civilized nations. For someone who has been stranded on a deserted island for a long time, just seeing a human footprint or a person in the distance would be an incredibly thrilling experience. In unhealthy mental states, one of the most common symptoms is the fear of being alone. This fear can be eased by having a small child or even a baby nearby. In a case of rabies known to the author, the patient insisted on keeping his room crowded with neighbors the entire time, as his fear of solitude was so overwhelming. In a social animal, realizing that he is alone drives him to become very active. Mr. Galton describes the behavior of South African cattle that he had the chance to observe closely:

"Although the ox has little affection for, or interest in, his fellows, he cannot endure even a momentary separation from his herd. If he[Pg 431] be separated from it by stratagem or force, he exhibits every sign of mental agony; he strives with all his might to get back again, and when he succeeds he plunges into its middle to bathe his whole body with the comfort of closest companionship."[387]

"Even though the ox doesn’t show much affection for its companions, it can't stand being away from its herd, even for a moment. If it gets separated by trickery or force, it shows clear signs of mental distress; it tries hard to return, and when it finally does, it dives right back in to enjoy the comfort of being close to others."

Man is also excited by the presence of his kind. The bizarre actions of dogs meeting strange dogs are not altogether without a parallel in our own constitution. We cannot meet strangers without a certain tension, or talk to them exactly as to our familiars. This is particularly the case if the stranger be an important personage. It may then happen that we not only shrink from meeting his eye, but actually cannot collect our wits or do ourselves any sort of justice in his presence.

Man is also energized by being around others like him. The strange behavior of dogs meeting unfamiliar dogs has some similarities to our own nature. We can't interact with strangers without feeling a bit tense, nor can we speak to them in the same way we do with friends. This is especially true if the stranger is someone significant. In such cases, we might not only avoid making eye contact but also find it hard to think clearly or present ourselves well when they're around.

"This odd state of mind," says Darwin,[388] "is chiefly recognized by the face reddening, by the eyes being averted or cast down, and by awkward, nervous movements of the body.... Shyness seems to depend on sensitiveness to the opinion, whether good or bad, of others, more especially with respect to external appearance. Strangers neither know nor care anything about our conduct or character, but they may, and often do, criticise our appearance.... The consciousness of anything peculiar, or even new, in the dress, or any slight blemish on the person, and more especially on the face—points which are likely to attract the attention of strangers—makes the shy intolerably shy.[389] On the other hand, in those cases in which conduct, and not personal appearance, is concerned, we are much more apt to be shy in the presence of acquaintances whose judgment we in some degree value than in that of strangers.... Some persons, however, are so sensitive that the mere act of speaking to almost any one is sufficient to rouse their self-consciousness, and a slight blush is the result. Disapprobation ... causes shyness and blushing much more readily than does approbation.... Persons who are exceedingly shy are rarely shy in the presence of those with whom they are quite familiar, and of whose good opinion and sympathy they are quite assured; for instance, a girl in presence of her mother.... Shyness ... is closely related to fear; yet it is distinct from fear in the ordinary sense. A shy man dreads the notice of strangers, but can hardly be said to be afraid of them; he may be as bold as a hero in battle, and yet have no self-confidence about trifles in the presence of strangers. Almost every one is extremely nervous[Pg 432] when first addressing a public assembly, and most men remain so through their lives."

"This unusual state of mind," Darwin says,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "is mostly marked by blushing, eyes that look away or downward, and awkward, anxious body movements.... Shyness seems to stem from being sensitive to what others think, whether it's good or bad, especially about our appearance. Strangers may not know or care about our behavior or character, but they often do criticize our looks.... Being conscious of anything unusual or new in our clothing or any minor flaws on our body—especially on our face—which are likely to catch the attention of strangers, makes the shy person extremely shy.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ However, in situations where behavior, rather than appearance, is at stake, we tend to feel much shyer around acquaintances whose opinions we value to some extent than around strangers.... Some people are so sensitive that just talking to almost anyone is enough to make them self-conscious, leading to slight blushing. Disapproval... causes shyness and blushing to occur much faster than approval does.... Very shy people are hardly shy around those they know well and feel confident in their support and good opinion; for instance, a girl in front of her mother.... Shyness... is closely linked to fear; however, it differs from fear in the usual sense. A shy person is afraid of strangers’ attention but isn’t exactly afraid of them; they might be as brave as a hero in battle yet lack self-confidence about small things in front of strangers. Almost everyone feels extremely nervous[Pg 432] when first addressing a public audience, and most men stay that way throughout their lives."

As Mr. Darwin observes, a real dread of definite consequences may enter into this 'stage-fright' and complicate the shyness. Even so our shyness before an important personage may be complicated by what Professor Bain calls 'servile terror,' based on representation of definite dangers if we fail to please. But both stage-fright and servile terror may exist with the most indefinite apprehensions of danger, and, in fact, when our reason tells us there is no occasion for alarm. We must, therefore, admit a certain amount of purely instinctive perturbation and constraint, due to the consciousness that we have become objects for other people's eyes. Mr. Darwin goes on to say: "Shyness comes on at a very early age. In one of my own children, two years and three months old, I saw a trace of what certainly appeared to be shyness directed toward myself, after an absence from home of only a week." Every parent has noticed the same sort of thing. Considering the despotic powers of rulers in savage tribes, respect and awe must, from time immemorial, have been emotions excited by certain individuals; and stage-fright, servile terror, and shyness, must have had as copious opportunities for exercise as at the present time. Whether these impulses could ever have been useful, and selected for usefulness, is a question which, it would seem, can only be answered in the negative. Apparently they are pure hindrances, like fainting at sight of blood or disease, sea-sickness, a dizzy head on high places, and certain squeamishnesses of æsthetic taste. They are incidental emotions, in spite of which we get along. But they seem to play an important part in the production of two other propensities, about the instinctive character of which a good deal of controversy has prevailed. I refer to cleanliness and modesty, to which we must proceed, but not before we have said a word about another impulse closely allied to shyness. I mean—

As Mr. Darwin points out, a genuine fear of specific consequences can contribute to this 'stage fright' and intensify shyness. Likewise, our shyness in front of someone important may be mixed with what Professor Bain describes as 'servile terror,' stemming from the fear of facing real dangers if we don't meet expectations. However, both stage fright and servile terror can exist alongside vague feelings of danger, and often, our reasoning tells us there’s no reason to be alarmed. Therefore, we must accept that there’s a certain level of purely instinctive anxiety and restraint that arises from the awareness that we are being observed by others. Mr. Darwin continues: "Shyness occurs at a very young age. In one of my own children, two years and three months old, I noticed a hint of what definitely seemed like shyness towards me after being away from home for just a week." Every parent has seen something similar. Given the absolute power of leaders in primitive societies, respect and fear must have historically been emotions triggered by specific individuals; thus, stage fright, servile terror, and shyness must have had as many chances to manifest as they do today. Whether these impulses could ever have been beneficial and selected for their usefulness is a question that seems to have a negative answer. They appear to be mere obstacles, like fainting at the sight of blood or illness, seasickness, feeling dizzy in high places, and certain peculiarities of aesthetic taste. They are incidental emotions that we manage to navigate despite their presence. Yet, they seem to play a significant role in fostering two other traits that have sparked considerable debate about their instinctual nature. I'm referring to cleanliness and modesty, which we will address next, but not before we discuss another impulse closely related to shyness. I mean—


Secretiveness, which, although often due to intelligent calculation and the dread of betraying our interests in some more or less definitely foreseen way, is quite as often a blind[Pg 433] propensity, serving no useful purpose, and is so stubborn and ineradicable a part of the character as fully to deserve a place among the instincts. Its natural stimuli are unfamiliar human beings, especially those whom we respect. Its reactions are the arrest of whatever we are saying or doing when such strangers draw nigh, coupled often with the pretense that we were not saying or doing that thing, but possibly something different. Often there is added to this a disposition to mendacity when asked to give an account of ourselves. With many persons the first impulse, when the door-bell rings, or a visitor is suddenly announced, is to scuttle out of the room, so as not to be 'caught.' When a person at whom we have been looking becomes aware of us, our immediate impulse may be to look the other way, and pretend we have not seen him. Many friends have confessed to me that this is a frequent phenomenon with them in meeting acquaintances in the street, especially unfamiliar ones. The bow is a secondary correction of the primary feint that we do not see the other person. Probably most readers will recognize in themselves, at least, the start, the nascent disposition, on many occasions, to act in each and all of these several ways. That the 'start' is neutralized by second thought proves it to come from a deeper region than thought. There is unquestionably a native impulse in every one to conceal love-affairs, and the acquired impulse to conceal pecuniary affairs seems in many to be almost equally strong. It is to be noted that even where a given habit of concealment is reflective and deliberate, its motive is far less often definite prudence than a vague aversion to have one's sanctity invaded and one's personal concerns fingered and turned over by other people. Thus, some persons will never leave anything with their name written on it, where others may pick it up—even in the woods, an old envelope must not be thrown on the ground. Many cut all the leaves of a book of which they may be reading a single chapter, so that no one shall know which one they have singled out, and all this with no definite notion of harm. The impulse to conceal is more apt to be provoked by superiors than by equals or inferiors. How differently do boys talk together when their parents are not[Pg 434] by! Servants see more of their masters' characters than masters of servants'.[390] Where we conceal from our equals and familiars, there is probably always a definite element of prudential prevision involved. Collective secrecy, mystery, enters into the emotional interest of many games, and is one of the elements of the importance men attach to freemasonries of various sorts, being delightful apart from any end.

Secretiveness, which is often the result of careful planning and a fear of revealing our interests in some anticipated way, is just as often an instinctive behavior that serves no real purpose and is a stubborn, unchangeable part of our character that deserves recognition as an instinct. Its natural triggers include unfamiliar people, especially those we respect. The usual response is to stop whatever we are doing or saying when these strangers approach, often pretending we weren’t actually engaged in that activity but possibly something else. Often, this is accompanied by a tendency to lie when asked to explain ourselves. For many, the immediate reaction when the doorbell rings or a visitor suddenly appears is to quickly leave the room to avoid being 'caught.' When someone we’ve been looking at notices us, our first impulse might be to look away and act like we haven’t seen them. Many friends have admitted to me that this is a common experience when meeting acquaintances on the street, particularly those who are less familiar. The greeting often serves as a correction to the initial act of pretending not to notice the other person. Most readers will likely recognize in themselves that jump, the initial instinct, in various situations to behave in any of these ways. The fact that this 'jump' is tempered by second thoughts indicates that it arises from a deeper place than conscious thought. There is clearly a natural instinct in everyone to hide romantic relationships, and the learned instinct to conceal financial matters seems almost equally strong. Interestingly, even when a habit of concealment is intentional and thought-out, the motivation is often less about clear prudence and more about a vague discomfort with having one's privacy invaded and personal matters scrutinized by others. For instance, some people will never leave anything with their name on it for fear that others might find it, while others feel that even in the woods, an old envelope shouldn’t be discarded on the ground. Many will cut the leaves of a book they are reading so no one will know which chapter they’ve chosen, all without any specific harmful intention. The urge to hide is more likely triggered by those in positions of authority than by peers or subordinates. How differently boys interact when their parents aren’t around! Servants typically have a better understanding of their masters’ personalities than the other way around. [390] When we conceal things from our peers and close ones, there is likely always some element of cautious foresight at play. Collective secrecy and mystery are part of the emotional allure of many games and are among the reasons men value various types of secret societies, finding joy in them even without any specific purpose.


Cleanliness. Seeing how very filthy savages and exceptional individuals among civilized people may be, philosophers have doubted whether any genuine instinct of cleanliness exists, and whether education and habit be not responsible for whatever amount of it is found. Were it an instinct, its stimulus would be dirt, and its characteristic reaction the shrinking from contact therewith, and the cleaning of it away after contact had occurred. Now, if some animals are cleanly, men may be so, and there can be no doubt that some kinds of matter are natively repugnant, both to sight, touch, and smell—excrementitious and putrid things, blood, pus, entrails, and diseased tissues, for example. It is true that the shrinking from contact with these things may be inhibited very easily, as by a medical education; and it is equally true that the impulse to clean them away may be inhibited by so slight an obstacle as the thought of the coldness of the ablution, or the necessity of getting up to perform it. It is also true than an impulse to cleanliness, habitually checked, will become obsolete fast enough. But none of these facts prove the impulse never to have been[Pg 435] there.[391] It seems to be there in all cases; and then to be particularly amenable to outside influences, the child having his own degree of squeamishness about what he shall touch or eat, and later being either hardened or made more fastidious still by the habits he is forced to acquire and the examples among which he lives.

Cleanliness. Considering how dirty savages and even some exceptional people in civilized society can be, philosophers have questioned whether a true instinct for cleanliness exists, and whether education and habit are responsible for the level of cleanliness we see. If it were an instinct, it would be triggered by dirt, and the typical response would be to recoil from it and clean it away after contact. Now, while some animals are clean, humans can be too, and there’s no doubt that some substances are naturally repulsive—like feces, rotten materials, blood, pus, intestines, and diseased tissues. It's true that the instinct to avoid contact with these items can be easily suppressed, such as through medical education; similarly, the urge to clean them up can be stalled by something as minor as the thought of cold water or the need to get up to do it. Also, an urge for cleanliness that is consistently repressed will fade quickly. However, none of these facts prove that the impulse was never there[Pg 435] .[391] It appears to be present in all cases, particularly sensitive to external influences, with a child displaying their own level of sensitivity regarding what they touch or eat, and later becoming either desensitized or even more fastidious based on the habits they are taught and the examples they observe.

Examples get their hold on him in this way, that a particularly evil-smelling or catarrhal or lousy comrade is rather offensive to him, and that he sees the odiousness in another of an amount of dirt to which he would have no spontaneous objection if it were on his own skin. That we dislike in others things which we tolerate in ourselves is a law of our æsthetic nature about which there can be no doubt. But as soon as generalization and reflection step in, this judging of others leads to a new way of regarding ourselves. "Who taught you politeness? The impolite," is, I believe, a Chinese proverb. The concept, 'dirty fellow,' which we have formed, becomes one under which we personally shrink from being classed; and so we 'wash up,' and set ourselves right, at moments when our social self-consciousness is awakened, in a manner toward which no strictly instinctive native prompting exists. But the standard of cleanliness attained in this way is not likely to go beyond the mutual tolerance for one another of the members of the tribe, and hence may comport a good deal of actual filth.

Examples influence him in such a way that a particularly foul-smelling or dirty or bothersome companion is pretty off-putting to him, and he notices the unpleasantness in someone else’s dirtiness that he wouldn’t mind if it were on his own skin. That we dislike in others what we tolerate in ourselves is a fact of our aesthetic nature that is indisputable. But once generalization and reflection kick in, this judgment of others leads to a new perspective on ourselves. "Who taught you manners? The rude," is, I believe, a Chinese saying. The idea of 'dirty person' that we’ve formed becomes something we personally want to avoid being labeled as; and so we “clean up” and present ourselves correctly when our social self-awareness is triggered, in a way that doesn’t arise from any purely instinctive impulse. However, the level of cleanliness achieved this way is unlikely to be anything more than the mutual tolerance of the tribe’s members, and thus may involve quite a bit of actual grime.


Modesty, Shame. Whether there be an instinctive impulse to hide certain parts of the body and certain acts is perhaps even more open to doubt than whether there be an instinct of cleanliness. Anthropologists have denied it, and in the utter shamelessness of infancy and of many savage tribes have seemed to find a good basis for their views. It must, however, be remembered that infancy proves nothing, and that, as far as sexual modesty goes, the sexual impulse itself works directly against it at times of excitement, and with reference to certain people; and that habits of immodesty[Pg 436] contracted with those people may forever afterwards inhibit it any impulse to be modest towards them. This would account for a great deal of actual immodesty, even if an original modest impulse were there. On the other hand, the modest impulse, if it do exist, must be admitted to have a singularly ill-defined sphere of influence, both as regards the presences that call it forth, and as regards the acts to which it leads. Ethnology shows it to have very little backbone of its own, and to follow easily fashion and example. Still, it is hard to see the ubiquity of some sort of tribute to shame, however perverted—as where female modesty consists in covering the face alone, or immodesty in appearing before strangers unpainted—and to believe it to have no impulsive root whatever. Now, what may the impulsive root be? I believe that, for one thing, it is shyness, the feeling of dread that unfamiliar persons, as explained above, may inspire us withal. Such persons are the original stimuli to our modesty.[392] But the actions of modesty are quite different from the actions of shyness. They consist of the restraint of certain bodily functions, and of the covering of certain parts; and why do such particular actions necessarily ensue? That there may be in the human animal, as such, a 'blind' and immediate automatic impulse to such restraints and coverings in respect-inspiring presences is a possibility difficult of actual disproof. But it seems more likely, from the facts, that the actions of modesty are suggested to us in a roundabout way; and that, even more than those of cleanliness, they arise from the application in the second instance to ourselves of judgments primarily passed upon our mates. It is not easy to believe that, even among the nakedest savages, an unusual degree of cynicism and indecency in an individual should not beget a certain degree of contempt, and cheapen him in his neighbor's eyes. Human nature is sufficiently homogeneous[Pg 437] for us to be sure that everywhere reserve must inspire some respect, and that persons who suffer every liberty are persons whom others disregard. Not to be like such people, then, would be one of the first resolutions suggested by social self-consciousness to a child of nature just emerging from the unreflective state. And the resolution would probably acquire effective pungency for the first time when the social self-consciousness was sharpened into a real fit of shyness by some person being present whom it was important not to disgust or displease. Public opinion would of course go on to build its positive precepts upon this germ; and, through a variety of examples and experiences, the ritual of modesty would grow, until it reached the New England pitch of sensitiveness and range, making us say stomach instead of belly, limb instead of leg, retire instead of go to bed, and forbidding us to call a female dog by name.

Modesty, Shame. The existence of an instinct to hide certain body parts and activities is arguably more questionable than the presence of a cleanliness instinct. Anthropologists have disputed it, pointing to the complete shamelessness of infancy and many primitive tribes as evidence for their views. However, it should be noted that infancy does not prove anything. Regarding sexual modesty, the sexual impulse itself can sometimes contradict modesty during moments of excitement, particularly in relation to certain individuals. Additionally, habits of immodesty formed with these individuals may permanently inhibit any desire to be modest around them. This could explain a significant amount of actual immodesty, even if there was an initial modest impulse. Conversely, if a modest impulse does exist, it seems to have a poorly defined area of influence, both regarding the interactions that provoke it and the behaviors it encourages. Ethnological studies reveal that it has little core strength and can be easily influenced by trends and examples. Still, it is difficult to overlook the presence of some form of acknowledgment of shame, however distorted—such as when female modesty is represented solely by covering the face, or when immodesty is displayed by appearing unadorned before strangers—and not believe it has any impulsive origin. So, what could this impulsive origin be? I think that, in part, it is shyness, the feeling of anxiety that unfamiliar individuals can evoke in us. These individuals are the original triggers for our modesty.[392] However, the actions associated with modesty are quite different from those driven by shyness. They involve restraining certain bodily functions and covering specific parts, so why do we automatically engage in these particular actions? It is possible that there is a 'blind' and immediate automatic impulse in humans to restrain and cover themselves in the presence of individuals who inspire respect. Nevertheless, it seems more plausible, based on the facts, that the actions of modesty are indirectly suggested to us; and that, more so than with cleanliness, they emerge from applying judgments originally made about our peers to ourselves. It is hard to believe that, even among the most uninhibited individuals, an unusually high level of cynicism and indecency wouldn't evoke some contempt and devalue that person in the eyes of others. Human nature is sufficiently uniform for us to be certain that respect should be inspired by some reserve everywhere, and that those who exhibit indiscretion tend to be overlooked by others. Therefore, one of the first resolutions prompted by social self-consciousness in someone just beginning to emerge from a state of unawareness would likely be not to behave like those people. This resolution would probably gain significant importance the first time social self-consciousness intensified into a genuine fit of shyness due to the presence of someone important whom it was crucial not to offend or repulse. Public opinion would naturally continue to develop its specific guidelines based on this foundation; and through various examples and experiences, the ritual of modesty would evolve, reaching an acute level of sensitivity and breadth characteristic of New England, prompting us to say stomach instead of belly, limb instead of leg, retire instead of go to bed, and avoiding calling a female dog by its name.

At bottom this amounts to the admission that, though in some shape or other a natural and inevitable feature of human life, modesty need not necessarily be an instinct in the pure and simple excito-motor sense of the term.

At its core, this means acknowledging that while modesty is a natural and unavoidable part of human life, it doesn’t have to be an instinct in the straightforward, excito-motor sense of the word.


Love. Of all propensities, the sexual impulses bear on their face the most obvious signs of being instinctive, in the sense of blind, automatic, and untaught. The teleology they contain is often at variance with the wishes of the individuals concerned; and the actions are performed for no assignable reason but because Nature urges just that way. Here, if ever, then, we ought to find those characters of fatality, infallibility, and uniformity, which, we are told, make of actions done from instinct a class so utterly apart. But is this so? The facts are just the reverse: the sexual instinct is particularly liable to be checked and modified by slight differences in the individual stimulus, by the inward condition of the agent himself, by habits once acquired, and by the antagonism of contrary impulses operating on the mind. One of these is the ordinary shyness recently described; another is what might be called the anti-sexual instinct, the instinct of personal isolation, the actual repulsiveness to us of the idea of intimate contact[Pg 438] with most of the persons we meet, especially those of our own sex.[393] Thus it comes about that this strongest passion of all, so far from being the most 'irresistible,' may, on the contrary, be the hardest one to give rein to, and that individuals in whom the inhibiting influences are potent may pass through life and never find an occasion to have it gratified. There could be no better proof of the truth of that proposition with which we began our study of the instinctive life in man, that irregularity of behavior may come as well from the possession of too many instincts as from the lack of any at all.

Love. Out of all human urges, sexual impulses clearly show the most obvious signs of being instinctual—meaning they are blind, automatic, and not taught. The goals they hold often clash with what the individual wants; these actions happen not for any clear reason but because Nature pushes in that direction. Here, if anywhere, we should expect to see traits of inevitability, certainty, and consistency, which are said to make instinctual actions completely distinct. But is that the case? The reality is quite the opposite: the sexual instinct is especially sensitive to minor differences in individual triggers, the internal state of the person themselves, learned behaviors, and the conflicting impulses that affect the mind. One example is the common shyness mentioned earlier; another could be the anti-sexual instinct, which is the desire for personal isolation and the actual discomfort we feel toward the idea of close contact with most people we encounter, especially those of the same sex.[Pg 438] [393] As a result, this strongest passion, far from being the most 'irresistible,' can actually be the hardest to express, and individuals who are heavily influenced by inhibiting factors may go through life without ever finding a chance to satisfy it. This serves as strong evidence for the point we made at the start of our exploration into human instinctual life: that erratic behavior can stem from having too many instincts as much as from having none at all.

The instinct of personal isolation, of which we have spoken, exists more strongly in men with respect to one another, and more strongly in women with respect to men. In women it is called coyness, and has to be positively overcome by a process of wooing before the sexual instinct inhibits it and takes its place. As Darwin has shown in his book on the 'Descent of Man and Sexual Selection,' it has played a vital part in the amelioration of all higher animal types, and is to a great degree responsible for whatever degree of chastity the human race may show. It illustrates strikingly, however, the law of the inhibition of instincts by habits—for, once broken through with a given person, it is not apt to assert itself again; and habitually broken through, as by prostitutes, with various persons, it may altogether decay. Habit also fixes it in us toward certain individuals: nothing is so particularly displeasing as the notion of close personal contact with those whom we have long known in a respectful and distant way. The fondness of the ancients and of modern Orientals for forms of unnatural vice, of which the notion affects us with horror, is probably a mere case of the way in which this instinct may be inhibited by habit. We can hardly suppose that the ancients had by gift of Nature a propensity of which we are devoid, and were all victims of what is now a pathological aberration limited to individuals. It is more probable that with them the instinct of physical aversion[Pg 439] toward a certain class of objects was inhibited early in life by habits, formed under the influence of example; and that then a kind of sexual appetite, of which very likely most men possess the germinal possibility, developed itself in an unrestricted way. That the development of it in an abnormal way may check its development in the normal way, seems to be a well-ascertained medical fact. And that the direction of the sexual instinct towards one individual tends to inhibit its application to other individuals, is a law, upon which, though it suffers many exceptions, the whole régime of monogamy is based. These details are a little unpleasant to discuss, but they show so beautifully the correctness of the general principles in the light of which our review has been made, that it was impossible to pass them over unremarked.

The instinct for personal isolation that we've talked about is stronger in men regarding each other and even more so in women regarding men. In women, this behavior is called coyness, which has to be actively overcome through the process of courtship before the sexual instinct takes over. As Darwin points out in his book on the 'Descent of Man and Sexual Selection,' this instinct has played a crucial role in improving all higher animal species and is largely responsible for whatever level of chastity exists in the human race. It notably demonstrates the law that habits can inhibit instincts—once this barrier is broken with a specific person, it usually doesn't come back; if it’s continuously broken, as with sex workers and multiple partners, it may completely fade away. Habits can also make us feel a certain way toward specific people: nothing feels more unpleasant than the thought of close personal contact with those we've known for a long time in a respectful and distant manner. The fondness of ancient cultures and modern Eastern societies for forms of unnatural vice, which horrifies us, likely stems from how this instinct can be inhibited by habit. It's hard to believe that the ancients had a natural inclination that we lack and were just victims of what is now considered a pathological deviation. It's more likely that their instinct for physical aversion to certain things was suppressed early in life by habits shaped by societal example, allowing for a kind of sexual desire, likely present in most men, to develop freely. The fact that abnormal development of this instinct can hinder its normal development is well-established in medical science. Additionally, directing sexual attraction toward one person tends to limit attraction to others, which is a principle that, despite many exceptions, is the foundation of monogamy. These points can be a bit uncomfortable to discuss, but they beautifully illustrate the validity of the general principles we've reviewed, making it impossible to overlook them.


Jealousy is unquestionably instinctive.

Jealousy is definitely instinctive.


Parental Love is an instinct stronger in woman than in man, at least in the early childhood of its object. I need do little more than quote Schneider's lively description of it as it exists in her:

Parental Love is an instinct that's stronger in women than in men, especially during the early years of a child's life. I just need to share Schneider's vivid description of how it manifests in her:

"As soon as a wife becomes a mother her whole thought and feeling, her whole being, is altered. Until then she had only thought of her own well-being, of the satisfaction of her vanity; the whole world appeared made only for her; everything that went on about her was only noticed so far as it had personal reference to herself; she asked of every one that he should appear interested in her, pay her the requisite attention, and as far as possible fulfil her wishes. Now, however, the centre of the world is no longer herself, but her child. She does not think of her own hunger, she must first be sure that the child is fed. It is nothing to her that she herself is tired and needs rest, so long as she sees that the child's sleep is disturbed; the moment it stirs she awakes, though far stronger noises fail to arouse her now. She, who formerly could not bear the slightest carelessness of dress, and touched everything with gloves, allows herself to be soiled by the infant, and does not shrink from seizing its clouts with her naked hands. Now, she has the greatest patience with the ugly, piping cry-baby (Schreihals), whereas until now every discordant sound, every slightly unpleasant noise, made her nervous. Every limb of the still hideous little being appears to her beautiful, every movement fills her with delight. She has, in one word, transferred her entire egoism to the child, and lives only in it. Thus, at least, it is in all unspoiled, naturally-bred[Pg 440] mothers, who, alas! seem to be growing rarer; and thus it is with all the higher animal-mothers. The maternal joys of a cat, for example, are not to be disguised. With an expression of infinite comfort she stretches out her fore-legs to offer her teats to her children, and moves her tail with delight when the little hungry mouths tug and suck.... But not only the contact, the bare look of the offspring affords endless delight, not only because the mother thinks that the child will some day grow great and handsome and bring her many joys, but because she has received from Nature an instinctive love for her children. She does not herself know why she is so happy, and why the look of the child and the care of it are so agreeable, any more than the young man can give an account of why he loves a maiden, and is so happy when she is near. Few mothers, in caring for their child, think of the proper purpose of maternal love for the preservation of the species. Such a thought may arise in the father's mind; seldom in that of the mother. The latter feels only... that it is an everlasting delight to hold the being which she has brought forth protectingly in her arms, to dress it, to wash it, to rock it to sleep, or to still its hunger."

"As soon as a wife becomes a mother, her entire mindset and feelings, her whole identity, change. Before that, she was focused on her own well-being and satisfying her vanity; the world seemed to revolve around her. She only noticed things as they related to her personally, expecting everyone to be interested in her, give her the attention she wanted, and do as she wished as much as possible. Now, however, the center of her world is no longer herself, but her child. She doesn’t think about her own hunger; she must first make sure the child is fed. It doesn’t matter to her that she’s tired and needs rest as long as she sees that the child's sleep is disturbed; the moment it stirs, she wakes up, even though louder noises don’t wake her anymore. She, who once couldn’t stand the slightest carelessness in her appearance and touched everything with gloves, now lets herself get messy with the baby and isn’t afraid to handle its messes with her bare hands. Now, she has endless patience for the crying baby, whereas before, every harsh sound or slightly unpleasant noise made her anxious. Every part of the still unattractive little being seems beautiful to her, and every movement brings her joy. In other words, she has completely shifted her self-centeredness to the child and now lives solely for it. This is true for all unspoiled, naturally nurturing mothers, who sadly seem to be becoming rarer; and this is also true for all higher animal mothers. For example, the maternal joys of a cat are unmistakable. With a look of deep contentment, she stretches out her forelegs to offer her teats to her kittens and wags her tail with delight when the hungry little mouths tug and suck. But not only the contact, the mere sight of her offspring brings her endless joy, not just because she believes the child will one day grow up handsome and bring her happiness, but because she has an instinctive love for her children ingrained in her by nature. She can’t explain why she feels so happy, or why taking care of the child is so fulfilling, just as a young man can’t explain why he loves a girl and feels happy when she is near. Few mothers, while caring for their child, consider the true purpose of maternal love in preserving the species. That thought might cross the father's mind; it rarely occurs to the mother. She only feels... that it is a lasting joy to hold in her arms the being she has created, to dress it, wash it, rock it to sleep, or soothe its hunger."

So far the worthy Schneider, to whose words may be added this remark, that the passionate devotion of a mother—ill herself, perhaps—to a sick or dying child is perhaps the most simply beautiful moral spectacle that human life affords. Contemning every danger, triumphing over every difficulty, outlasting all fatigue, woman's love is here invincibly superior to anything that man can show.

So far, the admirable Schneider, to whose words I will add this observation: the intense devotion of a mother—possibly ill herself—to a sick or dying child is arguably the most beautifully simple moral scene that human life offers. Ignoring every danger, overcoming every challenge, and enduring all exhaustion, a woman's love here is undeniably greater than anything a man can demonstrate.


These are the most prominent of the tendencies which are worthy of being called instinctive in the human species.[394][Pg 441] It will be observed that no other mammal, not even the monkey, shows so large an array. In a perfectly-rounded development, every one of these instincts would start a habit toward certain objects and inhibit a habit toward certain others. Usually this is the case; but, in the one-sided development of civilized life, it happens that the timely age goes by in a sort of starvation of objects, and the individual then grows up with gaps in his psychic constitution which future experiences can never fill. Compare the accomplished gentleman with the poor artisan or tradesman of a city: during the adolescence of the former, objects appropriate to his growing interests, bodily and mental, were offered as fast as the interests awoke, and, as a consequence, he is armed and equipped at every angle to meet the world. Sport came to the rescue and completed his education where real things were lacking. He has tasted of the essence of every side of human life, being sailor, hunter, athlete, scholar, fighter, talker, dandy, man of affairs, etc., all in one. Over the city poor boy's youth no such golden opportunities were hung, and in his manhood no desires for most of them exist. Fortunate it is for him if gaps are the only anomalies his instinctive life presents; perversions are too often the fruit of his unnatural bringing up.

These are the main tendencies that can truly be called instinctive in humans.[394][Pg 441] It’s clear that no other mammal, not even monkeys, displays such a wide range. In a fully developed individual, each of these instincts would foster habits towards certain things while limiting habits towards others. This is generally how it works; however, in the skewed development of civilized life, individuals often experience a sort of deprivation of experiences during key formative years, leaving gaps in their psychological makeup that future experiences can’t fully address. Compare a refined gentleman to a working-class artisan or tradesman in the city: during the gentleman's adolescence, he encountered opportunities that aligned with his emerging interests, both physical and intellectual, as they arose. As a result, he is well-prepared to face the world from all angles. Sports helped fill in the gaps in his education where real opportunities were lacking. He has had a taste of various aspects of human life, embodying roles like sailor, hunter, athlete, scholar, fighter, conversationalist, dandy, and businessman, all at once. The city boy, in contrast, grew up without such golden opportunities, and as an adult, he often lacks the desire for many of them. It’s fortunate for him if gaps are the only issues his instinctive life presents; perversions too often stem from his inadequate upbringing.


[360] This chapter has already appeared (almost exactly as now printed) in the form of magazine articles in Scribner's Magazine and in the Popular Science Monthly for 1887.

[360] This chapter has already been published (almost exactly as it appears now) as magazine articles in Scribner's Magazine and in Popular Science Monthly for 1887.

[361] P. A. Chadbourne: Instinct, p. 28 (New York, 1872).

[361] P. A. Chadbourne: Instinct, p. 28 (New York, 1872).

[362] "It would be very simple-minded to suppose that bees follow their queen, and protect her and care for her, because they are aware that without her the hive would become extinct. The odor or the aspect of their queen is manifestly agreeable to the bees—that is why they love her so. Does not all true love base itself on agreeable perceptions much more than on representations of utility?" (G. H. Schneider, Der Thierische Wille, p. 187.) A priori, there is no reason to suppose that any sensation might not in some animal cause any emotion and any impulse. To us it seems unnatural that an odor should directly excite anger or fear; or a color, lust. Yet there are creatures to which some smells are quite as frightful as any sounds, and very likely others to which color is as much a sexual irritant as form.

[362] "It would be naive to think that bees follow their queen and protect her because they know that without her, the hive would die out. The scent or appearance of their queen is obviously pleasing to the bees—that's why they love her so much. Doesn't all true love stem from pleasant perceptions rather than practical considerations?" (G. H. Schneider, Der Thierische Wille, p. 187.) A priori, there's no reason to believe that any sensation couldn't trigger any emotion and any impulse in some animal. To us, it seems odd that a smell could directly provoke anger or fear, or that a color could provoke lust. However, there are creatures for whom certain smells are just as terrifying as sounds, and it's likely that there are others for whom color is just as much a sexual stimulant as shape.

[363] Der Thierische Wille, pp. 282-3.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Animal Will, pp. 282-3.

[364] In the instincts of mammals, and even of lower creatures, the uniformity and infallibility which, a generation ago, were considered as essential characters do not exist. The minuter study of recent years has found continuity, transition, variation, and mistake, wherever it has looked for them, and decided that what is called an instinct is usually only a tendency to act in a way of which the average is pretty constant, but which need not be mathematically 'true.' Cf. on this point Darwin's Origin of Species: Romanes's Mental Evol., chaps. xi to xvi incl., and Appendix; W. L. Lindsay's Mind in Lower Animals, vol. i. 133-141: ii. chaps. v, xx; and K. Semper's Conditions of Existence in Animals, where a great many instances will be found.

[364] In the instincts of mammals, and even of simpler creatures, the consistency and certainty that were considered essential traits just a generation ago don't actually exist. Recent studies have found continuity, change, variation, and error everywhere they've looked, and concluded that what we call an instinct is usually just a tendency to behave in a way that tends to be fairly consistent on average, but doesn't have to be mathematically 'true.' See Darwin's Origin of Species on this point; Romanes's Mental Evol., chapters xi to xvi inclusive, and Appendix; W. L. Lindsay's Mind in Lower Animals, vol. i. 133-141; ii. chapters v, xx; and K. Semper's Conditions of Existence in Animals, where many examples can be found.

[365] Spalding, Macmillan's Magazine, Feb. 1878, p. 287.

[365] Spalding, Macmillan's Magazine, Feb. 1878, p. 287.

[366] Ibid. p. 289.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same source. p. 289.

[367] For the cases in full see Mental Evolution in Animals, pp. 213-317.

[367] For the complete cases, see Mental Evolution in Animals, pages 213-317.

[368] Transactions of American Neurological Association, vol. i. p. 129 (1875).

[368] Transactions of American Neurological Association, vol. 1, p. 129 (1875).

[369] "Mr. Spalding," says Mr. Lewes (Problems of Life and Mind, prob. i. chap. ii. § 22, note), "tells me of a friend of his who reared a gosling in the kitchen, away from all water; when this bird was some months old, and was taken to a pond, it not only refused to go into the water, but when thrown in scrambled out again, as a hen would have done. Here was an instinct entirely suppressed." See a similar observation on ducklings in T. R. R. Stebbing: Essays on Darwinism (London, 1871), p. 73.

[369] "Mr. Spalding," says Mr. Lewes (Problems of Life and Mind, prob. i. chap. ii. § 22, note), "tells me about a friend of his who raised a gosling in the kitchen, away from all water. When this bird was a few months old and was taken to a pond, it not only refused to go into the water, but when thrown in, it scrambled out again, just like a hen would. Here was an instinct completely suppressed." See a similar observation on ducklings in T. R. R. Stebbing: Essays on Darwinism (London, 1871), p. 73.

[370] Senses and Intellect. 3d ed. pp. 413-675.

[370] Senses and Intellect. 3rd ed. pp. 413-675.

[371] Nature, xii. 507 (1875).

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Nature, vol. 12, p. 507 (1875).

[372] See, for some excellent pedagogic remarks about doing yourself what you want to get your pupils to do, and not simply telling them to do it: Baumann, Handbuch der Moral (1879), p. 32 ff.

[372] Check out some great teaching tips about doing yourself what you want your students to do, instead of just telling them to do it: Baumann, Handbuch der Moral (1879), p. 32 ff.

[373] Sympathy has been enormously written about in books on Ethics. A very good recent chapter is that by Thos. Fowler: The Principles of Morals, part ii. chap. ii.

[373] Sympathy has been extensively discussed in books on Ethics. A great recent chapter is the one by Thos. Fowler: The Principles of Morals, part ii. chap. ii.

[374] "I must now refer to a very general passion which occurs in boys who are brought up naturally, especially in the country. Everyone knows what pleasure a boy takes in the sight of a butterfly, fish, crab or other animal, or of a bird's nest, and what a strong propensity he has for pulling apart, breaking, opening, and destroying all complex objects, how he delights in pulling out the wings and legs of flies, and tormenting one animal or another, how greedy he is to steal secret dainties, with what irresistible strength the plundering of birds' nests attracts him without his having the least intention of eating the eggs or the young birds. This fact has long been familiar, and is daily remarked by teachers; but an explanation of these impulses which follow upon a mere perception of the objects, without in most cases any representation being aroused of a future pleasure to be gained, has as yet been given by no one, and yet the impulses are very easy to explain. In many cases it will be said that the boy pulls things apart from curiosity. Quite correct: but whence comes this curiosity, this irresistible desire to open everything and see what is inside? What makes the boy take the eggs from the nest and destroy them when he never thinks of eating them? These are effects of an hereditary instinct, so strong that warnings and punishments are unable to counteract it." (Schneider: Der Menschliche Wille, p. 224. See also Der Thierische Wille, pp. 180-2.)

[374] "I need to talk about a common passion seen in boys who are raised naturally, especially in rural areas. Everyone knows how much joy a boy gets from seeing a butterfly, fish, crab, or other animals, or from finding a bird's nest, and how eager he is to take apart, break, open, and destroy all kinds of complex objects. He gets a kick out of pulling the wings and legs off flies and tormenting various animals. He can't resist sneaking tasty treats, and he's irresistibly drawn to raiding birds' nests, even though he has no intention of eating the eggs or baby birds. This behavior has been well known for a long time and is often noted by teachers; however, no one has yet explained these impulses that arise simply from seeing objects, without any thought of future pleasure. Yet, these impulses are quite easy to explain. Often, it's said that boys tear things apart out of curiosity. That's true, but where does this curiosity come from, this overwhelming urge to open everything and see what's inside? What drives a boy to take eggs from a nest and destroy them when he doesn't even think about eating them? These are the results of a hereditary instinct that is so powerful that warnings and punishments can't diminish it." (Schneider: Der Menschliche Wille, p. 224. See also Der Thierische Wille, pp. 180-2.)

[375] It is not surprising, in view of the facts of animal history and evolution, that the very special object blood should have become the stimulus for a very special interest and excitement. That the sight of it should make people faint is strange. Less so that a child who sees his blood flow should forthwith become much more frightened than by the mere feeling of the cut. Horned cattle often, though not always, become furiously excited at the smell of blood. In some abnormal human beings the sight or thought of it exerts a baleful fascination. "B and his father were at a neighbor's one evening, and, while paring apples, the old man accidentally cut his hand so severely as to cause the blood to flow profusely. B was observed to become restless, nervous, pale, and to have undergone a peculiar change in demeanor. Taking advantage of the distraction produced by the accident, B escaped from the house and proceeded to a neighboring farm-yard, where he cut the throat of a horse, killing it." Dr. D. H. Tuke, commenting on this man's case (Journal of Mental Science, October, 1885), speaks of the influence of blood upon him—his whole life had been one chain of cowardly atrocities—and continues: "There can be no doubt that with some individuals it constitutes a fascination.... We might speak of a mania sanguinis. Dr. Savage admitted a man from France into Bethlehem Hospital some time ago, one of whose earliest symptoms of insanity was the thirst for blood, which he endeavored to satisfy by going to an abattoir in Paris. The man whose case I have brought forward had the same passion for gloating over blood, but had no attack of acute mania. The sight of blood was distinctly a delight to him, and at any time blood aroused in him the worst elements of his nature. Instances will easily be recalled in which murderers, undoubtedly insane, have described the intense pleasure they experienced in the warm blood of children."

[375] It's not surprising, considering the facts of animal history and evolution, that blood has become a focus of intense interest and excitement. It's odd that the sight of it can make people faint, but it's even less surprising that a child seeing their own blood would be more scared than by just feeling the cut. Horned cattle often get extremely agitated by the smell of blood, though not always. In some abnormal individuals, the sight or thought of blood has a disturbing pull. "B and his father were at a neighbor's house one evening, and while peeling apples, the old man accidentally cut his hand badly enough to make it bleed heavily. B was seen to become restless, anxious, pale, and his demeanor changed noticeably. Seizing the moment of distraction caused by the accident, B slipped out of the house and went to a nearby farmyard, where he slaughtered a horse." Dr. D. H. Tuke, commenting on this case (Journal of Mental Science, October, 1885), discusses the effect blood had on him—his entire life was filled with cowardly acts—and adds: "There’s no doubt that for some individuals, it creates a fascination.... We might call it a mania sanguinis. Dr. Savage once admitted a man from France to Bethlehem Hospital, whose early signs of insanity included a craving for blood, which he tried to satisfy by visiting a slaughterhouse in Paris. The man I mentioned had the same obsession with blood, but not an episode of acute mania. The sight of blood clearly thrilled him, and any time blood was present, it brought out the darkest parts of his nature. There are countless examples of murderers, clearly insane, who have recounted the intense pleasure they derived from the warm blood of children."

[376] "Bombonnel, having rolled with a panther to the border of a ravine, gets his head away from the open mouth of the animal, and by a prodigious effort rolls her into the abyss. He gets up, blinded, spitting a mass of blood, not knowing exactly what the situation is. He thinks only of one thing, that he shall probably die of his wounds, but that before dying he must take vengeance on the panther. 'I didn't think of my pain,' he tells us. 'Possessed entirely by the fury with which I was transported, I drew my hunting-knife, and not understanding what had become of the beast, I sought for her on every side in order to continue the struggle. It was in this plight that the Arabs found me when they arrived.'" (Quoted by Guyan, La Morale sans Obligation, etc., p. 210.)

[376] "Bombonnel, having rolled with a panther to the edge of a ravine, manages to get his head away from the animal's open mouth and, with an incredible effort, pushes her into the abyss. He gets up, blinded and coughing up a mouthful of blood, unsure of what has happened. He only thinks of one thing: that he will likely die from his wounds, but before he does, he must take revenge on the panther. 'I didn't think about my pain,' he tells us. 'Overcome completely by the rage that consumed me, I drew my hunting knife and, not knowing what had happened to the beast, I searched for her everywhere to continue the fight. It was in this state that the Arabs found me when they arrived.'" (Quoted by Guyan, La Morale sans Obligation, etc., p. 210.)

[377] Psychologie de l'Enfant, pp. 72-74. In an account of a young gorilla quoted from Falkenstein, by R. Hartmann ('Anthropoid Apes,' International Scientific Series, vol. lii (New York, 1886), p. 265), it is said: "He very much disliked strange noises. Thunder, the rain falling on the skylight, and especially the long-drawn note of a pipe or trumpet, threw him into such agitation us to cause a sudden affection of the digestive organs, and it became expedient to keep him at a distance. When he was slightly indisposed, we made use of this kind of music with results as successful as if we had administered purgative medicine."

[377] Child Psychology, pp. 72-74. In a description of a young gorilla quoted from Falkenstein, by R. Hartmann ('Anthropoid Apes,' International Scientific Series, vol. lii (New York, 1886), p. 265), it is noted: "He really disliked unfamiliar sounds. Thunder, rain hitting the skylight, and especially the long, drawn-out sound of a pipe or trumpet caused him such distress that it triggered a sudden reaction in his digestive system, making it necessary to keep him at a distance. When he was a little unwell, we used this kind of music with results as effective as if we had given him laxative medicine."

[378] Der Menschliche Wille, p. 224.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Human Will, p. 224.

[379] Cf. Romanes. Mental Evolution, etc., p. 156.

[379] See Romanes. Mental Evolution, etc., p. 156.

[380] In the 'Overland Monthly' for 1887, a most interesting article on Laura Bridgman's writings has been published by Mr. E. C. Sandford. Among other reminiscences of her early childhood, while she still knew nothing of the sign-language, the wonderful blind deaf-mute records the following item in her quaint language: "My father [he was a farmer and probably did his own butchering] used to enter his kitchen bringing some killed animals in and deposited them on one of sides of the room many times. As I perceived it it make me shudder with terror because I did not know what the matter was. I hated to approach the dead. One morning I went to take a short walk with my Mother. I went into a snug house for some time. They took me into a room where there was a coffin. I put my hand in the coffin & felt something so queer. It frightened me unpleasantly. I found something dead wrapped in a silk h'd'k'f so carefully. It must have been a body that had had vitality.... I did not like to venture to examine the body for I was confounded."

[380] In the 'Overland Monthly' for 1887, Mr. E. C. Sandford published a fascinating article about Laura Bridgman's writings. Among her recollections from early childhood, when she was still unaware of sign language, the remarkable blind deaf-mute shares this memory in her unique style: "My father [who was a farmer and likely did his own butchering] would come into the kitchen bringing in some dead animals and would place them on one side of the room many times. When I noticed it, it made me shudder with fear because I didn't understand what was going on. I disliked getting close to the dead. One morning, I went for a short walk with my mother. I stepped into a cozy house for a little while. They took me into a room where there was a coffin. I reached into the coffin and felt something really strange. It scared me in a bad way. I found something dead carefully wrapped in a silk handkerchief. It must have been a body that once had life.... I didn’t want to try to examine the body because I was confused."

[381] I lately saw a boy of five (who had been told the story of Hector and Achilles) teaching his younger brother, aged three, how to play Hector, while he himself should play Achilles, and chase him round the walls of Troy. Having armed themselves, Achilles advanced, shouting "Where's my Patroklos?" Whereupon the would-be Hector piped up, quite distracted from his rôle, "Where's my Patroklos? I want a Patroklos! I want a Patroklos!"—and broke up the game. Of what kind of a thing a Patroklos might be he had, of course, no notion—enough that his brother had one for him to claim one too.

[381] I recently saw a five-year-old boy (who had been told the story of Hector and Achilles) teaching his three-year-old brother how to play Hector, while he would play Achilles and chase him around the walls of Troy. After they had armed themselves, Achilles shouted, "Where's my Patroclus?" Then the would-be Hector interrupted, completely distracted from his role, saying, "Where's my Patroclus? I want a Patroclus! I want a Patroclus!"—and this ended the game. He had no idea what a Patroclus might be—he just knew that his brother had one, so he wanted one too.

[382] In 'The Nation' for September 3, 1886, President G. S. Hall has given some account of a statistical research on Boston school-boys, by Miss Wiltse, from which it appears that only nineteen out of two hundred and twenty-nine had made no collections.

[382] In 'The Nation' on September 3, 1886, President G. S. Hall shared details from a statistical study on Boston schoolboys conducted by Miss Wiltse, which showed that only nineteen out of two hundred and twenty-nine had not made any collections.

[383] Quoted in Lindsay, 'Mind in Lower Animals,' vol. ii. p. 151.

[383] Quoted in Lindsay, 'Mind in Lower Animals,' vol. ii. p. 151.

[384] Cf. Flint, Mind, vol. i. pp. 330-383; Sully, ibid. p. 567. Most people probably have the impulse to keep bits of useless finery, old tools, pieces of once useful apparatus, etc.; but it is normally either inhibited at the outset by reflection, or, if yielded to, the objects soon grow displeasing and are thrown away.

[384] Cf. Flint, Mind, vol. i. pp. 330-383; Sully, ibid. p. 567. Most people probably have the urge to hold onto bits of worthless decorations, old tools, pieces of once useful equipment, etc.; but this is usually either suppressed right away by thinking it over, or, if they give in, the items quickly become unappealing and are discarded.

[385] Der Menschliche Wille, p. 205.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Human Will, p. 205.

[386] Professor Lazarus (Die Reize des Spieles, Berlin, 1883, p. 44) denies that we have an instinct to play, and says the root of the matter is the aversion to remain unoccupied, which substitutes a sham occupation when no real one is ready. No doubt this is true; but why the particular forms of sham occupation? The elements of all bodily games and of ceremonial games are given by direct excito-motor stimulations—just as when puppies chase one another and swallows have a parliament.

[386] Professor Lazarus (Die Reize des Spieles, Berlin, 1883, p. 44) argues that we don't have an instinct to play; instead, he believes the core issue is our aversion to being idle, which leads us to engage in fake activities when there are no real ones available. While this is certainly true, it raises the question of why we choose specific types of fake activities. The elements of all physical games and of ceremonial games are triggered by direct excito-motor stimulations—similar to how puppies playfully chase each other and swallows engage in their gatherings.

[387] Inquiries into Human Faculty, p. 72.

[387] Questions about Human Abilities, p. 72.

[388] Expression of the Emotions (New York, 1873), p. 330.

[388] Expression of the Emotions (New York, 1873), p. 330.

[389] "The certainty that we are well dressed," a charming woman has said, "gives us a peace of heart compared to which that yielded by the consolations of religion is as nothing."

[389] "The confidence that we look good," a lovely woman once said, "brings us a sense of peace that is far greater than anything offered by religious reassurance."

[390] Thackeray, in his exquisite Roundabout Paper, 'On a Chalk-Mark on the Door,' says: "You get truth habitually from equals only; so, my good Mr. Holyshade, don't talk to me about the habitual candor of the young Etonian of high birth, or I have my own opinion of your candor or discernment when you do. No. Tom Bowling is the soul of honor, and has been true to Black-eyed Syousan since the last time they parted at Wapping Old Stairs; but do you suppose Tom is perfectly frank, familiar, and above-board in his conversation with Admiral Nelson, K. C. B.? There are secrets, prevarications, fibs, if you will, between Tom and the admiral—between your crew (of servants) and their captain. I know I hire a worthy, clean, agreeable, and conscientious male or female hypocrite at so many guineas a year to do so and so for me. Were he other than hypocrite, I would send him about his business."

[390] Thackeray, in his brilliant Roundabout Paper, 'On a Chalk-Mark on the Door,' says: "You only get the truth from your equals; so, my good Mr. Holyshade, don't tell me about the supposed honesty of the young Etonian from a wealthy background, because I have my own thoughts on your honesty or judgment when you do. No. Tom Bowling is a man of integrity and has remained true to Black-eyed Syousan since they last parted at Wapping Old Stairs; but do you think Tom is completely open, casual, and straightforward in his discussions with Admiral Nelson, K. C. B.? There are secrets, lies, and even fibs, if you want to call them that, between Tom and the admiral—between your crew (of servants) and their captain. I know I hire a decent, tidy, pleasant, and reliable male or female hypocrite at a certain amount per year to do specific tasks for me. If they weren’t a hypocrite, I would send them on their way."

[391] The insane symptom called "mysophobia," or dread of foulness, which leads a patient to wash his hands perhaps a hundred times a day, hardly seems explicable without supposing a primitive impulse to clean one's self of which it is, as it were, the convulsive exaggeration.

[391] The irrational fear known as "mysophobia," or fear of germs, can drive a person to wash their hands maybe a hundred times a day. It’s hard to explain this behavior without thinking about a basic urge to keep oneself clean, of which this is, in a sense, an extreme version.

[392] "We often find modesty coming in only in the presence of foreigners, especially of clothed Europeans. Only before these do the Indian women in Brazil cover themselves with their girdle, only before these do the women on Timor conceal their bosom. In Australia we find the same thing happening." (Th. Waitz, Anthropologie der Naturvölker, vol. i. p 358.) The author gives bibliographical references, which I omit.

[392] "We often see modesty appearing mainly when foreigners are around, especially clothed Europeans. It's only in front of them that Indian women in Brazil cover themselves with their girdle, and only around them do the women of Timor hide their breasts. We observe the same pattern in Australia." (Th. Waitz, Anthropologie der Naturvölker, vol. i. p 358.) The author provides bibliographical references, which I’m leaving out.

[393] To most of us it is even unpleasant to sit down in a chair still warm from occupancy by another person's body. To many, hand-shaking is disagreeable.

[393] For most of us, it's even uncomfortable to sit in a chair that’s still warm from someone else. For many, shaking hands is unappealing.

[394] Some will, of course, find the list too large, others too small. With the boundaries of instinct fading into reflex action below, and into acquired habit or suggested activity above, it is likely that there will always be controversy about just what to include under the class-name. Shall we add the propensity to walk along a curbstone, or any other narrow path, to the list of instincts? Shall we subtract secretiveness, as due to shyness or to fear? Who knows? Meanwhile our physiological method has this inestimable advantage, that such questions of limit have neither theoretical nor practical importance. The facts once noted, it matters little how they are named. Most authors give a shorter list than that in the text. The phrenologists add adhesiveness, inhabitiveness, love of approbation, etc., etc., to their list of 'sentiments,' which in the main agree with our list of instincts. Fortlage, in his System der Psychologie, classes among the Triebe all the vegetative physiological functions. Santlus (Zur Psychologie der Menschlichen Triebe, Leipsic, 1864) says there are at bottom but three instincts, that of 'Being,' that of 'Function,' and that of 'Life.' The 'Instinct of Being' he subdivides into animal, embracing the activities of all the senses; and psychical, embracing the acts of the intellect and of the 'transempiric consciousness.' The 'Instinct of Function' he divides into sexual, inclinational (friendship, attachment, honor); and moral (religion, philanthropy, faith, truth, moral freedom, etc.). The 'Instinct of Life' embraces conservation (nutrition, motion); sociability (imitation, juridical and ethical arrangements); and personal interest (love of independence and freedom, acquisitiveness, self-defence). Such a muddled list as this shows how great are the advantages of the physiological analysis we have used.

[394] Some people will, of course, think the list is too long, while others will find it too short. With the lines between instinct blurring into reflex actions below and learned habits or suggested behaviors above, there will likely always be debate about what belongs in this category. Should we include the tendency to walk along a curbstone or any other narrow path as an instinct? Should we remove secretiveness because it stems from shyness or fear? Who knows? In the meantime, our physiological approach has the priceless benefit that these questions of definition have no theoretical or practical significance. Once the facts are recorded, it doesn't really matter what they are called. Most authors present a shorter list than the one given in this text. Phrenologists add traits like adhesiveness, inhabitiveness, and a desire for approval, etc., to their list of 'sentiments,' which largely align with our list of instincts. Fortlage, in his System der Psychologie, includes all the vegetative physiological functions among the Triebe. Santlus (Zur Psychologie der Menschlichen Triebe, Leipzig, 1864) argues that there are fundamentally only three instincts: the 'Instinct of Being,' the 'Instinct of Function,' and the 'Instinct of Life.' He further breaks down the 'Instinct of Being' into animal, which includes activities from all senses, and psychical, which involves intellectual actions and 'transempiric consciousness.' The 'Instinct of Function' is divided into sexual, inclinational (friendship, attachment, honor), and moral (religion, philanthropy, faith, truth, moral freedom, etc.). The 'Instinct of Life' includes conservation (nutrition, movement); sociability (imitation, legal and ethical arrangements); and personal interest (desire for independence and freedom, acquisitiveness, self-defense). Such a confusing list illustrates the significant advantages of the physiological analysis we have employed.


CHAPTER XXV.[395]

THE EMOTIONS.

In speaking of the instincts it has been impossible to keep them separate from the emotional excitements which go with them. Objects of rage, love, fear, etc., not only prompt a man to outward deeds, but provoke characteristic alterations in his attitude and visage, and affect his breathing, circulation, and other organic functions in specific ways. When the outward deeds are inhibited, these latter emotional expressions still remain, and we read the anger in the face, though the blow may not be struck, and the fear betrays itself in voice and color, though one may suppress all other sign. Instinctive reactions and emotional expressions thus shade imperceptibly into each other. Every object that excites an instinct excites an emotion as well. Emotions, however, fall short of instincts, in that the emotional reaction usually terminates in the subject's own body, whilst the instinctive reaction is apt to go farther and enter into practical relations with the exciting object.

When talking about instincts, it’s been impossible to separate them from the emotional responses that go along with them. Things that trigger anger, love, fear, etc., not only push a person to act but also cause noticeable changes in their attitude and appearance, and influence their breathing, heart rate, and other bodily functions in specific ways. Even when actions are suppressed, these emotional expressions remain, and we can see the anger on someone's face, even if they don’t throw a punch, and fear shows itself in their voice and complexion, even if they hide all other signs. Instinctive reactions and emotional expressions merge subtly into one another. Every trigger for an instinct also triggers an emotion. However, emotions are less intense than instincts, as the emotional response typically stays within the person’s own body, while instinctive responses tend to go further and create real interactions with the source of the emotion.

Emotional reactions are often excited by objects with which we have no practical dealings. A ludicrous object, for example, or a beautiful object are not necessarily objects to which we do anything; we simply laugh, or stand in admiration, as the case may be. The class of emotional, is thus rather larger than that of instinctive, impulses, commonly so called. Its stimuli are more numerous, and its expressions are more internal and delicate, and often less practical. The physiological plan and essence of the two classes of impulse, however, is the same.

Emotional reactions are often triggered by things we don’t interact with in a practical way. A ridiculous object, for instance, or a beautiful one, doesn’t necessarily require us to take action; we just laugh or admire it, depending on the situation. The range of emotional responses is therefore broader than that of what we typically call instinctive impulses. Its triggers are more varied, and its expressions tend to be more subtle and internal, often less practical. However, the physiological basis and nature of these two types of impulses are the same.

As with instincts, so with emotions, the mere memory or imagination of the object may suffice to liberate the excitement.[Pg 443] One may get angrier in thinking over one's insult than at the moment of receiving it; and we melt more over a mother who is dead than we ever did when she was living. In the rest of the chapter I shall use the word object of emotion indifferently to mean one which is physically present or one which is merely thought of.

Just like with instincts, when it comes to emotions, just remembering or imagining the object can be enough to trigger the feelings.[Pg 443] You might feel angrier thinking about an insult than when you actually experienced it, and we often feel more sorrow for a mother who has passed away than we ever did while she was alive. In the rest of this chapter, I will use the term object of emotion interchangeably to refer to something that is physically present or something that is only in our thoughts.

It would be tedious to go through a complete list of the reactions which characterize the various emotions. For that the special treatises must be referred to. A few examples of their variety, however, ought to find a place here. Let me begin with the manifestations of Grief as a Danish physiologist, C. Lange, describes them:[396]

It would be tiring to go through a full list of the reactions that define different emotions. For that, you should refer to specific studies. However, a few examples of their diversity should be included here. Let me start with how Grief manifests, as described by the Danish physiologist, C. Lange:[396]

"The chief feature in the physiognomy of grief is perhaps its paralyzing effect on the voluntary movements. This effect is by no means as extreme as that which fright produces, being seldom more than that degree of weakening which makes it cost an effort to perform actions usually done with ease. It is, in other words, a feeling of weariness; and (as in all weariness) movements are made slowly, heavily, without strength, unwillingly, and with exertion, and are limited to the fewest possible. By this the grieving person gets his outward stamp: he walks slowly, unsteadily, dragging his feet and hanging his arms. His voice is weak and without resonance, in consequence of the feeble activity of the muscles of expiration and of the larynx. He prefers to sit still, sunk in himself and silent. The tonicity or 'latent innervation' of the muscles is strikingly diminished. The neck is bent, the head hangs ('bowed down' with grief), the relaxation of the cheek- and jaw-muscles makes the face look long and narrow, the jaw may even hang open. The eyes appear large, as is always the case where the orbicularis muscle is paralyzed, but they may often be partly covered by the upper lid which droops in consequence of the laming of its own levator. With this condition of weakness of the voluntary nerve- and muscle-apparatus of the whole body, there coexists, as aforesaid, just as in all states of similar motor weakness, a subjective feeling of weariness and heaviness, of something which weighs upon one; one feels 'downcast,' 'oppressed,' 'laden,' one speaks of his 'weight of sorrow,' one must 'bear up' under it, just as one must 'keep down' his anger. Many there are who 'succumb' to sorrow to such a degree that they literally cannot stand upright, but sink or lean against surrounding objects, fall on their knees, or, like Romeo in the monk's cell, throw themselves upon the earth in their despair.

The main thing about grief is probably how it paralyzes voluntary movements. This effect isn’t as strong as the one caused by fear; it usually creates a level of weakness that makes even simple actions feel like a battle. In other words, it leads to a sense of exhaustion; movements become slow, heavy, weak, and hesitant, often reduced to the bare minimum. This gives the grieving person a noticeable look: they walk slowly and unsteadily, dragging their feet and letting their arms hang. Their voice lacks power and resonance because of weak muscle activity in breathing and the larynx. They tend to sit quietly, lost in thought and silence. The muscle tone, or 'latent innervation,' is clearly diminished. Their neck may be hunched, their head hung down (as if 'bowed down' by grief), and the relaxation of the muscles in their cheeks and jaws can make their face look long and narrow, with the jaw possibly hanging open. Their eyes appear large, a typical look when the orbicularis muscle isn’t active, though they might be partially covered by drooping eyelids due to the weakness in the levator. This overall weakness in the voluntary nerve and muscle system coexists, as mentioned earlier, with a deep feeling of weariness and heaviness, as if something is weighing them down; they feel 'downcast,' 'oppressed,' 'laden,' referring to a 'weight of sorrow' they must 'bear up' against, similar to holding back anger. Many people 'succumb' to sorrow to such an extent that they can barely stand, leaning against nearby objects, sinking to their knees, or, like Romeo in the monk's cell, throwing themselves on the ground in despair.

"But this weakness of the entire voluntary motor apparatus (the so-called apparatus of 'animal' life) is only one side of the physiology of grief. Another side, hardly less important, and in its consequences[Pg 444] perhaps even more so, belongs to another subdivision of the motor apparatus, namely, the involuntary or 'organic' muscles, especially those which are found in the walls of the blood-vessels, and the use of which is, by contracting, to diminish the latter's calibre. These muscles and their nerves, forming together the 'vaso-motor apparatus,' act in grief contrarily to the voluntary motor apparatus. Instead of being paralyzed, like the latter, the vascular muscles are more strongly contracted than usual, so that the tissues and organs of the body become anæmic. The immediate consequence of this bloodlessness is pallor and shrunkenness, and the pale color and collapsed features are the peculiarities which, in connection with the relaxation of the visage, give to the victim of grief his characteristic physiognomy, and often give an impression of emaciation which ensues too rapidly to be possibly due to real disturbance of nutrition, or waste uncompensated by repair. Another regular consequence of the bloodlessness of the skin is a feeling of cold, and shivering. A constant symptom of grief is sensitiveness to cold, and difficulty in keeping warm. In grief, the inner organs are unquestionably anæmic as well as the skin. This is of course not obvious to the eye, but many phenomena prove it. Such is the diminution of the various secretions, at least of such as are accessible to observation. The mouth grows dry, the tongue sticky, and a bitter taste ensues which, it would appear, is only a consequence of the tongue's dryness. [The expression 'bitter sorrow' may possibly arise from this.] In nursing women the milk diminishes or altogether dries up. There is one of the most regular manifestations of grief, which apparently contradicts these other physiological phenomena, and that is the weeping, with its profuse secretion of tears, its swollen reddened face, red eyes, and augmented secretion from the nasal mucous membrane."

"However, this weakness of the entire voluntary motor system (often called the system of 'animal' life) is just one part of how grief affects the body. Another important aspect, perhaps even more significant in its effects, involves a different part of the motor system, specifically the involuntary or 'organic' muscles. These muscles, especially those in the walls of blood vessels, contract to narrow their diameter. Together with their nerves, they form the 'vaso-motor system,' which behaves oppositely to the voluntary motor system during grief. Instead of being paralyzed like the latter, the vascular muscles contract more forcefully than usual, resulting in reduced blood flow to the body's tissues and organs. The immediate effect of this lack of blood is paleness and shrunkenness, and the pale skin and sunken features create the distinctive appearance of someone grieving, often giving the impression of rapid weight loss that isn’t due to actual nutritional problems or damage that remains unrepaired. Another frequent result of bloodlessness in the skin is a feeling of cold and shivering. A consistent symptom of grief is increased sensitivity to cold and difficulty staying warm. Internally, the organs also lack blood, just like the skin. While this isn’t immediately visible, many signs suggest it. For example, various secretions decrease, particularly those we can see. The mouth becomes dry, the tongue feels sticky, and a bitter taste develops, seemingly caused only by the dryness of the tongue. [The term 'bitter sorrow' might originate from this.] In nursing mothers, milk production may decrease or stop altogether. One of the most common signs of grief that seems to contradict these other physiological responses is weeping, characterized by a heavy flow of tears, a swollen and red face, red eyes, and increased secretion from the nasal mucous membrane."

Lange goes on to suggest that this may be a reaction from a previously contracted vaso-motor state. The explanation seems a forced one. The fact is that there are changeable expressions of grief. The weeping is as apt as not to be immediate, especially in women and children. Some men can never weep. The tearful and the dry phases alternate in all who can weep, sobbing storms being followed by periods of calm; and the shrunken, cold, and pale condition which Lange describes so well is more characteristic of a severe settled sorrow than of an acute mental pain. Properly we have two distinct emotions here, both prompted by the same object, it is true, but affecting different persons, or the same person at different times, and feeling quite differently whilst they last, as anyone's consciousness will testify. There is an excitement during the crying fit which is not without a certain pungent pleasure[Pg 445] of its own; but it would take a genius for felicity to discover any dash of redeeming quality in the feeling of dry and shrunken sorrow.—Our author continues:

Lange suggests that this might be a reaction to a previously established vaso-motor state. This explanation seems a bit forced. The truth is that there are various expressions of grief. The crying can often be immediate, especially in women and children. Some men can’t cry at all. Those who can weep go through alternating tearful and dry phases, with fits of sobbing followed by calm periods. The shrunken, cold, and pale state that Lange describes is more characteristic of deep, settled sorrow than of sudden mental anguish. Essentially, we have two distinct emotions here, both triggered by the same cause, but impacting different people or the same person at different times, feeling quite different while they last, as anyone's awareness will confirm. There's a rush of emotions during crying that carries its own unique pleasure; however, it would require a remarkable genius to find any redeeming aspect in the feeling of dry and diminished sorrow.—Our author continues:

"If the smaller vessels of the lungs contract so that these organs become anæmic, we have (as is usual under such conditions) the feeling of insufficient breath, and of oppression of the chest, and these tormenting sensations increase the sufferings of the griever, who seeks relief by long-drawn sighs, instinctively, like every one who lacks breath from whatever cause.[397]

"When the smaller blood vessels in the lungs tighten and the organs don't get enough oxygen, we commonly feel short of breath and a tightness in the chest. These uncomfortable feelings increase the person's suffering, leading them to instinctively try to find relief through deep sighs, just like anyone else having trouble breathing for any reason.[397]

"The anæmia of the brain in grief is shown by intellectual inertia, dullness, a feeling of mental weariness, effort, and indisposition to work, often by sleeplessness. Indeed it is the anæmia of the motor centres of the brain which lies at the bottom of all that weakening of the voluntary powers of motion which we described in the first instance."

"The brain’s reduced blood flow during grief shows up as mental sluggishness, dullness, a sense of fatigue, trouble focusing, and a lack of desire to complete tasks, often paired with insomnia. In fact, the decreased blood flow to the brain's motor centers leads to a decline in our ability to move voluntarily, as noted earlier."

My impression is that Dr. Lange simplifies and universalizes the phenomena a little too much in this description, and in particular that he very likely overdoes the anæmia-business. But such as it is, his account may stand as a favorable specimen of the sort of descriptive work to which the emotions have given rise.

My impression is that Dr. Lange oversimplifies and generalizes the phenomena a bit too much in this description, and in particular, he probably exaggerates the anemia aspect. But as it is, his account can serve as a positive example of the kind of descriptive work inspired by emotions.

Take next another emotion, Fear, and read what Mr. Darwin says of its effects:

Take another emotion, Fear, and read what Mr. Darwin says about its effects:

"Fear is often preceded by astonishment, and is so far akin to it that both lead to the senses of sight and hearing being instantly aroused. In both cases the eyes and mouth are widely opened and the eyebrows raised. The frightened man at first stands like a statue, motionless and breathless, or crouches down as if instinctively to escape observation. The heart beats quickly and violently, so that it palpitates or knocks against the ribs; but it is very doubtful if it then works more efficiently than usual, so as to send a greater supply of blood to all parts of the body; for the skin instantly becomes pale as during incipient faintness. This paleness of the surface, however, is probably in large part, or is exclusively, due to the vaso-motor centre being affected in such a manner as to cause the contraction of the small arteries of the skin. That the skin is much affected under the sense of great fear, we see in the marvellous manner in which perspiration immediately exudes from it. This exudation is all the more remarkable, as the surface is then cold, and hence the term, a cold sweat; whereas the sudorific glands are properly excited into action when the surface is heated. The hairs also on the skin stand erect, and the superficial muscles shiver. In connection with the disturbed action of the heart the breathing is hurried. The salivary glands act imperfectly; the mouth becomes dry and is often opened and shut. I have also noticed that under slight fear there is strong tendency to yawn. One of the best marked symptoms is the trembling of all the muscles of the body; and this is often first seen in the lips. From this cause, and from the dryness of the mouth, the voice becomes husky or indistinct or may altogether fail. 'Obstupui steteruntque comæ, et vox faucibus hæsit.'... As fear increases into an agony of terror, we behold, as under all violent emotions, diversified results. The heart beats wildly[Pg 447] or must fail to act and faintness ensue; there is a death-like pallor; the breathing is labored; the wings of the nostrils are widely dilated; there is a gasping and convulsive motion of the lips, a tremor on the hollow cheek, a gulping and catching of the throat; the uncovered and protruding eyeballs are fixed on the object of terror; or they may roll restlessly from side to side, huc illuc volens oculos totumque pererrat. The pupils are said to be enormously dilated. All the muscles of the body may become rigid or may be thrown into convulsive movements. The hands are alternately clenched and opened, often with a twitching movement. The arms may be protruded as if to avert some dreadful danger, or may be thrown wildly over the head. The Rev. Mr. Hagenauer has seen this latter action in a terrified Australian. In other cases there is a sudden and uncontrollable tendency to headlong flight; and so strong is this that the boldest soldiers may be seized with a sudden panic."[398]

"Fear is often triggered by shock, and it’s so similar that both make us instantly alert in our sight and hearing. In these situations, people often have wide open eyes and mouths, and raised eyebrows. A scared person might freeze like a statue, breathless and motionless, or instinctively crouch down to avoid being seen. The heart races, pounding against the ribs, but it’s unclear if it’s more effective at pumping blood because the skin turns pale, much like when someone faints. This paleness is likely caused by the vaso-motor center making the small arteries in the skin constrict. We can see how fear affects the skin through the way sweat appears quickly, which is surprising since the surface feels cold—hence the term "cold sweat"—while sweat glands usually activate when the body is hot. Body hair stands on end, and the muscles just beneath the skin shake. Along with the heart’s erratic rhythm, breathing speeds up. The salivary glands don’t work properly, making the mouth dry, leading to it being opened and closed repeatedly. I've also noticed that even a little fear can trigger a strong urge to yawn. One of the most noticeable signs is the trembling of all muscles, often starting with the lips. Because of this and the dry mouth, the voice can become hoarse, unclear, or might even fail completely. 'I stood amazed, my hair stood on end, and my voice was caught in my throat.' As fear turns into pure terror, we see a range of reactions typical of intense emotions. The heart may beat irregularly or stop, leading to fainting; the skin may turn deathly pale; breathing can become difficult; the nostrils may widen; there might be gasping and twitching of the lips, a tremor on the hollow of the cheeks, and an effort to catch one's breath; the eyes, wide and exposed, are fixed on the source of terror, or they may roll anxiously side to side, huc illuc volens oculos totumque pererrat. The pupils are reported to be greatly dilated. All of the body's muscles might become stiff or convulse uncontrollably. The hands might go between clenching and relaxing, often twitching. The arms might extend out as if trying to fend off a serious threat or wave wildly above the head. The Rev. Mr. Hagenauer saw this reaction in a terrified Australian. In other situations, there’s an overwhelming, uncontrollable urge to run away, and this impulse can be so strong that even the bravest soldiers might suddenly feel panic."

Finally take Hatred, and read the synopsis of its possible effects as given by Sig. Mantegazza:[399]

Finally take Hatred, and read the summary of its potential effects as provided by Signor Mantegazza:[399]

"Withdrawal of the head backwards, withdrawal of the trunk; projection forwards of the hands, as if to defend one's self against the hated object; contraction or closure of the eyes; elevation of the upper lip and closure of the nose,—these are all elementary movements of turning away. Next threatening movements, as: intense frowning; eyes wide open; display of teeth; grinding teeth and contracting jaws; opened mouth with tongue advanced: clenched fists; threatening action of arms; stamping with the feet; deep inspirations—panting; growling and various cries; automatic repetition of one word or syllable; sudden weakness and trembling of voice; spitting. Finally, various miscellaneous reactions and vaso-motor symptoms: general trembling; convulsions of lips and facial muscles, of limbs and of trunk; acts of violence to one's self, as biting fist or nails; sardonic laughter; bright redness of face; sudden pallor of face; extreme dilatation of nostrils; standing up of hair on head."

"Pulling the head back and leaning the torso away; reaching out with the hands, as if to shield oneself from something disliked; squinting or closing the eyes; lifting the upper lip and pinching the nose—these are all basic actions of turning away. Then come threatening gestures, like: deep frowning; eyes wide open; baring teeth; grinding teeth and clenching jaws; open mouth with the tongue sticking out; clenched fists; aggressive arm movements; stomping feet; deep breaths—panting; growling and various sounds; repeating a word or syllable endlessly; sudden weakness and tremors in the voice; spitting. Lastly, there are various other responses and physical signs: general shaking; twitching of the lips and facial muscles, limbs, and torso; self-inflicted wounds like biting fists or nails; sarcastic laughter; bright redness of the face; sudden paleness of the face; extreme flaring of the nostrils; hair standing on end."

Were we to go through the whole list of emotions which have been named by men, and study their organic manifestations, we should but ring the changes on the elements which these three typical cases involve. Rigidity of this muscle, relaxation of that, constriction of arteries here, dilatation there, breathing of this sort or that, pulse slowing or quickening, this gland secreting and that one dry, etc., etc. We should, moreover, find that our descriptions had no[Pg 448] absolute truth; that they only applied to the average man; that every one of us, almost, has some personal idiosyncrasy of expression, laughing or sobbing differently from his neighbor, or reddening or growing pale where others do not. We should find a like variation in the objects which excite emotion in different persons. Jokes at which one explodes with laughter nauseate another, and seem blasphemous to a third; and occasions which overwhelm me with fear or bashfulness are just what give you the full sense of ease and power. The internal shadings of emotional feeling, moreover, merge endlessly into each other. Language has discriminated some of them, as hatred, antipathy, animosity, dislike, aversion, malice, spite, vengefulness, abhorrence, etc., etc.; but in the dictionaries of synonyms we find these feelings distinguished more by their severally appropriate objective stimuli than by their conscious or subjective tone.

If we were to go through the entire list of emotions that people have named and examine their physical expressions, we would just be repeating the variations that these three typical cases present. The stiffness of this muscle, the relaxation of that one, the constriction of arteries here, the expansion there, this type of breathing or that, a slowed or quickened pulse, this gland producing secretion and that one being dry, and so on. Additionally, we would discover that our descriptions had no[Pg 448]absolute truth; they only applied to the average person; nearly all of us have some unique way of expressing ourselves, laughing or crying differently than those around us, or blushing or turning pale when others do not. We would also see a similar variation in the things that trigger emotions in different people. Jokes that leave one person in fits of laughter can disgust another and seem offensive to a third; situations that fill me with fear or shyness might give you a sense of comfort and strength. The subtle nuances of emotional experience blend into one another endlessly. Language has identified some of these, like hatred, antipathy, animosity, dislike, aversion, malice, spite, vengefulness, and abhorrence; however, in synonym dictionaries, these feelings are differentiated more by their specific triggers than by their personal or emotional tone.

The result of all this flux is that the merely descriptive literature of the emotions is one of the most tedious parts of psychology. And not only is it tedious, but you feel that its subdivisions are to a great extent either fictitious or unimportant, and that its pretences to accuracy are a sham. But unfortunately there is little psychological writing about the emotions which is not merely descriptive. As emotions are described in novels, they interest us, for we are made to share them. We have grown acquainted with the concrete objects and emergencies which call them forth, and any knowing touch of introspection which may grace the page meets with a quick and feeling response. Confessedly literary works of aphoristic philosophy also flash lights into our emotional life, and give us a fitful delight. But as far as "scientific psychology" of the emotions goes, I may have been surfeited by too much reading of classic works on the subject, but I should as lief read verbal descriptions of the shapes of the rocks on a New Hampshire farm as toil through them again. They give one nowhere a central point of view, or a deductive or generative principle. They distinguish and refine and specify in infinitum, without ever getting on to another logical level. Whereas the beauty of all truly scientific work[Pg 449] is to get to ever deeper levels. Is there no way out from this level of individual description in the case of the emotions? I believe there is a way out, but I fear that few will take it.

The outcome of all this change is that the simply descriptive literature on emotions is one of the most boring parts of psychology. Not only is it dull, but you also feel that its subcategories are mostly either made-up or irrelevant, and its claims to be accurate are a facade. Sadly, there's little psychological writing on emotions that isn't just descriptive. When emotions are portrayed in novels, they engage us because we experience them alongside the characters. We become familiar with the specific situations and triggers that evoke these emotions, and any insightful introspection in the text resonates quickly and deeply. Literary works of aphoristic philosophy also shed light on our emotional lives and provide us with intermittent pleasure. But as for the "scientific psychology" of emotions, I might have read too many classic texts on the subject, but I would rather read descriptions of the shapes of rocks on a New Hampshire farm than struggle through them again. They don’t offer any central perspective or a foundational or creative principle. They endlessly differentiate, refine, and specify in infinitum, without ever moving to another logical level. In contrast, the beauty of all truly scientific work[Pg 449] is to delve into deeper levels. Is there no escape from this level of individual description when it comes to emotions? I believe there is a way out, but I worry that few will pursue it.

The trouble with the emotions in psychology is that they are regarded too much as absolutely individual things. So long as they are set down as so many eternal and sacred psychic entities, like the old immutable species in natural history, so long all that can be done with them is reverently to catalogue their separate characters, points, and effects. But if we regard them as products of more general causes (as 'species' are now regarded as products of heredity and variation), the mere distinguishing and cataloguing becomes of subsidiary importance. Having the goose which lays the golden eggs, the description of each egg already laid is a minor matter. Now the general causes of the emotions are indubitably physiological. Prof. O. Lange, of Copenhagen, in the pamphlet from which I have already quoted, published in 1885 a physiological theory of their constitution and conditioning, which I had already broached the previous year in an article in Mind. None of the criticisms which I have heard of it have made me doubt its essential truth. I will therefore devote the next few pages to explaining what it is. I shall limit myself in the first instance to what may be called the coarser emotions, grief, fear, rage, love, in which every one recognizes a strong organic reverberation, and afterwards speak of the subtler emotions, or of those whose organic reverberation is less obvious and strong.

The problem with emotions in psychology is that they're often seen as completely individual things. As long as they're treated like eternal and sacred psychic entities, similar to the old unchanging species in natural history, the only thing that can be done is to carefully list their separate characters, aspects, and effects. But if we view them as products of broader causes (like how 'species' are now seen as products of heredity and variation), then simply identifying and listing them becomes much less important. Having the goose that lays the golden eggs means that describing each egg laid is a less significant issue. The general causes of emotions are undeniably physiological. Professor O. Lange from Copenhagen, in the pamphlet I’ve already quoted, published a physiological theory about their structure and conditioning in 1885, which I had introduced the previous year in an article in Mind. None of the criticisms I’ve heard have made me doubt its fundamental truth. Therefore, I will spend the next few pages explaining what it is. I will first focus on what can be called the coarser emotions, like grief, fear, rage, and love, where everyone recognizes a strong physical reaction, and then I’ll discuss the subtler emotions, or those whose physical reactions are less obvious and intense.

EMOTION FOLLOWS UPON THE BODILY EXPRESSION IN THE COARSER EMOTIONS AT LEAST.

Our natural way of thinking about these coarser emotions is that the mental perception of some fact excites the mental affection called the emotion, and that this latter state of mind gives rise to the bodily expression. My theory, on the contrary, is that the bodily changes follow directly the perception of the exciting fact, and that our feeling of the same changes as they occur is the emotion. Common-sense says, we lose our fortune, are sorry and weep; we meet a[Pg 450] bear, are frightened and run; we are insulted by a rival, are angry and strike. The hypothesis here to be defended says that this order of sequence is incorrect, that the one mental state is not immediately induced by the other, that the bodily manifestations must first be interposed between, and that the more rational statement is that we feel sorry because we cry, angry because we strike, afraid because we tremble, and not that we cry, strike, or tremble, because we are sorry, angry, or fearful, as the case may be. Without the bodily states following on the perception, the latter would be purely cognitive in form, pale, colorless, destitute of emotional warmth. We might then see the bear, and judge it best to run, receive the insult and deem it right to strike, but we should not actually feel afraid or angry.

Our natural way of thinking about these stronger emotions is that noticing something stimulates the emotion, and this emotional state leads to physical expression. My theory, however, is that the physical changes happen immediately after noticing the triggering fact, and our awareness of these changes as they occur is the emotion. Common sense suggests that we lose our fortune, feel sad, and cry; we see a[Pg 450] bear, feel scared, and run; we get insulted by a rival, feel angry, and strike out. The argument I’m presenting states that this sequence is wrong, that one mental state is not directly caused by another, that the physical responses need to come first, and that a more accurate explanation is that we feel sad because we cry, angry because we strike, scared because we tremble, not the other way around. Without the physical responses following the perception, the perception itself would be purely intellectual, devoid of emotional depth and impact. We might see the bear, decide we should run, receive the insult, and think it’s right to hit back, but we wouldn’t actually feel scared or angry.

Stated in this crude way, the hypothesis is pretty sure to meet with immediate disbelief. And yet neither many nor far-fetched considerations are required to mitigate its paradoxical character, and possibly to produce conviction of its truth.

Stated in this blunt way, the hypothesis is bound to face immediate disbelief. Yet, it doesn’t take a lot of complex or far-fetched ideas to soften its contradictory nature and possibly convince people of its truth.

To begin with, no reader of the last two chapters will be inclined to doubt the fact that objects do excite bodily changes by a preorganized mechanism, or the farther fact that the changes are so indefinitely numerous and subtle that the entire organism may be called a sounding-board, which every change of consciousness, however slight, may make reverberate. The various permutations and combinations of which these organic activities are susceptible make it abstractly possible that no shade of emotion, however slight, should be without a bodily reverberation as unique, when taken in its totality, as is the mental mood itself. The immense number of parts modified in each emotion is what makes it so difficult for us to reproduce in cold blood the total and integral expression of any one of them. We may catch the trick with the voluntary muscles, but fail with the skin, glands, heart, and other viscera. Just as an artificially imitated sneeze lacks something of the reality, so the attempt to imitate an emotion in the absence of its normal instigating cause is apt to be rather 'hollow.'

To start, anyone who has read the last two chapters will likely not doubt that objects do trigger changes in our bodies through a preorganized mechanism, or the additional fact that the changes are so countless and subtle that the whole organism can be seen as a sounding board, resonating with every shift in consciousness, no matter how minor. The various combinations and permutations of these organic activities make it theoretically possible for no slight emotion to exist without a bodily response that is, in its entirety, as unique as the mental state itself. The vast number of body parts affected by each emotion is what makes it so challenging for us to accurately reproduce the complete and integrated expression of any single emotion. We might manage to mimic the voluntary muscles but struggle with the skin, glands, heart, and other internal organs. Just like an artificially produced sneeze lacks certain authenticity, trying to mimic an emotion without its usual triggering cause often feels rather 'hollow.'

The next thing to be noticed is this, that every one of the[Pg 451] bodily changes, whatsoever it be, is felt, acutely or obscurely, the moment it occurs. If the reader has never paid attention to this matter, he will be both interested and astonished to learn how many different local bodily feelings he can detect in himself as characteristic of his various emotional moods. It would be perhaps too much to expect him to arrest the tide of any strong gust of passion for the sake of any such curious analysis as this; but he can observe more tranquil states, and that may be assumed here to be true of the greater which is shown to be true of the less. Our whole cubic capacity is sensibly alive; and each morsel of it contributes its pulsations of feeling, dim or sharp, pleasant, painful, or dubious, to that sense of personality that every one of us unfailingly carries with him. It is surprising what little items give accent to these complexes of sensibility. When worried by any slight trouble, one may find that the focus of one's bodily consciousness is the contraction, often quite inconsiderable, of the eyes and brows. When momentarily embarrassed, it is something in the pharynx that compels either a swallow, a clearing of the throat, or a slight cough; and so on for as many more instances as might be named. Our concern here being with the general view rather than with the details, I will not linger to discuss these, but, assuming the point admitted that every change that occurs must be felt, I will pass on.

The next thing to note is that every single[Pg 451] bodily change, no matter what it is, is felt whether sharply or vaguely, the moment it happens. If the reader has never thought about this before, he will be both interested and amazed to discover how many different physical sensations he can identify in himself that are linked to his various emotional states. It might be asking too much to expect him to stop a strong wave of emotion just to analyze it, but he can observe calmer states, and we can assume that the greater truths are reflected in the smaller ones. Every part of our being is clearly alive; and each bit contributes its own feelings—whether dull or intense, pleasant, painful, or uncertain—to that sense of self that we all carry with us. It’s surprising how little things can highlight these layers of sensitivity. When worried about something minor, one might notice that the center of one’s bodily awareness is the slight tightening of the eyes and eyebrows. When momentarily embarrassed, it's something in the throat that prompts either a swallow, a throat clear, or a gentle cough; and so on with many more examples that could be mentioned. Our focus here is on the overall perspective rather than the specifics, so I won't dwell on these, but, assuming we agree that every change must be felt, I'll move on.

I now proceed to urge the vital point of my whole theory, which is this: If we fancy some strong emotion, and then try to abstract from our consciousness of it all the feelings of its bodily symptoms, we find we have nothing left behind, no 'mind-stuff' out of which the emotion can be constituted, and that a cold and neutral state of intellectual perception is all that remains. It is true that, although most people when asked say that their introspection verifies this statement, some persist in saying theirs does not. Many cannot be made to understand the question. When you beg them to imagine away every feeling of laughter and of tendency to laugh from their consciousness of the ludicrousness of an object, and then to tell you what the feeling of its ludicrousness would be like, whether it be anything more than the perception that the object belongs to the class 'funny,'[Pg 452] they persist in replying that the thing proposed is a physical impossibility, and that they always must laugh if they see a funny object. Of course the task proposed is not the practical one of seeing a ludicrous object and annihilating one's tendency to laugh. It is the purely speculative one of subtracting certain elements of feeling from an emotional state supposed to exist in its fulness, and saying what the residual elements are. I cannot help thinking that all who rightly apprehend this problem will agree with the proposition above laid down. What kind of an emotion of fear would be left if the feeling neither of quickened heart-beats nor of shallow breathing, neither of trembling lips nor of weakened limbs, neither of goose-flesh nor of visceral stirrings, were present, it is quite impossible for me to think. Can one fancy the state of rage and picture no ebullition in the chest, no flushing of the face, no dilatation of the nostrils, no clenching of the teeth, no impulse to vigorous action, but in their stead limp muscles, calm breathing, and a placid face? The present writer, for one, certainly cannot. The rage is as completely evaporated as the sensation of its so-called manifestations, and the only thing that can possibly be supposed to take its place is some cold-blooded and dispassionate judicial sentence, confined entirely to the intellectual realm, to the effect that a certain person or persons merit chastisement for their sins. In like manner of grief: what would it be without its tears, its sobs, its suffocation of the heart, its pang in the breast-bone? A feelingless cognition that certain circumstances are deplorable, and nothing more. Every passion in turn tells the same story. A purely disembodied human emotion is a nonentity. I do not say that it is a contradiction in the nature of things, or that pure spirits are necessarily condemned to cold intellectual lives; but I say that for us, emotion dissociated from all bodily feeling is inconceivable. The more closely I scrutinize my states, the more persuaded I become that whatever moods, affections, and passions I have are in very truth constituted by, and made up of, those bodily changes which we ordinarily call their expression or consequence; and the more it seems to me that if I were to become corporeally anæsthetic, I should be excluded[Pg 453] from the life of the affections, harsh and tender alike, and drag out an existence of merely cognitive or intellectual form. Such an existence, although it seems to have been the ideal of ancient sages, is too apathetic to be keenly sought after by those born after the revival of the worship of sensibility, a few generations ago.

I now want to emphasize the crucial point of my entire theory, which is this: If we imagine a strong emotion and then try to separate from our awareness all the feelings that come with its physical symptoms, we find we have nothing left behind, no 'mind-stuff' from which the emotion can be made, and that all that remains is a cool, neutral state of intellectual perception. It’s true that while most people say their introspection confirms this idea, some insist theirs does not. Many can't grasp the question. When you ask them to remove every feeling of laughter and the urge to laugh from their awareness of how ridiculous an object is, and then to describe what the feeling of its ridiculousness would be like, whether it’s anything more than recognizing the object as 'funny,'[Pg 452] they insist that what you’re asking is physically impossible and that they always have to laugh if they see something funny. Of course, the task you’re proposing isn't the practical one of seeing something funny and getting rid of your urge to laugh. It’s a purely theoretical one of taking away certain feelings from an assumed complete emotional state and stating what’s left. I can't shake the feeling that anyone who truly understands this issue will agree with the point made above. What kind of fear would remain without the sensations of a racing heart or shallow breathing, without trembling lips or weak limbs, without goosebumps or a churn in the stomach? I can't even imagine it. Can you picture feeling rage without any pounding in the chest, no flushing of the face, no flare of the nostrils, no clenched teeth, and no urge for vigorous action, but instead limp muscles, calm breathing, and a serene face? I certainly can’t. The rage would completely vanish along with the sensations we typically associate with it, and what might take its place is just a cold, rational judgment that someone deserves punishment for their wrongdoings. Similarly, what would grief be without tears, sobs, a tightness in the chest, or a pang in the heart? Just a feeling-less understanding that certain situations are unfortunate, and nothing more. Each emotion tells a similar story. A pure, disembodied human emotion is an illusion. I’m not saying it contradicts the nature of things or that pure spirits are doomed to emotionless intellectual lives; I’m saying that for us, emotion separated from all physical sensations is unimaginable. The more I examine my emotional states, the more convinced I become that whatever moods, feelings, and passions I experience are genuinely made up of the bodily changes we typically call their expressions or consequences. It seems to me that if I were to lose all physical sensations, I would find myself shut out from experiencing feelings, both hard and soft, and would lead an existence of nothing but intellectual or cognitive forms. Such a life, while it seems to have been the ideal of ancient thinkers, is too lifeless for those of us born after the revival of sensitivity a few generations ago.

Let not this view be called materialistic. It is neither more nor less materialistic than any other view which says that our emotions are conditioned by nervous processes. No reader of this book is likely to rebel against such a saying so long as it is expressed in general terms; and if any one still finds materialism in the thesis now defended, that must be because of the special processes invoked. They are sensational processes, processes due to inward currents set up by physical happenings. Such processes have, it is true, always been regarded by the platonizers in psychology as having something peculiarly base about them. But our emotions must always be inwardly what they are, whatever be the physiological ground of their apparition. If they are deep, pure, worthy, spiritual facts on any conceivable theory of their physiological source, they remain no less deep, pure, spiritual, and worthy of regard on this present sensational theory. They carry their own inner measure of worth with them; and it is just as logical to use the present theory of the emotions for proving that sensational processes need not be vile and material, as to use their vileness and materiality as a proof that such a theory cannot be true.

Don't call this view materialistic. It's no more or less materialistic than any view that claims our emotions are influenced by nerve processes. Readers of this book aren’t likely to object to this idea as long as it's stated generally; if anyone still sees materialism in the argument being made, it’s likely because of the specific processes mentioned. These are sensational processes, stemming from internal currents created by physical events. It's true that these processes have often been seen as somewhat lowly by those who idealize psychology. However, our emotions must inherently be what they are, regardless of the physiological basis for their existence. If they are profound, pure, worthy, or spiritual by any theoretical standard of their physiological source, they remain just as profound, pure, spiritual, and worthy of attention under this sensational theory. They carry their own intrinsic value; and it’s just as reasonable to use the current emotion theory to show that sensational processes don’t have to be lowly and material as it is to claim their lowliness and materiality proves that such a theory can’t be valid.

If such a theory is true, then each emotion is the resultant of a sum of elements, and each element is caused by a physiological process of a sort already well known. The elements are all organic changes, and each of them is the reflex effect of the exciting object. Definite questions now immediately arise—questions very different from those which were the only possible ones without this view. Those were questions of classification: "Which are the proper genera of emotion, and which the species under each?" or of description: "By what expression is each emotion characterized?" The questions now are causal: "Just what changes does this object and what changes does that object[Pg 454] excite?" and "How come they to excite these particular changes and not others?" We step from a superficial to a deep order of inquiry. Classification and description are the lowest stage of science. They sink into the background the moment questions of genesis are formulated, and remain important only so far as they facilitate our answering these. Now the moment the genesis of an emotion is accounted for, as the arousal by an object of a lot of reflex acts which are forthwith felt, we immediately see why there is no limit to the number of possible different emotions which may exist, and why the emotions of different individuals may vary indefinitely, both as to their constitution and as to objects which call them forth. For there is nothing sacramental or eternally fixed in reflex action. Any sort of reflex effect is possible, and reflexes actually vary indefinitely, as we know.

If this theory is correct, then each emotion results from a combination of elements, and each element is triggered by a familiar physiological process. All the elements are organic changes, and each one is a reflex response to the stimulating object. Specific questions arise now—questions very different from those that were possible without this perspective. Previously, we asked classification questions: "What are the main types of emotions, and what are the categories under each?" or descriptive questions: "What expression defines each emotion?" Now, the questions are causal: "What specific changes does this object, and what changes does that object[Pg 454] trigger?" and "Why do they provoke these particular changes instead of others?" We move from a shallow to a more profound level of inquiry. Classification and description represent the most basic stage of science. They fade into the background the moment we start asking questions about origins, becoming significant only as they help us answer those questions. Once we understand how an emotion arises—as the prompting of many reflex actions that are immediately felt—we clearly see why there is no limit to the variety of possible emotions and why the emotions of different individuals can vary endlessly, both in their nature and in the objects that evoke them. There's nothing sacred or eternally fixed about reflex actions. Any kind of reflex response is possible, and reflexes actually can vary endlessly, as we know.

"We have all seen men dumb, instead of talkative, with joy; we have seen fright drive the blood into the head of its victim, instead of making him pale; we have seen grief run restlessly about lamenting, instead of sitting bowed down and mute; etc., etc., and this naturally enough, for one and the same cause can work differently on different men's blood-vessels (since these do not always react alike), whilst moreover the impulse on its way through the brain to the vaso-motor centre is differently influenced by different earlier impressions in the form of recollections or associations of ideas."[400]

"We’ve all noticed men who stay quiet instead of speaking excitedly; we’ve seen fear make someone’s face go red instead of pale; we’ve seen grief make someone pace anxiously while mourning, instead of sitting quietly and sorrowful; and so on. This makes sense because the same cause can affect different people’s blood vessels in various ways (since they don’t always react the same way), and also, the signals traveling through the brain to the vaso-motor center are influenced differently by each person’s past experiences, memories, or associations." [400]

In short, any classification of the emotions is seen to be as true and as 'natural' as any other, if it only serves some purpose; and such a question as "What is the 'real' or 'typical' expression of anger, or fear?" is seen to have no objective meaning at all. Instead of it we now have the question as to how any given 'expression' of anger or fear may have come to exist; and that is a real question of physiological mechanics on the one hand, and of history on the other, which (like all real questions) is in essence answerable, although the answer may be hard to find. On a later page I shall mention the attempts to answer it which have been made.

In short, any way of classifying emotions is considered just as accurate and 'natural' as any other, as long as it serves a purpose; and questions like "What is the 'real' or 'typical' expression of anger or fear?" are seen as having no objective meaning at all. Instead, we now ask how any specific 'expression' of anger or fear came to exist; and that is a genuine question of physiological mechanics on one hand, and history on the other, which (like all genuine questions) can be answered, although finding the answer may be difficult. I will discuss the attempts that have been made to answer it later on.

DIFFICULTY OF TESTING THE THEORY EXPERIMENTALLY.

I have thus fairly propounded what seems to me the most fruitful way of conceiving of the emotions. It must[Pg 455] be admitted that it is so far only a hypothesis, only possibly a true conception, and that much is lacking to its definite proof. The only way coercively to disprove it, however, would be to take some emotion, and then exhibit qualities of feeling in it which should be demonstrably additional to all those which could possibly be derived from the organs affected at the time. But to detect with certainty such purely spiritual qualities of feeling would obviously be a task beyond human power. We have, as Professor Lange says, absolutely no immediate criterion by which to distinguish between spiritual and corporeal feelings; and, I may add, the more we sharpen our introspection, the more localized all our qualities of feeling become (see above, Vol. I. p. 300) and the more difficult the discrimination consequently grows.[401]

I have laid out what I believe is the most productive way to think about emotions. It must[Pg 455] be acknowledged that this is still just a hypothesis, possibly a correct understanding, and that a lot is missing for its definite proof. The only way to definitively disprove it would be to take an emotion and show feeling qualities in it that are demonstrably extra to all those that could possibly come from the organs involved at that time. However, identifying such purely spiritual qualities of feeling with certainty would clearly be a task beyond human capability. As Professor Lange mentions, we have absolutely no immediate way to differentiate between spiritual and physical feelings; and, I would add, the more we refine our introspection, the more localized all our feeling qualities become (see above, Vol. I. p. 300) and the harder it is to distinguish between them. [401]

A positive proof of the theory would, on the other hand, be given if we could find a subject absolutely anæsthetic inside and out, but not paralytic, so that emotion-inspiring objects might evoke the usual bodily expressions from him, but who, on being consulted, should say that no subjective emotional affection was felt. Such a man would be like one who, because he eats, appears to bystanders to be hungry, but who afterwards confesses that he had no appetite at all. Cases like this are extremely hard to find. Medical literature contains reports, so far as I know, of but three. In the famous one of Remigius Leins no mention is made by the reporters of his emotional condition. In Dr. G. Winter's case[402] the patient is said to be inert and phlegmatic, but no particular attention, as I learn from Dr. W., was paid to his psychic condition. In the extraordinary case reported by Professor Strümpell (to which I must refer later in another connection)[403] we read that the patient, a shoemaker's apprentice of fifteen, entirely anæsthetic, inside[Pg 456] and out, with the exception of one eye and one ear, had shown shame on the occasion of soiling his bed, and grief, when a formerly favorite dish was set before him, at the thought that he could no longer taste its flavor. Dr. Strümpell is also kind enough to inform me that he manifested surprise, fear, and anger on certain occasions. In observing him, however, no such theory as the present one seems to have been thought of; and it always remains possible that, just as he satisfied his natural appetites and necessities in cold blood, with no inward feeling, so his emotional expressions may have been accompanied by a quite cold heart.[404] Any new case which turns up of generalized anæsthesia ought to be carefully examined as to the inward emotional sensibility as distinct from the 'expressions' of emotion which circumstances may bring forth.

A strong proof of the theory would be if we could find someone who is completely anesthetic both physically and emotionally, but not paralyzed, so that emotionally stirring objects could still trigger the usual physical reactions, yet when asked, they would say they felt no internal emotional responses. This person would be like someone who appears hungry because they're eating, but later admits they had no appetite at all. Cases like this are really hard to find. As far as I know, medical literature only has reports of three such cases. In the well-known case of Remigius Leins, there's no mention of his emotional state by the reporters. In Dr. G. Winter's case[402] the patient is described as inactive and phlegmatic, but, according to Dr. W., not much attention was given to his psychological condition. In the remarkable case reported by Professor Strümpell (which I will refer to later)[403] we learn that the patient, a fifteen-year-old shoemaker's apprentice who was completely anesthetic except for one eye and one ear, showed shame when he soiled his bed and grief at the thought of not being able to taste a dish he once loved. Dr. Strümpell also kindly notes that he displayed surprise, fear, and anger on certain occasions. However, it seems that during observations, the theory in question wasn't considered; it remains possible that, just as he satisfied his basic needs without any inner feeling, his emotional expressions might have been accompanied by a completely unfeeling heart.[404] Any new case of generalized anesthesia that appears should be thoroughly examined for internal emotional sensitivity separate from the emotional 'expressions' that situational factors might evoke.

Objections Considered.

Let me now notice a few objections. The replies will make the theory still more plausible.

Let me point out a few objections. The responses will make the theory even more convincing.

First Objection. There is no real evidence, it may be said,[Pg 457] for the assumption that particular perceptions do produce wide-spread bodily effects by a sort of immediate physical influence, antecedent to the arousal of an emotion or emotional idea.

First Objection. It can be argued that there’s no solid evidence, [Pg 457] to support the idea that specific perceptions do lead to widespread physical effects through some kind of direct physical influence, before any emotion or emotional thought kicks in.

Reply. There is most assuredly such evidence. In listening to poetry, drama, or heroic narrative we are often surprised at the cutaneous shiver which like a sudden wave flows over us, and at the heart-swelling and the lachrymal effusion that unexpectedly catch us at intervals. In listening to music the same is even more strikingly true. If we abruptly see a dark moving form in the woods, our heart stops beating, and we catch our breath instantly and before any articulate idea of danger can arise. If our friend goes near to the edge of a precipice, we get the well-known feeling of 'all-overishness,' and we shrink back, although we positively know him to be safe, and have no distinct imagination of his fall. The writer well remembers his astonishment, when a boy of seven or eight, at fainting when he saw a horse bled. The blood was in a bucket, with a stick in it, and, if memory does not deceive him, he stirred it round and saw it drip from the stick with no feeling save that of childish curiosity. Suddenly the world grew black before his eyes, his ears began to buzz, and he knew no more. He had never heard of the sight of blood producing faintness or sickness, and he had so little repugnance to it, and so little apprehension of any other sort of danger from it, that even at that tender age, as he well remembers, he could not help wondering how the mere physical presence of a pailful of crimson fluid could occasion in him such formidable bodily effects.

Reply. There is definitely evidence for that. When we listen to poetry, drama, or heroic stories, we often feel a chill run through us unexpectedly, along with a rush of emotions and tears that hit us out of nowhere. The same is even more obvious when we listen to music. If we suddenly spot a dark shape moving in the woods, our heart skips a beat, and we catch our breath instantly, even before we can think of any real danger. When a friend gets too close to the edge of a cliff, we feel that familiar sense of panic, pulling back, even though we know they are perfectly safe and have no actual thoughts of them falling. I remember being shocked as a seven- or eight-year-old when I fainted after seeing a horse bled. The blood was in a bucket, with a stick in it, and, if I’m remembering correctly, I stirred it around and watched it drip without feeling anything but childlike curiosity. Suddenly, the world went dark in front of me, my ears started ringing, and I lost consciousness. I had never heard that the sight of blood could make someone faint or sick, and I felt no aversion to it or fear of danger from it. Even at that young age, I distinctly remember being curious about how just the physical presence of a bucket full of red liquid could cause such intense reactions in my body.

Professor Lange writes:

Professor Lange says:

"No one has ever thought of separating the emotion produced by an unusually loud sound from the true inward affections. No one hesitates to call it a sort of fright, and it shows the ordinary signs of fright. And yet it is by no means combined with the idea of danger, or in any way occasioned by associations, memories, or other mental processes. The phenomena of flight follow the noise immediately without a trace of 'spiritual' fear. Many men can never grow used to standing beside a cannon when it is fired off, although they perfectly know that there is danger neither for themselves nor for others—the bare sound is too much for them."[405]

"No one has ever considered separating the feeling from a really loud noise from true inner emotions. People don’t hesitate to label it as a type of fright, and it displays the usual signs of fear. However, it isn’t connected to the idea of danger or triggered by associations, memories, or other thought processes. The instinct to run away follows the sound instantly, without any hint of 'spiritual' fear. Many people can never get used to being next to a cannon when it fires, even though they know there’s no danger to themselves or anyone else—the mere sound is just too intense for them."[405]

Imagine two steel knife-blades with their keen edges crossing each other at right angles, and moving to and fro. Our whole nervous organization is 'on-edge' at the thought; and yet what emotion can be there except the unpleasant nervous feeling itself, or the dread that more of it may come? The entire fund and capital of the emotion here is the senseless bodily effect which the blades immediately arouse. This case is typical of a class: where an ideal emotion seems to precede the bodily symptoms, it is often nothing but an anticipation of the symptoms themselves. One who has already fainted at the sight of blood may witness the preparations for a surgical operation with uncontrollable heart-sinking and anxiety. He anticipates certain feelings, and the anticipation precipitates their arrival. In cases of morbid terror the subjects often confess that what possesses them seems, more than anything, to be fear of the fear itself. In the various forms of what Professor Bain calls 'tender emotion,' although the appropriate object must usually be directly contemplated before the emotion can be aroused, yet sometimes thinking of the symptoms of the emotion itself may have the same effect. In sentimental natures the thought of 'yearning' will produce real 'yearning.' And, not to speak of coarser examples, a mother's imagination of the caresses she bestows on her child may arouse a spasm of parental longing.

Imagine two steel knife blades with their sharp edges crossing each other at right angles and moving back and forth. The thought makes our entire nervous system feel on edge; yet, what emotion can there be except that annoying nervous feeling itself or the fear that it might get worse? The whole basis of the emotion here is the pointless physical reaction that the blades immediately trigger. This situation is typical of a certain group: where an ideal emotion seems to arise before the physical symptoms, it’s often just anticipation of those symptoms themselves. Someone who has already fainted at the sight of blood might watch the preparations for a surgical operation and feel overwhelming anxiety and heart-sinking. They anticipate certain feelings, and that anticipation brings them on. In cases of extreme fear, individuals often admit that what haunts them is more about fearing the fear itself. In the different forms of what Professor Bain calls 'tender emotion,' while the right object usually needs to be directly observed for the emotion to be felt, sometimes just thinking about the emotion's symptoms can have the same effect. In sentimental people, the thought of 'yearning' can create true 'yearning.' And, not to mention rougher examples, a mother's thoughts about the affection she shows her child can spark a wave of parental longing.

In such cases as these we see plainly how the emotion both begins and ends with what we call its effects or manifestations. It has no mental status except as either the vivid feeling of the manifestations, or the idea of them; and the latter thus constitute its entire material, and sum and substance. And these cases ought to make us see how in all cases the feeling of the manifestations may play a much deeper part in the constitution of the emotion than we are wont to suppose.

In situations like this, it's clear that the emotion both starts and finishes with what we refer to as its effects or expressions. It doesn't have any mental status other than the intense feeling of those expressions or the concept of them; and the latter makes up its whole essence and substance. These instances should help us realize that in all cases, the feeling of the expressions can play a much more significant role in shaping the emotion than we typically believe.


The best proof that the immediate cause of emotion is a physical effect on the nerves is furnished by those pathological cases in which the emotion is objectless. One of the chief merits, in fact, of the view which I propose seems to be that we can so easily formulate by its means pathological[Pg 459] cases and normal cases under a common scheme. In every asylum we find examples of absolutely unmotived fear, anger, melancholy, or conceit; and others of an equally unmotived apathy which persists in spite of the best of outward reasons why it should give way. In the former cases we must suppose the nervous machinery to be so 'labile' in some one emotional direction that almost every stimulus (however inappropriate) causes it to upset in that way, and to engender the particular complex of feelings of which the psychic body of the emotion consists. Thus, to take one special instance, if inability to draw deep breath, fluttering of the heart, and that peculiar epigastric change felt as 'precordial anxiety,' with an irresistible tendency to take a somewhat crouching attitude and to sit still, and with perhaps other visceral processes not now known, all spontaneously occur together in a certain person; his feeling of their combination is the emotion of dread, and he is the victim of what is known as morbid fear. A friend who has had occasional attacks of this most distressing of all maladies tells me that in his case the whole drama seems to centre about the region of the heart and respiratory apparatus, that his main effort during the attacks is to get control of his inspirations and to slow his heart, and that the moment he attains to breathing deeply and to holding himself erect, the dread, ipso facto, seems to depart.[406]

The best evidence that emotions are caused by physical effects on the nerves comes from those pathological cases where the emotion has no clear cause. One of the main advantages of my proposed view is that it allows us to easily categorize both pathological[Pg 459] and normal cases under a common framework. In every asylum, we can find examples of completely unmotivated feelings of fear, anger, sadness, or pride; and also cases of unmotivated apathy that persists despite strong external reasons for change. In the first instance, we can assume that the nervous system is so 'labile' in a particular emotional direction that nearly any trigger (no matter how inappropriate) causes it to respond that way and generates the specific complex of feelings that make up the emotional experience. For example, if someone experiences difficulty in breathing, heart palpitations, and a specific type of stomach discomfort felt as 'precordial anxiety'—along with an uncontrollable urge to hunch over and stay still—along with possibly other unknown bodily processes, all occurring together; that person's sense of this combination is the emotion of fear, making them a victim of what we call morbid fear. A friend who has had occasional episodes of this distressing condition tells me that for him, the entire experience seems to focus on the heart and breathing mechanisms. During these episodes, his main struggle is to control his breathing and slow his heart rate, and he notices that the moment he breathes deeply and straightens up, the fear ipso facto seems to vanish.[406]

The emotion here is nothing but the feeling of a bodily state, and it has a purely bodily cause.

The emotion here is just the sensation of a physical state, and it has a purely physical cause.

"All physicians who have been much engaged in general practice have seen cases of dyspepsia in which constant low spirits and occasional attacks of terror rendered the patient's condition pitiable in the extreme. I have observed these cases often, and have watched them closely, and I have never seen greater suffering of any kind than I have witnessed during these attacks.... Thus, a man is suffering from what we call nervous dyspepsia. Some day, we will suppose in the middle of the afternoon, without any warning or visible cause, one of these attacks of terror comes on. The first thing the man feels is great but vague discomfort. Then he notices that his heart is beating much too violently. At the same time shocks or flashes as of electrical discharges, so violent as to be almost painful, pass one after another through his body and limbs. Then in a few minutes he falls into a condition of the most intense fear. He is not afraid of anything; he is simply afraid. His mind is perfectly clear. He looks for a cause of his wretched condition, but sees none. Presently his terror is such that he trembles violently and utters low moans; his body is damp with perspiration; his mouth is perfectly dry; and at this stage there are no tears in his eyes, though his suffering is intense. When the climax of the attack is reached and passed, there is a copious flow of tears, or else a mental condition in which the person weeps upon the least provocation. At this stage a large quantity of pale urine is passed. Then the heart's action becomes again normal, and the attack passes off."[407]

"All doctors who have spent a lot of time in general practice have encountered cases of dyspepsia where ongoing low spirits and sudden panic attacks make the patient's condition extremely unfortunate. I've seen these cases often, and I’ve watched them closely, never witnessing greater suffering in any form than what I’ve seen during these episodes.... So, a person is experiencing what we call nervous dyspepsia. One day, let’s say in the middle of the afternoon, without any warning or obvious cause, one of these panic attacks strikes. The first thing the person feels is a deep, vague discomfort. Then they realize their heart is racing excessively. At the same time, shocks or jolts resembling electrical discharges, so intense they’re almost painful, surge through their body and limbs. A few minutes later, they are overwhelmed by fear. They’re not afraid of anything specific; they’re just consumed by fear. Their mind is completely clear. They search for an explanation for their miserable state but find none. Soon, their terror escalates to the point where they shake uncontrollably and let out soft moans; their body is soaked in sweat; their mouth is totally dry; and at this point, there are no tears in their eyes, even though they are suffering intensely. When the peak of the attack is reached and then subsides, there’s a flood of tears, or the person becomes tearful at the slightest provocation. At this point, a large amount of pale urine is produced. Then the heart returns to its normal rhythm, and the episode calms down." [407]

Again:

Again:

"There are outbreaks of rage so groundless and unbridled that all must admit them to be expressions of disease. For the medical layman hardly anything can be more instructive than the observation of such a pathological attack of rage, especially when it presents itself pure and unmixed with other psychical disturbances. This happens in that rather rare disease named transitory mania. The patient predisposed to this—otherwise an entirely reasonable person—will be attacked suddenly without the slightest outward provocation, and thrown (to use the words of the latest writer on the subject, O. Schwartzer, Die transitorische Tobsucht, Wien, 1880), 'into a paroxysm of the wildest rage, with a fearful and blindly furious impulse to do violence and destroy.' He flies at those about him; strikes, kicks, and throttles whomever he can catch; dashes every object about which he can lay his hands on; breaks and crushes what is near him; tears his clothes; shouts, howls, and roars, with eyes that flash and roll, and shows meanwhile all those symptoms of vaso-motor congestion which we have learned to know as the concomitants of anger. His face is red, swollen, his cheeks hot, his eyes protuberant and their whites bloodshot, the heart beats[Pg 461] violently, the pulse marks 100-120 strokes a minutes. The arteries of the neck are full and pulsating, the veins are swollen, the saliva flows. The fit lasts only a few hours, and ends suddenly with a sleep of from 8 to 12 hours, on waking from which the patient has entirely forgotten what has happened."[408]

"There are outbursts of rage that are so irrational and uncontrollable that everyone has to see them as signs of illness. For those who aren’t medical experts, there’s hardly anything more eye-opening than witnessing such a pathological rage episode, especially when it happens without any other psychological issues. This situation is seen in the relatively rare condition known as transitory mania. A usually rational person can suddenly have an episode without any external cause, and as O. Schwartzer described in his work, Die transitorische Tobsucht, Wien, 1880, they may be 'thrown into a paroxysm of the wildest rage, with a terrifying and blind urge to inflict harm and destroy.' They lash out at people around them; hitting, kicking, and choking anyone they can grab; throwing everything in reach; breaking and smashing nearby objects; tearing their clothes; screaming, howling, and roaring, with their eyes flashing and rolling. During this episode, they show all the signs of vascular and motor congestion typically associated with anger. Their face becomes red and swollen, their cheeks feel hot, their eyes bulge with bloodshot sclera; their heart races, showing a pulse of 100-120 beats per minute. The arteries in their neck are full and throbbing, their veins are swollen, and saliva flows uncontrollably. The attack lasts only a few hours and ends suddenly with a sleep of 8 to 12 hours, after which the person has completely forgotten what happened." [Pg 461] __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

In these (outwardly) causeless emotional conditions the particular paths which are explosive are discharged by any and every incoming sensation. Just as, when we are seasick, every smell, every taste, every sound, every sight, every movement, every sensible experience whatever, augments our nausea, so the morbid terror or anger is increased by each and every sensation which stirs up the nerve-centres. Absolute quiet is the only treatment for the time. It seems impossible not to admit that in all this the bodily condition takes the lead, and that the mental emotion follows. The intellect may, in fact, be so little affected as to play the cold-blooded spectator all the while, and note the absence of a real object for the emotion.[409]

In these seemingly causeless emotional states, any incoming sensation can trigger explosive reactions. Just like when we feel seasick, every smell, taste, sound, sight, movement, or any experience we perceive makes our nausea worse; similarly, feelings of intense fear or anger are intensified by every sensation that activates our nerve centers. The only solution for now is complete silence. It's hard to deny that in all of this, the physical condition leads, while the emotional response follows. The intellect can be so unaffected that it acts as a detached observer, noting the lack of a true cause for the emotion.[409]

A few words from Henle may close my reply to this first objection:

A few words from Henle can wrap up my response to this first objection:

"Does it not seem as if the excitations of the bodily nerves met the ideas half way, in order to raise the latter to the height of emotions? [Note how justly this expresses our theory!] That they do so is proved by the cases in which particular nerves, when specially irritable, share in the emotion and determine its quality. When one is suffering from an open wound, any grievous or horrid spectacle will cause pain in the[Pg 462] wound. In sufferers from heart-disease there is developed a psychic excitability, which is often incomprehensible to the patients themselves, but which comes from the heart's liability to palpitate. I said that the very quality of the emotion is determined by the organs disposed to participate in it. Just as surely as a dark foreboding, rightly grounded on inference from the constellations, will be accompanied by a feeling of oppression in the chest, so surely will a similar feeling of oppression, when due to disease of the thoracic organs, be accompanied by groundless forebodings. So small a thing as a bubble of air rising from the stomach through the œsophagus, and loitering on its way a few minutes and exerting pressure on the heart, is able during sleep to occasion a nightmare, and during waking to produce a vague anxiety. On the other hand, we see that joyous thoughts dilate our blood-vessels, and that a suitable quantity of wine, because it dilates the vessels, also disposes us to joyous thoughts. If both the jest and the wine work together, they supplement each other in producing the emotional effect, and our demands on the jest are the more modest in proportion as the wine takes upon itself a larger part of the task."[410]

"Doesn't it feel like the stimulation of our nerves connects with our thoughts to elevate them into feelings? [Note how accurately this reflects our theory!] This is evident in cases where certain sensitive nerves contribute to emotions and shape their nature. When someone has an open wound, any distressing or gruesome sight will cause pain in that wound. People with heart disease often experience a kind of emotional sensitivity that they might not fully realize, stemming from the heart's tendency to race. I pointed out that the specific nature of the emotion is influenced by the organs involved. Just like a negative feeling, accurately interpreted from the stars, comes with a sense of tightness in the chest, a similar tightness from an issue in the chest organs can lead to baseless worries. Even something as minor as air bubbles moving from the stomach up the esophagus, pausing briefly and pressing against the heart, can trigger nightmares during sleep and vague anxiety while awake. Conversely, we see that happy thoughts widen our blood vessels, and having a moderate amount of wine does the same, making us more susceptible to joyful thoughts. When both laughter and wine are involved, they amplify each other to create an emotional effect, and our expectations for the joke decrease as the wine takes on more of the burden." [410]


Second Objection. If our theory be true, a necessary corollary of it ought to be this: that any voluntary and cold-blooded arousal of the so-called manifestations of a special emotion ought to give us the emotion itself. Now this (the objection says) is not found to be the case. An actor can perfectly simulate an emotion and yet be inwardly cold; and we can all pretend to cry and not feel grief; and feign laughter without being amused.

Second Objection. If our theory is correct, a necessary implication should be this: that any deliberate and unemotional display of a specific emotion should actually cause us to feel that emotion. However, the objection states that this isn't true. An actor can convincingly portray an emotion while remaining emotionally detached; we can all pretend to cry without actually feeling sadness; and we can fake laughter even when we’re not amused.

Reply. In the majority of emotions this test is inapplicable; for many of the manifestations are in organs over which we have no voluntary control. Few people in pretending to cry can shed real tears, for example. But, within the limits in which it can be verified, experience corroborates rather than disproves the corollary from our theory, upon which the present objection rests. Every one knows how panic is increased by flight, and how the giving way to the symptoms of grief or anger increases those passions themselves. Each fit of sobbing makes the sorrow more acute, and calls forth another fit stronger still, until at last repose only ensues with lassitude and with the[Pg 463] apparent exhaustion of the machinery. In rage, it is notorious how we 'work ourselves up' to a climax by repeated outbreaks of expression. Refuse to express a passion, and it dies. Count ten before venting your anger, and its occasion seems ridiculous. Whistling to keep up courage is no mere figure of speech. On the other hand, sit all day in a moping posture, sigh, and reply to everything with a dismal voice, and your melancholy lingers. There is no more valuable precept in moral education than this, as all who have experience know: if we wish to conquer undesirable emotional tendencies in ourselves, we must assiduously, and in the first instance cold-bloodedly, go through the outward movements of those contrary dispositions which we prefer to cultivate. The reward of persistency will infallibly come, in the fading out of the sullenness or depression, and the advent of real cheerfulness and kindliness in their stead. Smooth the brow, brighten the eye, contract the dorsal rather than the ventral aspect of the frame, and speak in a major key, pass the genial compliment, and your heart must be frigid indeed if it do not gradually thaw!

Reply. In most emotions, this test doesn't apply; many expressions occur in parts of the body we can't control. For instance, very few people can genuinely cry when they're just pretending. However, within the limits that can be verified, experience supports rather than contradicts the point from our theory that this objection is based on. Everyone knows how panic increases with fleeing and how giving in to feelings of grief or anger amplifies those emotions. Each time you sob, the sorrow becomes more intense, leading to stronger fits until eventually, you find rest only when you're drained and exhausted. It's well-known that in rage, we 'work ourselves up' to a peak through repeated expressions. If you hold back your feelings, they'll fade away. Count to ten before expressing your anger, and the reason behind it seems silly. Whistling to boost your courage isn't just a saying. On the flip side, if you sit all day looking gloomy, sighing, and answering everything in a dull tone, your sadness will stick around. There's no more valuable lesson in personal development than this, as everyone with experience knows: if we want to overcome unwanted emotional patterns in ourselves, we must diligently and initially with a level head perform the outward movements of the positive feelings we want to nurture. The reward for persistence will inevitably appear in the form of fading sadness and the arrival of genuine cheerfulness and kindness. Smooth your brow, brighten your eyes, posture yourself in a way that lifts rather than droops, speak in an upbeat tone, give a friendly compliment, and your heart must be pretty cold if it doesn't eventually warm up!

This is recognized by all psychologists, only they fail to see its full import. Professor Bain writes, for example:

This is recognized by all psychologists, but they fail to see its full significance. Professor Bain writes, for example:

"We find that a feeble [emotional] wave... is suspended inwardly by being arrested outwardly; the currents of the brain and the agitation of the centres die away if the external vent is resisted at every point. It is by such restraint that we are in the habit of suppressing pity, anger, fear, pride—on many trifling occasions. If so, it is a fact that the suppression of the actual movements has a tendency to suppress the nervous currents that incite them, so that the external quiescence is followed by the internal. The effect would not happen in any case if there were not some dependence of the cerebral wave upon the free outward vent or manifestation.... By the same interposition we may summon up a dormant feeling. By acting out the external manifestations, we gradually infect the nerves leading to them, and finally waken up the diffusive current by a sort of action ab extra.... Thus it is that we are sometimes able to assume a cheerful tone of mind by forcing a hilarious expression."[411]

"We find that a weak emotional wave... is held back internally because it's blocked externally; the brain's activity and unrest fade away if we resist all external outlets. This kind of restraint often leads us to suppress emotions like pity, anger, fear, and pride—often over minor things. If that's the case, then suppressing these feelings tends to decrease the nervous energy that drives them, so external calmness eventually leads to internal calmness. This wouldn't happen at all if there wasn't some connection between the brain's wave and the ability to freely express it.... By using the same method, we can bring out a dormant feeling. By showing external behaviors, we gradually influence the nerves related to them, eventually awakening the flow of energy through some form of external action ab extra.... This is how we can sometimes adopt a cheerful mindset by forcing a joyful expression."[411]

We have a mass of other testimony of similar effect. Burke, in his treatise on the Sublime and Beautiful, writes as follows of the physiognomist Campanella:

We have a lot of other evidence that supports the same idea. Burke, in his essay on the Sublime and Beautiful, writes the following about the physiognomist Campanella:

"This man, it seems, had not only made very accurate observations on human faces, but was very expert in mimicking such as were in any way remarkable. When he had a mind to penetrate into the inclinations of those he had to deal with, he composed his face, his gesture, and his whole body, as nearly as he could, into the exact similitude of the person he intended to examine; and then carefully observed what turn of mind he seemed to acquire by the change. So that, says my author, he was able to enter into the dispositions and thoughts of people as effectually as if he had been changed into the very men. I have often observed [Burke now goes on in his own person] that, on mimicking the looks and gestures of angry, or placid, or frightened, or daring men, I have involuntarily found my mind turned to that passion whose appearance I strove to imitate; nay, I am convinced it is hard to avoid it, though one strove to separate the passion from its corresponding gestures."[412]

"This man seemed to not only make very accurate observations about human faces, but he was also quite skilled at mimicking those who were remarkable in some way. When he wanted to understand the tendencies of the people he interacted with, he would change his face, gestures, and entire posture to closely resemble the person he intended to study; then he would carefully observe what mindset he seemed to adopt through this transformation. My author notes that he could tap into the dispositions and thoughts of people as effectively as if he had become them. I have often noticed [Burke now speaks for himself] that when I mimic the looks and gestures of angry, calm, frightened, or bold individuals, I unintentionally find my mindset shifting to the emotion I was trying to imitate; in fact, I believe it's hard to avoid this, even when one tries to separate the emotion from its associated gestures." [412]

Against this it is to be said that many actors who perfectly mimic the outward appearances of emotion in face, gait, and voice declare that they feel no emotion at all. Others, however, according to Mr. Wm. Archer, who has made a very instructive statistical inquiry among them, say that the emotion of the part masters them whenever they play it well.[413] Thus:

Against this, it's important to note that many actors who can perfectly imitate the outward signs of emotions in their facial expressions, movements, and voices claim that they don’t actually feel any emotion at all. However, others, as pointed out by Mr. Wm. Archer, who has conducted a very insightful statistical study among them, say that the emotion of the role takes over whenever they perform it well.[413] Thus:

"'I often turn pale,' writes Miss Isabel Bateman, 'in scenes of terror or great excitement. I have been told this many times, and I can feel myself getting very cold and shivering and pale in thrilling situations.' 'When I am playing rage or terror,' writes Mr. Lionel Brough, 'I believe I do turn pale. My mouth gets dry, my tongue cleaves to my palate. In Bob Acres, for instance (in the last act), I[Pg 465] have to continually moisten my mouth, or I shall become inarticulate. I have to "swallow the lump," as I call it.' All artists who have had much experience of emotional parts are absolutely unanimous.... 'Playing with the brain,' says Miss Alma Murray, 'is far less fatiguing than playing with the heart. An adventuress taxes the physique far less than a sympathetic heroine. Muscular exertion has comparatively little to do with it.'... 'Emotion while acting,' writes Mr. Howe, 'will induce perspiration much more than physical exertion. I always perspired profusely while acting Joseph Surface, which requires little or no exertion.'... 'I suffer from fatigue,' writes Mr. Forbes Robertson, 'in proportion to the amount of emotion I may have been called upon to go through, and not from physical exertion.'... 'Though I have played Othello,' writes Mr. Coleman, 'ever since I was seventeen (at nineteen I had the honor of acting the Moor to Macready's Iago), husband my resources as I may, this is the one part, the part of parts, which always leaves me physically prostrate. I have never been able to find a pigment that would stay on my face, though I have tried every preparation in existence. Even the titanic Edwin Forrest told me that he was always knocked over in Othello, and I have heard Charles Kean, Phelps, Brooke, Dillion, say the same thing. On the other hand, I have frequently acted Richard III. without turning a hair.'"[414]

"I often go pale," writes Miss Isabel Bateman, "during scenes of terror or intense excitement. I've been told this many times, and I can feel myself getting very cold, shivering, and pale in thrilling situations." "When I'm playing rage or terror," writes Mr. Lionel Brough, "I think I do turn pale. My mouth goes dry, and my tongue sticks to the roof of my mouth. In Bob Acres, for example (in the last act), I have to keep moistening my mouth, or I’ll become unable to speak. I have to 'swallow the lump,' as I call it." All experienced artists in emotional roles agree... "Acting with your head," says Miss Alma Murray, "is way less exhausting than acting with your heart. Playing an adventuress is much less taxing on the body than portraying a sympathetic heroine. Physical effort has relatively little to do with it."... "Emotion while acting," writes Mr. Howe, "makes you sweat a lot more than physical effort does. I always sweat a lot when playing Joseph Surface, which doesn’t really require much exertion."... "I feel fatigued," writes Mr. Forbes Robertson, "in relation to the amount of emotion I’ve had to portray, not from physical exertion."... "Although I’ve played Othello," writes Mr. Coleman, "since I was seventeen (at nineteen I had the honor of playing the Moor to Macready’s Iago), no matter how I manage my resources, this is the one role, the role of roles, that always leaves me physically exhausted. I’ve never been able to find a makeup that stays on my face, despite trying every product out there. Even the legendary Edwin Forrest told me he would always be wiped out by Othello, and I’ve heard Charles Kean, Phelps, Brooke, and Dillion say the same. On the flip side, I’ve often played Richard III without breaking a sweat."[414]

The explanation for the discrepancy amongst actors is probably that which these quotations suggest. The visceral and organic part of the expression can be suppressed in some men, but not in others, and on this it is probable that the chief part of the felt emotion depends. Coquelin and the other actors who are inwardly cold are probably able to affect the dissociation in a complete way. Prof. Sikorsky of Kieff has contributed an important article on the facial expression of the insane to the Neurologisches Centralblatt for 1887. Having practised facial mimicry himself a great deal, he says:

The reason for the difference among actors is likely what these quotes imply. The visceral and organic aspect of expression can be suppressed in some men but not in others, and it’s likely that the bulk of the felt emotion relies on this. Coquelin and the other actors who are emotionally distant can probably fully achieve that dissociation. Prof. Sikorsky from Kieff wrote a significant article on the facial expressions of the insane for the Neurologisches Centralblatt in 1887. Having practiced facial mimicry extensively himself, he says:

"When I contract my facial muscles in any mimetic combination, I feel no emotional excitement, so that the mimicry is in the fullest sense of the word artificial, although quite irreproachable from the expressive point of view."[415]

"When I tighten my facial muscles in any combination of expressions, I don't feel any emotional excitement, making the mimicry completely artificial, even though it’s perfectly fine from the perspective of expression."[415]

We find, however, from the context that Prof. S.'s practice before the mirror has developed in him such a virtuosity in the control of his facial muscles that he can entirely disregard their natural association and contract them in any order of grouping, on either side of the face isolatedly,[Pg 466] and each one alone. Probably in him the facial mimicry is an entirely restricted and localized thing, without sympathetic changes of any sort elsewhere.

We see, however, from the context that Prof. S.'s practice in front of the mirror has given him such skill in controlling his facial muscles that he can completely ignore their natural connections and move them in any group or pattern, on either side of his face, and even individually. For him, facial expressions are likely a highly focused and specific ability, with no related changes happening anywhere else.[Pg 466]


Third Objection. Manifesting an emotion, so far from increasing it, makes it cease. Rage evaporates after a good outburst; it is pent-up emotions that "work like madness in the brain."

Third Objection. Showing an emotion, rather than making it stronger, actually makes it stop. Anger disappears after a proper outburst; it’s the pent-up feelings that "act like madness in the brain."

Reply. The objection fails to discriminate between what is felt during and what is felt after the manifestation. During the manifestation the emotion is always felt. In the normal course of things this, being the natural channel of discharge, exhausts the nerve-centres, and emotional calm ensues. But if tears or anger are simply suppressed, whilst the object of grief or rage remains unchanged before the mind, the current which would have invaded the normal channels turns into others, for it must find some outlet of escape. It may then work different and worse effects later on. Thus vengeful brooding may replace a burst of indignation; a dry heat may consume the frame of one who fain would weep, or he may, as Dante says, turn to stone within; and then tears or a storming fit may bring a grateful relief. This is when the current is strong enough to strike into a pathological path when the normal one is dammed. When this is so, an immediate outpour may be best. But here, to quote Prof. Bain again:

Reply. The objection doesn't recognize the difference between what is felt during and what is felt after the event. During the event, the emotion is always present. Normally, this serves as the natural way to release it, exhausting the nerve centers and leading to emotional calm. However, if tears or anger are just held back while the source of sadness or anger remains in mind, the emotional energy that would normally release will find other ways to escape, as it needs an outlet. This can lead to different and often worse results later on. For instance, vengeful thoughts might replace a moment of anger; a dry heat might consume someone who wants to cry, or, as Dante puts it, they may feel as if they're turning to stone inside; and then tears or an outburst can provide much-needed relief. This happens when the emotional energy becomes strong enough to follow a harmful path instead of a healthy one because the normal path is blocked. In such cases, a quick release may be the best solution. But here, to quote Prof. Bain again:

"There is nothing more implied than the fact that an emotion may be too strong to be resisted, and we only waste our strength in the endeavor. If we are really able to stem the torrent, there is no more reason for refraining from the attempt than in the case of weaker feelings. And undoubtedly the habitual control of the emotions is not to be attained without a systematic restraint, extended to weak and strong."

"It’s obvious that some emotions can be overwhelming, and resisting them just saps our energy. If we can really manage to hold back intense emotions, there’s no good reason to avoid doing so for milder ones. It’s clear that consistent emotional management requires a conscious effort for both weak and strong feelings."

When we teach children to repress their emotional talk and display, it is not that they may feel more—quite the reverse. It is that they may think more; for, to a certain extent, whatever currents are diverted from the regions below, must swell the activity of the thought-tracts of the brain. In apoplexies and other brain injuries we get the opposite condition—an obstruction, namely, to the passage[Pg 467] of currents among the thought-tracts, and with this an increased tendency of objects to start downward currents into the organs of the body. The consequence is tears, laughter, and temper-fits, on the most insignificant provocation, accompanying a proportional feebleness in logical thought and the power of volitional attention and decision,—just the sort of thing from which we try to wean our child. It is true that we say of certain persons that "they would feel more if they expressed less." And in another class of persons the explosive energy with which passion manifests itself on critical occasions seems correlated with the way in which they bottle it up during the intervals. But these are only eccentric types of character, and within each type the law of the last paragraph prevails. The sentimentalist is so constructed that 'gushing' is his or her normal mode of expression. Putting a stopper on the 'gush' will only to a limited extent cause more 'real' activities to take its place; in the main it will simply produce listlessness. On the other hand, the ponderous and bilious 'slumbering volcano,' let him repress the expression of his passions as he will, will find them expire if they get no vent at all; whilst if the rare occasions multiply which he deems worthy of their outbreak, he will find them grow in intensity as life proceeds. On the whole, I cannot see that this third objection carries any weight.

When we teach kids to suppress their emotional expressions and talk, it doesn’t mean they’ll feel more—it's actually the opposite. It means they might think more; because, to some degree, when emotions are diverted from the deeper parts of the mind, it boosts the brain's thinking pathways. In cases of strokes and other brain injuries, we see the opposite situation—there's a blockage that stops the flow of thoughts, leading to increased downward emotions affecting the body’s organs. This results in tears, laughter, and angry outbursts over the tiniest things, along with a significant decrease in logical thinking and the ability to focus and make decisions—exactly the kind of behavior we want to steer our child away from. It's true that we sometimes say certain people "would feel more if they expressed less." And some individuals show that the explosive way their emotions come out during critical moments seems connected to how they hold back during quieter times. However, these are just unusual character types, and within each type, the principle I mentioned earlier holds true. The sentimental person is naturally inclined to express feelings openly. Trying to stop that emotional expression will only slightly increase "real" activities to replace it; mainly, it will just lead to apathy. On the other hand, the heavy, repressed person—like a "slumbering volcano"—may try to hold back their feelings, but if they don’t express them at all, they’ll eventually fade away; if the rare moments they feel it's appropriate to show their emotions become more frequent, those feelings will intensify as they go through life. Overall, I don’t believe this third argument holds much validity.


If our hypothesis is true, it makes us realize more deeply than ever how much our mental life is knit up with our corporeal frame, in the strictest sense of the term. Rapture, love, ambition, indignation, and pride, considered as feelings, are fruits of the same soil with the grossest bodily sensations of pleasure and of pain. But the reader will remember that we agreed at the outset to affirm this only of what we then called the 'coarser' emotions, and that those inward states of emotional sensibility which appeared devoid at first sight of bodily results should be left out of our account. We must now say a word or two about these latter feelings, the 'subtler' emotions, as we then agreed to call them.

If our hypothesis is correct, it makes us realize more than ever how intertwined our mental life is with our physical body, in the strictest sense. Joy, love, ambition, anger, and pride, viewed as emotions, come from the same source as the most basic physical sensations of pleasure and pain. But the reader will remember that we initially decided to only say this about what we referred to as the 'coarser' emotions, and that we would leave out those inner states of emotional sensitivity that seemed, at first glance, to lack physical manifestations. We should now say a few things about these other feelings, which we agreed to call the 'subtler' emotions.

THE SUBTLER EMOTIONS.

These are the moral, intellectual, and æsthetic feelings. Concords of sounds, of colors, of lines, logical consistencies, teleological fitnesses, affect us with a pleasure that seems ingrained in the very form of the representation itself, and to borrow nothing from any reverberation surging up from the parts below the brain. The Herbartian psychologists have distinguished feelings due to the form in which ideas may be arranged. A mathematical demonstration may be as 'pretty,' and an act of justice as 'neat,' as a drawing or a tune, although the prettiness and neatness seem to have nothing to do with sensation. We have, then, or some of us seem to have, genuinely cerebral forms of pleasure and displeasure, apparently not agreeing in their mode of production with the 'coarser' emotions we have been analyzing. And it is certain that readers whom our reasons have hitherto failed to convince will now start up at this admission, and consider that by it we give up our whole case. Since musical perceptions, since logical ideas, can immediately arouse a form of emotional feeling, they will say, is it not more natural to suppose that in the case of the so-called 'coarser' emotions, prompted by other kinds of objects, the emotional feeling is equally immediate, and the bodily expression something that comes later and is added on?

These are the moral, intellectual, and aesthetic feelings. Combinations of sounds, colors, and shapes, as well as logical consistencies and purposeful arrangements, give us a pleasure that feels embedded in the very structure of the representation itself, not relying on any echo rising from the parts below the brain. The Herbartian psychologists have identified feelings based on the form in which ideas can be organized. A mathematical proof can be as 'pretty,' and an act of justice can be as 'neat,' as a drawing or a song, even though the prettiness and neatness seem unrelated to sensation. So, some of us appear to have genuinely cerebral forms of pleasure and displeasure that don’t seem to align in how they're produced with the 'coarser' emotions we’ve been discussing. It's clear that readers who haven’t been convinced by our arguments so far will react strongly to this admission and think we’re abandoning our entire case. They might argue that since musical perceptions and logical ideas can trigger a specific emotional feeling right away, isn't it more logical to assume that in the case of the so-called 'coarser' emotions, which are prompted by different kinds of objects, the emotional feeling is equally immediate, and the bodily expression follows as an addition?


In reply to this we must immediately insist that æsthetic emotion, pure and simple, the pleasure given us by certain lines and masses, and combinations of colors and sounds, is an absolutely sensational experience, an optical or auricular feeling that is primary, and not due to the repercussion backwards of other sensations elsewhere consecutively aroused. To this simple primary and immediate pleasure in certain pure sensations and harmonious combinations of them, there may, it is true, be added secondary pleasures; and in the practical enjoyment of works of art by the masses of mankind these secondary pleasures play a great part. The more classic one's taste is, however, the less relatively important are the secondary pleasures felt to be in comparison with those of the primary sensation as it[Pg 469] comes in.[416] Classicism and romanticism have their battles over this point. Complex suggestiveness, the awakening of[Pg 470] vistas of memory and association, and the stirring of our flesh with picturesque mystery and gloom, make a work of art romantic. The classic taste brands these effects as coarse and tawdry, and prefers the naked beauty of the optical and auditory sensations, unadorned with frippery or foliage. To the romantic mind, on the contrary, the immediate beauty of these sensations seems dry and thin. I am of course not discussing which view is right, but only showing that the discrimination between the primary feeling of beauty, as a pure incoming sensible quality, and the secondary emotions which are grafted thereupon, is one that must be made.

In response to this, we must quickly emphasize that aesthetic emotion, pure and simple, the pleasure we derive from certain shapes, colors, and sounds, is a completely sensory experience, an optical or auditory feeling that is fundamental and not caused by the reflection of other sensations that have been aroused earlier. While it’s true that there may be added secondary pleasures to this basic enjoyment of certain pure sensations and their harmonious combinations, these secondary pleasures play a significant role in how the general public appreciates art. However, the more classic one's taste, the less important these secondary pleasures are compared to the primary sensation as it[Pg 469] comes in.[416] Classicism and romanticism often clash over this issue. Complex suggestiveness, the evocation of memories and associations, and the stirring of our emotions with vivid mystery and darkness make a work of art romantic. Classic taste considers these effects to be crude and cheap, preferring the pure beauty of the optical and auditory sensations, free of any embellishments. In contrast, the romantic mind finds the immediate beauty of these sensations to be dry and superficial. I am not arguing which view is correct, but simply pointing out that it's essential to distinguish between the primary feeling of beauty as a pure, incoming sensory quality and the secondary emotions that are added to it.

These secondary emotions themselves are assuredly for the most part constituted of other incoming sensations aroused by the diffusive wave of reflex effects which the beautiful object sets up. A glow, a pang in the breast, a shudder, a fulness of the breathing, a flutter of the heart, a shiver down the back, a moistening of the eyes, a stirring in the hypogastrium, and a thousand unnamable symptoms besides, may be felt the moment the beauty excites us. And these symptoms also result when we are excited by moral perceptions, as of pathos, magnanimity, or courage. The voice breaks and the sob rises in the struggling chest, or the nostril dilates and the fingers tighten, whilst the heart beats, etc., etc.

These secondary emotions are largely made up of other incoming sensations triggered by the widespread reflex effects that a beautiful object creates. A warm feeling, a pang in the chest, a shudder, a deep breath, a racing heart, a chill down the spine, watery eyes, a pang in the lower abdomen, and countless other indescribable symptoms can be experienced the moment beauty moves us. These symptoms also occur when we are stirred by moral feelings, like sadness, generosity, or bravery. The voice cracks, and a sob catches in the chest, the nostrils flare, and the fingers clench, while the heart races, and so on.

As far as these ingredients of the subtler emotions go, then, the latter form no exception to our account, but rather an additional illustration thereof. In all cases of intellectual or moral rapture we find that, unless there be coupled a bodily reverberation of some kind with the mere[Pg 471] thought of the object and cognition of its quality; unless we actually laugh at the neatness of the demonstration or witticism; unless we thrill at the case of justice, or tingle at the act of magnanimity; our state of mind can hardly be called emotional at all. It is in fact a mere intellectual perception of how certain things are to be called—neat, right, witty, generous, and the like. Such a judicial state of mind as this is to be classed among awarenesses of truth; it is a cognitive act. As a matter of fact, however, the moral and intellectual cognitions hardly ever do exist thus unaccompanied. The bodily sounding-board is at work, as careful introspection will show, far more than we usually suppose. Still, where long familiarity with a certain class of effects, even æsthetic ones, has blunted mere emotional excitability as much as it has sharpened taste and judgment, we do get the intellectual emotion, if such it can be called, pure and undefiled. And the dryness of it, the paleness, the absence of all glow, as it may exist in a thoroughly expert critic's mind, not only shows us what an altogether different thing it is from the 'coarser' emotions we considered first, but makes us suspect that almost the entire difference lies in the fact that the bodily sounding-board, vibrating in the one case, is in the other mute. "Not so very bad" is, in a person of consummate taste, apt to be the highest limit of approving expression. "Rien ne me choque" is said to have been Chopin's superlative of praise of new music. A sentimental layman would feel, and ought to feel, horrified, on being admitted into such a critic's mind, to see how cold, how thin, how void of human significance, are the motives for favor or disfavor that there prevail. The capacity to make a nice spot on the wall will outweigh a picture's whole content; a foolish trick of words will preserve a poem; an utterly meaningless fitness of sequence in one musical composition set at naught any amount of 'expressiveness' in another.

As far as these ingredients of subtler emotions go, they are no exception to our discussion but rather an additional example of it. In all cases of intellectual or moral excitement, we find that unless there’s a physical reaction of some sort accompanying the mere thought of the object and the recognition of its qualities; unless we actually laugh at the cleverness of a demonstration or joke; unless we feel a thrill at the idea of justice or get a tingle from an act of kindness; our state of mind can hardly be called emotional at all. It is really just an intellectual perception of how certain things should be labeled—neat, right, witty, generous, and so on. This kind of judgmental mindset is categorized among awarenesses of truth; it is a cognitive act. However, in reality, moral and intellectual cognitions rarely exist without accompanying sensations. The physical response is at work, as careful reflection will reveal, far more than we usually realize. Still, when long familiarity with a certain type of effects, even aesthetic ones, has dulled mere emotional sensitivity while sharpening taste and judgment, we do experience the intellectual emotion, if it can be called that, in its purest form. The dryness of it, the dullness, the lack of warmth, as it may exist in the mind of an experienced critic, not only highlights how completely different it is from the 'coarser' emotions we considered first, but also makes us suspect that the entire difference lies in the fact that the physical response, vibrant in one case, is silent in the other. "Not so very bad" is likely to be the highest form of approval for someone with exceptional taste. "Rien ne me choque" is said to have been Chopin's ultimate compliment for new music. A sentimental amateur would feel—and should feel—horrified upon entering such a critic's mind to see how cold, how thin, how devoid of human significance the reasons for approval or disapproval can be. The ability to create a nice space on the wall can outweigh a painting's entire content; a silly play on words can save a poem; an entirely meaningless order in one musical composition can overshadow any level of 'expressiveness' in another.

I remember seeing an English couple sit for more than an hour on a piercing February day in the Academy at Venice before the celebrated 'Assumption' by Titian; and when I, after being chased from room to room by the cold, concluded to get into the sunshine as fast as possible[Pg 472] and let the pictures go, but before leaving drew reverently near to them to learn with what superior forms of susceptibility they might be endowed, all I overheard was the woman's voice murmuring: "What a deprecatory expression her face wears! What self-abnegation! How unworthy she feels of the honor she is receiving!" Their honest hearts had been kept warm all the time by a glow of spurious sentiment that would have fairly made old Titian sick. Mr. Ruskin somewhere makes the (for him terrible) admission that religious people as a rule care little for pictures, and that when they do care for them they generally prefer the worst ones to the best. Yes! in every art, in every science, there is the keen perception of certain relations being right or not, and there is the emotional flush and thrill consequent thereupon. And these are two things, not one. In the former of them it is that experts and masters are at home. The latter accompaniments are bodily commotions that they may hardly feel, but that may be experienced in their fulness by crétins and philistines in whom the critical judgment is at its lowest ebb. The 'marvels' of Science, about which so much edifying popular literature is written, are apt to be 'caviare' to the men in the laboratories. And even divine Philosophy itself, which common mortals consider so 'sublime' an occupation, on account of the vastness of its data and outlook, is too apt to the practical philosopher himself to be but a sharpening and tightening business, a matter of 'points,' of screwing down things, of splitting hairs, and of the 'intent' rather than the 'extent' of conceptions. Very little emotion here!—except the effort of setting the attention fine, and the feeling of ease and relief (mainly in the breathing apparatus) when the inconsistencies are overcome and the thoughts run smoothly for a while. Emotion and cognition seem then parted even in this last retreat; and cerebral processes are almost feelingless, so far as we can judge, until they summon help from parts below.

I remember seeing an English couple sit for more than an hour on a biting February day in the Academy in Venice, gazing at the famous 'Assumption' by Titian. After being chased from room to room by the cold, I decided to get into the sunshine as quickly as possible[Pg 472] and give up on the paintings. But before leaving, I approached them respectfully to see what kind of deeper sensitivity they might have. All I overheard was the woman's voice softly saying, "What a deprecatory expression her face has! What self-abnegation! How unworthy she feels of the honor she’s receiving!" Their genuine emotions had been kept warm all this time by a false sentimentality that would have truly made old Titian sick. Mr. Ruskin somewhere makes the (for him terrible) admission that religious people generally don't care much for pictures, and when they do, they usually prefer the worst ones over the best. Yes! In every art and science, there's a keen awareness of certain relationships being right or not, along with the emotional buzz and thrill that follows. These are two separate things. In the first case, experts and masters feel at home. The second part consists of physical reactions that they might hardly notice, but crétins and philistines, who have a very low critical judgment, can experience fully. The 'marvels' of science, which inspire so much uplifting popular literature, tend to be 'caviare' to those in the labs. And even divine philosophy, which ordinary people view as such a 'sublime' pursuit due to its vast data and perspective, often turns out for practical philosophers to be more about sharpening and tightening arguments, focusing on 'points,' screwing down details, splitting hairs, and examining the 'intent' rather than the 'extent' of ideas. There's very little emotion here!—except for the effort involved in fine-tuning attention and the feeling of ease and relief (mainly in the breathing) when inconsistencies are resolved and thoughts flow smoothly for a while. Emotion and understanding seem separate even in this last refuge; cerebral processes are almost devoid of feeling, as far as we can tell, until they draw on support from deeper parts.

NO SPECIAL BRAIN-CENTRES FOR EMOTION.

If the neural process underlying emotional consciousness be what I have now sought to prove it, the physiology[Pg 473] of the brain becomes a simpler matter than has been hitherto supposed. Sensational, associational, and motor elements are all that the organ need contain. The physiologists who, during the past few years, have been so industriously exploring the brain's functions, have limited their explanations to its cognitive and volitional performances. Dividing the brain into sensory and motor centres, they have found their division to be exactly paralleled by the analysis made by empirical psychology of the perceptive and volitional parts of the mind into their simplest elements. But the emotions have been so ignored in all these researches that one is tempted to suppose that if these investigators were asked for a theory of them in brain-terms, they would have to reply, either that they had as yet bestowed no thought upon the subject, or that they had found it so difficult to make distinct hypotheses that the matter lay among the problems of the future, only to be taken up after the simpler ones of the present should have been definitively solved.

If the neural process behind emotional consciousness is what I've tried to prove, then the physiology of the brain is much simpler than previously thought. The brain only needs to have sensational, associational, and motor elements. In recent years, physiologists have been diligently exploring the functions of the brain but have limited their explanations to cognitive and voluntary actions. By dividing the brain into sensory and motor centers, they've found a clear parallel with how empirical psychology breaks down the perceptive and voluntary parts of the mind into their simplest elements. However, the emotions have been largely overlooked in all this research, leading to the impression that if these researchers were asked for a theory of them in brain terms, they would either admit to not having given it any thought or acknowledge that formulating clear hypotheses is so challenging that it's a problem for the future, to be addressed only after the simpler issues of the present have been completely resolved.

And yet it is even now certain that of two things concerning the emotions, one must be true. Either separate and special centres, affected to them alone, are their brain-seat, or else they correspond to processes occurring in the motor and sensory centres already assigned, or in others like them, not yet known. If the former be the case, we must deny the view that is current, and hold the cortex to be something more than the surface of 'projection' for every sensitive spot and every muscle in the body. If the latter be the case, we must ask whether the emotional process in the sensory or motor centre be an altogether peculiar one, or whether it resembles the ordinary perceptive processes of which those centres are already recognized to be the seat. Now if the theory I have defended be true, the latter alternative is all that it demands. Supposing the cortex to contain parts, liable to be excited by changes in each special sense-organ, in each portion of the skin, in each muscle, each joint, and each viscus, and to contain absolutely nothing else, we still have a scheme capable of representing the process of the emotions. An object falls on a sense-organ, affects a cortical part, and is perceived;[Pg 474] or else the latter, excited inwardly, gives rise to an idea of the same object. Quick as a flash, the reflex currents pass down through their preordained channels, alter the condition of muscle, skin, and viscus; and these alterations, perceived, like the original object, in as many portions of the cortex, combine with it in consciousness and transform it from an object-simply-apprehended into an object-emotionally-felt. No new principles have to be invoked, nothing postulated beyond the ordinary reflex circuits, and the local centres admitted in one shape or another by all to exist.

And yet, it's clear now that one of two things must be true about emotions. Either there are separate and specific areas in the brain responsible for them, or they are linked to processes happening in the already known motor and sensory centers, or in other similar areas that we haven't identified yet. If it's the first case, we have to reject the common belief that the cortex is just a surface where every sensitive area and muscle in the body projects. If it's the second case, we need to consider whether the emotional process in the sensory or motor center is entirely unique or if it resembles the typical perceptual processes that these centers are already known to handle. If the theory I’ve argued for is correct, then the latter option is all it requires. Assuming the cortex has parts that respond to changes in each specific sense organ, every area of the skin, each muscle, each joint, and each organ, and nothing else, we still have a framework that can represent the emotional processes. An object interacts with a sense organ, stimulates a part of the cortex, and is perceived; or the stimulated cortex can create an idea of that same object. In an instant, the reflex signals travel through their designated pathways, changing the state of muscles, skin, and organs; these changes, perceived just like the initial object, activate different regions of the cortex, merging in consciousness and shifting our understanding from simply seeing an object to experiencing an emotion about it. No new principles are necessary, and nothing beyond the usual reflex pathways and the local centers, acknowledged in various forms by everyone, needs to be assumed.

EMOTIONAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN INDIVIDUALS.

The revivability in memory of the emotions, like that of all the feelings of the lower senses, is very small. We can remember that we underwent grief or rapture, but not just how the grief or rapture felt. This difficult ideal revivability is, however, more than compensated in the case of the emotions by a very easy actual revivability. That is, we can produce, not remembrances of the old grief or rapture, but new griefs and raptures, by summoning up a lively thought of their exciting cause. The cause is now only an idea, but this idea produces the same organic irradiations, or almost the same, which were produced by its original, so that the emotion is again a reality. We have 'recaptured' it. Shame, love, and anger are particularly liable to be thus revived by ideas of their object. Professor Bain admits[417] that "in their strict character of emotion proper, they [the emotions] have the minimum of revivability; but being always incorporated with the sensations of the higher senses, they share in the superior revivability of sights and sounds." But he fails to point out that the revived sights and sounds may be ideal without ceasing to be distinct; whilst the emotion, to be distinct, must become real again. Prof. Bain seems to forget that an 'ideal emotion' and a real emotion prompted by an ideal object are two very different things.

The ability to remember emotions, similar to our recall of the feelings related to our basic senses, is quite limited. We can remember feeling sadness or joy, but we often struggle to recall precisely what that sadness or joy felt like. This challenging ideal ability to revive emotions, however, is more than balanced by a much simpler actual revival of those emotions. We can create new feelings of sadness or joy, not just memories of past ones, by vividly bringing to mind what caused those feelings. The cause is now just an idea, but this idea can trigger almost the same physical reactions as the original did, making the emotion feel real again. We've 'recaptured' it. Feelings like shame, love, and anger are especially prone to being revived through thoughts about their triggers. Professor Bain acknowledges[417] that "in their strict character of emotion proper, they [the emotions] have the minimum of revivability; but being always incorporated with the sensations of the higher senses, they share in the superior revivability of sights and sounds." However, he overlooks the fact that the revived sights and sounds can be ideal yet still remain distinct, while the emotion itself must become real again to be truly distinct. Professor Bain seems to neglect the difference between an 'ideal emotion' and a genuine emotion triggered by an ideal object; they are two fundamentally different experiences.

An emotional temperament on the one hand, and a lively imagination for objects and circumstances on the other, are thus the conditions, necessary and sufficient, for an abundant emotional life. No matter how emotional the temperament may be, if the imagination be poor, the occasions for touching off the emotional trains will fail to be realized, and the life will be pro tanto cold and dry. This is perhaps a reason why it may be better that a man of thought should not have too strong a visualizing power. He is less likely to have his trains of meditation disturbed by emotional interruptions. It will be remembered that Mr. Galton found the members of the Royal Society and of the French Academy of Sciences to be below par in visualizing power. If I may speak of myself, I am far less able to visualize now, at the age of 46, than in my earlier years; and I am strongly inclined to believe that the relative sluggishness of my emotional life at present is quite as much connected with this fact as it is with the invading torpor of hoary eld, or with the omnibus-horse routine of settled professional and domestic life. I say this because I occasionally have a flash of the old stronger visual imagery, and I notice that the emotional commentary, so to call it, is then liable to become much more acute than is its present wont. Charcot's patient, whose case is given above on p. 58 ff., complained of his incapacity for emotional feeling after his optical images were gone. His mother's death, which in former times would have wrung his heart, left him quite cold; largely, as he himself suggests, because he could form no definite visual image of the event, and of the effect of the loss on the rest of the family at home.

An emotional temperament on one side, and a vivid imagination for objects and situations on the other, are the necessary and sufficient conditions for a rich emotional life. Regardless of how emotional the temperament might be, if the imagination is limited, opportunities to trigger emotional reactions will not materialize, and life will be pro tanto cold and dry. This might explain why it can be beneficial for a thoughtful person to not have an overly strong visualizing ability. They are less likely to have their trains of thought disrupted by emotional interferences. It’s worth noting that Mr. Galton found that members of the Royal Society and the French Academy of Sciences had below-average visualizing abilities. Speaking for myself, I find that I’m much less capable of visualizing at the age of 46 than I was in my younger years; I strongly suspect that the relative dullness of my emotional life now is just as much linked to this as it is to the creeping lethargy of old age or the monotonous routine of established work and family life. I mention this because I occasionally experience a flash of the stronger visual imagery I used to have, and during those times, I notice that the emotional responses, for lack of a better term, can become much sharper than they usually are now. The patient described by Charcot, mentioned above on p. 58 ff., complained about his inability to feel emotions after his visual images faded. His mother’s death, which would have once devastated him, left him feeling completely indifferent; largely, as he himself points out, because he could not form a clear visual image of the event and how the loss affected the rest of the family at home.

One final generality about the emotions remains to be noted: They blunt themselves by repetition more rapidly than any other sort of feeling. This is due not only to the general law of 'accommodation' to their stimulus which we saw to obtain of all feelings whatever, but to the peculiar fact that the 'diffusive wave' of reflex effects tends always to become more narrow. It seems as if it were essentially meant to be a provisional arrangement, on the basis of which precise and determinate reactions might arise. The more we exercise ourselves at anything, the fewer muscles[Pg 476] we employ; and just so, the oftener we meet an object, the more definitely we think and behave about it; and the less is the organic perturbation to which it gives rise. The first time we saw it we could perhaps neither act nor think at all, and had no reaction but organic perturbation. The emotions of startled surprise, wonder, or curiosity were the result. Now we look on with absolutely no emotion.[418] This tendency to economy in the nerve-paths through which our sensations and ideas discharge, is the basis of all growth in efficiency, readiness, and skill. Where would the general, the surgeon, the presiding chairman, be, if their nerve-currents kept running down into their viscera, instead of keeping up amid their convolutions? But what they gain for practice by this law, they lose, it must be confessed, for feeling. For the world-worn and experienced man, the sense of pleasure which he gets from the free and powerful flow of thoughts, overcoming obstacles as they arise, is the only compensation for that freshness of the heart which he once enjoyed. This free and powerful flow means that brain-paths of association and memory have more and more organized themselves in him, and that through them the stimulus is drafted off into nerves which lead merely to the writing finger or the speaking tongue.[419] The trains of intellectual association, the memories, the logical relations, may,[Pg 477] however, be voluminous in the extreme. Past emotions may be among the things remembered. The more of all these trains an object can set going in us, the richer our cognitive intimacy with it is. This cerebral sense of richness seems itself to be a source of pleasure, possibly even apart from the euphoria which from time to time comes up from respiratory organs. If there be such a thing as a purely spiritual emotion, I should be inclined to restrict it to this cerebral sense of abundance and ease, this feeling, as Sir W. Hamilton would call it, of unimpeded and not overstrained activity of thought. Under ordinary conditions, it is a fine and serene but not an excited state of consciousness. In certain intoxications it becomes exciting, and it may be intensely exciting. I can hardly imagine a more frenzied excitement than that which goes with the consciousness of seeing absolute truth, which characterizes the coming to from nitrous-oxide drunkenness. Chloroform, ether, and alcohol all produce this deepening sense of insight into truth; and with all of them it may be a 'strong' emotion; but then there also come with it all sorts of strange bodily feelings and changes in the incoming sensibilities. I cannot see my way to affirming that the emotion is independent of these. I will concede, however, that if its independence is anywhere to be maintained, these theoretic raptures seem the place at which to begin the defence.

One last general observation about emotions is worth mentioning: They dull themselves with repetition faster than any other type of feeling. This occurs not only because of the general principle of 'accommodation' that applies to all feelings but also due to the specific fact that the 'diffusive wave' of reflex effects tends to become narrower over time. It seems like this is meant to be a temporary setup, forming a basis for more precise and specific reactions to occur. The more we practice something, the fewer muscles[Pg 476] we use; similarly, the more often we encounter an object, the more clearly we think and act about it, and the less intense the physiological reaction it triggers becomes. The first time we saw it, we might not have been able to think or act at all, only experiencing a physical reaction. Emotions of shock, wonder, or curiosity followed. Now we observe it with no emotion at all.[418] This tendency to streamline the nerve pathways through which our sensations and ideas manifest is the foundation of all improvements in efficiency, readiness, and skill. Where would a general, a surgeon, or a chairperson be if their nerve impulses constantly traveled to their guts instead of remaining active in their brains? However, what they gain in practice from this principle, they lose in terms of feeling. For the seasoned and world-weary person, the pleasure derived from the smooth and forceful flow of thoughts overcoming challenges is the only trade-off for the freshness of heart they once experienced. This smooth and forceful flow indicates that the brain pathways of connections and memories have increasingly organized themselves, directing the stimulus to nerves that only lead to the writing hand or speaking voice.[419] The streams of intellectual associations, memories, and logical connections may,[Pg 477] however, be extremely extensive. Past emotions might be among those memories. The more associations an object can trigger in us, the richer our understanding of it becomes. This mental sense of richness seems to bring its own pleasure, possibly even independent of the euphoria that sometimes arises from our respiratory system. If there is such a thing as a purely spiritual emotion, I would argue it relates to this cerebral sense of abundance and ease, this feeling, as Sir W. Hamilton would describe, of unstrained and free-flowing thought activity. Under normal circumstances, it’s a calm and serene state of awareness, though not an excited one. In certain states of intoxication, it can become stimulating, and even intensely so. I can hardly imagine a more intense excitement than that felt when one perceives absolute truth, as occurs during recovery from nitrous oxide intoxication. Chloroform, ether, and alcohol all bring about this deepening sense of insight into truth; with each, it can elicit a 'strong' emotion, but it also may accompany strange physical sensations and shifts in incoming perceptions. I cannot assert that the emotion exists independently of these sensations. However, I will concede that if its independence can be argued, those theoretical raptures seem to be the starting point for such a defense.

THE GENESIS OF THE VARIOUS EMOTIONS.

On a former page (pp. 453-4) I said that two questions, and only two, are important, if we regard the emotions as constituted by feelings due to the diffusive wave.

On a previous page (pp. 453-4) I mentioned that there are two questions, and only two, that matter when we see emotions as made up of feelings from the diffusive wave.

(1) What special diffusive effects do the various special objective and subjective experiences excite? and

(1) What unique diffusive effects do different special objective and subjective experiences provoke? and

(2) How come they to excite them?

(2) Why do they get them all worked up?

The works on physiognomy and expression are all of them attempts to answer question 1. As is but natural, the[Pg 478] effects upon the face have received the most careful attention. The reader who wishes details additional to those given above on pp. 443-7 is referred to the works mentioned in the note below.[420]

The studies on facial features and expressions are all attempts to answer question 1. Naturally, the impact on the face has been given the most detailed consideration. Readers looking for more information beyond what’s provided above on pp. 443-7 should check the works listed in the note below.[420]

As regards question 2, some little progress has of recent years been made in answering it. Two things are certain:

As for question 2, some small progress has been made in recent years in answering it. Two things are certain:

a. The facial muscles of expression are not given us simply for expression's sake;[421]

a. The facial muscles that allow us to express emotions aren’t just there for the sake of expression; [421]

b. Each muscle is not affected to some one emotion exclusively, as certain writers have thought.

b. Each muscle isn't linked to just one specific emotion, as some writers have believed.

Some movements of expression can be accounted for as weakened repetitions of movements which formerly (when they were stronger) were of utility to the subject. Others are similarly weakened repetitions of movements which under other conditions were physiologically necessary effects. Of the latter reactions the respiratory disturbances in anger and fear might be taken as examples—organic reminiscences, as it were, reverberations in imagination of the blowings of the man making a series of combative efforts, of the pantings of one in precipitate flight. Such at least is a suggestion made by Mr. Spencer which has found approval. And he also was the first, so far as I know, to suggest that other movements in anger and fear could be explained by the nascent excitation of formerly useful acts.

Some expressions can be seen as weakened repetitions of movements that used to be (when they were more intense) helpful to the person. Others are similarly weakened repetitions of movements that under different circumstances were physiologically necessary responses. For the latter reactions, the breathing changes that occur during anger and fear could be examples—organic memories, so to speak, echoes in the imagination of a person fighting or of someone fleeing in a hurry. This is at least a suggestion made by Mr. Spencer, which has gained acceptance. He was also, as far as I know, the first to propose that other actions in anger and fear could be explained by the emerging excitement of previously useful behaviors.

"To have in a slight degree," he says, "such psychical states as accompany the reception of wounds, and are experienced during flight, is to be in a state of what we call fear. And to have in a slight degree such psychical states as the processes of catching, killing, and eating imply, is to have the desires to catch, kill, and eat. That the propensities to the acts are nothing else than nascent excitations of the[Pg 479] psychical state involved in the acts, is proved by the natural language of the propensities. Fear, when strong, expresses itself in cries, in efforts to escape, in palpitations, in tremblings; and these are just the manifestations that go along with an actual suffering of the evil feared. The destructive passion is shown in a general tension of the muscular system, in gnashing of teeth and protrusion of the claws, in dilated eyes and nostrils, in growls; and these are weaker forms of the actions that accompany the killing of prey. To such objective evidences every one can add subjective evidences. Every one can testify that the psychical state called fear consists of mental representations of certain painful results; and that the one called anger consists of mental representations of the actions and impressions which would occur while inflicting some kind of pain."[422]

"To feel some of the mental states that come with getting hurt and occur during a fight or flight response is to experience what we call fear. Likewise, to feel the mental states related to catching, killing, and eating is to experience the desires to catch, kill, and eat. The urges to act on these impulses are simply early indications of the mental states associated with those actions, as evidenced by the natural language of these urges. When fear is strong, it manifests through screams, attempts to flee, a racing heart, and trembling; these are exactly the signs that align with the actual experience of the feared outcome. Aggression is shown through general muscle tension, bared teeth and claws, wide eyes, flared nostrils, and growls; these are milder versions of the actions connected to killing prey. To these observable signs, everyone can add their personal experiences. Anyone can recognize that the mental state called fear comprises thoughts about certain painful outcomes, and that the state known as anger consists of thoughts about the actions and feelings that would arise while causing someone pain."

About fear I shall have more to say presently. Meanwhile the principle of revival in weakened form of reactions useful in more violent dealings with the object inspiring the emotion, has found many applications. So slight a symptom as the snarl or sneer, the one-sided uncovering of the upper teeth, is accounted for by Darwin as a survival from the time when our ancestors had large canines, and unfleshed them (as dogs now do) for attack. Similarly the raising of the eyebrows in outward attention, the opening of the mouth in astonishment, come, according to the same author, from the utility of these movements in extreme cases. The raising of the eyebrows goes with the opening of the eye for better vision; the opening of the mouth with the intensest listening, and with the rapid catching of the breath which precedes muscular effort. The distention of the nostrils in anger is interpreted by Spencer as an echo of the way in which our ancestors had to breathe when, during combat, their "mouth was filled up by a part of an antagonist's body that had been seized(!)." The trembling of fear is supposed by Mantegazza to be for the sake of warming the blood(!). The reddening of the face and neck is called by Wundt a compensatory arrangement for relieving the brain of the blood-pressure which the simultaneous excitement of the heart brings with it. The effusion of tears is explained both by this author and by Darwin to be a blood-withdrawing agency of a similar sort. The contraction of the muscles around the eyes, of which the primitive use is to[Pg 480] protect those organs from being too much gorged with blood during the screaming fits of infancy, survives in adult life in the shape of the frown, which instantly comes over the brow when anything difficult or displeasing presents itself either to thought or action.

About fear, I’ll elaborate on that shortly. In the meantime, the principle of reviving in a weakened form reactions that are useful in more intense interactions with the object causing the emotion has been applied in many ways. A small sign like a snarl or sneer, which is the partial revealing of the upper teeth, is explained by Darwin as a remnant from when our ancestors had large canines and would bare them (like dogs do now) to attack. Similarly, raising the eyebrows to show interest and opening the mouth in astonishment, according to the same author, stem from the practical usefulness of these actions in extreme situations. Raising the eyebrows is linked to opening the eyes for better visibility; opening the mouth relates to intense listening and the quick breaths taken before exertion. Spencer interprets the flaring of the nostrils when angry as a reminder of how our ancestors had to breathe in combat when their "mouth was blocked by a part of an opponent's body that had been grabbed(!)." Mantegazza suggests that the trembling caused by fear is meant to warm the blood(!). Wundt refers to the reddening of the face and neck as a compensatory mechanism to relieve the brain from the blood pressure brought on by the simultaneous excitement of the heart. The shedding of tears is explained by both this author and Darwin as a similar blood-reducing process. The contraction of the muscles around the eyes, originally meant to protect those organs from excess blood during infant screaming fits, continues in adulthood as the frown that appears instantly when faced with something challenging or unpleasant, whether in thought or action.

"As the habit of contracting the brows has been followed by infants during innumerable generations, at the commencement of every crying or screaming fit," says Darwin, "it has become firmly associated with the incipient sense of something distressing or disagreeable. Hence, under similar circumstances, it would be apt to be continued during maturity, although never then developed, into a crying fit. Screaming or weeping begins to be voluntarily restrained at an early period of life, whereas frowning is hardly ever restrained at any age."[423]

"As babies have furrowed their brows for countless generations just before they begin to cry or scream," Darwin observes, "this expression has become closely tied to an early awareness of something distressing or unpleasant. Therefore, in similar situations, it’s likely to continue into adulthood, even if it doesn’t result in a full-blown crying episode. We learn to suppress our screams or tears early in life, but we seldom hold back frowning at any age."[423]

The intermittent expirations which constitute laughter have, according to Dr. Hecker, the purpose of counteracting the anæmia of the brain, which he supposes to be brought about by the action of the joyous or comic stimulus upon the vaso-motor nerves.[424] A smile is the weak vestige of a laugh. The tight closure of the mouth in all effort is useful for retaining the air in the lungs so as to fix the chest and give a firm basis of insertion for the muscles of the flanks. Accordingly, we see the lips compress themselves upon every slight occasion of resolve. The blood-pressure has to be high during the sexual embrace; hence the palpitations,[Pg 481] and hence also the tendency to caressing action, which accompanies tender emotion in its fainter forms. Other examples might be given; but these are quite enough to show the scope of the principle of revival of useful action in weaker form.

The brief bursts of breath that make up laughter, according to Dr. Hecker, serve to counteract brain fatigue, which he believes is caused by the effect of joyful or humorous stimuli on the vaso-motor nerves.[424] A smile is just a faint trace of a laugh. Closing the mouth tightly during effort helps keep air in the lungs, stabilizing the chest and providing a solid base for the muscles in the sides. Therefore, we see the lips tighten at every small instance of determination. High blood pressure is necessary during sexual intimacy, which explains the palpitations,[Pg 481] and also the tendency for affectionate actions that accompany tender feelings in their softer forms. There could be more examples, but these are enough to illustrate the principle of reviving useful actions in a gentler form.


Another principle, to which Darwin perhaps hardly does sufficient justice, may be called the principle of reacting similarly to analogous-feeling stimuli. There is a whole vocabulary of descriptive adjectives common to impressions belonging to different sensible spheres—experiences of all classes are sweet, impressions of all classes rich or solid, sensations of all classes sharp. Wundt and Piderit accordingly explain many of our most expressive reactions upon moral causes as symbolic gustatory movements. As soon as any experience arises which has an affinity with the feeling of sweet, or bitter, or sour, the same movements are executed which would result from the taste in point.[425] "All the states of mind which language designates by the metaphors bitter, harsh, sweet, combine themselves, therefore, with the corresponding mimetic movements of the mouth." Certainly the emotions of disgust and satisfaction do express themselves in this mimetic way. Disgust is an incipient regurgitation or retching, limiting its expression often to the grimace of the lips and nose; satisfaction goes with a sucking smile, or tasting motion of the lips. In Mantegazza's loose if learned work, the attempt is made, much less successfully, to bring in the eye and ear as additional sources of symbolically expressive reaction. The ordinary gesture of negation—among us, moving the head about its axis from side to side—is a reaction originally used by babies to keep disagreeables from getting into their mouth, and may be observed in perfection in any nursery.[426][Pg 482] It is now evoked where the stimulus is only an unwelcome idea. Similarly the nod forward in affirmation is after the analogy of taking food into the mouth. The connection of the expression of moral or social disdain or dislike, especially in women, with movements having a perfectly definite original olfactory function, is too obvious for comment. Winking is the effect of any threatening surprise, not only of what puts the eyes in danger; and a momentary aversion of the eyes is very apt to be one's first symptom of response to an unexpectedly unwelcome proposition.—These may suffice as examples of movements expressive from analogy.

Another principle, which Darwin might not fully appreciate, can be called the principle of reacting similarly to analogous-feeling stimuli. There’s a whole set of descriptive adjectives used for impressions from different sensory areas—experiences of all types are sweet, impressions of all kinds are rich or solid, and sensations across the board are sharp. Wundt and Piderit explain that many of our most expressive reactions to moral situations can be seen as symbolic movements related to taste. Whenever an experience arises that feels sweet, bitter, or sour, the same movements occur as if we were actually tasting those flavors.[425] "All the mental states that language describes with the metaphors bitter, harsh, and sweet combine with the corresponding mimetic movements of the mouth." Clearly, the feelings of disgust and satisfaction express themselves in this mimetic way. Disgust manifests as a sort of gagging or retching, often limited to a grimace involving the lips and nose, while satisfaction is shown through a sucking smile or a tasting motion with the lips. In Mantegazza's informal yet scholarly work, he attempts, albeit less successfully, to include the eye and ear as additional sources of symbolically expressive reactions. The common gesture for negation—shaking the head side to side—is a reaction originally used by babies to prevent unpleasant things from entering their mouths, and you can see it clearly in any nursery.[426][Pg 482] This gesture is now used even when the stimulus is simply an unwelcome idea. Similarly, nodding forward in affirmation mimics the action of taking food into the mouth. The link between expressions of moral or social disdain or dislike, especially among women, and movements that originally had a specific olfactory function, is too clear to ignore. Winking results from any unexpected surprise, not just from something that threatens the eyes; and temporarily averting the eyes is often one's first response to an unexpectedly unwelcome proposal.—These examples illustrate movements that are expressive by analogy.

But if certain of our emotional reactions can be explained by the two principles invoked—and the reader will himself have felt how conjectural and fallible in some of the instances the explanation is—there remain many reactions which cannot so be explained at all, and these we must write down for the present as purely idiopathic effects of the stimulus. Amongst them are the effects on the viscera and internal glands, the dryness of the mouth and diarrhœa and nausea of fear, the liver-disturbances which sometimes produce jaundice after excessive rage, the urinary secretion of sanguine excitement, and the bladder-contraction of apprehension, the gaping of expectancy, the 'lump in the throat' of grief, the tickling there and the swallowing of embarrassment, the 'precordial anxiety' of dread, the changes in the pupil, the various sweatings of the skin, cold or hot, local or general, and its flushings, together with other symptoms which probably exist but are too hidden to have been noticed or named. It seems as if even the changes of blood-pressure and heart-beat during emotional excitement might, instead of being teleologically determined, prove to be purely mechanical or physiological outpourings through the easiest drainage-channels—the pneumogastrics and sympathetic nerves happening under ordinary circumstances to be such channels.

But if some of our emotional reactions can be explained by the two principles mentioned—and readers will have felt how uncertain and flawed some of these explanations can be—there are still many reactions that can’t be explained this way, and we must currently regard these as purely idiopathic effects of the stimulus. Among them are effects on the internal organs and glands, like a dry mouth, diarrhea, and nausea from fear, liver issues that can sometimes lead to jaundice after intense anger, the increased urination from excitement, the bladder contractions from anxiety, the anticipation that makes you gape, the 'lump in the throat' from grief, the tickling sensation and swallowing from embarrassment, the 'precordial anxiety' from dread, changes in pupil size, various types of sweating—cold or hot, localized or general—and flushing of the skin, along with other symptoms that probably exist but are too subtle to have been noticed or named. It seems that even the changes in blood pressure and heart rate during emotional excitement might not be purposefully directed, but rather be purely mechanical or physiological responses that occur through the easiest pathways—the pneumogastric and sympathetic nerves that are simply suited to be these pathways under normal circumstances.

Mr. Spencer argues that the smallest muscles must be such channels; and instances the tail in dogs, cats, and birds, the ears in horses, the crest in parrots, the face and fingers in man, as the first organs to be moved by emotional stimuli.[427] This principle (if it be one) would apply still more easily to the muscles of the smaller arteries (though not exactly to the heart); whilst the great variability of the circulatory symptoms would also suggest that they are determined by causes into which utility does not enter. The quickening of the heart lends itself, it is true, rather easily to explanation by inherited habit, organic memory of more violent excitement; and Darwin speaks in favor of this view (see his Expression, etc., pp. 74-5). But, on the other hand, we have so many cases of reaction which are indisputably pathological, as we may say, and which could never be serviceable or derived from what was serviceable, that I think we should be cautious about pushing our explanations of the varied heart-beat too far in the teleological direction. Trembling, which is found in many excitements besides that of terror, is, pace Mr. Spencer and Sig. Mantegazza, quite pathological. So are terror's other strong symptoms. Professor Mosso, as the total result of his study, writes as follows:

Mr. Spencer argues that the smallest muscles must be such channels; and he points out the tail in dogs, cats, and birds, the ears in horses, the crest in parrots, and the face and fingers in humans as the first organs to react to emotional stimuli.[427] This principle (if it is one) would apply even more easily to the muscles of the smaller arteries (though not exactly to the heart); while the great variability of the circulatory symptoms would also suggest that they are influenced by causes that don’t involve utility. The quickening of the heart does lend itself, indeed, quite easily to an explanation by inherited habit, an organic memory of more intense excitement; and Darwin supports this view (see his Expression, etc., pp. 74-5). However, on the other hand, we have many cases of reactions that are undeniably pathological, which could never be beneficial or derived from anything beneficial, that I believe we should be cautious about stretching our explanations of the varied heartbeats too far in a purpose-driven direction. Trembling, found in many types of excitement beyond just fear, is, pace Mr. Spencer and Sig. Mantegazza, quite pathological. The same goes for other strong symptoms of fear. Professor Mosso, as the overall result of his study, writes as follows:

"We have seen that the graver the peril becomes, the more do the reactions which are positively harmful to the animal prevail in number and in efficacy. We already saw that the trembling and the palsy make it incapable of flight or defence; we have also convinced ourselves that in the most decisive moments of danger we are less able to see [or to think] than when we are tranquil. In face of such facts we must admit that the phenomena of fear cannot all be accounted for by 'selection.' Their extreme degrees are morbid phenomena which show an imperfection in the organism. We might almost say that Nature had not been[Pg 484] able to frame a substance which should be excitable enough to compose the brain and spinal marrow, and yet which should not be so excited by exceptional stimulation as to overstep in its reactions those physiological bounds which are useful to the conservation of the creature."[428]

"We've noticed that as the danger increases, the harmful reactions in the animal happen more often and become more intense. We saw that trembling and paralysis prevent it from escaping or defending itself; we've also realized that during the most critical moments of danger, our ability to see or think is reduced compared to when we are calm. Because of this, we have to admit that we can't explain all aspects of fear just through 'selection.' The extreme reactions of fear are unhealthy phenomena that expose weaknesses in the organism. We could almost say that Nature has not managed to create a substance that is reactive enough to make up the brain and spinal cord, yet not so easily overstimulated by exceptional stress that it goes beyond the physiological limits that are beneficial for the creature's survival."[Pg 484]

Professor Bain, if I mistake not, had long previously commented upon fear in a similar way.

Professor Bain, if I'm not mistaken, had commented on fear in a similar way a long time ago.

Mr. Darwin accounts for many emotional expressions by what he calls the principle of antithesis. In virtue of this principle, if a certain stimulus prompted a certain set of movements, then a contrary-feeling stimulus would prompt exactly the opposite movements, although these might otherwise have neither utility nor significance. It is in this wise that Darwin explains the expression of impotence, raised eyebrows, and shrugged shoulders, dropped arms and open palms, as being the antithesis of the frowning brow, the thrown-back shoulders, and clenched fists of rage, which is the emotion of power. No doubt a certain number of movements can be formulated under this law; but whether it expresses a causal principle is more than doubtful. It has been by most critics considered the least successful of Darwin's speculations on this subject.

Mr. Darwin explains many emotional expressions through what he calls the principle of antithesis. According to this principle, if a specific stimulus triggers a particular set of movements, then a stimulus that evokes a contrary feeling would trigger exactly the opposite movements, even if those movements have no practical use or meaning. This is how Darwin describes the expression of helplessness—like raised eyebrows, shrugged shoulders, dropped arms, and open palms—as the opposite of the frowning brow, thrown-back shoulders, and clenched fists seen in anger, which represents the feeling of power. While it’s true that some movements can be categorized under this principle, whether it represents a causal principle is highly uncertain. Most critics have deemed it the least successful of Darwin's theories on this subject.

To sum up, we see the reason for a few emotional reactions; for others a possible species of reason may be guessed; but others remain for which no plausible reason can even be conceived. These may be reactions which are purely mechanical results of the way in which our nervous centres are framed, reactions which, although permanent in us now, may be called accidental as far as their origin goes. In fact, in an organism as complex as the nervous system there must be many such reactions, incidental to others evolved for utility's sake, but which would never themselves have been evolved independently, for any utility they might possess. Sea-sickness, the love of music, of the various intoxicants, nay, the entire æsthetic life of man, shall have to trace to this accidental origin.[429] It would be foolish to suppose that none of the reactions called emotional could have arisen in this quasi-accidental way.

To sum up, we understand the reasons behind some emotional reactions; for others, we can guess at possible reasons, but some remain without any reasonable explanation. These may be reactions that are simply mechanical results of how our nervous systems are structured, responses that, while now permanent in us, could be considered accidental in terms of their origin. In fact, in an organism as complex as the nervous system, there must be many such reactions, incidental to others that evolved for practical purposes, but which might not have developed on their own for any usefulness they may have. Motion sickness, a passion for music, the various intoxicants, and even the entire aesthetic experience of humans can be traced back to this accidental origin.[429] It would be naive to think that none of the reactions labeled as emotional could have emerged in this quasi-accidental way.

This is all I have to say about the emotions. If one should seek to name each particular one of them of which the human heart is the seat, it is plain that the limit to their number would lie in the introspective vocabulary of the seeker, each race of men having found names for some shade of feeling which other races have left undiscriminated. If then we should seek to break the emotions, thus enumerated, into groups, according to their affinities, it is again plain that all sorts of groupings would be possible, according as we chose this character or that as a basis, and that all groupings would be equally real and true. The only question would be, does this grouping or that suit our purpose best? The reader may then class the emotions as he will, as sad or joyous, sthenic or asthenic, natural or acquired, inspired by animate or inanimate things, formal or material, sensuous or ideal, direct or reflective, egoistic or non-egoistic, retrospective, prospective or immediate, organismally or environmentally initiated, or what more besides. All these are divisions which have been actually proposed. Each of them has its merits, and each one brings together some emotions which the others keep apart. For a fuller account, and for other classificatory schemes, I refer to the Appendix to Bain's Emotions and the Will, and to Mercier's, Stanley's, and Read's articles on the Emotions, in Mind, vols. ix, x, and xi. In vol. ix. p. 421 there is also an article by the lamented Edmund Gurney in criticism of the view which in this chapter I continue to defend.

This is all I have to say about emotions. If someone tries to name each specific emotion that the human heart experiences, it's clear that the number of names would depend on the vocabulary of the person looking. Different cultures have identified names for feelings that others might not recognize. If we were to group the emotions mentioned here based on their similarities, it would be obvious that many kinds of groupings could be created, depending on the characteristic chosen as a basis, and that all groupings would be equally valid and true. The only question would be which grouping serves our purpose best. The reader can categorize the emotions however they like—whether as sad or joyful, sthenic or asthenic, natural or acquired, inspired by living or non-living things, formal or material, sensory or ideal, direct or reflective, egoistic or non-egoistic, retrospective, prospective, or immediate, initiated by the organism or the environment, among others. These are all categories that have been suggested. Each has its advantages and each one connects certain emotions that the others separate. For a more comprehensive discussion and additional classification systems, I refer to the Appendix of Bain's Emotions and the Will, as well as articles by Mercier, Stanley, and Read on Emotions in Mind, volumes ix, x, and xi. In volume ix, page 421, there is also an article by the late Edmund Gurney critiquing the perspective that I continue to support in this chapter.


[395] Parts of this chapter have already appeared in an article published in 1884 in Mind.

[395] Some parts of this chapter were previously published in an article in 1884 in Mind.

[396] Ueber Gemüthsbewegungen, uebersetzt von H. Kurella (Leipzig, 1887).

[396] On Emotions, translated by H. Kurella (Leipzig, 1887).

[397] The bronchial tubes may be contracted as well as the ramifications of the pulmonary artery. Professor J. Henle has, amongst his Anthropologische Vorträge, an exquisite one on the 'Natural History of the Sigh,' in which he represents our inspirations as the result of a battle between the red muscles of our skeleton, ribs, and diaphragm, and the white ones of the lungs, which seek to narrow the calibre of the air-tubes. "In the normal state the former easily conquer, but under other conditions they either conquer with difficulty or are defeated.... The contrasted emotions express themselves in similarly contrasted wise, by spasm and paralysis of the unstriped muscles, and for the most part alike in all the organs which are provided with them, as arteries, skin, and bronchial tubes. The contrast among the emotions is generally expressed by dividing them into exciting and depressing ones. It is a remarkable fact that the depressing emotions, like fear, horror, disgust, increase the contraction of these smooth muscles, whilst the exciting emotions, like joy, anger, etc., make them relax. Contrasts of temperature act similarly, cold like the depressing, and warmth like the exciting, emotions. Cold produces pallor and goose-flesh, warmth smooths out the skin and widens the vessels. If one notices the uncomfortable mood brought about by strained expectation, anxiety before a public address, vexation at an unmerited affront, etc., one finds that the suffering part of it concentrates itself principally in the chest, and that it consists in a soreness, hardly to be called pain, felt in the middle of the breast and due to an unpleasant resistance which is offered to the movements of inspiration, and sets a limit to their extent. The insufficiency of the diaphragm is obtruded upon consciousness, and we try by the aid of the external voluntary chest-muscles to draw a deeper breath. [This is the sigh.] If we fail, the unpleasantness of the situation is increased, for then to our mental distress is added the corporeally repugnant feeling of lack of air, a slight degree of suffocation. If, on the contrary, the outer muscles overcome the resistance of the inner ones, the oppressed breast is lightened. We think we speak symbolically when we speak of a stone weighing on our heart, or of a burden rolled from off our breast. But really we only express the exact fact, for we should have to raise the entire weight of the atmosphere (about 820 kilog.) at each inspiration, if the air did not balance it by streaming into our lungs." (P. 55.) It must not be forgotten that an inhibition of the inspiratory centre similar to that produced by exciting the superior laryngeal nerve may possibly play a part in these phenomena. For a very interesting discussion of the respiratory difficulty and its connection with anxiety and fear, see 'A Case of Hydrophobia' by the lamented Thos. B. Curtis in the Boston Med. and Surg. Journal, Nov. 7 and 14, 1878, and remarks thereon by James J. Putnam, ibid. Nov. 21.

[397] The bronchial tubes can contract, as can the branches of the pulmonary artery. Professor J. Henle has a fascinating lecture in his Anthropologische Vorträge titled 'Natural History of the Sigh,' where he explains that our breaths are the result of a struggle between the red muscles of our skeleton—our ribs and diaphragm—and the white muscles of the lungs, which try to narrow the airways. "In a normal state, the former easily wins, but under different conditions, they either struggle to win or lose.... The contrasting emotions are expressed in similar opposing ways through spasms and paralysis of the smooth muscles, mostly alike in all organs that have them, such as arteries, skin, and bronchial tubes. The contrast between emotions is usually categorized into exciting and depressing types. It’s interesting to note that depressing emotions, like fear, horror, and disgust, increase the contraction of these smooth muscles, while exciting emotions, like joy and anger, cause them to relax. Temperature contrasts have a similar effect; cold acts like the depressing emotions, and warmth acts like the exciting ones. Cold leads to paleness and goosebumps, while warmth smoothens the skin and enlarges blood vessels. If you pay attention to the uncomfortable feelings caused by tense anticipation, anxiety before a public speech, or frustration over an undeserved insult, you'll notice that the discomfort mainly focuses on the chest. This discomfort manifests as a soreness—not quite pain—felt in the center of the chest, due to an unpleasant resistance against inhalation that limits how deeply we can breathe. We become aware of the diaphragm's insufficiency and try to take a deeper breath using the voluntary chest muscles. [This is the sigh.] If we can't manage it, the unpleasantness worsens, as our mental distress is compounded by a physically uncomfortable feeling of not getting enough air, which is a slight sensation of suffocation. On the other hand, if the outer muscles can overcome the inner ones' resistance, the heavy feeling in the chest is relieved. We think we are being metaphorical when we talk about a weight on our heart or a burden being lifted off our chest. In reality, we are describing a factual occurrence, as we would need to lift the entire weight of the atmosphere (about 820 kg) with each breath if the air didn’t counterbalance it by flowing into our lungs." (P. 55.) We should also remember that an inhibition of the inspiratory center, similar to what happens when the superior laryngeal nerve is stimulated, might play a role in these phenomena. For an intriguing discussion about respiratory difficulty and its link to anxiety and fear, see 'A Case of Hydrophobia' by the late Thos. B. Curtis in the Boston Med. and Surg. Journal, Nov. 7 and 14, 1878, along with comments by James J. Putnam, ibid. Nov. 21.

[398] Origin of the Emotions, Darwin, pp. 290-2.

[398] Origin of the Emotions, Darwin, pp. 290-2.

[399] La Physionomie et l'Expression des Sentiments (Paris, 1885), p. 140.

[399] The Physionomy and the Expression of Feelings (Paris, 1885), p. 140.

[400] Lange, op. cit. p. 75.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Lange, op. cit. p. 75.

[401] Professor Höffding, in his excellent treatise on Psychology, admits (p. 342) the mixture of bodily sensation with purely spiritual affection in the emotions. He does not, however, discuss the difficulties of discerning the spiritual affection (nor even show that he has fairly considered them) in his contention that it exists.

[401] Professor Höffding, in his outstanding work on Psychology, acknowledges (p. 342) the blend of physical sensations with pure emotional feelings in the emotions. However, he doesn’t address the challenges of identifying these emotional feelings (nor does he demonstrate that he has adequately considered them) in his argument that they exist.

[402] Ein Fall von allgemeiner Anæsthesie (Heidelberg, 1882).

[402] A case of general anesthesia (Heidelberg, 1882).

[403] Ziemssen's Deutsches Archiv für klinische Medicin, xxii. 321.

[403] Ziemssen's German Archive for Clinical Medicine, xxii. 321.

[404] The not very uncommon cases of hysterical hemianæsthesia are not complete enough to be utilized in this inquiry. Moreover, the recent researches, of which some account was given in Chapter IV, tend to show that hysterical anæsthesia is not a real absence of sensibility, but a 'dissociation,' as M. Pierre Janet calls it, or splitting-off of certain sensations from the rest of the person's consciousness, this rest forming the self which remains connected with the ordinary organs of expression. The split-off consciousness forms a secondary self; and M. Janet writes me that he sees no reason why sensations whose 'dissociation' from the body of consciousness makes the patient practically anæsthetic, might not, nevertheless, contribute to the emotional life of the patient. They do still contribute to the function of locomotion; for in his patient L. there was no ataxia in spite of the anæsthesia. M. Janet writes me, apropos of his anæsthetic patient L., that she seemed to 'suffer by hallucination.' "I have often pricked or burned her without warning, and when she did not see me. She never moved, and evidently perceived nothing. But if afterwards in her movements she caught sight of her wounded arm, and saw on her skin a little drop of blood resulting from a slight cut, she would begin to cry out and lament as if she suffered a great deal. 'My blood flows,' she said one day; 'I must be suffering a great deal!' She suffered by hallucination. This sort of suffering is very general in hysterics. It is enough for them to receive the slightest hint of a modification in their body, when their imagination fills up the rest and invents changes that were not felt." See the remarks published at a later date in Janet's Automatisme Psychologique, pp. 214-15.

[404] The not-so-rare cases of hysterical hemianesthesia are not complete enough to be useful in this study. Furthermore, recent research, some of which was discussed in Chapter IV, suggests that hysterical anesthesia is not a genuine lack of sensation, but rather a 'dissociation,' as M. Pierre Janet describes it, or a separation of certain sensations from the person's overall awareness. This rest forms the self that remains connected to the usual ways of expressing oneself. The separated consciousness creates a secondary self; and M. Janet has told me that he finds no reason why sensations that are 'dissociated' from the main consciousness, making the patient effectively anesthetic, could not still play a role in the patient's emotional experience. They do still help in movement; for his patient L. showed no ataxia despite the anesthesia. M. Janet mentions regarding his anesthetic patient L. that she seemed to 'suffer from hallucination.' "I have often pricked or burned her without warning, and when she did not see me. She never moved and clearly felt nothing. But if later, while moving, she saw her injured arm and saw a small drop of blood from a minor cut, she would start to cry out and lament as if she were in significant pain. 'My blood flows,' she said one day; 'I must be suffering a lot!' She suffered from hallucination. This kind of suffering is very common in hysterics. It only takes the slightest suggestion of a change in their body for their imagination to fill in the blanks and invent feelings that were not actually present." See the remarks published later in Janet's Automatisme Psychologique, pp. 214-15.

[405] Op. cit. p. 63.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Op. cit. p. 63.

[406] It must be confessed that there are cases of morbid fear in which objectively the heart is not much perturbed. These, however, fail to prove anything against our theory, for it is of course possible that the cortical centres normally percipient of dread as a complex of cardiac and other organic sensations due to real bodily change, should become primarily excited in brain-disease, and give rise to an hallucination of the changes being there,—an hallucination of dread, consequently, coexistent with a comparatively calm pulse, etc. I say it is possible, for I am ignorant of observations which might test the fact. Trance, ecstasy, etc., offer analogous examples,—not to speak of ordinary dreaming. Under all these conditions one may have the liveliest subjective feelings, either of eye or ear, or of the more visceral and emotional sort, as a result of pure nerve-central activity, and yet, as I believe, with complete peripheral repose.

[406] It must be acknowledged that there are situations of intense fear where the heart is not significantly affected. However, this doesn’t disprove our theory, as it’s certainly possible that the brain's areas that usually perceive fear, which is a mix of heart and other bodily sensations from actual physical changes, might become primarily stimulated during brain disorders, leading to a false perception of those changes occurring—essentially a fear hallucination, happening alongside a relatively calm pulse, etc. I say it's possible because I don't have any observations that could confirm this. Trances, ecstasies, etc., provide similar examples—not to mention typical dreaming. In all these situations, one can experience strong subjective sensations, whether visual, audial, or more visceral and emotional, purely from nerve activity in the brain, while, I believe, the body remains completely relaxed.

[407] R. M. Bucke: Man's Moral Nature (N. Y., 1879), p. 97.

[407] R. M. Bucke: Man's Moral Nature (N. Y., 1879), p. 97.

[408] Lange, op. cit. p. 61.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Lange, op. cit. p. 61.

[409] I am inclined to think that in some hysteriform conditions of grief, rage, etc., the visceral disturbances are less strong than those which go to outward expression. We have then a tremendous verbal display with a hollow inside. Whilst the bystanders are wrung with compassion, or pale with alarm, the subject all the while lets himself go, but feels his insincerity, and wonders how long he can keep up the performance. The attacks are often surprisingly sudden in their onset. The treatment here is to intimidate the patient by a stronger will. Take out your temper, if he takes out his—"Nay, if thou'lt mouth, I'll rant as well as thou." These are the cases of apparently great bodily manifestation with comparatively little real subjective emotion, which may be used to throw discredit on the theory advanced in the text.—It is probable that the visceral manifestations in these cases are quite disproportionately slight, compared with those of the vocal organs. The subject's state is somewhat similar to that of an actor who does not feel his part.

[409] I tend to believe that in certain hysterical conditions of grief, anger, and so on, the physical disturbances are not as intense as the outward expressions. We end up seeing a dramatic display of words paired with an empty feeling inside. While the onlookers are filled with compassion or fear, the person experiencing this lets themselves go, but can sense their insincerity and wonders how long they can keep up the act. These episodes often arrive surprisingly suddenly. The treatment here is to assert dominance through a stronger will. If he lets out his anger, then you should let out yours—"If you’re going to shout, I’ll shout just as loud." These are the situations where there's a seemingly strong physical reaction but relatively little genuine emotional experience, which may undermine the theory presented in the text. It’s likely that the physical responses in these situations are quite minimal compared to those of the vocal cords. The person’s state is somewhat akin to that of an actor who doesn’t really connect with their role.

[410] Op. cit. p. 73.—Lange lays great stress on the neurotic drugs, as parts of his proof that influences of a physical nature upon the body are the first thing in order in the production of emotions.

[410] Op. cit. p. 73.—Lange emphasizes the importance of neurotic drugs as evidence that physical influences on the body are the primary factors in creating emotions.

[411] Emotions and Will, pp. 361-2.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Emotions and Willpower, pp. 361-2.

[412] Quoted by Dugald Stewart, Elements, etc. (Hamilton's ed.), iii. 140. Fechner (Vorschule der Aesthetik, 156) says almost the same thing of himself: "One may find by one's own observation that the imitation of the bodily expression of a mental condition makes us understand it much better than the merely looking on.... When I walk behind some one whom I do not know, and imitate as accurately as possible his gait and carriage, I get the most curious impression of feeling as the person himself must feel. To go tripping and mincing after the fashion of a young woman puts one, so to speak, in a feminine mood of mind."

[412] Quoted by Dugald Stewart, Elements, etc. (Hamilton's ed.), iii. 140. Fechner (Vorschule der Aesthetik, 156) says something similar about his own experience: "You can discover through your own observations that mimicking the physical expression of a mental state helps us understand it much better than just watching it.... When I walk behind someone I don’t know and try to imitate their walk and posture as closely as possible, I get the strangest feeling, almost as if I were experiencing what that person feels. Walking lightly and delicately like a young woman puts me, in a sense, in a more feminine state of mind."

[413] 'The Anatomy of Acting,' in Longman's Magazine, vol. xi. pp. 266, 375, 498 (1888), since republished in book form.

[413] 'The Anatomy of Acting,' in Longman's Magazine, vol. xi. pp. 266, 375, 498 (1888), since republished in book form.

[414] P. 394.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 394.

[415] P. 496.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 496.

[416] Even the feelings of the lower senses may have this secondary escort, due to the arousing of associational trains which reverberate. A flavor may fairly shake us by the ghosts of 'banquet halls deserted,' which it suddenly calls up; or a smell may make us feel almost sick with the waft it brings over our memory of 'gardens that are ruins, and pleasure-houses that are dust.' "In the Pyrenees," says M. Guyau, "after a summer-day's tramp carried to the extreme of fatigue, I met a shepherd and asked him for some milk. He went to fetch from his hut, under which a brook ran, a jar of milk plunged in the water and kept at a coldness which was almost icy. In drinking this fresh milk into which all the mountain had put its perfume, and of which each savory swallow seemed to give new life, I certainly experienced a series of feelings which the word agreeable is insufficient to designate. It was like a pastoral symphony, apprehended by the taste instead of by the ear" (quoted by F. Paulhan from 'Les Problèmes de l'Æsthétique Contemporaine,' p. 63).—Compare the dithyrambic about whiskey of Col. R. Ingersoll, to which the presidential campaign of 1888 gave such notoriety: "I send you some of the most wonderful whiskey that ever drove the skeleton from a feast or painted landscapes in the brain of man. It is the mingled souls of wheat and corn. In it you will find the sunshine and shadow that chase each other over the billowy fields, the breath of June, the carol of the lark, the dews of the night, the wealth of summer, and autumn's rich content—all golden with imprisoned light. Drink it, and you will hear the voice of men and maidens singing the 'Harvest Home,' mingled with the laughter of children. Drink it, and you will feel within your blood the star-lit dawns, the dreamy, tawny dusks of many perfect days. For forty years this liquid joy has been within the happy staves of oak, longing to touch the lips of man."—It is in this way that I should reply to Mr. Gurney's criticism on my theory. My "view," this writer says (Mind, ix. 425), "goes far to confound the two things which in my opinion it is the prime necessity of musical psychology to distinguish—the effect chiefly sensuous of mere streams or masses of finely colored sound, and the distinctive musical emotion to which the form of a sequence of sound, its melodic and harmonic individuality, even realized in complete silence, is the vital and essential object. It is with the former of these two very different things that the physical reactions, the stirring of the hair—the tingling and the shiver—are by far most markedly connected.... If I may speak of myself, there is plenty of music from which I have received as much emotion in silent representation as when presented by the finest orchestra; but it is with the latter condition that I almost exclusively associate the cutaneous tingling and hair-stirring. But to call my enjoyment of the form, of the note-after-noteness of a melody a mere critical 'judgment of right' [see below, p. 473] would really be to deny to me the power of expressing a fact of simple and intimate expression in English. It is quintessentially emotion.... Now there are hundreds of other bits of music ... which I judge to be right without receiving an iota of the emotion. For purposes of emotion they are to me like geometrical demonstrations or like acts of integrity performed in Peru." The Beethoven-rightness of which Gurney then goes on to speak, as something different from the Clementi-rightness (even when the respective pieces are only heard in idea), is probably a purely auditory-sensational thing. The Clementi-rightness also; only, for reasons impossible to assign, the Clementi form does not give the same sort of purely auditory satisfaction as the Beethoven form, and might better be described perhaps negatively as non-wrong, i.e., free from positively unpleasant acoustic quality. In organizations as musical as Mr. Gurney's, purely acoustic form gives so intense a degree of sensible pleasure that the lower bodily reverberation is of no account. But I repeat that I see nothing in the facts which Mr. Gurney cites, to lead one to believe in an emotion divorced from sensational processes of any kind.

[416] Even the feelings from our basic senses can have this secondary influence, triggered by associative memories that echo. A taste can shake us with memories of "abandoned banquet halls" it suddenly evokes, or a scent might make us feel queasy with reminders of "gardens in ruins and pleasure-houses turned to dust." "In the Pyrenees," says M. Guyau, "after a tiring day of hiking, I met a shepherd and asked him for some milk. He went to get a jar of milk from his hut, where a stream flowed, keeping it icy cold. As I drank this fresh milk infused with the essence of the mountains, every delicious sip seemed to revive me in ways the word agreeable can't capture. It felt like a pastoral symphony, experienced through taste instead of sound" (quoted by F. Paulhan from 'Les Problèmes de l'Æsthétique Contemporaine,' p. 63).—Compare this to Col. R. Ingersoll's enthusiastic praise of whiskey, which gained fame during the presidential campaign of 1888: "I send you some of the most wonderful whiskey ever, the kind that revives the spirit at a feast or paints vivid images in the mind. It combines the souls of wheat and corn. In it, you’ll find the sunshine and shadows dancing over the rolling fields, the June breeze, the lark's song, the night dew, the abundance of summer, and autumn's rich rewards—all glowing with trapped light. Drink it, and you’ll hear the voices of men and women singing 'Harvest Home,' mixed with children's laughter. Drink it, and you’ll feel in your veins the starry dawns and dreamy, golden dusks of countless perfect days. For forty years, this joyful liquid has rested in happy oak casks, eager to meet the lips of man."—This is how I would respond to Mr. Gurney's criticism of my theory. According to this writer (Mind, ix. 425), my "view" tends to blur the distinction between two crucial aspects of musical psychology—the primarily sensuous effect of simply streams or masses of finely colored sound, and the distinctive musical emotion linked to the form of a sound sequence, its unique melody and harmony, which can even be appreciated in complete silence. The first of these two different aspects is most closely connected to physical reactions like hair standing on end, tingling, and shivers.... Personally, I find plenty of music that evokes as much emotion silently as it does when played by the best orchestra; but it’s the latter condition that I mainly associate with tingling sensations and the stirring of hair. However, to dismiss my enjoyment of the form, of the note-after-note nature of a melody as just a critical 'judgment of right' [see below, p. 473] would deny me the ability to clearly express a simple and intimate feeling in English. It’s essential emotion.... There are many other pieces of music ... which I consider right without feeling an ounce of emotion. For emotional purposes, they are like mathematical proofs or acts of honesty performed in Peru." The Beethoven "rightness" that Gurney refers to, as being different from the Clementi "rightness" (even when the respective pieces are only imagined), is likely a purely auditory-sensational experience. The Clementi "rightness" too; yet, for reasons I can't explain, the Clementi form does not provide the same kind of purely auditory satisfaction as the Beethoven form, and might be better described as non-wrong, meaning it lacks any unpleasant acoustic qualities. In musical contexts as rich as Mr. Gurney's, purely acoustic form brings such intense pleasure that the lower bodily reverberation is irrelevant. But I insist that I see no evidence in the facts Mr. Gurney presents to suggest that emotion exists apart from any kind of sensational processes.

[417] In his chapter on 'Ideal Emotion,' to which the reader is referred for farther details on this subject.

[417] In his chapter on 'Ideal Emotion,' which the reader can check for more details on this topic.

[418] Those feelings which Prof. Bain calls 'emotions of relativity,' excitement of novelty, wonder, rapture of freedom, sense of power, hardly survive any repetition of the experience. But as the text goes on to explain, and as Goethe as quoted by Prof. Höffding says, this is because "the soul is inwardly grown larger without knowing it, and can no longer be filled by that first sensation. The man thinks that he has lost, but really he has gained. What he has lost in rapture, he has gained in inward growth." "It is," as Prof. Höffding himself adds, in a beautiful figure of speech, "with our virgin feelings, as with the first breath drawn by the new-born child, in which the lung expands itself so that it can never be emptied to the same degree again. No later breath can feel just like that first one." On this whole subject of emotional blunting, compare Höffding's Psychologie, vi. E., and Bain's Emotions and Will, chapter iv. of the first part.

[418] The feelings that Prof. Bain refers to as "emotions of relativity," like the thrill of new experiences, wonder, the joy of freedom, and a sense of power, hardly last through repeated experiences. But as the text goes on to explain, and as Goethe mentions through Prof. Höffding, this is because "the soul has grown larger without realizing it, and can no longer be filled by that initial sensation. The person thinks they have lost something, but in reality, they have gained. What they have lost in excitement, they have gained in personal growth." "It is," as Prof. Höffding elegantly puts it, "like our pure feelings being akin to the first breath taken by a newborn, in which the lungs expand so that they can never be equally filled again. No subsequent breath can ever feel exactly like that first one." For more on the topic of emotional dullness, refer to Höffding's Psychologie, vi. E., and Bain's Emotions and Will, chapter iv. of the first part.

[419] M. Fr. Paulhan, in a little work full of accurate observations of detail (Les Phénomènes Affectifs et les Lois de leur Apparition), seems to me rather to turn the truth upside down by his formula that emotions are due to an inhibition of impulsive tendencies. One kind of emotion, namely, uneasiness, annoyance, distress, does occur when any definite impulsive tendency is checked, and all of M. P.'s illustrations are drawn from this sort. The other emotions are themselves primary impulsive tendencies, of a diffusive sort (involving, as M. P. rightly says, a multiplicité des phénomènes); and just in proportion as more and more of these multiple tendencies are checked, and replaced by some few narrow forms of discharge, does the original emotion tend to disappear.

[419] M. Fr. Paulhan, in a brief work filled with accurate observations of detail (Les Phénomènes Affectifs et les Lois de leur Apparition), seems to flip the truth upside down with his claim that emotions arise from inhibiting impulsive tendencies. One type of emotion, specifically uneasiness, annoyance, or distress, happens when a specific impulsive tendency is blocked, and all of M. P.'s examples are from this category. The other emotions are themselves primary impulsive tendencies, of a more widespread nature (involving, as M. P. rightly points out, a multiplicité des phénomènes); and as more of these numerous tendencies are blocked and replaced by a few limited forms of expression, the original emotion tends to fade away.

[420] A list of the older writings on the subject is given in Mantegazza's work, La Physionomie et l'Expression, chap. I; others in Darwin's first chapter. Bell's Anatomy of Expression, Mosso's La Paura, Piderit's Wissenschaftliches System der Mimik und Physiognomik, Duchenne's Mécanisme de la Physionomie Humaine, are, besides Lange and Darwin, the most useful works with which I am acquainted. Compare also Sully: Sensation and Intuition, chap. ii.

[420] A list of the earlier writings on the topic can be found in Mantegazza's work, La Physionomie et l'Expression, chapter I; others are in Darwin's first chapter. Bell's Anatomy of Expression, Mosso's La Paura, Piderit's Wissenschaftliches System der Mimik und Physiognomik, and Duchenne's Mécanisme de la Physionomie Humaine, along with Lange and Darwin, are the most useful works I know of. Also see Sully: Sensation and Intuition, chapter ii.

[421] One must remember, however, that just in so far forth as sexual selection may have played a part in determining the human organism, selection of expressive faces must have increased the average mobility of the human countenance.

[421] However, it's important to remember that to the extent that sexual selection influenced the development of humans, the selection of expressive faces must have also increased the average movement of human expressions.

[422] Psychol., § 213.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Psychol., § 213.

[423] Weeping in childhood is almost as regular a symptom of anger as it is of grief, which would account (on Darwin's principles) for the frown of anger. Mr. Spencer has an account of the angry frown as having arisen through the survival of the fittest, by its utility in keeping the sun out of one's eyes when engaged in mortal combat(!). (Principles of Psychology, ii. 546.) Professor Mosso objects to any explanation of the frown by its utility for vision, that it is coupled, during emotional excitement, with a dilatation of the pupil which is very unfavorable for distinct vision, and that this ought to have been weeded out by natural selection, if natural selection had the power to fix the frown (see La Paura, chap. ix. § vi). Unfortunately this very able author speaks as if all the emotions affected the pupil in the same way. Fear certainly does make it dilate. But Gratiolet is quoted by Darwin and others as saying that the pupils contract in anger. I have made no observations of my own on the point, and Mosso's earlier paper on the pupil (Turin, 1875) I have not seen. I must repeat, with Darwin, that we need more minute observations on this subject.

[423] Crying in childhood is almost as common a sign of anger as it is of sadness, which could explain (based on Darwin's theories) why people frown when they're angry. Mr. Spencer discusses the angry frown as something that developed through natural selection, as it helps keep the sun out of one's eyes during a fight(!). (Principles of Psychology, ii. 546.) Professor Mosso disagrees with the idea that the frown is useful for vision, pointing out that during emotional arousal, the pupil actually dilates, which is not helpful for clear sight, and this should have been eliminated by natural selection if it had the ability to influence the frown (see La Paura, chap. ix. § vi). Unfortunately, this very knowledgeable author acts as if all emotions affect the pupil in the same way. Fear certainly does cause it to dilate. However, Gratiolet, as referenced by Darwin and others, stated that the pupils contract when someone is angry. I haven't made any personal observations on this matter, and I have not seen Mosso's earlier paper on the pupil (Turin, 1875). I must agree with Darwin that we need more detailed observations on this topic.

[424] Physiologie u. Psychologie des Lachens und des Komischen (Berlin, 1873), pp. 13, 15.

[424] Physiology and Psychology of Laughter and the Comic (Berlin, 1873), pp. 13, 15.

[425] These movements are explained teleologically, in the first instance, by the efforts which the tongue is forced to make to adapt itself to the better perception or avoidance of the sapid body. (Cf. Physiol. Psych., ii. 423.)

[425] These movements are explained in terms of their purpose, primarily by the efforts the tongue makes to either better perceive or avoid the flavorful substance. (Cf. Physiol. Psych., ii. 423.)

[426] Professor Henle derives the negative wag of the head from an incipient shudder, and remarks how fortunate is the abbreviation, as when a lady declines a partner in the ball-room. The clapping of the hands for applause he explains as a symbolic abridgment of an embrace. The protrusion of the lips (der prufende Zug) which goes with all sorts of dubious and questioning states of mind is derived by Dr. Piderit from the tasting movement which we can see on any one's mouth when deciding whether a wine is good or not.

[426] Professor Henle believes that the negative shake of the head comes from a small shudder, and he points out how convenient this is, similar to a woman refusing a dance partner at a ball. He interprets the clapping of hands for applause as a shortened version of a hug. The protruding of the lips (der prufende Zug), which is associated with various doubtful and questioning feelings, is explained by Dr. Piderit as stemming from the tasting gesture we see on someone's lips when trying to decide if a wine is good or not.

[427] Loc. cit. § 497. Why a dog's face-muscles are not more mobile than they are Mr. Spencer fails to explain, as also why different stimuli should innervate these small muscles in such different ways, if easy drainage be the only principle involved. Charles Bell accounted for the special part played by the facial muscles in expression by their being accessory muscles of respiration, governed by nerves whose origin is close to the respiratory centre in the medulla oblongata. They are an adjuvant of voice, and like it their function is communication. (See Bell's Anatomy of Expression. Appendix by Alexander Shaw.)

[427] Loc. cit. § 497. Mr. Spencer doesn't explain why a dog's facial muscles aren't more flexible than they are, or why different stimuli activate these small muscles in such varying ways if easy drainage is the only principle involved. Charles Bell explained the unique role of the facial muscles in expression by describing them as accessory muscles of respiration, which are controlled by nerves that originate near the respiratory center in the medulla oblongata. They assist in voice, and like it, their function is communication. (See Bell's Anatomy of Expression. Appendix by Alexander Shaw.)

[428] La Paura, Appendice, p. 295.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Fear, Appendix, p. 295.

[429] See below, p. 627.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See below, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.


CHAPTER XXVI.[430]

WILL.

Desire, wish, will, are states of mind which everyone knows, and which no definition can make plainer. We desire to feel, to have, to do, all sorts of things which at the moment are not felt, had, or done. If with the desire there goes a sense that attainment is not possible, we simply wish; but if we believe that the end is in our power, we will that the desired feeling, having, or doing shall be real; and real it presently becomes, either immediately upon the willing or after certain preliminaries have been fulfilled.

Desire, wish, and will are mental states that everyone understands, and no definition can explain them better. We want to feel, have, and do all kinds of things that we currently aren’t experiencing, possessing, or accomplishing. If we feel that what we want isn’t achievable, we just wish; but if we think we can attain it, we will that the desired feeling, possession, or action becomes real, and it does become real, either right after we will it or once certain steps have been taken.

The only ends which follow immediately upon our willing seem to be movements of our own bodies. Whatever feelings and havings we may will to get, come in as results of preliminary movements which we make for the purpose. This fact is too familiar to need illustration; so that we may start with the proposition that the only direct outward effects of our will are bodily movements. The mechanism of production of these voluntary movements is what befalls us to study now. The subject involves a good many separate points which it is difficult to arrange in any continuous logical order. I will treat of them successively in the mere order of convenience; trusting that at the end the reader will gain a clear and connected view.

The only outcomes that happen immediately after we decide something seem to be movements of our own bodies. Whatever feelings and possessions we try to obtain come about as results of the initial actions we take for that purpose. This fact is too well-known to need examples; so we can start with the idea that the only direct outward effects of our will are physical movements. The process behind these voluntary movements is what we will study now. The topic involves several separate points that are hard to organize in a continuous logical order. I'll discuss them one by one in a convenient sequence, hoping that by the end, the reader will have a clear and connected understanding.


The movements we have studied hitherto have been automatic and reflex, and (on the first occasion of their performance, at any rate) unforeseen by the agent. The movements to the study of which we now address ourselves, being desired and intended beforehand, are of course done[Pg 487] with full prevision of what they are to be. It follows from this that voluntary movements must be secondary, not primary functions of our organism. This is the first point to understand in the psychology of Volition. Reflex, instinctive, and emotional movements are all primary performances. The nerve-centres are so organized that certain stimuli pull the trigger of certain explosive parts; and a creature going through one of these explosions for the first time undergoes an entirely novel experience. The other day I was standing at a railroad station with a little child, when an express-train went thundering by. The child, who was near the edge of the platform, started, winked, had his breathing convulsed, turned pale, burst out crying, and ran frantically towards me and hid his face. I have no doubt that this youngster was almost as much astonished by his own behavior as he was by the train, and more than I was, who stood by. Of course if such a reaction has many times occurred we learn what to expect of ourselves, and can then foresee our conduct, even though it remain as involuntary and uncontrollable as it was before. But if, in voluntary action properly so-called, the act must be foreseen, it follows that no creature not endowed with divinatory power can perform an act voluntarily for the first time. Well, we are no more endowed with prophetic vision of what movements lie in our power, than we are endowed with prophetic vision of what sensations we are capable of receiving. As we must wait for the sensations to be given us, so we must wait for the movements to be performed involuntarily,[431] before we can frame ideas of what either of these things are. We learn all our possibilities by the way of experience. When a particular movement, having once occurred in a random, reflex, or involuntary way, has left an image of itself in the memory, then the movement can be desired again, proposed as an end, and deliberately willed. But it is impossible to see how it could be willed before.

The movements we’ve looked at so far have been automatic and reflexive, and (at least the first time they happen) unexpected by the person doing them. The movements we’re focusing on now, being desired and intended in advance, are of course performed[Pg 487] with a clear awareness of what they will be. This means that voluntary movements are secondary functions of our body, not primary ones. This is the first thing to grasp in the psychology of Willing. Reflexive, instinctive, and emotional movements are all primary actions. The nerve centers are set up so that certain stimuli trigger specific responses; when a creature experiences one of these reflexes for the first time, it goes through a completely new experience. The other day, I was at a train station with a little kid when a high-speed train rushed past. The child, who was near the edge of the platform, jumped, blinked, had trouble breathing, turned pale, cried out, and ran over to me, hiding his face. I’m sure this kid was just as surprised by his reaction as he was by the train, and even more so than I was while standing there. Of course, if this kind of reaction has happened many times, we learn to expect it from ourselves, and we can then predict our reactions, even though they remain just as involuntary and uncontrollable. But if, in true voluntary action, the act must be anticipated, it follows that no creature without some kind of foresight can perform an act voluntarily for the first time. Well, we don’t have any prophetic ability regarding what movements we can do, just as we don’t have prophetic insight into what sensations we can experience. Just as we have to wait for sensations to be presented to us, we must also wait for movements to be performed involuntarily,[431] before we can start to form ideas about what either of these things are. We learn all our potential through experience. Once a particular movement has occurred randomly, reflexively, or involuntarily, leaving a mental image of itself in our memory, then that movement can be desired again, aimed at as a goal, and intentionally willed. But it’s hard to see how it could be willed beforehand.

A supply of ideas of the various movements that are possible left in the memory by experiences of their involuntary performance is thus the first prerequisite of the voluntary life.

A collection of ideas about the different movements that can happen, stored in memory from the experiences of their unintentional execution, is therefore the first requirement for a voluntary life.

Now the same movement involuntarily performed may leave many different kinds of ideas of itself in the memory. If performed by another person, we of course see it, or we feel it if the moving part strikes another part of our own body. Similarly we have an auditory image of its effects if it produces sounds, as for example when it is one of the movements made in vocalization, or in playing on a musical instrument. All these remote effects of the movement, as we may call them, are also produced by movements which we ourselves perform; and they leave innumerable ideas in our mind by which we distinguish each movement from the rest. It looks distinct; it feels distinct to some distant part of the body which it strikes; or it sounds distinct. These remote effects would then, rigorously speaking, suffice to furnish the mind with the supply of ideas required.

Now, the same movement done involuntarily can create many different kinds of ideas about itself in our memory. If someone else does it, we obviously see it, or we feel it if the moving part hits another part of our body. Similarly, we have an auditory image of its effects if it makes sounds, like when it involves vocalization or playing a musical instrument. All these remote effects of the movement, as we might call them, are also produced by the movements we perform ourselves; and they leave countless ideas in our minds that help us differentiate each movement from the others. It looks distinct; it feels distinct to some distant part of the body that it strikes; or it sounds distinct. These remote effects, then, strictly speaking, would be enough to provide the mind with the ideas it needs.

But in addition to these impressions upon remote organs of sense, we have, whenever we perform a movement ourselves, another set of impressions, those, namely, which come up from the parts that are actually moved. These kinæsthetic impressions, as Dr. Bastian has called them, are so many resident effects of the motion. Not only are our muscles supplied with afferent as well as with efferent nerves, but the tendons, the ligaments, the articular surfaces, and the skin about the joints are all sensitive, and, being stretched and squeezed in ways characteristic of each particular movement, give us as many distinctive feelings as there are movements possible to perform.

But besides the impressions on our distant senses, whenever we make a movement, we also gather another set of impressions from the parts of our body that are actually moving. These kinesthetic impressions, as Dr. Bastian calls them, are the direct effects of the motion. Our muscles not only have afferent and efferent nerves, but the tendons, ligaments, joint surfaces, and the skin around the joints are all sensitive. When these areas are stretched and compressed in ways specific to each movement, they provide us with as many unique sensations as there are possible movements to make.

It is by these resident impressions that we are made conscious of passive movements—movements communicated to our limbs by others. If you lie with closed eyes, and another person noiselessly places your arm or leg in any arbitrarily chosen attitude, you receive an accurate feeling of what attitude it is, and can immediately reproduce it yourself in the arm or leg of the opposite side. Similarly a man waked suddenly from sleep in the dark is aware of how he finds himself lying. At least this is what happens[Pg 489] when the nervous apparatus is normal. But in cases of disease we sometimes find that the resident impressions do not normally excite the centres, and that then the sense of attitude is lost. It is only recently that pathologists have begun to study these anæsthesias with the delicacy which they require; and we have doubtless yet a great deal to learn about them. The skin may be anæsthetic, and the muscles may not feel the cramp-like pain which is produced by faradic currents sent through them, and yet the sense of passive movement may be retained. It seems, in fact, to persist more obstinately than the other forms of sensibility, for cases are comparatively common in which all the other feelings in the limb but this one of attitude are lost. In Chapter XX I have tried to make it appear that the articular surfaces are probably the most important source of the resident kinæsthetic feelings. But the determination of their special organ is indifferent to our present quest. It is enough to know that the existence of these feelings cannot be denied.

It’s through these lasting impressions that we become aware of passive movements—movements that others communicate to our limbs. If you lie down with your eyes closed, and someone quietly positions your arm or leg in any random position, you’ll accurately sense what position it is and can immediately replicate it with the arm or leg on the opposite side. Similarly, if a person is suddenly awakened from sleep in the dark, they are aware of how they are lying. At least, this happens[Pg 489] when the nervous system is functioning normally. However, in cases of illness, we sometimes find that these lasting impressions don’t normally stimulate the brain centers, leading to a loss of the sense of position. Only recently have pathologists started to study these numbness conditions with the care they deserve, and we still have a lot to uncover about them. The skin might be numb, and the muscles may not feel the cramp-like pain from electrical currents passing through them, yet the sense of passive movement may still be intact. In fact, it seems to persist more stubbornly than other types of sensation, as there are relatively common cases where all other feelings in the limb except for this sense of position are lost. In Chapter XX, I have attempted to show that the joint surfaces are likely the most significant source of these kinesthetic feelings. However, identifying their specific organ is not crucial to our current inquiry. It suffices to recognize that the existence of these sensations is undeniable.

When the feelings of passive movement as well as all the other feelings of a limb are lost, we get such results as are given in the following account by Professor A. Strümpell of his wonderful anæsthetic boy, whose only sources of feeling were the right eye and the left ear:[432]

When the sensations of passive movement and all other feelings in a limb are lost, we experience results like those described in the following account by Professor A. Strümpell about his remarkable anesthetic boy, whose only sources of sensation were his right eye and left ear:[432]

"Passive movements could be imprinted on all the extremities to the greatest extent, without attracting the patient's notice. Only in violent forced hyperextension of the joints, especially of the knees, there arose a dull vague feeling of strain, but this was seldom precisely localized. We have often, after bandaging the eyes of the patient, carried him about the room, laid him on a table, given to his arms and legs the most fantastic and apparently the most inconvenient attitudes, without his having a suspicion of it. The expression of astonishment in his face, when all at once the removal of the handkerchief revealed his situation, is indescribable in words. Only when his head was made to hang away down he immediately spoke of dizziness, but could not assign its ground. Later he sometimes inferred from the sounds connected with the manipulation that something special was being done with him.... He had no feelings of muscular fatigue. If, with his eyes shut, we told him to raise his arm and to keep it up, he did so without trouble. After one or two minutes, however, the arm began to[Pg 490] tremble and sink without his being aware of it. He asserted still his ability to keep it up.... Passively holding still his fingers did not affect him. He thought constantly that he opened and shut his hand, whereas it was really fixed."

"Passive movements could be performed on all limbs to the fullest extent without the patient noticing. Only during intense forced hyperextension of the joints, especially the knees, did a dull, vague sense of strain emerge, but it was rarely specific. Often, after blindfolding the patient, we moved him around the room, placed him on a table, and positioned his arms and legs in the most unusual and seemingly uncomfortable ways, all without him suspecting anything. The look of surprise on his face when the blindfold was suddenly removed and he saw his situation is indescribable. The only time he reported feeling dizzy was when his head was tilted down, but he couldn’t explain why. Later on, he sometimes inferred from the sounds related to the manipulation that something strange was happening to him. He felt no muscle fatigue. If we asked him to raise his arm with his eyes closed and hold it up, he did so easily. Yet after one or two minutes, his arm began to tremble and droop without him realizing it. He insisted he could keep it up. Passively keeping his fingers still didn’t affect him. He continually thought he was opening and closing his hand, while in fact, it was held still."

Or we read of cases like this:

Or we read about situations like this:

"Voluntary movements cannot be estimated the moment the patient ceases to take note of them by his eyes. Thus, after having made him close his eyes, if one asks him to move one of his limbs either wholly or in part, he does it but cannot tell whether the effected movement is large or small, strong or weak, or even if it has taken place at all. And when he opens his eyes after moving his leg from right to left, for example, he declares that he had a very inexact notion of the extent of the effected movement.... If, having the intention of executing a certain movement, I prevent him, he does not perceive it, and supposes the limb to have taken the position he intended to give it."[433]

"Voluntary movements can’t be accurately assessed as soon as the patient stops seeing them. So, after closing his eyes, if you ask him to move one of his limbs, whether completely or partially, he will do it but won’t know if the movement was large or small, strong or weak, or even if it happened at all. When he opens his eyes after moving his leg from side to side, for example, he says he has a very unclear idea of how far he moved. If, while he plans to make a specific movement, I stop him, he doesn’t realize it and believes his limb has reached the position he intended to move it to."[433]

Or this:

Or this:

"The patient, when his eyes were closed in the middle of an unpractised movement, remained with the extremity in the position it had when the eyes closed and did not complete the movement properly. Then after some oscillations the limb gradually sank by reason of its weight (the sense of fatigue being absent). Of this the patient was not aware, and wondered, when he opened his eyes, at the altered position of his limb."[434]

"The patient, with his eyes closed during an awkward movement, kept his limb in the position it was in when he closed his eyes and didn't complete the movement properly. After some swaying, his limb slowly dropped due to its weight (without any feeling of fatigue). The patient was unaware of this and was surprised by the new position of his limb when he opened his eyes." [434]

A similar condition can be readily reproduced experimentally in many hypnotic subjects. All that is needed is to tell a suitably predisposed person during the hypnotic trance that he cannot feel his limb, and he will be quite unaware of the attitudes into which you may throw it.[435]

A similar situation can easily be recreated in many people who are hypnotized. All it takes is to tell someone who is open to suggestion during the hypnotic state that they can’t feel their limb, and they won’t even realize the positions you put it in.[435]

All these cases, whether spontaneous or experimental, show the absolute need of guiding sensations of some kind for the successful carrying out of a concatenated series of movements. It is, in fact, easy to see that, just as where the chain of movements is automatic (see above, Vol. I. p. 116), each later movement of the chain has to be discharged by the impression which the next earlier one makes in being[Pg 491] executed, so also, where the chain is voluntary, we need to know at each movement just where we are in it, if we are to will intelligently what the next link shall be. A man with no feeling of his movements might lead off never so well, and yet be sure to get lost soon and go astray.[436] But patients like those described, who get no kinæsthetic impressions, can still be guided by the sense of sight. Thus Strümpell says of his boy:

All these cases, whether happening naturally or through experiments, highlight the essential need for guiding sensations of some kind to successfully perform a connected series of movements. It’s clear that, just as in automatic movement sequences (see above, Vol. I. p. 116), each movement in the sequence needs to be triggered by the impression made by the previous movement as it's being carried out. Similarly, in voluntary movements, we must be aware at each step of where we are in it, if we want to consciously decide what the next move should be. A person without a sense of their movements might start off perfectly fine but is sure to get lost and go off track soon.[436] However, patients like those mentioned, who lack kinesthetic impressions, can still be guided by their sense of sight. Therefore, Strümpell comments about his boy:

"One could always observe how his eye was directed first to the object held before him, then to his own arm; and how it never ceased[Pg 492] to follow the latter during its entire movement. All his voluntary movements took place under the unremitting lead of the eye, which as an indispensable guide, was never untrue to its functions."

"You could always see how his eye first locked onto the object in front of him, then onto his own arm, and how it continuously followed that arm through its entire movement. All his voluntary movements occurred under the steady guidance of his eye, which, as a crucial guide, never faltered in its role."

So in the Landry case:

So in the Landry situation:

"With his eyes open, he easily opposes the thumb to each of the other fingers; with his eyes closed, the movement of opposition occurs, but the thumb only by chance meets the finger which it seeks. With his eyes open he is able, without hesitation, to bring his two hands together; but when his eyes are closed his hands seek one another in space, and only meet by chance."

"When his eyes are open, he easily brings his thumb to touch each of his other fingers. But with his eyes closed, the movement occurs, yet his thumb only connects at random with the finger it's aiming for. With his eyes open, he can confidently bring his two hands together; however, when his eyes are closed, his hands feel for each other in space and only connect by chance."

In Charles Bell's well-known old case of anæsthesia the woman could only hold her baby safely in her arms so long as she looked at it. I have myself reproduced a similar condition in two hypnotic subjects whose arm and hand were made anæsthetic without being paralyzed. They could write their names when looking, but not when their eyes were closed. The modern mode of teaching deaf mutes to articulate consists in making them attentive to certain laryngeal, labial, thoracic, and other sensations, the reproduction of which becomes a guide to their vocalization. Normally it is the remoter sensations which we receive by the ear which keep us from going astray in our speech. The phenomena of aphasia show this to be the usual case.[437]

In Charles Bell's famous old case of anesthesia, the woman could only safely hold her baby in her arms while she was looking at it. I have created a similar condition in two hypnotized subjects whose arms and hands were made insensitive without being paralyzed. They could write their names when looking, but not when their eyes were closed. The modern method of teaching deaf-mutes to speak involves making them aware of certain sensations in their throat, lips, chest, and elsewhere, which help guide their vocalization. Normally, it is the more distant sensations we receive through our ears that prevent us from making mistakes in our speech. The phenomena of aphasia demonstrate that this is usually the case.[437]

This is perhaps all that need be said about the existence of passive sensations of movement and their indispensableness for our voluntary activity. We may consequently set it down as certain that, whether or no there be anything else in the mind at the moment when we consciously will a certain act, a mental conception made up of memory-images of these sensations, defining which special act it is, must be there.

This is probably all that needs to be said about the existence of passive sensations of movement and how essential they are for our voluntary actions. Therefore, we can confidently state that, whether or not there is anything else in the mind at the moment we consciously decide to perform a certain action, a mental image created from memory of these sensations, identifying which specific action it is, must be present.


Now is there anything else in the mind when we will to do an act? We must proceed in this chapter from the simpler to the more complicated cases. My first thesis accordingly is, that there need be nothing else, and that in perfectly simple[Pg 493] voluntary acts there is nothing else, in the mind but the kinæsthetic idea, thus defined, of what the act is to be.

Now is there anything else in our minds when we intend to act? We need to move through this chapter from the simpler cases to the more complex ones. My first point is that there doesn’t have to be anything else, and that in completely straightforward[Pg 493] voluntary actions, the only thing in the mind is the kinesthetic idea, defined as what the action is going to be.

A powerful tradition in Psychology will have it that something additional to these images of passive sensation is essential to the mental determination of a voluntary act. There must, of course, be a special current of energy going out from the brain into the appropriate muscles during the act; and this outgoing current (it is supposed) must have in each particular case a feeling sui generis attached to it, or else (it is said) the mind could never tell which particular current, the current to this muscle or the current to that one, was the right one to use. This feeling of the current of outgoing energy has received from Wundt the name of the feeling of innervation. I disbelieve in its existence, and must proceed to criticise the notion of it, at what I fear may to some prove tedious length.

A strong tradition in psychology holds that something beyond just these images of passive sensation is necessary for the mental determination of a voluntary act. There must be a specific flow of energy moving from the brain to the appropriate muscles during the act; and this outgoing flow (or so it's believed) has to carry a unique feeling with it for each specific instance, otherwise (it’s argued) the mind wouldn’t be able to distinguish which flow, to this muscle or that one, is the right one to use. This feeling associated with the outgoing energy flow has been termed by Wundt as the feeling of innervation. I don’t believe it exists, and I need to critique this idea, which I fear may take longer than some would find engaging.

At first sight there is something extremely plausible in the feeling of innervation. The passive feelings of movement with which we have hitherto been dealing all come after the movement's performance. But wherever a movement is difficult and precise, we become, as a matter of fact, acutely aware in advance of the amount and direction of energy which it is to involve. One has only to play tenpins or billiards, or throw a ball, to catch his will in the act, as it were, of balancing tentatively its possible efforts, and ideally rehearsing various muscular contractions nearly correct, until it gets just the right one before it, when it says 'Now go!' This premonitory weighing feels so much like a succession of tentative sallyings forth of power into the outer world, followed by correction just in time to avoid the irrevocable deed, that the notion that outgoing nerve-currents rather than mere vestiges of former passive sensibility accompany it, is a most natural one to entertain.

At first glance, there's something very believable about the feeling of energy. The passive sensations of movement we've been discussing all come after the movement has happened. But when a movement is challenging and precise, we become acutely aware in advance of how much energy and in what direction it will require. Just think of bowling, playing billiards, or throwing a ball; you can almost feel your will in the act of tentatively balancing its potential efforts and mentally practicing various muscle movements almost right until you find the right one and say, "Now go!" This anticipatory weighing feels like a series of tentative releases of energy into the world, followed by corrections just in time to avoid a final action, making it quite natural to consider that outgoing nerve signals, rather than just traces of previous passive sensations, accompany it.

We find accordingly that most authors have taken the existence of feelings of innervation as a matter of course. Bain, Wundt, Helmholtz, and Mach defend them most explicitly. But in spite of the authority which such writers deservedly wield, I cannot help thinking that they are in this instance wrong,—that the discharge into the motor nerves is insentient, and that all our ideas of movement,[Pg 494] including those of the effort which it requires, as well as those of its direction, its extent, its strength, and its velocity, are images of peripheral sensations, either 'remote,' or resident in the moving parts, or in other parts which sympathetically act with them in consequence of the 'diffusive wave.'

Most authors seem to take the presence of feelings of movement for granted. Bain, Wundt, Helmholtz, and Mach advocate for them most clearly. However, despite the respected authority these writers hold, I can't help but think they are wrong in this case—that the response in the motor nerves is without sensation, and that all our perceptions of movement,[Pg 494] including feelings of the effort it takes, as well as its direction, range, intensity, and speed, are representations of peripheral sensations, whether 'remote' or located in the moving parts, or in other areas that sympathetically respond due to the 'diffusive wave.'

A priori, as I shall show, there is no reason why there should be a consciousness of the motor discharge, and there is a reason why there should not be such a consciousness. The presumption is thus against the existence of the feeling of innervation; and the burden of proving it falls upon those who believe in it. If the positive empirical evidence which they offer prove also insufficient, then their case falls to the ground, and the feeling in question must be ruled out of court.

A priori, as I'll demonstrate, there's no reason for there to be an awareness of the motor discharge, and there's a reason for why there shouldn't be such awareness. The presumption is therefore against the existence of the feeling of innervation; the responsibility to prove it lies with those who support it. If the positive empirical evidence they provide is also inadequate, then their argument collapses, and the feeling in question must be dismissed.


In the first place, then, let me show that the assumption of the feeling of innervation is unnecessary.

In the first place, then, let me show that the assumption of the feeling of innervation is unnecessary.

I cannot help suspecting that the scholastic prejudice that 'the effect must be already in some way contained in the cause' has had something to do with making psychologists so ready to admit the feeling of innervation. The outgoing current being the effect, what psychic antecedent could contain or prefigure it better than a feeling of it? But if we take a wide view, and consider the psychic antecedents of our activities at large, we see that the scholastic maxim breaks down everywhere, and that its verification in this instance would rather violate than illustrate the general rule. In the diffusive wave, in reflex action, and in emotional expression, the movements which are the effects are in no manner contained by anticipation in the stimuli which are their cause. The latter are subjective sensations or objective perceptions, which do not in the slightest degree resemble or prefigure the movements. But we get them, and, presto! there the movements are! They are knocked out of us, they surprise us. It is just cause for wonder, as our chapter on Instinct has shown us, that such bodily consequences should follow such mental antecedents. We explain the mystery tant bien que mal by our evolutionary theories, saying that lucky variations and heredity have gradually brought it about that[Pg 495] this particular pair of terms should have grown into a uniform sequence. Meanwhile why any state of consciousness at all should precede a movement, we know not—the two things seem so essentially discontinuous. But if a state of consciousness there must be, why then it may, for aught we can see, as easily be one sort of a state as another. It is swallowing a camel and straining at a gnat for a man (all of whose muscles will on certain occasions contract at a sudden touch or sound) to suppose that on another occasion the idea of the feelings about to be produced by their contraction is an insufficient mental signal for the latter, and to insist that an additional antecedent is needed in the shape of 'a feeling of the outgoing discharge.'

I can't help but think that the traditional idea that "the effect must already be somehow contained in the cause" has influenced psychologists to readily accept the feeling of innervation. Since the outgoing current is the effect, what mental precursor could reflect or predict it better than a feeling of it? However, if we take a broader perspective and examine the mental precursors of our actions more generally, we find that this traditional idea falls apart everywhere, and confirming it in this case would actually contradict rather than support the overall principle. In the diffusive wave, reflex actions, and emotional expressions, the movements that are the effects are not in any way anticipated by the stimuli that cause them. Those stimuli are subjective sensations or objective perceptions that don't resemble or predict the movements at all. But we experience them, and suddenly! There are the movements! They burst forth from us, surprising us. It’s truly astonishing, as our chapter on Instinct shows, that such physical responses should follow such mental triggers. We try to explain the mystery tant bien que mal with our evolutionary theories, claiming that fortunate variations and heredity have led to the growth of a consistent sequence of these terms. Meanwhile, we still don't know why any state of consciousness at all should come before a movement; the two seem so fundamentally disconnected. But if there must be a state of consciousness, then it could just as easily be one kind of state as another. It's ironic for someone (whose muscles might react to a sudden touch or sound) to think that, on another occasion, the thought of the feelings that will be caused by their muscle contractions is not a sufficient mental cue, and to argue that there needs to be an additional precursor in the form of "a feeling of the outgoing discharge."

No! for aught we can see, and in the light of general analogy, the kinæsthetic ideas, as we have defined them, or images of incoming feelings of attitude and motion, are as likely as any feelings of innervation are, to be the last psychic antecedents and determiners of the various currents downwards into the muscles from the brain. The question "What are the antecedents and determinants?" is a question of fact, to be decided by whatever empirical evidence may be found.[438]

No! From what we can see, and based on general similarities, the kinesthetic ideas, as we've defined them, or the images of incoming feelings related to posture and movement, are just as likely as any feelings of nerve impulses to be the final mental precursors and drivers of the various signals from the brain down to the muscles. The question "What are the precursors and drivers?" is a factual question, to be determined by whatever empirical evidence is available.[438]

But before considering the empirical evidence, let me go on to show that there is a certain a priori reason why the kinæsthetic images ought to be the last psychic antecedents of the outgoing currents, and why we should expect these currents to be insentient; why, in short, the soi-disant feelings of innervation should not exist.

But before looking at the empirical evidence, let me show that there is a certain a priori reason why the kinesthetic images should be the final psychic predecessors of the outgoing currents, and why we should expect these currents to be insentient; in short, why the so-called feelings of innervation should not exist.

It is a general principle in Psychology that consciousness deserts all processes where it can no longer be of use. The tendency of consciousness to a minimum of complication is in fact a dominating law. The law of parsimony in logic is only its best known case. We grow unconscious of every feeling which is useless as a sign to lead us to our ends, and where one sign will suffice others drop out, and that one remains, to work alone. We observe this in the whole history of sense-perception, and in the acquisition of every art. We ignore which eye we see with, because a fixed mechanical association has been formed between our motions and each retinal image. Our motions are the ends of our seeing, our retinal images the signals to these ends. If each retinal image, whichever it be, can suggest automatically a motion in the right direction, what need for us to know whether it be in the right eye or the left?[Pg 497] That knowledge would be superfluous complication. So in acquiring any art or voluntary function. The marksman ends by thinking only of the exact position of the goal, the singer only of the perfect sound, the balancer only of the point of the pole whose oscillations he must counteract. The associated mechanism has become so perfect in all these persons that each variation in the thought of the end is functionally correlated with the one movement fitted to bring the latter about. Whilst they were tyros, they thought of their means as well as their end: the marksman of the position of his gun or bow, or the weight of his stone; the pianist of the visible position of the note on the keyboard; the singer of his throat or breathing; the balancer of his feet on the rope, or his hand or chin under the pole. But little by little they succeeded in dropping all this supernumerary consciousness, and they became secure in their movements exactly in proportion as they did so.

It's a general principle in psychology that consciousness leaves all processes where it can't be useful. The tendency of consciousness to simplify is actually a dominating rule. The law of parsimony in logic is just its most recognized example. We lose awareness of any feeling that doesn’t help us achieve our goals, and when one signal is enough, the others fade away, leaving just that one to act on its own. We see this throughout the history of sense perception and in learning any skill. We don’t even register which eye we're using because a strong mechanical link has formed between our actions and each visual image. Our actions are the goals of our seeing, and the visual images are the cues to these goals. If any visual image, no matter which, can automatically trigger the right motion, why do we need to know if it's from our right eye or left? That knowledge would just complicate things unnecessarily. This is also true when mastering any skill or voluntary action. The marksman focuses only on the exact spot of the target, the singer on the perfect note, and the balancer on the point of the pole that he must stabilize. The coordination has become so automatic in these individuals that every change in their focus on the goal is functionally linked to the required movement to achieve it. When they were beginners, they had to think about their means as well as their end: the marksman considered the position of his gun or bow or the weight of his stone; the pianist thought about the visible note on the keyboard; the singer focused on his throat or breathing; the balancer on his feet on the rope, or his hand or chin under the pole. But gradually, they managed to let go of all this unnecessary awareness, and they gained confidence in their movements just as they did so.[Pg 497]

Now if we analyze the nervous mechanism of voluntary action, we shall see that by virtue of this principle of parsimony in consciousness the motor discharge ought to be devoid of sentience. If we call the immediate psychic antecedent of a movement the latter's mental cue, all that is needed for invariability of sequence on the movement's part is a fixed connection between each several mental cue, and one particular movement. For a movement to be produced with perfect precision, it suffices that it obey instantly its own mental cue and nothing else, and that this mental cue be incapable of awakening any other movement. Now the simplest possible arrangement for producing voluntary movements would be that the memory-images of the movement's distinctive peripheral effects, whether resident or remote,[439] themselves should severally constitute the mental cues, and that no other psychic facts should intervene or be mixed up with them. For a million different voluntary movements, we should then need a million distinct[Pg 498] processes in the brain-cortex (each corresponding to the idea or memory-image of one movement), and a million distinct paths of discharge. Everything would then be unambiguously determined, and if the idea were right, the movement-would be right too. Everything after the idea might then be quite insentient, and the motor discharge itself could be unconsciously performed.

Now if we look at how the nervous system works for voluntary actions, we can see that, according to this principle of simplicity in consciousness, the motor response should lack awareness. If we refer to the immediate mental trigger for a movement as its "mental cue," all that’s needed for consistent sequence in the movement is a "fixed connection" between each mental cue and one specific movement. For a movement to be executed with perfect accuracy, it just needs to respond immediately to its own mental cue and nothing else, and this mental cue should not trigger any other movements. The simplest setup for generating voluntary movements would be if the memory images of the movement’s specific peripheral effects, whether near or far, should each serve as the mental cues, without any other psychological factors getting involved or mixed in. For a million different voluntary movements, we would then need a million distinct processes in the brain's cortex (each corresponding to the idea or memory image of one movement) and a million distinct pathways for discharge. Everything would be clearly defined, and if the idea was correct, the movement would be correct too. Everything after the idea could then be completely without sensation, and the motor response itself could happen unconsciously.

The partisans of the feeling of innervation, however, say that the motor discharge itself must be felt, and that it, and not the idea of the movement's distinctive effects, must be the proper mental cue. Thus the principle of parsimony is sacrificed, and all economy and simplicity are lost. For what can be gained by the interposition of this relay of feeling between the idea of the movement and the movement? Nothing on the score of economy of nerve-tracts; for it takes just as many of them to associate a million ideas of movement with a million motor centres, each with a specific feeling of innervation attached to its discharge, as to associate the same million ideas with a million insentient motor centres. And nothing on the score of precision; for the only conceivable way in which the feelings of innervation might further precision would be by giving to a mind whose idea of a movement was vague, a sort of halting stage with sharper imagery on which to collect its wits before uttering its fiat. But not only are the conscious discriminations between our kinæsthetic ideas much sharper than any one pretends the shades of difference between feelings of innervation to be, but even were this not the case, it is impossible to see how a mind with its idea vaguely conceived could tell out of a lot of Innervationsgefühle, were they never so sharply differentiated, which one fitted that idea exactly, and which did not. A sharply conceived idea will, on the other hand, directly awaken a distinct movement as easily as it will awaken a distinct feeling of innervation. If feelings can go astray through vagueness, surely the fewer steps of feeling there are interposed the more securely we shall act. We ought then, on a priori grounds alone, to regard the Innervationsgefühl as a pure encumbrance, and to presume that the peripheral ideas of movement are sufficient mental cues.

The supporters of the sensation of innervation argue that the motor discharge itself needs to be experienced, and that this, rather than the idea of the movement's specific effects, should be the main mental cue. This sacrifices the principle of simplicity, losing all economy and efficiency. What do we gain by adding this feeling step between the idea of the movement and the movement itself? Nothing in terms of using nerve pathways; it takes just as many to connect a million movement ideas with a million motor centers, each paired with a specific feeling of innervation, as it would to link the same million ideas with a million unfeeling motor centers. And there's no gain in precision either; the only way feelings of innervation might help with precision is by providing a sort of intermediate stage with clearer imagery for a mind that has a vague idea of a movement to collect its thoughts before making a decision. However, the conscious distinctions between our kinesthetic ideas are much sharper than anyone claims the differences in feelings of innervation are. Even if that weren't true, it's hard to see how a mind with a vaguely formed idea could pick out which feeling of innervation fits that idea exactly from a group of clearly different ones. In contrast, a clearly conceived idea will directly trigger a specific movement just as easily as it will trigger a specific feeling of innervation. If feelings can be misleading because of their vagueness, then the fewer feelings we have in between, the more accurately we will act. Therefore, based solely on logical reasoning, we should view the feeling of innervation as an unnecessary burden and assume that the peripheral ideas of movement are adequate mental cues.

The presumption being thus against the feelings of innervation, those who defend their existence are bound to prove it by positive evidence. The evidence might be direct or indirect. If we could introspectively feel them as something plainly distinct from the peripheral feelings and ideas of movement which nobody denies to be there, that would be evidence both direct and conclusive. Unfortunately it does not exist.

The assumption is against the feelings of nerve activity, so those who argue for their existence must provide positive proof. The evidence can be either direct or indirect. If we could clearly feel them as something separate from the physical sensations and thoughts of movement that everyone agrees exist, that would be direct and conclusive evidence. Unfortunately, that proof does not exist.

There is no introspective evidence of the feeling of innervation. Wherever we look for it and think we have grasped it, we find that we have really got a peripheral feeling or image instead—an image of the way in which we feel when the innervation is over, and the movement is in process of doing or is done. Our idea of raising our arm, for example, or of crooking our finger, is a sense, more or less vivid, of how the raised arm or the crooked finger feels. There is no other mental material out of which such an idea might be made. We cannot possibly have any idea of our ears' motion until our ears have moved; and this is true of every other organ as well.

There’s no personal evidence of the feeling of nervous energy. No matter where we search for it and think we’ve understood it, we actually end up with a feeling or image from the outside instead—an image of how we feel after the energy has been released, and the movement is either happening or has already happened. For instance, our concept of raising our arm or bending our finger is primarily a sense, to varying degrees of intensity, of how the raised arm or bent finger feels. There isn’t any other mental material from which such an idea could be formed. We can’t have any idea of our ears moving until they’ve actually moved; and this applies to every other part of our body as well.

Since the time of Hume it has been a commonplace in psychology that we are only conversant with the outward results of our volition, and not with the hidden inner machinery of nerves and muscles which are what it primarily sets at work.[440] The believers in the feeling of innervation readily admit this, but seem hardly alive to its consequences. It seems to me that one immediate consequence ought to be to make us doubt the existence of the feeling in dispute. Whoever says that in raising his arm he is ignorant of how many muscles he contracts, in what order of sequence, and in what degrees of intensity, expressively avows a colossal amount of unconsciousness of the processes of motor discharge. Each separate muscle at any rate cannot have its distinct feeling of innervation. Wundt,[441] who makes such enormous use of these hypothetical[Pg 500] feelings in his psychologic construction of space, is himself led to admit that they have no differences of quality, but feel alike in all muscles, and vary only in their degrees of intensity. They are used by the mind as guides, not of which movement, but of how strong a movement, it is making, or shall make. But does not this virtually surrender their existence altogether?[442]

Since Hume's time, it's been a common idea in psychology that we’re only aware of the outward effects of our will, not the hidden inner workings of nerves and muscles that actually get activated. The supporters of the sensation of innervation easily accept this but seem unaware of its implications. I believe one immediate implication should lead us to question the existence of this sensation in the first place. Anyone who says they don’t know how many muscles they are using to raise their arm, the order in which they’re used, or how intensely speaks to a huge lack of awareness of the motor processes at play. Each muscle certainly cannot have its own distinct sensation of innervation. Wundt, who heavily relies on these hypothetical feelings in his psychological theory of space, has to acknowledge that they don’t differ in quality; they feel the same across all muscles and only vary in intensity. The mind uses them as indicators, not of "which" movement it is making, but of "how strong" that movement is or will be. But doesn’t this effectively negate their existence altogether?

For if anything be obvious to introspection it is that the degree of strength of our muscular contractions is completely revealed to us by afferent feelings coming from the muscles themselves and their insertions, from the vicinity of the joints, and from the general fixation of the larynx, chest, face, and body, in the phenomenon of effort, objectively considered. When a certain degree of energy of contraction rather than another is thought of by us, this complex aggregate of afferent feelings, forming the material of our thought, renders absolutely precise and distinctive our mental image of the exact strength of movement to be made, and the exact amount of resistance to be overcome.

For it's clear upon reflection that the strength of our muscle contractions is fully conveyed to us by the sensations coming from the muscles and their connections, the areas near the joints, and the overall positioning of the larynx, chest, face, and body during physical exertion. When we consider one level of contraction energy over another, this complex mix of sensations, which makes up our thoughts, completely clarifies and defines our mental image of the precise strength of the movement we need to execute and the exact amount of resistance we have to overcome.

Let the reader try to direct his will towards a particular movement, and then notice what constituted the direction of the will. Was it anything over and above the notion of the different feelings to which the movement when effected would give rise? If we abstract from these feelings, will any sign, principle, or means of orientation be left by which the will may innervate the right muscles with the right intensity, and not go astray into the wrong ones? Strip off these images of result, and so far from leaving us with a complete assortment of directions into which our will may launch itself, you leave our consciousness in an absolute and total vacuum. If I will to write "Peter" rather than "Paul," it is the thought of certain digital sensations, of certain alphabetic sounds, of certain appearances on the paper, and of no others, which immediately precedes the motion of my pen.

Let the reader try to focus their will on a specific movement, and then observe what determined that direction. Was it anything beyond the idea of the different feelings that the movement would create when it happens? If we ignore those feelings, is there any sign, principle, or guideline left that would allow the will to activate the right muscles with the right strength, without getting mixed up with the wrong ones? Remove these images of outcomes, and instead of giving us a complete set of directions for our will to pursue, you leave our consciousness in a total void. If I choose to write "Peter" instead of "Paul," it’s the thought of certain finger sensations, certain alphabet sounds, certain appearances on the paper, and nothing else, that immediately comes before the motion of my pen.

If I will to utter the word Paul rather than Peter, it is the thought of my voice falling on my ear, and of certain muscular feelings in my tongue, lips, and larynx, which guide the utterance. All these are incoming feelings, and between the thought of them, by which the act is mentally specified with all possible completeness, and the act itself, there is no room for any third order of mental phenomenon. There is indeed the fiat, the element of consent, or resolve that the act shall ensue. This, doubtless, to the reader's mind, as to my own, constitutes the essence of the voluntariness of the act. This fiat will be treated of in detail farther on. It may be entirely neglected here, for it is a constant coefficient, affecting all voluntary actions alike, and incapable of serving to distinguish them. No one will pretend that its quality varies according as the right arm, for example, or the left is used.

If I say the word Paul instead of Peter, it’s the sound of my voice that I hear, along with certain muscle sensations in my tongue, lips, and throat, that guide the pronunciation. All of these are incoming sensations, and between the thought of them—where the action is defined as completely as possible—and the action itself, there’s no space for any other type of mental occurrence. There is, however, the fiat, the element of agreement or decision that the action will happen. This, surely, to the reader’s mind, as well as mine, is what captures the essence of the action’s voluntariness. This fiat will be discussed in detail later on. It can be completely overlooked here because it is a consistent factor that applies to all voluntary actions in the same way and cannot distinguish between them. No one would argue that its quality changes depending on whether the right arm or the left is used.

An anticipatory image, then, of the sensorial consequences of a movement, plus (on certain occasions) the fiat that these consequences shall become actual, is the only psychic state which introspection lets us discern as the forerunner of our voluntary acts. There is no introspective evidence whatever of any still later or concomitant feeling attached to the efferent discharge. The various degrees of difficulty with which the fiat is given form a complication of the utmost importance, to be discussed farther on.

An anticipatory image, then, of the sensory outcomes of a movement, along with (on certain occasions) the decision that these outcomes will happen, is the only mental state that introspection allows us to recognize as the precursor to our voluntary actions. There is no introspective evidence at all of any later or simultaneous feeling associated with the outgoing response. The different levels of difficulty involved in making this decision create a complication of great importance, which will be discussed further on.

Now the reader may still shake his head and say: "But can you seriously mean that all the wonderfully exact adjustment of my action's strength to its ends is not a matter of outgoing innervation? Here is a cannon-ball, and here a pasteboard box: instantly and accurately I lift each from the table, the ball not refusing to rise because my innervation was too weak, the box not flying abruptly into the air because it was too strong. Could representations of the movement's different sensory effects in the two cases be so delicately foreshadowed in the mind? or being there, is it credible that they should, all unaided, so delicately graduate the stimulation of the unconscious motor centres to their work?" Even so! I reply to both queries. We have a most extremely delicate foreshadowing of the sensory effects. Why else the[Pg 502] start of surprise that runs through us if some one has filled the light-seeming box with sand before we try to lift it, or has substituted for the cannon-ball which we know a painted wooden imitation? Surprise can only come from getting a sensation which differs from the one we expect. But the truth is that when we know the objects well, the very slightest difference from the expected weight will surprise us, or at least attract our notice. With unknown objects we begin by expecting the weight made probable by their appearance. The expectation of this sensation innervates our lift, and we 'set' it rather small at first. An instant verifies whether it is too small. Our expectation rises, i.e., we think in a twinkling of a setting of the chest and teeth, a bracing of the back, and a more violent feeling in the arms. Quicker than thought we have them, and with them the burden ascends into the air.[443] Bernhardt[444] has shown in a rough experimental way that our estimation of the amount of a resistance is as delicately graduated when our wills are passive, and our limbs made to contract by direct local faradization, as when we ourselves[Pg 503] innervate them. Ferrier[445] has repeated and verified the observations. They admit of no great precision, and too much stress should not be laid upon them either way; but at the very least they tend to show that no added delicacy would accrue to our perception from the consciousness of the efferent process, even if it existed.

Now the reader might still shake their head and say: "But can you really believe that the precise adjustment of my actions to their goals isn’t about outgoing nerve signals? Here’s a cannonball, and here’s a cardboard box: I can lift each from the table instantly and accurately, without the cannonball refusing to rise because my nerve signals are too weak, and the box not jumping into the air because they are too strong. Could the mind have such a finely tuned anticipation of the different sensory effects in these two cases? Or, if they are there, is it believable that they could independently fine-tune the stimulation of the unconscious motor centers to function appropriately?" Even so! I answer both questions. We have a very fine sense of the sensory outcomes. Why else would we feel a sense of surprise if someone filled the lightweight box with sand before we try to lift it, or if they've replaced the cannonball with a painted wooden copy? Surprise can only arise from a sensation that differs from what we expect. The truth is that when we know the objects well, even the slightest difference from the expected weight will surprise us, or at least grab our attention. With unknown objects, we start by expecting the weight suggested by their appearance. This expectation influences how we lift them, and we typically start with a lighter approach. An instant shows whether it’s too light. Our expectation increases; we think, in a flash, of tightening our chest and teeth, bracing our back, and feeling a stronger effort in our arms. Faster than we think, we have those adjustments, and with them, the load lifts into the air. Bernhardt has demonstrated in a rough experimental way that our assessment of resistance is just as finely tuned when our will is passive and our limbs are made to contract through direct local stimulation as when we innervate them ourselves. Ferrier has repeated and confirmed these findings. They lack great precision, and we shouldn't place too much emphasis on them either way; but at the very least, they suggest that our perception wouldn’t gain additional finesse from being conscious of the outgoing process, even if it were present.

Since there is no direct introspective evidence for the feelings of innervation, is there any indirect or circumstantial evidence? Much is offered; but on critical examination it breaks down. Let us see what it is. Wundt says that were our motor feelings of an afferent nature,

Since there’s no direct evidence to reflect on the feelings of innervation, is there any indirect or circumstantial evidence? A lot is suggested, but upon closer inspection, it falls apart. Let's take a look at what it is. Wundt argues that if our motor feelings were of an afferent nature,

"it ought to be expected that they would increase and diminish with the amount of outer or inner work actually effected in contraction. This, however, is not the case, but the strength of the motor sensation is purely proportional to the strength of the impulse to movement, which starts from the central organ innervating the motor nerves. This may be proved by observations made by physicians in cases of morbid alteration in the muscular effect. A patient whose arm or leg is half paralyzed, so that he can only move the limb with great effort, has a distinct feeling of this effort: the limb seems to him heavier than before, appearing as if weighted with lead; he has, therefore, a sense of more work effected than formerly, and yet the effected work is either the same or even less. Only he must, to get even this effect, exert a stronger innervation, a stronger motor impulse, than formerly."[446]

It’s expected that the amount of external or internal work done during contraction would increase and decrease accordingly. However, this isn’t the case; the strength of the motor sensation is only related to the strength of the impulse to move, which comes from the central organ that sends signals to the motor nerves. This can be seen in observations made by doctors in cases where there are abnormal changes in muscle function. For instance, a patient with partial paralysis in an arm or leg, who can only move the limb with a lot of effort, clearly feels that effort: the limb feels heavier than before, as if it’s weighed down with lead. As a result, they feel like they’ve done more work than they actually have, even though the actual work is the same or possibly less. To get even this level of effect, they need to send a much stronger signal, a stronger motor impulse, than they did before.[446]

In complete paralysis, also, patients will be conscious of putting forth the greatest exertion to move a limb which remains absolutely still upon the bed, and from which of course no afferent muscular or other feelings can come.[447]

In total paralysis, patients are still aware of trying their hardest to move a limb that stays completely still on the bed, and of course, they can't receive any sensory feedback from the muscles or any other sensations.[447]

But Dr. Ferrier in his Functions of the Brain (Am. Ed.[Pg 504] pp. 222-4) disposes very easily of this line of argument. He says:

But Dr. Ferrier in his Functions of the Brain (Am. Ed.[Pg 504] pp. 222-4) dismisses this line of reasoning quite easily. He says:

"It is necessary, however, to exclude movements altogether before such an explanation [as Wundt's] can be adopted. Now, though the hemiplegic patient cannot move his paralyzed limb, though he is conscious of trying hard, yet he will be found to be making powerful muscular exertion of some kind. Vulpian has called attention to the fact, and I have repeatedly verified it, that when a hemiplegic patient is desired to close his paralyzed fist, in his endeavors to do so he unconsciously performs this action with the sound one. It is, in fact, almost impossible to exclude such a source of complication, and unless this is taken into account very erroneous conclusions as to the cause of the sense of effort may be drawn. In the fact of muscular contraction and the concomitant centripetal impressions, even though the action is not such as is desired, the conditions of the consciousness of effort exist without our being obliged to regard it as depending on central innervation or outgoing currents.

"It's essential to completely exclude movements altogether before we can accept an explanation like Wundt's. Even if a hemiplegic patient can't move their paralyzed limb and is aware of trying hard, they still show significant muscular effort in some way. Vulpian pointed this out, and I've verified it multiple times: when a hemiplegic patient is asked to close their paralyzed fist, their attempts to do so unconsciously involve their healthy limb. In fact, it's nearly impossible to eliminate this kind of complication, and if we ignore it, we might reach very misleading conclusions about the causes of the sense of effort. The presence of muscular contraction and the related inward impressions, even if the action isn’t what was intended, indicates that the necessary conditions for the sense of effort exist without needing to view them as dependent on central innervation or outgoing signals."

"It is, however, easy to make an experiment of a simple nature which will satisfactorily account for the sense of effort, even when these unconscious contractions of the other side, such as hemiplegics make, are entirely excluded.

"However, it's easy to conduct a simple experiment that will effectively explain the feeling of effort, even when the unconscious contractions from the other side, like those seen in hemiplegics, are completely eliminated."

"If the reader will extend his right arm and hold his forefinger in the position required for pulling the trigger of a pistol, he may without actually moving his finger, but by simply making believe, experience a consciousness of energy put forth. Here, then, is a clear case of consciousness of energy without actual contraction of the muscles either of the one hand or the other, and without any perceptible bodily strain. If the reader will again perform the experiment, and pay careful attention to the condition of his respiration, he will observe that his consciousness of effort coincides with a fixation of the muscles of his chest, and that in proportion to the amount of energy he feels he is putting forth, he is keeping his glottis closed and actively contracting his respiratory muscles. Let him place his finger as before, and continue breathing all the time, and he will find that however much he may direct his attention to his finger, he will experience not the slightest trace of consciousness of effort until he has actually moved the finger itself, and then it is referred locally to the muscles in action. It is only when this essential and ever-present respiratory factor is, as it has been, overlooked, that the consciousness of effort can with any degree of plausibility be ascribed to the outgoing current. In the contraction of the respiratory muscles there are the necessary conditions of centripetal impressions, and these are capable of originating the general sense of effort. When these active efforts are withheld, no consciousness of effort ever arises, except in so far as it is conditioned by the local contraction of the group of muscles towards which the attention is directed,[Pg 505] or by other muscular contractions called unconsciously into play in the attempt.

"If you extend your right arm and position your forefinger as if pulling the trigger of a pistol, you can feel a sense of energy being exerted without actually moving your finger, just by pretending. This is a clear example of feeling energy without any real muscle contraction in either hand and without noticeable physical strain. When you try the experiment again and pay close attention to your breathing, you'll notice that your sense of effort coincides with a tightening of your chest muscles. The more energy you feel you're exerting, the more you keep your throat closed and engage your breathing muscles. If you place your finger in the same position and continue breathing throughout, you'll find that no matter how much you concentrate on your finger, you won’t feel any sense of effort until you actually move the finger itself, at which point the sensation is localized to the muscles in action. Only when this essential and constant factor of respiration is overlooked can the feeling of effort be somewhat linked to the outgoing current. The contraction of the respiratory muscles creates the necessary conditions for inward sensations, which can lead to a general sense of effort. When these active efforts are restrained, no awareness of effort occurs, except as influenced by the localized contraction of the muscles you're focusing on,[Pg 505] or by other muscle contractions that unintentionally occur during the attempt."

"I am unable to find a single case of consciousness of effort which is not explicable in one or other of the ways specified. In all instances the consciousness of effort is conditioned by the actual fact of muscular contraction. That it is dependent on centripetal impressions generated by the act of contraction, I have already endeavored to show. When the paths of the centripetal impressions or the cerebral centres of the same are destroyed, there is no vestige of a muscular sense. That the central organs for the apprehension of the impressions originating from muscular contraction are different from those which send out the motor impulse, has already been established. But when Wundt argues that this cannot be so, because then the sensation would always keep pace with the energy of muscular contraction, he overlooks the important factor of the fixation of the respiratory muscles, which is the basis of the general sense of effort in all its varying degrees."

"I can't find a single instance of being aware of effort that can't be explained by one of the methods mentioned. In every case, the awareness of effort is tied to the actual fact of muscle contraction. I've already tried to show that it's dependent on the inward signals produced by the act of contraction. When the pathways for these inward signals or the brain centers for them are disrupted, there's no trace of a muscle sense. It's already been established that the brain organs responsible for perceiving signals from muscle contraction differ from those that send out the motor impulse. However, when Wundt claims this can't be true because then the sensation would always match the intensity of muscle contraction, he overlooks the vital role of the respiratory muscles, which provide the foundation for the overall sense of effort in all its different degrees."

To these remarks of Ferrier's I have nothing to add.[448] Any one may verify them, and they prove conclusively that the consciousness of muscular exertion, being impossible without movement effected somewhere, must be an afferent and not an efferent sensation; a consequence, and not an antecedent, of the movement itself. An idea of the amount of muscular exertion requisite to perform a certain movement can consequently be nothing other than an anticipatory image of the movement's sensible effects.

I have nothing to add to Ferrier's comments.[448] Anyone can verify them, and they clearly show that the awareness of muscle exertion, which can't exist without movement happening somewhere, must be a sensation coming in and not going out; it's a result, not a cause, of the movement itself. Therefore, any idea of how much muscle exertion is needed to perform a specific movement can only be an expected image of the movement's observable effects.

Driven thus from the body at large, where next shall the circumstantial evidence for the feeling of innervation lodge itself? Where but in the muscles of the eye, from which small retreat it judges itself inexpugnable. Nevertheless, that fastness too must fall, and by the lightest of bombardments. But, before trying the bombardment, let us recall our general principles about optical vertigo, or illusory appearance of movement in objects.

Driven out from the body as a whole, where will the circumstantial evidence for the feeling of energy settle? Where else but in the muscles of the eye, which it views as a stronghold. However, that stronghold must fall as well, and by the lightest of attacks. But before we make that attack, let’s revisit our general principles about optical vertigo, or the illusion of movement in objects.

We judge that an object moves under two distinct sets of circumstances:

We determine that an object is in motion under two different sets of conditions:

1. When its image moves on the retina, and we know that the eye is still.

1. When its image shifts on the retina, and we understand that the eye is stationary.

2. When its image is stationary on the retina, and we know that the eye is moving. In this case we feel that we follow the object.

2. When its image is still on the retina, and we know that the eye is moving. In this case, we feel that we follow the object.

In either of these cases a mistaken judgment about the state of the eye will produce optical vertigo.

In either of these cases, a wrong judgment about the eye's condition will cause optical vertigo.

If in case 1 we think our eye is still when it is really moving, we get a movement of the retinal image which we judge to be due to a real outward motion of the object. This is what happens after looking at rushing water, or through the windows of a moving railroad car, or after turning on one's heel to giddiness. The eyes, without our intending to move them, go through a series of involuntary rotations, continuing those they were previously obliged to make to keep objects in view. If the objects had been whirling by to our right, our eyes when turned to stationary objects will still move slowly towards the right. The retinal image upon them will then move like that of an object passing to the left. We then try to catch it by voluntarily and rapidly rotating the eyes to the left, when the involuntary impulse again rotates the eyes to the right, continuing the apparent motion; and so the game goes on. (See above, pp. 89-91.)

If in case 1 we think our eye is still when it is really moving, we get a movement of the retinal image that we assume is due to an actual outward motion of the object. This happens after looking at rushing water, or through the windows of a moving train, or after turning quickly and feeling dizzy. The eyes, without us meaning to move them, undergo a series of involuntary rotations, continuing those they previously had to make to keep objects in view. If the objects were whirling by to our right, our eyes will still move slowly toward the right when we look at stationary objects. The retinal image on them will then appear as if an object is moving to the left. We then try to catch it by quickly rotating our eyes to the left, but the involuntary impulse rotates the eyes back to the right, continuing the illusion of motion; and so the cycle continues. (See above, pp. 89-91.)

If in case 2 we think our eyes moving when they are in reality still, we shall judge that we are following a moving object when we are but fixating a steadfast one. Illusions of this kind occur after sudden and complete paralysis of special eye muscles, and the partisans of feelings of efferent[Pg 507] innervation regard them as experimenta crucis. Helmholtz writes:[449]

If in case 2 we believe our eyes are moving when they are actually still, we’ll think we’re tracking a moving object when we’re really just fixating on a stationary one. Illusions like this happen after a sudden and complete paralysis of specific eye muscles, and those who support the feelings of efferent[Pg 507] innervation consider them to be experimenta crucis. Helmholtz writes:[449]

"When the external rectus muscle of the right eye, or its nerve, is paralyzed, the eye can no longer be rotated to the right side. So long as the patient turns it only to the nasal side it makes regular movements, and he perceives correctly the position of objects in the visual field. So soon, however, as he tries to rotate it outwardly, i.e., towards the right, it ceases to obey his will, stands motionless in the middle of its course, and the objects appear flying to the right, although position of eye and retinal image are unaltered.[450]

"When the external rectus muscle of the right eye or its nerve is paralyzed, the eye can't turn to the right. As long as the patient turns it inward, it moves normally, and they can accurately perceive where objects are in their visual field. However, as soon as they try to rotate it outward, toward the right, it stops moving, stays still in the middle of its motion, and the objects seem to shift to the right, even though the position of the eye and the image on the retina haven't changed.[450]

"In such a case the exertion of the will is followed neither by actual movement of the eye, nor by contraction of the muscle in question, nor even by increased tension in it. The act of will produced absolutely no effect beyond the nervous system, and yet we judge of the direction of the line of vision as if the will had exercised its normal effects. We believe it to have moved to the right, and since the retinal image is unchanged, we attribute to the object the same movement we have erroneously ascribed to the eye.... These phenomena leave no room for doubt that we only judge the direction of the line of sight by the effort of will with which we strive to change the position of our eyes. There are also certain weak feelings in our eyelids,... and furthermore in excessive lateral rotations we feel a fatiguing strain in the muscles. But all these feelings are too faint and vague to be of use in the perception of direction. We feel then what impulse of the will, and how strong a one, we apply to turn our eye into a given position."

"In this case, the effort of will doesn’t result in any actual movement of the eye, any contraction of the related muscle, or even an increase in tension. The act of will produces absolutely no effect outside of the nervous system, yet we perceive our line of sight as if the will produced the usual results. We believe it has moved to the right, and since the image on the retina remains unchanged, we mistakenly attribute that movement to the object, which we wrongly associate with the eye.... These experiences clearly show that we determine the direction of our line of sight based on the willpower we use to attempt to shift the position of our eyes. We also notice some slight sensations in our eyelids,... and when we move our eyes excessively to the side, we experience fatigue in the muscles. But all these sensations are too faint and vague to aid in our perception of direction. So, we can sense how much willpower and effort we are using to turn our eyes to a specific position."

Partial paralysis of the same muscle, paresis, as it has been called, seems to point even more conclusively to the same inference, that the will to innervate is felt independently of all its afferent results. I will quote the account given by a recent authority,[451] of the effects of this accident:

Partial paralysis of the same muscle, paresis, as it’s known, seems to indicate even more clearly the same conclusion: that the desire to activate is experienced separately from all its incoming results. I will cite the description provided by a recent expert,[451] of the effects of this incident:

"When the nerve going to an eye muscle, e.g., the external rectus of one side, falls into a state of paresis, the first result is that the same volitional stimulus, which under normal circumstances would have perhaps rotated the eye to its extreme position outwards, now is competent to effect only a moderate outward rotation, say of 20º. If now, shutting the sound eye, the patient looks at an object situated just so far outwards[Pg 508] from the paretic eye that this latter must turn 20º in order to see it distinctly, the patient will feel as if he had moved it not only 20º towards the side, but into its extreme lateral position, for the impulse of innervation requisite for bringing it into view is a perfectly conscious act, whilst the diminished state of contraction of the paretic muscle lies for the present out of the ken of consciousness. The test proposed by von Graefe, of localization by the sense of touch, serves to render evident the error which the patient now makes. If we direct him to touch rapidly the object looked at, with the forefinger of the hand of the same side, the line through which the finger moves will not be the line of sight directed 20º outward, but will approach more nearly to the extreme possible outward line of vision."

"When the nerve that controls an eye muscle, like the external rectus on one side, gets weak, the first noticeable effect is that the same voluntary stimulus, which would normally rotate the eye fully outward, can now only turn the eye about 20º outward. If the patient closes the healthy eye and looks at an object positioned just far enough to the side so that the affected eye needs to turn 20º to see it clearly, they'll feel like they've turned it all the way to the extreme side, because the effort needed to bring that object into view is a fully conscious action, while the reduced contraction of the weakened muscle is currently beyond their awareness. The test suggested by von Graefe, which involves localization using the sense of touch, shows the patient's mistake. If we ask them to quickly touch the object they are looking at with the index finger of the same side, the path their finger takes won’t follow the 20º line of sight outward but will actually come closer to the farthest possible outward line of vision."

A stone-cutter with the external rectus of the left eye paralyzed, will strike his hand instead of his chisel with his hammer, until experience has taught him wisdom.

A stonecutter with paralysis in the outer muscle of his left eye will hit his hand instead of his chisel with his hammer until he learns from experience.

It appears as if here the judgment of direction could only arise from the excessive innervation of the rectus when the object is looked at. All the afferent feelings must be identical with those experienced when the eye is sound and the judgment is correct. The eyeball is rotated just 20º in the one case as in the other, the image falls on the same part of the retina, the pressures on the eyeball and the tensions of the skin and conjunctiva are identical. There is only one feeling which can vary, and lead us to our mistake. That feeling must be the effort which the will makes, moderate in the one case, excessive in the other, but in both cases an efferent feeling, pure and simple.

It seems like the judgment of direction can only come from the excessive activation of the rectus muscle when we look at an object. All the incoming sensations must be the same as those felt when the eye is healthy and the judgment is accurate. The eyeball rotates exactly 20º in both situations, the image lands on the same part of the retina, and the pressures on the eyeball and tensions in the skin and conjunctiva are the same. The only feeling that can differ and lead us to an error is the effort the will exerts—moderate in one situation and excessive in another, but in both cases, it’s simply an outgoing feeling.

Beautiful and clear as this reasoning seems to be, it is based on an incomplete inventory of the afferent data. The writers have all omitted to consider what is going on in the other eye. This is kept covered during the experiments, to prevent double images, and other complications. But if its condition under these circumstances be examined, it will be found to present changes which must result in strong afferent feelings. And the taking account of these feelings demolishes in an instant all the conclusions which the authors from whom I have quoted base upon their supposed absence. This I will now proceed to show.[452]

Beautiful and clear as this reasoning seems, it's based on an incomplete inventory of the incoming data. The writers all failed to consider what’s happening in the other eye. This eye is kept covered during the experiments to prevent double images and other complications. However, if we examine its condition in these circumstances, we'll find that it shows changes that must lead to strong incoming feelings. Taking these feelings into account instantly invalidates all the conclusions that the authors I cited based on their supposed absence. I will now demonstrate this.[452]

Take first the case of complete paralysis and assume the right eye affected. Suppose the patient desires to rotate his gaze to an object situated in the extreme right of the field of vision. As Hering has so beautifully shown, both eyes move by a common act of innervation, and in this instance both move towards the right. But the paralyzed right eye stops short in the middle of its course, the object still appearing far to the sight of its fixation point. The left sound eye, meanwhile, although covered, continues its rotation until the extreme rightward limit thereof has been reached. To an observer looking at both eyes the left will seem to squint. Of course this continued and extreme rotation produces afferent feelings of rightward motion in the eyeball, which momentarily overpower the faint feelings of central position in the diseased and uncovered eye. The patient feels by his left eyeball as if he were following an object which by his right retina he perceives he does not overtake. All the conditions of optical vertigo are here present: the image stationary on the retina, and the erroneous conviction that the eyes are moving.

Consider the case of complete paralysis, assuming the right eye is affected. Imagine the patient wants to turn their gaze to an object located at the far right of their field of vision. As Hering has clearly demonstrated, both eyes move together through a common nerve signal, and in this case, both should move to the right. However, the paralyzed right eye halts midway, while the object still appears far away from its fixation point. Meanwhile, the left functioning eye, even though it is covered, continues its rotation until it reaches the farthest right position. To someone watching both eyes, the left eye will appear to squint. This continued and extreme rotation creates sensations of movement to the right in the eyeball, temporarily overpowering the minimal sensations of central position in the paralyzed and uncovered right eye. The patient feels with their left eye as if they are tracking an object that their right retina is telling them they cannot catch. All the aspects of optical vertigo are present: the image is still on the retina, and there's a mistaken belief that the eyes are moving.

The objection that a feeling in the left eyeball ought not to produce a conviction that the right eye moves, will be considered in a moment. Let us meanwhile turn to the[Pg 510] case of simple paresis with apparent translocation of the field.

The argument that a sensation in the left eyeball shouldn't lead to the belief that the right eye is moving will be examined shortly. In the meantime, let's look at the[Pg 510] case of simple paresis with obvious shifting of the field.

Here the right eye succeeds in fixating the object, but observation of the left eye will reveal to an observer the fact that it squints just as violently inwards as in the former case. The direction which the finger of the patient takes in pointing to the object, is the direction of this squinting and covered left eye. As Graefe says (although he fails to seize the true import of his own observation), "It appears to have been by no means sufficiently noticed how significantly the direction of the line of sight of the secondarily deviating eye [i.e., of the left,] and the line of direction of the pointed finger agree."

Here, the right eye successfully focuses on the object, but observing the left eye reveals that it squints inward just as much as before. The way the patient's finger points to the object matches the direction of the squinting left eye. As Graefe mentions (although he doesn't fully grasp the real significance of his own observation), "It seems that the relationship between the direction of the secondarily deviating eye [i.e., the left eye] and the direction of the pointed finger has not been adequately noted."

The translocation would, in a word, be perfectly explained could we suppose that the sensation of a certain degree of rotation in the left eyeball were able to suggest to the patient the position of an object whose image falls on the right retina alone.[453] Can, then, a feeling in one eye[Pg 511] be confounded with a feeling in the other? It most assuredly can, for not only Donders and Adamük, by their vivisections, but Hering by his exquisite optical experiments, have proved that the apparatus of innervation for both eyes is single, and that they function as one organ—a double eye, according to Hering, or what Helmholtz calls a Cyclopenauge. The retinal feelings of this double organ, singly innervated, are naturally undistinguished as respects our knowing whether they belong to the left retina or to the right. We use them only to tell us where their objects lie. It takes long practice directed specially ad hoc to teach us on which retina the sensations severally fall. Similarly the different sensations which arise from the positions of the eyeballs are used exclusively as signs of the position of objects; an object directly fixated being localized habitually at the intersection of the two optical axes, but without any separate consciousness on our part that the position of one axis is different from another. All we are aware of is a consolidated feeling of a certain 'strain' in the eyeballs, accompanied by the perception that just so far in front and so far to the right or to the left there is an object which we see. So that a 'muscular' process in one eye is as likely to combine with a retinal process in the other eye to effect a perceptive judgment, as two processes in one eye are likely so to combine.

The translocation would, in simple terms, be completely explained if we could assume that a certain level of rotation in the left eyeball could give the patient a sense of the position of an object whose image only hits the right retina.[453] Can a sensation in one eye be confused with a sensation in the other? It definitely can, because not just Donders and Adamük with their vivisections, but also Hering with his brilliant optical experiments, have shown that the nerve system for both eyes is unified, and that they function as a single mechanism—what Hering calls a double eye, or what Helmholtz refers to as a Cyclopenauge. The sensations from this double organ, which is innervated as a whole, are typically indistinguishable when it comes to identifying whether they come from the left retina or the right. We only use them to determine where their corresponding objects are located. It requires a lot of practice specifically focused on this to learn which retina the sensations belong to. Similarly, the different sensations that arise from the positions of the eyeballs are used solely as indicators of object positions; an object that we are directly looking at is habitually located at the crossing of the two optical axes, without any separate awareness from us that one axis is positioned differently than the other. All we notice is a combined feeling of a certain 'strain' in the eyeballs, along with the perception that there is an object directly in front of us and a certain distance to the right or left. Therefore, a 'muscular' process in one eye is just as likely to connect with a retinal process in the other eye to form a perceptual judgment as it is for two processes in one eye to do the same.


Another piece of circumstantial evidence for the feelings of innervation is that adduced by Professor Mach, as follows:

Another piece of circumstantial evidence for the feelings of innervation is that presented by Professor Mach, as follows:

"If we stand on a bridge, and look at the water flowing beneath, we usually feel ourselves at rest, whilst the water seems in motion. Prolonged looking at the water, however, commonly has for its result to make the bridge with the observer and surroundings suddenly seem to move in the direction opposed to that of the water, whilst the water itself assumes the appearance of standing still. The relative motion of the objects is in both cases the same, and there must therefore be some[Pg 512] adequate physiological ground why sometimes one, sometimes the other part of them is felt to move. In order to investigate the matter conveniently, I had the simple apparatus constructed which is represented in Fig. 86. An oil-cloth with a simple pattern is horizontally stretched over two cylinders (each 2 metres long and 3 feet apart) and kept in uniform motion by the help of a crank. Across the cloth, and some 30 cm. above it, is stretched a string, with a knot x, which serves as a fixation-point for the eye of the observer. If the observer follow with his eyes the pattern of the cloth as it moves, he sees it in movement, himself and the surroundings at rest. But if he looks at the knot, he soon feels as if the entire room were moving contrary to the direction of the cloth, whilst the latter seems to stand still. This change in the mode of looking comes about in more or less time according to one's momentary disposition, but usually it takes but a few seconds. If one once understands the point, one can make the two appearances alternate at will. Every following of the oil-cloth makes the observer stationary; every fixation of the knot or inattention to the oil-cloth, so that its pattern becomes blurred,, sets him in apparent motion."[454]

"When we stand on a bridge and look at the water flowing beneath us, we often feel relaxed while the water seems to be moving. However, if we gaze at the water for a long time, the bridge, ourselves, and the surroundings can start to feel like they’re moving in the opposite direction of the water, while the water itself looks like it’s standing still. The relative motion of the objects is the same in both situations, so there must be some[Pg 512] clear physiological explanation for why we sometimes perceive one thing as moving and other times the opposite. To explore this, I had a simple setup made, as shown in Fig. 86. An oilcloth with a basic pattern is stretched horizontally over two cylinders (each 2 meters long and 3 feet apart) and is kept moving steadily using a crank. A string is stretched across the cloth, about 30 cm above it, with a knot x, which acts as a focal point for the observer's eye. If the observer tracks the pattern of the cloth as it moves, they see it moving while they and the surroundings appear still. But if they focus on the knot, they soon feel like the whole room is moving in the opposite direction of the cloth, while the cloth seems stationary. This change in perception occurs in varying amounts of time depending on one's mental state, but usually takes just a few seconds. Once you grasp this concept, you can switch between the two perceptions at will. Every time you focus on the oilcloth, it makes you feel stationary; every time you fixate on the knot or ignore the oilcloth, causing its pattern to blur, you’ll feel like you’re in motion."

Professor Mach proceeds to explain the phenomenon as follows:

Professor Mach goes on to explain the phenomenon like this:

Fig. 86.

"Moving objects exert, as is well known, a peculiar motor stimulation upon the eye, they draw our attention and our look after them. If the look really follows them ... we assume that they move. But if the eye, instead of following the moving objects, remains steadfastly at rest, it must be that the constant stimulus to motion which it receives is neutralized by an equally constant current of innervation flowing into its motor apparatus. But this is just what would happen if the steadfastly fixated point were itself moving uniformly in the other direction, and we were following it with our eyes. When this comes about, whatever motionless things are looked at must appear in motion."[455]

"Moving objects provide a unique stimulation for our eyes; they grab our attention, and we instinctively follow them. If our gaze actually tracks them... we assume they are moving. But if our eyes remain still instead of following the moving objects, it means that the constant stimulation of motion we experience is being countered by a matching flow of nerve signals to our eye muscles. This is similar to when a fixed point we're focusing on moves steadily in the opposite direction, and we track it with our eyes. When this happens, anything we look at that’s stationary will appear to be moving." [455]

The knot x, the string, we ourselves, and all our stationary[Pg 513] surroundings thus appear in movement, according to Mach, because we are constantly innervating our eyeballs to resist the drag exerted upon them by the pattern or the flowing waves. I have myself repeated the observation many times above flowing streams, but have never succeeded in getting the full illusion as described by Mach. I gain a sense of the movement of the bridge and of my own body, but the river never seems absolutely to stop: it still moves in one direction, whilst I float away in the other. But, be the illusion partial or complete, a different explanation of it from Professor Mach's seems to me the more natural one to adopt. The illusion is said to cease when, our attention being fully fixed on the moving oil-cloth, we perceive the latter for what it is; and to recommence, on the contrary, when we perceive the oil-cloth as a vaguely moving background behind an object which we directly fixate and whose position with regard to our own body is unchanged. This, however, is the sort of consciousness which we have whenever we are ourselves borne in a vehicle, on horseback, or in a boat. As we and our belongings go one way, the whole background goes the other. I should rather, therefore, explain Professor Mach's illusion as similar to the illusion at railroad-stations described above on page 90. The other train moves, but it makes ours seem to move, because, filling the window as it does, it stands for the time being as the total background. So here, the water or oil-cloth stands for us as background überhaupt whenever we seem to ourselves to be moving over it. The relative motion felt by the retina is assigned to that one of its components which we look at more in itself and less as a mere repoussoir. This may be the knot above the oil-cloth or the bridge beneath our feet, or it may be, on the other hand, the oil-cloth's pattern or the surface of the swirling stream. Similar changes may be produced in the apparent motion of the moon and the clouds through which it shines, by similarly altering the attention. Such alterations, however, in our conception of which part of the visual field is substantive object and which part background, seem to have no connection with feelings of innervation. I[Pg 514] cannot, therefore, regard the observation of Prof. Mach as any proof that the latter feelings exist.[456]

The knot x, the string, ourselves, and all our stationary[Pg 513] surroundings seem to be in motion, according to Mach, because we are constantly moving our eyes to counteract the drag that the pattern or flowing waves put on them. I’ve personally tried observing this many times over flowing streams but have never fully experienced the illusion as Mach described. I get a sense of movement from the bridge and my own body, but the river never feels like it completely stops; it still moves in one direction while I drift in the other. Regardless of whether the illusion is partial or complete, I believe a different explanation from Professor Mach’s is more intuitive. The illusion is said to fade when our attention is completely focused on the moving oil-cloth, allowing us to see it for what it is; it restarts when we see the oil-cloth as a vaguely moving background behind an object we’re directly looking at, which stays in the same position relative to our body. However, this is the kind of awareness we experience whenever we’re moving in a vehicle, on horseback, or in a boat. As we and our belongings go one way, the whole background moves the other way. So, I would explain Professor Mach's illusion as similar to the one at train stations described above on page 90. The other train moves, but it makes ours seem to be moving because, since it fills the window, it serves as the total background for the moment. Here, the water or oil-cloth acts as our background überhaupt whenever we feel like we're moving over it. The relative motion perceived by the retina is attributed to whichever part we focus on more as an object rather than just as a repoussoir. This might be the knot above the oil-cloth or the bridge under our feet, or it could be the pattern of the oil-cloth or the surface of the swirling stream. Similar shifts can occur in the apparent motion of the moon and the clouds it illuminates by similarly adjusting our attention. However, these changes in how we define parts of the visual field as the main object or background seem unrelated to feelings of innervation. I[Pg 514] cannot, therefore, consider Prof. Mach's observation as any proof that those feelings exist.[456]


The circumstantial evidence for the feeling of innervation thus seems to break down like the introspective evidence. But not only can we rebut experiments intended to prove it, we can also adduce experiments which disprove it. A person who moves a limb voluntarily must innervate it in any case, and if he feels the innervation he ought to be able to use the feeling to define what his limb is about, even though the limb itself were anæsthetic. If, however, the limb be totally anæsthetic, it turns out that he does not know at all how much work it performs in its contraction—in other words, he has no perception of the amount of innervation which he exerts. A patient examined by Messrs. Gley and Marillier beautifully showed this. His entire arms, and his trunk down to the navel, were insensible both superficially and deeply, but his arms were not paralyzed:

The circumstantial evidence for the feeling of innervation seems to break down just like the introspective evidence. However, not only can we counter experiments meant to prove it, but we can also present experiments that disprove it. A person who voluntarily moves a limb must innervate it, and if he feels the innervation, he should be able to use that feeling to understand what his limb is doing, even if the limb itself is numb. If, though, the limb is completely numb, it turns out that he doesn't know at all how much work it’s doing when it contracts—in other words, he has no sense of the amount of innervation he exerts. A patient examined by Messrs. Gley and Marillier demonstrated this perfectly. His entire arms, as well as his trunk down to the navel, were insensitive both superficially and deeply, but his arms were not paralyzed:

"We take three stone bottles—two of them are empty and weigh each 350 grams; the third is full of mercury and weighs 1850 grams. We ask L... to estimate their weight and tell us which is heaviest. He declares that he finds them all three alike. With many days of interval we made two series of six experiments each. The result was always the same. The experiment, it need hardly be said, was arranged in[Pg 515] such wise that he could be informed neither by sight nor by hearing. He even declared, holding in his hand the bottleful of mercury, that he found it to have no weight.... We place successively in his hand (his eyes being still bandaged) a piece of modelling wax, a stick of hard wood, a thick India-rubber tube, a newspaper folded up lengthwise and rumpled, and we make him squeeze these several objects. He feels no difference of resistance and does not even perceive that anything is in his hand."[457]

"We use three stone bottles—two are empty and each weighs 350 grams; the third is full of mercury and weighs 1850 grams. We ask L... to estimate their weight and tell us which one is the heaviest. He insists that all three feel the same. After a few days, we conducted two series of six experiments each. The outcome was always the same. The setup ensured he couldn't use sight or sound for clues. He even said, while holding the mercury bottle, that it felt weightless. We took turns placing in his hand (with his eyes still covered) a piece of modeling wax, a hard wooden stick, a thick rubber tube, and a folded and crumpled newspaper, making him squeeze each of these items. He noticed no difference in resistance and didn't even realize he was holding anything.

M. Gley in another place[458] quotes experiments by Dr. Bloch which prove that the sense which we have of our limbs' position owes absolutely nothing to the feeling of innervation put forth. Dr. Bloch stood opposite the angle of a screen whose sides made an angle of about 90º, and tried to place his hands symmetrically, or so that both should fall on corresponding spots of the two screen-sides, which were marked with squares for the purpose. The average error being noted, one hand was then passively carried by an assistant to a spot on its screen-side, and the other actively sought the corresponding spot on the opposite side. The accuracy of the correspondence proved to be as great as when both arms were innervated voluntarily, showing that the consciousness of innervation in the first of the two experiments added nothing to the sense of the limbs' position. Dr. Bloch then tried, pressing a certain number of pages of a book between the thumb and forefinger of one hand, to press an equal number between the same fingers of the other hand. He did this just as well when the fingers in question were drawn apart by India-rubber bands as when they were uninterfered with, showing that the physiologically much greater innervation-current required in the former case had no effect upon the consciousness of the movement made, so far as its spatial character at any rate was concerned.[459]

M. Gley in another place[458] cites experiments by Dr. Bloch that demonstrate our awareness of our limbs' position does not depend on the feeling of nerve signals. Dr. Bloch stood in front of a screen shaped like a right angle, trying to position his hands symmetrically so that both landed on corresponding spots marked with squares on each side of the screen. After noting the average error, an assistant moved one hand to a spot on its side of the screen while Dr. Bloch actively sought the matching spot on the opposite side. The accuracy was just as precise as when both arms were actively controlled, showing that awareness of nerve signals in the first experiment did not enhance the sense of the limbs' position. Dr. Bloch then attempted to press a set number of pages of a book between the thumb and forefinger of one hand, trying to do the same with the other hand. He succeeded just as well when his fingers were pulled apart by rubber bands as when they were free, indicating that the much higher nerve activity needed in the former case had no impact on his awareness of the movement, at least regarding its spatial aspect.[459]

On the whole, then, it seems as probable as anything can well be, that these feelings of innervation do not exist.[Pg 517] If the motor cells are distinct structures, they are as insentient as the motor nerve-trunks are after the posterior roots are cut. If they are not distinct structures, but are only the last sensory cells, those at the 'mouth of the funnel,'[460] then their consciousness is that of kinæsthetic ideas and sensations merely, and this consciousness accompanies the rise of activity in them rather than its discharge. The entire content and material of our consciousness—consciousness of movement, as of all things else—is thus of peripheral origin, and came to us in the first instance through the peripheral nerves. If it be asked what we gain by this sensationalistic conclusion, I reply that we gain at any rate simplicity and uniformity. In the chapters on Space, on Belief, on the Emotions, we found sensation to be a much richer thing than is commonly supposed; and this chapter seems at this point to fall into line with those. Then, as for sensationalism being a degrading belief, which abolishes all inward originality and spontaneity, there is this[Pg 518] to be said, that the advocates of inward spontaneity may be turning their backs on its real citadel, when they make a fight, on its behalf, for the consciousness of energy put forth in the outgoing discharge. Let there be no such consciousness; let all our thoughts of movements be of sensational constitution; still in the emphasizing, choosing, and espousing of one of them rather than another, in the saying to it, 'be thou the reality for me,' there is ample scope for our inward initiative to be shown. Here, it seems to me, the true line between the passive materials and the activity of the spirit should be drawn. It is certainly false strategy to draw it between such ideas as are connected with the outgoing and such as are connected with the incoming neural wave.[461]

Overall, it seems quite likely that these feelings of energy don't actually exist.[Pg 517] If the motor cells are separate structures, they're just as insentient as the motor nerve trunks are after the posterior roots have been cut. If they're not separate structures, but just the last sensory cells, the ones at the 'mouth of the funnel,'[460] then their awareness is just about kinesthetic ideas and sensations, and this awareness accompanies their activity rather than its release. The entire content and material of our consciousness—our awareness of movement, like our awareness of everything else—comes from the periphery and originally reaches us through the peripheral nerves. If you ask what we gain from this sensationalistic conclusion, I would say we at least gain simplicity and consistency. In the chapters on Space, Belief, and Emotions, we found sensation to be a lot richer than people usually think, and this chapter seems to align with those findings. As for the idea that sensationalism is a degrading belief that removes all inner originality and spontaneity, it should be noted that those who advocate for inner spontaneity might be overlooking its true foundation when they argue for the consciousness of energy expressed in outgoing responses. Even without such consciousness; even if all our thoughts about movements consist of sensations, there is still plenty of room for our inner initiative to be expressed in emphasizing, choosing, and adopting one thought over another, in saying to it, 'you be the reality for me.' It seems to me that this is where we should draw the line between passive material and the activity of the spirit. It's definitely a wrong approach to draw that line between ideas connected with outgoing and those linked to incoming neural waves.[461]


If the ideas by which we discriminate between one movement and another, at the instant of deciding in our mind which one we shall perform, are always of sensorial origin, then the question arises, "Of which sensorial order need they be?" It will be remembered that we distinguished two orders of kinæsthetic impression, the remote ones, made by the movement on the eye or ear or distant skin, etc., and the resident ones, made on the moving parts themselves, muscles, joints, etc. Now do resident images, exclusively, form what I have called the mental cue, or will remote ones equally suffice?

If the ideas we use to distinguish between different movements, at the moment we decide which one to perform, always come from our senses, then we have to ask, "What kind of sensory input do they need to be?" Recall that we identified two types of kinesthetic impressions: the remote ones, which are created by the movement affecting the eye, ear, or distant skin, etc., and the resident ones, which are created on the moving parts themselves, like muscles and joints. Now, do resident images alone make up what I call the mental cue, or can remote ones also be sufficient?

There can be no doubt whatever that the mental cue may be either an image of the resident or of the remote kind. Although, at the outset of our learning a movement, it would seem that the resident feelings must come strongly before consciousness (cf. p. 487), later this need not be the case. The rule, in fact, would seem to be that they tend to lapse[Pg 519] more and more from consciousness, and that the more practised we become in a movement, the more 'remote' do the ideas become which form its mental cue. What we are interested in is what sticks in our consciousness; everything else we get rid of as quickly as we can. Our resident feelings of movement have no substantive interest for us at all, as a rule. What interest us are the ends which the movement is to attain. Such an end is generally an outer impression on the eye or ear, or sometimes on the skin, nose, or palate. Now let the idea of the end associate itself definitely with the right motor innervation, and the thought of the innervation's resident effects will become as great an encumbrance as we formerly concluded that the feeling of the innervation itself would be. The mind does not need it; the end alone is enough.

There's no doubt that the mental cue can either be an image of the person present or of something distant. Initially, when we are learning a movement, it seems that the feelings associated with the person present must come strongly into our awareness (cf. p. 487), but this doesn't always have to be the case later on. In fact, it appears that these feelings tend to fade more and more from our consciousness, and as we get better at a movement, the ideas that make up its mental cue become more 'distant.' What we really care about is what remains in our awareness; everything else we try to discard as quickly as possible. Our feelings about the movement are generally not interesting to us at all. What interests us are the goals we want to achieve with the movement. Typically, these goals are external impressions we get through our eyes, ears, and occasionally our skin, nose, or mouth. Now, once the idea of the goal is clearly connected with the correct motor innervation, the thought of the immediate effects of that innervation will become just as much of a hindrance as we once thought the feeling of the innervation itself would be. The mind doesn't need it; the goal alone is sufficient.

The idea of the end, then, tends more and more to make itself all-sufficient. Or, at any rate, if the kinæsthetic ideas are called up at all, they are so swamped in the vivid kinæsthetic feelings by which they are immediately overtaken that we have no time to be aware of their separate existence. As I write, I have no anticipation, as a thing distinct from my sensation, of either the look or the digital feel of the letters which flow from my pen. The words chime on my mental ear, as it were, before I write them, but not on my mental eye or hand. This comes from the rapidity with which often-repeated movements follow on their mental cue. An end consented to as soon as conceived innervates directly the centre of the first movement of the chain which leads to its accomplishment, and then the whole chain rattles off quasi-reflexly, as was described on pp. 115-6 of Vol. I.

The concept of the end increasingly tends to become completely self-sufficient. In any case, if the kinesthetic ideas come to mind at all, they get overwhelmed by the intense kinesthetic feelings that immediately take over, leaving us no time to recognize their individual existence. As I write, I don’t have any expectation, as something separate from my sensation, of how the letters look or feel under my fingers as they flow from my pen. The words resonate in my mental ear, so to speak, before I write them, but not in my mental eye or hand. This results from how quickly well-practiced movements follow their mental prompt. An end that is accepted as soon as it is conceived directly stimulates the center of the first movement in the sequence leading to its completion, and then the entire sequence plays out quasi-reflexively, as described on pp. 115-6 of Vol. I.

The reader will certainly recognize this to be true in all fluent and unhesitating voluntary acts. The only special fiat there is at the outset of the performance. A man says to himself, "I must change my shirt," and involuntarily he has taken off his coat, and his fingers are at work in their accustomed manner on his waistcoat-buttons, etc.; or we say, "I must go downstairs," and ere we know it we have risen, walked, and turned the handle of the door;—all through the idea of an end coupled with a series of guiding[Pg 520] sensations which successively arise. It would seem indeed that we fail of accuracy and certainty in our attainment of the end whenever we are preoccupied with much ideal consciousness of the means. We walk a beam the better the less we think of the position of our feet upon it. We pitch or catch, we shoot or chop the better the less tactile and muscular (the less resident), and the more exclusively optical, (the more remote) our consciousness is. Keep your eye on the place aimed at, and your hand will fetch it; think of your hand, and you will very likely miss your aim. Dr. Southard found that he could touch a spot with a pencil-point more accurately with a visual than with a tactile mental cue. In the former case he looked at a small object and closed his eyes before trying to touch it. In the latter case he placed it with closed eyes, and then after removing his hand tried to touch it again. The average error with touch (when the results were most favorable) was 17.13 mm. With sight it was only 12.37 mm.[462]—All these are plain results of introspection and observation. By what neural machinery they are made possible we need not, at this present stage, inquire.

The reader will definitely see this as true in all smooth and confident voluntary actions. The only special decision happens at the start of the action. A person thinks to himself, "I need to change my shirt," and without thinking, he has taken off his coat, and his fingers are automatically working on the buttons of his waistcoat, etc.; or we say, "I need to go downstairs," and before we realize it, we've stood up, walked, and turned the doorknob—all driven by the idea of a goal combined with a series of guiding sensations that come up one after another. It seems that we become less accurate and certain in reaching the goal whenever we focus too much on thinking about the means. We balance on a beam better when we think less about where our feet are placed on it. We throw or catch, shoot or chop better the less we focus on the sense of touch and muscle (the less present) and the more we rely on sight (the more distant) our awareness is. Keep your eye on the target, and your hand will hit it; focus on your hand, and you're likely to miss. Dr. Southard discovered that he could touch a spot with a pencil tip more accurately with a visual cue than with a tactile one. In the first case, he looked at a small object and closed his eyes before attempting to touch it. In the second case, he placed it with his eyes closed, and then after moving his hand away, he tried to touch it again. The average error with touch (when the conditions were most favorable) was 17.13 mm. With sight, it was only 12.37 mm.[462]—All these are clear results of self-reflection and observation. We don't need to inquire into the neural mechanisms that make these possible at this stage.

In Chapter XVIII we saw how enormously individuals differ in respect to their mental imagery. In the type of imagination called tactile by the French authors, it is probable that the kinæsthetic ideas are more prominent than in my account. We must not expect too great a uniformity in individual accounts, nor wrangle overmuch as to which one 'truly' represents the process.[463]

In Chapter XVIII we observed how significantly individuals vary in their mental imagery. In the type of imagination referred to as tactile by French authors, it's likely that kinesthetic ideas play a more important role than I described. We shouldn't expect too much consistency in personal accounts, nor should we argue excessively about which one 'accurately' represents the process.[463]

I trust that I have now made clear what that 'idea of a movement' is which must precede it in order that it be voluntary. It is not the thought of the innervation which the movement requires. It is the anticipation of the movement's sensible effects, resident or remote, and sometimes very remote indeed. Such anticipations, to say the least, determine what our movements shall be. I have spoken all along as if they also might determine that they shall be. This, no doubt, has disconcerted many readers, for it certainly seems as if a special fiat, or consent to the movement were required in addition to the mere conception of it, in many cases of volition; and this fiat I have altogether left out of my account. This leads us to the next point in the[Pg 522] psychology of the Will. It can be the more easily treated now that we have got rid of so much tedious preliminary matter.

I think I’ve made it clear what the 'idea of a movement' is that needs to exist for it to be voluntary. It’s not just about the thought of the movement that’s required. It’s about the expectation of the movement's observable effects, whether they are immediate or distant, and sometimes very distant indeed. These expectations, at the very least, shape what our movements will be. I've been talking as if they might also decide that the movements will happen. This has likely confused many readers because it seems like a specific decision, or agreement to move, is needed in addition to just imagining it in many cases of willing; and I haven’t addressed this decision at all. This brings us to the next point in the [Pg 522] psychology of the Will. It can be discussed more easily now that we’ve cleared away so much tedious background information.

IDEO-MOTOR ACTION.

The question is this: Is the bare idea of a movement's sensible effects its sufficient mental cue (p. 497), or must there be an additional mental antecedent, in the shape of a fiat, decision, consent, volitional mandate, or other synonymous phenomenon of consciousness, before the movement can follow?

The question is this: Is the basic idea of a movement's reasonable effects enough of a mental prompt (p. 497), or does there need to be an extra mental trigger, like a command, decision, approval, willful order, or another similar aspect of awareness, before the movement can happen?

I answer: Sometimes the bare idea is sufficient, but sometimes an additional conscious element, in the shape of a fiat, mandate, or express consent, has to intervene and precede the movement. The cases without a fiat constitute the more fundamental, because the more simple, variety. The others involve a special complication, which must be fully discussed at the proper time. For the present let us turn to ideo-motor action, as it has been termed, or the sequence of movement upon the mere thought of it, as the type of the process of volition.

I respond: Sometimes just the basic idea is enough, but other times an extra conscious element, like a decision, order, or explicit consent, needs to come in and lead the movement. The cases without a decision are more fundamental because they’re simpler. The others introduce a special complexity that we’ll need to discuss in detail later. For now, let’s focus on ideo-motor action, as it’s called, or the sequence of movement that follows just the thought of it, as a representation of the process of will.

Wherever movement follows unhesitatingly and immediately the notion of it in the mind, we have ideo-motor action. We are then aware of nothing between the conception and the execution. All sorts of neuro-muscular processes come between, of course, but we know absolutely nothing of them. We think the act, and it is done; and that is all that introspection tells us of the matter. Dr. Carpenter, who first used, I believe, the name of ideo-motor action, placed it, if I mistake not, among the curiosities of our mental life. The truth is that it is no curiosity, but simply the normal process stripped of disguise. Whilst talking I become conscious of a pin on the floor, or of some dust on my sleeve. Without interrupting the conversation I brush away the dust or pick up the pin. I make no express resolve, but the mere perception of the object and the fleeting notion of the act seem of themselves to bring the latter about. Similarly, I sit at table after dinner and find myself from time to time taking nuts or raisins out of the dish and eating them. My dinner properly is over, and in the heat of the conversation I am hardly aware of what I[Pg 523] do, but the perception of the fruit and the fleeting notion that I may eat it seem fatally to bring the act about. There is certainly no express fiat here; any more than there is in all those habitual goings and comings and rearrangements of ourselves which fill every hour of the day, and which incoming sensations instigate so immediately that it is often difficult to decide whether not to call them reflex rather than voluntary acts. We have seen in Chapter IV that the intermediary terms of an habitual series of acts leading to an end are apt to be of this quasi-automatic sort. As Lotze says:

Wherever movement happens quickly and immediately after we think about it, we have what's called ideo-motor action. We're unaware of anything between our thought and the action itself. There are all kinds of neuro-muscular processes involved, but we don’t know anything about them. We have the thought, and then it’s done; that’s all introspection reveals. Dr. Carpenter, who is credited with coining the term ideo-motor action, placed it among the peculiarities of our mental life, if I'm not mistaken. The reality is that it’s not strange; it’s just the normal process laid bare. While I’m talking, I might notice a pin on the floor or some dust on my sleeve. Without stopping the conversation, I brush off the dust or pick up the pin. I don’t specifically decide to do this; the mere awareness of the object and the brief thought of doing something seem to make it happen. Similarly, after dinner, I find myself occasionally taking nuts or raisins from the dish and eating them. My meal is technically over, and in the midst of conversation, I'm hardly aware of what I'm doing, but seeing the fruit and the fleeting thought that I can eat it seem to inevitably trigger the action. There’s definitely no clear directive here; it’s just like all those routine movements and adjustments we make throughout the day, which incoming sensations prompt so immediately that it’s often hard to say if they should be considered reflexive rather than voluntary acts. In Chapter IV, we noted that the steps in a series of habitual actions leading to a goal often have this quasi-automatic quality. As Lotze says:

"We see in writing or piano-playing a great number of very complicated movements following quickly one upon the other, the instigative representations of which remained scarcely a second in consciousness, certainly not long enough to awaken any other volition than the general one of resigning one's self without reserve to the passing over of representation into action. All the acts of our daily life happen in this wise: Our standing up, walking, talking, all this never demands a distinct impulse of the will, but is adequately brought about by the pure flux of thought."[464]

"When we write or play the piano, we notice a lot of complex movements happening quickly, one after the other. The images that trigger these actions hardly stay in our awareness for more than a second, definitely not long enough to spark any intention besides the overall desire to fully embrace the shift from thought to action. All our daily activities happen this way: standing up, walking, talking—none of these need a specific push from our will; they are easily managed by the constant flow of thought."[464]

In all this the determining condition of the unhesitating and resistless sequence of the act seems to be the absence of my conflicting notion in the mind. Either there is nothing else at all in the mind, or what is there does not conflict. The hypnotic subject realizes the former condition. Ask him what he is thinking about, and ten to one he will reply 'nothing.' The consequence is that he both believes everything he is told, and performs every act that is suggested. The suggestion may be a vocal command, or it may be the performance before him of the movement required. Hypnotic subjects in certain conditions repeat whatever they[Pg 524] hear you say, and imitate whatever they see you do. Dr. Féré says that certain waking persons of neurotic type, if one repeatedly close and open one's hand before their eyes, soon begin to have corresponding feelings in their own fingers, and presently begin irresistibly to execute the movements which they see. Under these conditions of 'preparation' Dr. Féré found that his subjects could squeeze the hand-dynamometer much more strongly than when abruptly invited to do so. A few passive repetitions of a movement will enable many enfeebled patients to execute it actively with greater strength. These observations beautifully show how the mere quickening of kinæsthetic ideas is equivalent to a certain amount of tension towards discharge in the centres.[465]

In all this, the key factor in the smooth and unstoppable sequence of the action seems to be the absence of any conflicting thoughts in the mind. Either the mind is completely clear, or what's there isn't in conflict. The hypnotized person is aware of the former state. If you ask them what they're thinking about, chances are they'll say 'nothing.' As a result, they not only believe everything they're told but also carry out every action that is suggested. The suggestion can come as a spoken command or be demonstrated in front of them. Hypnotized individuals in certain conditions will repeat whatever they hear you say and mimic whatever they see you do. Dr. Féré notes that some awake individuals with a neurotic tendency, if someone repeatedly opens and closes their hand in front of their eyes, will soon begin to feel similar sensations in their own fingers and eventually feel compelled to mimic the movements they observe. Under these 'preparation' conditions, Dr. Féré found that his subjects could squeeze the hand-dynamometer much more forcefully than when they were abruptly asked to do so. A few passive repetitions of a movement can enable many weakened patients to actively perform it with greater strength. These observations clearly illustrate how merely enhancing kinesthetic ideas translates to a certain degree of tension ready to be released in the centers.[465]


We know what it is to get out of bed on a freezing morning in a room without a fire, and how the very vital principle within us protests against the ordeal. Probably most persons have lain on certain mornings for an hour at a time unable to brace themselves to the resolve. We think how late we shall be, how the duties of the day will suffer; we say, "I must get up, this is ignominious," etc.; but still the warm couch feels too delicious, the cold outside too cruel, and resolution faints away and postpones itself again and again just as it seemed on the verge of bursting the resistance and passing over into the decisive act. Now how do we ever get up under such circumstances? If I may generalize from my own experience, we more often than not get up without any struggle or decision at all. We suddenly find that we have got up. A fortunate lapse of consciousness occurs; we forget both the warmth and the cold; we fall into some revery connected with the day's life, in the course of which the idea flashes across us, "Hollo! I must lie here no longer"—an idea which at that lucky instant awakens no contradictory or paralyzing suggestions, and consequently produces immediately its appropriate motor effects. It was our acute consciousness of both the warmth and the cold during the period of struggle,[Pg 525] which paralyzed our activity then and kept our idea of rising in the condition of wish and not of will. The moment these inhibitory ideas ceased, the original idea exerted its effects.

We know what it's like to get out of bed on a freezing morning in a room without a fire, and how our very nature fights against that struggle. Probably most people have stayed in bed for an hour on some mornings, unable to get themselves to act. We think about how late we’ll be, how the day's responsibilities will suffer; we say, "I must get up, this is embarrassing," and so on; but still, the warm bed feels too nice, the cold outside too harsh, and our determination fades away, postponing action time and time again just when it seemed like we were ready to make the leap. So how do we ever get up in such situations? If I can generalize from my own experiences, we often get up without any struggle or decision at all. Suddenly, we find that we have gotten up. A lucky lapse in our awareness happens; we forget both the warmth and the cold; we drift into a daydream related to our life ahead, during which the thought occurs to us, "Hey! I can’t stay here any longer"—a thought that, at that moment, doesn’t trigger any conflicting or paralyzing ideas and therefore leads to immediate action. It was our acute awareness of both the warmth and the cold during the struggle, [Pg 525] that paralyzed us and kept our desire to rise in the state of wish rather than will. The moment these inhibiting thoughts faded, the original intention took over.

This case seems to me to contain in miniature form the data for an entire psychology of volition. It was in fact through meditating on the phenomenon in my own person that I first became convinced of the truth of the doctrine which these pages present, and which I need here illustrate by no farther examples.[466] The reason why that doctrine is not a self-evident truth is that we have so many ideas which do not result in action. But it will be seen that in every such case, without exception, that is because other ideas simultaneously present rob them of their impulsive power. But even here, and when a movement is inhibited from completely taking place by contrary ideas, it will incipiently take place. To quote Lotze once more:

This case seems to me to have the essential elements of a complete psychology of will. In fact, it was by reflecting on this phenomenon within myself that I first became convinced of the truth of the ideas presented in these pages, which I don't need to support with further examples.[466] The reason this idea isn’t self-evident is that we have many thoughts that do not lead to action. However, it will become clear that in every such instance, without exception, it’s because other thoughts at the same time diminish their driving force. Even in cases where a movement is stopped from completely occurring due to opposing thoughts, it will still incipiently happen. To quote Lotze once more:

"The spectator accompanies the throwing of a billiard-ball, or the thrust of the swordsman, with slight movements of his arm; the untaught narrator tells his story with many gesticulations; the reader while absorbed in the perusal of a battle-scene feels a slight tension run through his muscular system, keeping time as it were with the actions he is reading of. These results become the more marked the more we are absorbed in thinking of the movements which suggest them; they grow fainter exactly in proportion as a complex consciousness, under the dominion of a crowd of other representations, withstands the passing over of mental contemplation into outward action."

"The viewer slightly moves their arm while watching a billiard ball being hit or a swordsman's thrust; the inexperienced storyteller passionately shares their tale; the reader, captivated by a battle scene, feels a subtle tension in their muscles, almost reflecting the actions they are reading about. These reactions become stronger the more we concentrate on the movements that trigger them; they diminish exactly when a complicated awareness, filled with various other thoughts, stops our mental engagement from transforming into physical action."

The 'willing-game,' the exhibitions of so-called 'mind-reading,' or more properly muscle-reading, which have lately grown so fashionable, are based on this incipient obedience of muscular contraction to idea, even when the deliberate intention is that no contraction shall occur.[467]

The "willing-game," the shows of so-called "mind-reading," or more accurately muscle-reading, which have become so popular lately, are founded on this emerging obedience of muscle contraction to thought, even when the deliberate intent is that there shouldn’t be any contraction. [467]

We may then lay it down for certain that every representation of a movement awakens in some degree the actual movement which is its object; and awakens it in a maximum degree whenever it is not kept from so doing by an antagonistic representation present simultaneously to the mind.

We can be sure that every representation of a movement triggers some degree of the actual movement it represents; and it triggers it most strongly when there isn't a conflicting representation present in the mind at the same time.


The express fiat, or act of mental consent to the movement, comes in when the neutralization of the antagonistic and inhibitory idea is required. But that there is no express fiat needed when the conditions are simple, the reader ought now to be convinced. Lest, however, he should still share the common prejudice that voluntary action without 'exertion of will-power' is Hamlet with the prince's part left out, I will make a few farther remarks. The first point to start from in understanding voluntary action, and the possible occurrence of it with no fiat or express resolve, is the fact that consciousness is in its very nature impulsive.[468] We do not have a sensation or a thought and then have to add something dynamic to it to get a movement. Every pulse of feeling which we have is the correlate of some neural activity that is already on its way to instigate a movement. Our sensations and thoughts are but cross-sections, as it were, of currents whose essential consequence is motion, and which no sooner run in at one nerve than they run out again at another. The popular notion that mere consciousness as such is not essentially a forerunner of activity, that the latter must result from some superadded 'will-force,' is a very natural inference from those special cases in which we think of an act for an indefinite length of time without the action taking place. These cases, however, are not the norm; they are cases of inhibition by antagonistic[Pg 527] thoughts. When the blocking is released we feel as if an inward spring were let loose, and this is the additional impulse or fiat upon which the act effectively succeeds. We shall study anon the blocking and its release. Our higher thought is full of it. But where there is no blocking, there is naturally no hiatus between the thought-process and the motor discharge. Movement is the natural immediate effect of feeling, irrespective of what the quality of the feeling may be. It is so in reflex action, it is so in emotional expression, it is so in the voluntary life. Ideo-motor action is thus no paradox, to be softened or explained away. It obeys the type of all conscious action, and from it one must start to explain action in which a special fiat is involved.

The direct decision, or mental agreement to take action, comes into play when we need to neutralize opposing or inhibiting thoughts. However, the reader should now be convinced that no direct decision is needed when the situations are straightforward. Yet, in case he still holds the common misconception that voluntary action occurs without 'willpower,' I will add a few more comments. The first thing to understand about voluntary action and its possible occurrence without a direct decision is that consciousness is inherently impulsive.[468] We don’t experience a sensation or thought then have to add something extra to create movement. Every feeling we have is linked to some neural activity already underway to trigger movement. Our sensations and thoughts are merely snapshots of streams that ultimately lead to motion and flow through one nerve before exiting through another. The common belief that mere consciousness isn't essentially a precursor to action—that action must arise from some added ‘will force’—is a natural conclusion based on those particular instances where we think about an action for an extended period without it happening. However, these instances are not the standard; they are cases where opposing thoughts inhibit action.[Pg 527] When this blockage is lifted, it feels as if an inner spring is set free, providing the extra impetus or decision that successfully triggers the action. We will examine this blocking and its release shortly. Our higher thoughts are filled with it. But where there is no blockage, there is naturally no gap between the thought process and the physical response. Movement is the immediate and natural outcome of feeling, regardless of the nature of that feeling. This is true for reflex actions, emotional expressions, and voluntary behaviors. Ideo-motor action is therefore not a paradox that needs to be softened or explained away. It follows the pattern of all conscious actions, and that is where we must begin to explain actions involving a specific decision.

It may be remarked in passing, that the inhibition of a movement no more involves an express effort or command than its execution does. Either of them may require it. But in all simple and ordinary cases, just as the bare presence of one idea prompts a movement, so the bare presence of another idea will prevent its taking place. Try to feel as if you were crooking your finger, whilst keeping it straight. In a minute it will fairly tingle with the imaginary change of position; yet it will not sensibly move, because its not really moving is also a part of what you have in mind. Drop this idea, think of the movement purely and simply, with all breaks off; and, presto! it takes place with no effort at all.

It should be noted that stopping a movement requires no more conscious effort or command than starting one does. Each can require effort, but in most straightforward cases, just as the mere thought of one idea triggers a movement, the mere thought of another idea can stop it. Try to imagine that you’re bending your finger while keeping it straight. After a minute, it will tingle with the imaginary change in position; however, it won't actually move because the thought of it *not really moving* is part of what you're focusing on. Let go of *this* idea, focus on the movement purely and simply, with no limitations; and just like that, it happens effortlessly.

A waking man's behavior is thus at all times the resultant of two opposing neural forces. With unimaginable fineness some currents among the cells and fibres of his brain are playing on his motor nerves, whilst other currents, as unimaginably fine, are playing on the first currents, damming or helping them, altering their direction or their speed. The upshot of it all is, that whilst the currents must always end by being drained off through some motor nerves, they are drained off sometimes through one set and sometimes through another; and sometimes they keep each other in equilibrium so long that a superficial observer may think they are not drained off at all. Such an observer must remember, however, that from the physiological point of view a gesture, an expression of the brow, or an expulsion[Pg 528] of the breath are movements as much as an act of locomotion is. A king's breath slays as well as an assassin's blow; and the outpouring of those currents which the magic imponderable streaming of our ideas accompanies need not always be of an explosive or otherwise physically conspicuous kind.

A waking person's behavior is always the result of two opposing neural forces. With incredible precision, some signals in the cells and fibers of their brain are acting on their motor nerves, while other signals, just as intricate, are influencing the first ones, either blocking or aiding them, changing their direction or speed. The bottom line is that eventually, these signals must be transmitted through some motor nerves, sometimes through one set and sometimes through another; and sometimes they balance each other out for so long that a casual observer might think they aren't being transmitted at all. However, that observer must remember that from a physiological perspective, a gesture, a facial expression, or a breath release are movements just like walking is. A king’s breath can slay just like an assassin's strike; and the flow of those signals, accompanied by the intangible stream of our thoughts, doesn’t always need to be explosive or physically obvious.

ACTION AFTER DELIBERATION.

We are now in a position to describe what happens in deliberate action, or when the mind is the seat of many ideas related to each other in antagonistic or in favorable ways.[469] One of the ideas is that of an act. By itself this idea would prompt a movement; some of the additional considerations, however, which are present to consciousness block the motor discharge, whilst others, on the contrary, solicit it to take place. The result is that peculiar feeling of inward unrest known as indecision. Fortunately it is too familiar to need description, for to describe it would be impossible. As long as it lasts, with the various objects before the attention, we are said to deliberate; and when finally the original suggestion either prevails and makes the movement take place, or gets definitively quenched by its antagonists, we are said to decide, or to utter our voluntary fiat in favor of one or the other course. The reinforcing and inhibiting ideas meanwhile are termed the reasons or motives by which the decision is brought about.

We can now explain what happens in deliberate action, or when the mind is filled with various ideas that are either conflicting or supportive of each other.[469] One of these ideas is about taking action. Just this idea alone would trigger a movement; however, some of the other thoughts in our awareness can prevent that movement, while others encourage it to happen. This creates a unique feeling of inner turmoil known as indecision. Thankfully, it's so well-known that it doesn’t need explaining, because describing it would be impossible. As long as this state lasts, with various options in our focus, we are said to be deliberating; and when the initial suggestion either wins out and leads to action, or is completely overcome by opposing thoughts, we are said to decide, or to express our choice for one path or the other. The supporting and opposing ideas are referred to as the reasons or motives that influence the decision.

The process of deliberation contains endless degrees of complication. At every moment of it our consciousness is of an extremely complex object, namely the existence of the whole set of motives and their conflict, as explained on p. 275 of Vol. I. Of this object, the totality of which is realized more or less dimly all the while, certain parts stand out more or less sharply at one moment in the[Pg 529] foreground, and at another moment other parts, in consequence of the oscillations of our attention, and of the 'associative' flow of our ideas. But no matter how sharp the foreground-reasons may be, or how imminently close to bursting through the dam and carrying the motor consequences their own way, the background, however dimly felt, is always there; and its presence (so long as the indecision actually lasts) serves as an effective check upon the irrevocable discharge. The deliberation may last for weeks or months, occupying at intervals the mind. The motives which yesterday seemed full of urgency and blood and life to-day feel strangely weak and pale and dead. But as little to-day as to-morrow is the question finally resolved. Something tells us that all this is provisional; that the weakened reasons will wax strong again, and the stronger weaken; that equilibrium is unreached; that testing our reasons, not obeying them, is still the order of the day, and that we must wait awhile, patient or impatiently, until our mind is made up 'for good and all.' This inclining, first to one then to another future, both of which we represent as possible, resembles the oscillations to and fro of a material body within the limits of its elasticity. There is inward strain, but no outward rupture. And this condition, plainly enough, is susceptible of indefinite continuance, as well in the physical mass as in the mind. If the elasticity give way, however, if the dam ever do break, and the currents burst the crust, vacillation is over and decision is irrevocably there.

The process of thinking things through is incredibly complicated. At every moment, we are aware of a very complex situation, which includes all the motives at play and their conflicts, as explained on p. 275 of Vol. I. While we have a general sense of the whole thing, specific parts become more noticeable at different times due to shifts in our attention and the way our thoughts flow. No matter how clear the reasons in the foreground may be, or how close they seem to erupt and take control, the background is always present, even if it's only faintly felt. This background (as long as we are still undecided) effectively prevents us from making a final decision. Deliberation can last for weeks or months, occasionally occupying our minds. The motives that felt urgent and full of life yesterday can seem strangely weak and lifeless today. Yet, neither today nor tomorrow will bring a final resolution. Something tells us that this state is temporary; that the weaker reasons will regain strength, while the stronger ones will diminish; that balance remains elusive; that we should evaluate our reasons rather than just follow them, and that we must wait, whether patiently or impatiently, until we are ready to make a definitive choice. This back-and-forth between two possible futures resembles the oscillation of a material object within its elastic limits. There's internal tension, but no external break. This situation can clearly continue indefinitely, both in physical materials and in our minds. However, if that elasticity gives way, if the dam breaks and the waters overflow, the uncertainty ends, and the decision becomes irreversible.

The decision may come in any one of many modes. I will try briefly to sketch the most characteristic types of it, merely warning the reader that this is only an introspective account of symptoms and phenomena, and that all questions of causal agency, whether neural or spiritual, are relegated to a later page.

The decision can happen in various ways. I will briefly outline the most typical types of it, just reminding the reader that this is only a self-reflective account of symptoms and occurrences, and that all questions about what causes them, whether it's neural or spiritual, will be discussed later.


The particular reasons for or against action are of course infinitely various in concrete cases. But certain motives are more or less constantly in play. One of these is impatience of the deliberative state; or to express it otherwise, proneness to act or to decide merely because action and[Pg 530] decision are, as such, agreeable, and relieve the tension of doubt and hesitancy. Thus it comes that we will often take any course whatever which happens to be most vividly before our minds, at the moment when this impulse to decisive action becomes extreme.

The reasons for or against taking action can be incredibly diverse in specific situations. However, some motives tend to consistently influence our choices. One of these is impatience with the deliberative process; in other words, the tendency to act or make decisions simply because acting and deciding are, in themselves, satisfying and help ease the stress of uncertainty and hesitation. This often leads us to choose any option that is most prominent in our minds at the moment when the urge to act decisively becomes strongest.

Against this impulse we have the dread of the irrevocable, which often engenders a type of character incapable of prompt and vigorous resolve, except perhaps when surprised into sudden activity. These two opposing motives twine round whatever other motives may be present at the moment when decision is imminent, and tend to precipitate or retard it. The conflict of these motives so far as they alone affect the matter of decision is a conflict as to when it shall occur. One says 'now,' the other says 'not yet.'

Against this urge, we have the dread of the irrevocable, which often creates a kind of person unable to make quick and strong decisions, except maybe when caught off guard into sudden action. These two opposing forces intertwine with any other motivations that might be present right before a decision is about to be made, and they influence whether it happens quickly or gets delayed. The clash between these motivations, as far as they impact the decision-making process, is a struggle over when it should happen. One voice says 'now,' while the other says 'not yet.'

Another constant component of the web of motivation is the impulse to persist in a decision once made. There is no more remarkable difference in human character than that between resolute and irresolute natures. Neither the physiological nor the psychical grounds of this difference have yet been analyzed. Its symptom is that whereas in the irresolute all decisions are provisional and liable to be reversed, in the resolute they are settled once for all and not disturbed again. Now into every one's deliberations the representation of one alternative will often enter with such sudden force as to carry the imagination with itself exclusively, and to produce an apparently settled decision in its own favor. These premature and spurious decisions are of course known to everyone. They often seem ridiculous in the light of the considerations that succeed them. But it cannot be denied that in the resolute type of character the accident that one of them has once been made does afterwards enter as a motive additional to the more genuine reasons why it should not be revoked, or if provisionally revoked, why it should be made again. How many of us persist in a precipitate course which, but for a moment of heedlessness, we might never have entered upon, simply because we hate to 'change our mind.'

Another constant part of the motivation web is the urge to stick with a decision once it's made. There's no greater difference in human nature than between those who are determined and those who are indecisive. We haven't fully analyzed the physiological or psychological reasons for this difference. The key symptom is that, while indecisive people view all decisions as temporary and subject to change, determined people see their decisions as final and don’t revisit them. In everyone’s decision-making, one option can often come in so strongly that it takes over the imagination, leading to what feels like a definite choice in its favor. We all know these hasty and misleading decisions. They often appear silly when we consider the reasons that follow them. But it's true that for those with a determined character, the fact that a choice has been made once adds to the pressure not to revoke it, or, if it is temporarily reversed, to make that choice again. How many of us continue down a rash path that we might never have taken if not for a brief moment of carelessness, simply because we dislike 'changing our mind'?

FIVE TYPES OF DECISION.

Turning now to the form of the decision itself, we may distinguish four chief types. The first may be called the reasonable type. It is that of those cases in which the arguments for and against a given course seem gradually and almost insensibly to settle themselves in the mind and to end by leaving a clear balance in favor of one alternative, which alternative we then adopt without effort or constraint. Until this rational balancing of the books is consummated we have a calm feeling that the evidence is not yet all in, and this keeps action in suspense. But some day we wake with the sense that we see the thing rightly, that no new light will be thrown on the subject by farther delay, and that the matter had better be settled now. In this easy transition from doubt to assurance we seem to ourselves almost passive; the 'reasons' which decide us appearing to flow in from the nature of things, and to owe nothing to our will. We have, however, a perfect sense of being free, in that we are devoid of any feeling of coercion. The conclusive reason for the decision in these cases usually is the discovery that we can refer the case to a class upon which we are accustomed to act unhesitatingly in a certain stereotyped way. It may be said in general that a great part of every deliberation consists in the turning over of all the possible modes of conceiving the doing or not doing of the act in point. The moment we hit upon a conception which lets us apply some principle of action which is a fixed and stable part of our Ego, our state of doubt is at an end. Persons of authority, who have to make many decisions in the day, carry with them a set of heads of classification, each bearing its motor consequence, and under these they seek as far as possible to range each new emergency as it occurs. It is where the emergency belongs to a species without precedent, to which consequently no cut-and-dried maxim will apply, that we feel most at a loss, and are distressed at the indeterminateness of our task. As soon, however, as we see our way to a familiar classification, we are at ease again. In action as in reasoning, then, the great thing is the quest of the right conception. The concrete dilemmas[Pg 532] do not come to us with labels gummed upon their backs. We may name them by many names. The wise man is he who succeeds in finding the name which suits the needs of the particular occasion best. A 'reasonable' character is one who has a store of stable and worthy ends, and who does not decide about an action till he has calmly ascertained whether it be ministerial or detrimental to any one of these.

Turning now to the form of the decision itself, we can identify four main types. The first can be called the reasonable type. This is when the arguments for and against a specific course of action gradually and almost imperceptibly settle in our minds, ultimately leading us to a clear preference for one alternative, which we then choose effortlessly. Until this rational weighing of options is completed, we feel a sense of calm, as if the evidence isn’t fully presented, which keeps our actions on hold. But one day, we wake up with the feeling that we understand the situation clearly, that no new insights will emerge from further delay, and that it's better to settle the matter now. In this smooth shift from uncertainty to confidence, we feel almost passive; the reasons that guide us seem to arise naturally and don’t come from our will. However, we still have a strong sense of being free, as we don’t feel pressured. The deciding factor in these cases usually comes from recognizing that we can categorize the situation in a way that allows us to act confidently based on established patterns. Generally, a significant portion of any deliberation involves exploring all the possible ways of thinking about whether to perform the action or not. The moment we come up with a concept that aligns with a principle of action that is an established part of our identity, our doubt disappears. Authority figures, who need to make many decisions throughout the day, carry a set of classifications, each leading to a specific action, and they try to categorize each new situation as it arises. It’s when the situation belongs to a category without precedent, and to which no ready-made rule applies, that we feel most uncertain and are distressed by the vagueness of our task. However, once we find a familiar classification, we feel at ease again. In action as in reasoning, the key is the pursuit of the right concept. Concrete dilemmas[Pg 532] don’t come to us with labels attached. We can name them in various ways. The wise person is one who successfully finds the name that best fits the specific situation. A 'reasonable' person is someone who has a collection of stable and meaningful goals and only decides on an action after calmly determining whether it supports or harms any of these goals.


In the next two types of decision, the final fiat occurs before the evidence is all 'in.' It often happens that no paramount and authoritative reason for either course will come. Either seems a case of a Good, and there is no umpire as to which good should yield its place to the other. We grow tired of long hesitation and inconclusiveness, and the hour may come when we feel that even a bad decision is better than no decision at all. Under these conditions it will often happen that some accidental circumstance, supervening at a particular movement upon our mental weariness, will upset the balance in the direction of one of the alternatives, to which then we feel ourselves committed, although an opposite accident at the same time might have produced the opposite result.

In the next two types of decisions, the final call is made before all the evidence is collected. Often, there's no clear or authoritative reason for choosing one option over the other. Each seems like a good choice, and there's no referee to determine which good should take precedence. We grow weary of prolonged uncertainty and indecisiveness, and there may come a time when we feel that even a poor decision is better than making no decision at all. In these situations, it's common for some random event, occurring while we're mentally fatigued, to tip the scales toward one option, making us feel committed to it, even though a different random event at the same time could have led us to the opposite decision.

In the second type of case our feeling is to a certain extent that of letting ourselves drift with a certain indifferent acquiescence in a direction accidentally determined from without, with the conviction that, after all, we might as well stand by this course as by the other, and that things are in any event sure to turn out sufficiently right.

In the second type of situation, we feel somewhat like we're just going along with whatever happens, accepting it with indifference, as if we're being pushed in a direction we've stumbled upon from without. We believe that, ultimately, it might be just as good to follow this path as any other, and that things will likely work out fine in the end.

In the third type the determination seems equally accidental, but it comes from within, and not from without. It often happens, when the absence of imperative principle is perplexing and suspense distracting, that we find ourselves acting, as it were, automatically, and as if by a spontaneous discharge of our nerves, in the direction of one of the horns of the dilemma. But so exciting is this sense of motion after our intolerable pent-up state, that we eagerly throw ourselves into it. 'Forward now!' we inwardly cry, 'though the heavens fall.' This reckless and exultant[Pg 533] espousal of an energy so little premeditated by us that we feel rather like passive spectators cheering on the display of some extraneous force than like voluntary agents, is a type of decision too abrupt and tumultuous to occur often in humdrum and cool-blooded natures. But it is probably frequent in persons of strong emotional endowment and unstable or vacillating character. And in men of the world-shaking type, the Napoleons, Luthers, etc., in whom tenacious passion combines with ebullient activity, when by any chance the passion's outlet has been dammed by scruples or apprehensions, the resolution is probably often of this catastrophic kind. The flood breaks quite unexpectedly through the dam. That it should so often do so is quite sufficient to account for the tendency of these characters to a fatalistic mood of mind. And the fatalistic mood itself is sure to reinforce the strength of the energy just started on its exciting path of discharge.

In the third type, the determination seems just as random, but it comes from within rather than from outside influences. Often, when the lack of a clear guiding principle is confusing and the uncertainty is distracting, we find ourselves acting almost automatically, as if there’s a sudden release of energy within us, leaning toward one side of the dilemma. The thrill of movement after our unbearable buildup makes us jump into it eagerly. 'Let’s go!' we silently urge ourselves, 'even if everything falls apart.' This impulsive and exhilarating embrace of an energy we hardly planned for makes us feel more like passive observers cheering on some outside force than actual decision-makers. This kind of decision is too sudden and chaotic to happen often in calm and collected individuals. However, it likely occurs frequently in people with strong emotions and unstable or indecisive characters. Among those who have the potential to change the world, like Napoleons or Luthers, where intense passion meets energetic action, when passion’s flow gets blocked by doubts or fears, the outcome is often this kind of explosive decision. The dam bursts unexpectedly. The fact that this happens frequently goes a long way in explaining these individuals’ tendency toward a fatalistic mindset. Moreover, this fatalistic attitude likely boosts the power of the energy that has just been set in motion.

There is a fourth form of decision, which often ends deliberation as suddenly as the third form does. It comes when, in consequence of some outer experience or some inexplicable inward charge, we suddenly pass from the easy and careless to the sober and strenuous mood, or possibly the other way. The whole scale of values of our motives and impulses then undergoes a change like that which a change of the observer's level produces on a view. The most sobering possible agents are objects of grief and fear. When one of these affects us, all 'light fantastic' notions lose their motive power, all solemn ones find theirs multiplied many-fold. The consequence is an instant abandonment of the more trivial projects with which we had been dallying, and an instant practical acceptance of the more grim and earnest alternative which till then could not extort our mind's consent. All those 'changes of heart,' 'awakenings of conscience,' etc., which make new men of so many of us, may be classed under this head. The character abruptly rises to another 'level,' and deliberation comes to an immediate end.[470]

There is a fourth form of decision that often brings deliberation to a halt as suddenly as the third form does. It happens when, due to some external experience or some unexplainable internal shift, we suddenly move from an easygoing and carefree state to a serious and intense mood, or possibly the other way around. The entire value system of our motivations and impulses then changes, much like how a change in the observer's viewpoint alters a scene. The most sobering influences are experiences of grief and fear. When one of these impacts us, all 'lighthearted' ideas lose their appeal, while all serious ones gain significance many times over. The result is an immediate drop of the more trivial projects we had been toying with, and an instant practical acceptance of the more serious and earnest options that until then could not capture our mind's agreement. All those 'changes of heart,' 'awakenings of conscience,' etc., that transform so many of us can be categorized under this concept. The character suddenly elevates to another 'level,' and deliberation comes to an instant end.[470]

In the fifth and final type of decision, the feeling that the evidence is all in, and that reason has balanced the books, may be either present or absent. But in either case we feel, in deciding, as if we ourselves by our own wilful act inclined the beam; in the former case by adding our living effort to the weight of the logical reason which, taken alone, seems powerless to make the act discharge; in the latter by a kind of creative contribution of something instead of a reason which does a reason's work. The slow dead heave of the will that is felt in these instances makes of them a class altogether different subjectively from all the three preceding classes. What the heave of the will betokens metaphysically, what the effort might lead us to infer about a will-power distinct from motives, are not matters that concern us yet. Subjectively and phenomenally, the feeling of effort, absent from the former decisions, accompanies these. Whether it be the dreary resignation for the sake of austere and naked duty of all sorts of rich mundane delights, or whether it be the heavy resolve that of two mutually exclusive trains of future fact, both sweet and good, and with no strictly objective or imperative principle of choice between them, one shall forevermore become impossible, while the other shall become reality, it is a desolate and acrid sort of act, an excursion into a lonesome moral wilderness. If examined closely, its chief difference from the three former cases appears to be that in those cases the mind at the moment of deciding on the triumphant alternative dropped the other one wholly or nearly out of sight, whereas here both alternatives are steadily held in view, and in the very act of murdering the vanquished possibility the chooser realizes how much in that instant he is making himself lose. It is deliberately driving a thorn into one's flesh; and the sense of inward effort with which the act is accompanied is an element which sets the fourth type of decision in strong contrast with the previous three varieties, and makes of it an altogether peculiar sort of mental phenomenon. The immense majority of human decisions are decisions without effort. In comparatively few of them, in most people, does effort accompany the final act. We are, I think, misled into supposing that[Pg 535] effort is more frequent than it is, by the fact that during deliberation we so often have a feeling of how great an effort it would take to make a decision now. Later, after the decision has made itself with ease, we recollect this and erroneously suppose the effort also to have been made then.

In the fifth and final type of decision, the feeling that all the evidence is in and that reason has balanced everything may be present or absent. But in either case, when we decide, it feels like our own deliberate action tipped the scales; in the former situation, it's like we added our living effort to the weight of logical reasoning, which alone seems unable to make the act happen; in the latter, it's more like we contributed something creative instead of a reason that does the work of a reason. The slow, heavy push of the will that we feel in these cases makes them feel completely different from the three previous types. What that push of the will signifies, metaphysically, or what the effort might suggest about a will-power that's separate from motives isn't what we're concerned with right now. Subjectively and phenomenally, the feeling of effort, which is absent from the earlier decisions, is present here. Whether it’s the bleak acceptance of austere duty over all kinds of rich worldly pleasures, or the heavy determination that one of two mutually exclusive future paths, both sweet and good, will become impossible while the other becomes reality, it’s a grim and unpleasant kind of act, a venture into a lonely moral wilderness. If we look closely, the main difference from the previous three cases is that in those situations, the mind at the moment of choosing the winning option put the other one mostly out of sight, while here both options are clear, and in the very act of eliminating the defeated possibility, the person realizes how much they are losing at that moment. It's like deliberately driving a thorn into one's own flesh; and the feeling of inward effort that comes with this act is what strongly contrasts the fourth type of decision with the earlier three, making it a truly unique mental experience. The vast majority of human decisions happen without any effort. In most cases for most people, only a few decisions come with a sense of effort as the final act. I think we are misled into thinking that [Pg 535] effort is more common than it is because during deliberation, we frequently sense how much effort it would take to make a decision now. Later, after the decision is made easily, we remember this feeling and mistakenly believe that the effort was made at that time too.

The existence of the effort as a phenomenal fact in our consciousness cannot of course be doubted or denied. Its significance, on the other hand, is a matter about which the gravest difference of opinion prevails. Questions as momentous as that of the very existence of spiritual causality, as vast as that of universal predestination or free-will, depend on its interpretation. It therefore becomes essential that we study with some care the conditions under which the feeling of volitional effort is found.

The reality of effort as a remarkable fact in our consciousness is, of course, undeniable. However, its significance is a topic of serious disagreement. Questions that are as critical as the existence of spiritual causality and as expansive as universal predestination or free will rely on how we interpret it. Therefore, it's essential that we carefully examine the conditions in which we experience the feeling of volitional effort.

THE FEELING OF EFFORT.

When, awhile back (p. 526), I said that consciousness (or the neural process which goes with it) is in its very nature impulsive, I added in a note the proviso that it must be sufficiently intense. Now there are remarkable differences in the power of different sorts of consciousness to excite movement. The intensity of some feelings is practically apt to be below the discharging point, whilst that of others is apt to be above it. By practically apt, I mean apt under ordinary circumstances. These circumstances may be habitual inhibitions, like that comfortable feeling of the dolce far niente which gives to each and all of us a certain dose of laziness only to be overcome by the acuteness of the impulsive spur; or they may consist in the native inertia, or internal resistance, of the motor centres themselves making explosion impossible until a certain inward tension has been reached and overpast. These conditions may vary from one person to another and in the same person from time to time. The neural inertia may wax or wane, and the habitual inhibitions dwindle or augment. The intensity of particular thought-processes and stimulations may also change independently, and particular paths of association grow more pervious or less so. There thus result great possibilities of alteration in the actual impulsive[Pg 536] efficacy of particular motives compared with others. It is where the normally less efficacious motive becomes more efficacious and the normally more efficacious one less so that actions ordinarily effortless, or abstinences ordinarily easy, either become impossible or are effected, if at all, by the expenditure of effort. A little more description will make it plainer what these cases are.

When I mentioned some time ago (p. 526) that consciousness (or the neural processes associated with it) is inherently impulsive, I added a note saying that it must be sufficiently intense. There are significant differences in how various types of consciousness can trigger movement. Some feelings generally aren't intense enough to reach the point where they cause action, while others tend to exceed that point. By "generally not intense enough," I mean in typical situations. These situations can involve habitual inhibitions, like that comfortable feeling of dolce far niente that gives us a certain level of laziness, which can only be overcome by a strong impulsive push; or they can involve the natural inertia or internal resistance of the motor centers, making action impossible until a certain level of internal tension is built up and surpassed. These conditions can vary from person to person and even within the same person over time. Neural inertia can increase or decrease, and habitual inhibitions can lessen or grow stronger. The intensity of specific thought processes and stimuli may also change independently, and certain association paths can become more or less accessible. This leads to significant changes in the actual impulsive[Pg 536] effectiveness of certain motives compared to others. It's where a typically less effective motive becomes more effective and a normally more effective one becomes less so that actions that are usually effortless or breaks that are typically easy become either impossible or require considerable effort to accomplish. A bit more description will clarify what these situations are.


There is a certain normal ratio in the impulsive power of different sorts of motive, which characterizes what may be called ordinary healthiness of will, and which is departed from only at exceptional times or by exceptional individuals. The states of mind which normally possess the most impulsive quality are either those which represent objects of passion, appetite, or emotion—objects of instinctive reaction, in short; or they are feelings or ideas of pleasure or of pain; or ideas which for any reason we have grown accustomed to obey so that the habit of reacting on them is ingrained; or finally, in comparison with ideas of remoter objects, they are ideas of objects present or near in space and time. Compared with these various objects, all far-off considerations, all highly abstract conceptions, unaccustomed reasons, and motives foreign to the instinctive history of the race, have little or no impulsive power. They prevail, when they ever do prevail, with effort; and the normal, as distinguished from the pathological, sphere of effort is thus found wherever non-instinctive motives to behavior are to rule the day.

There’s a typical balance in the driving forces of different types of motivation, which defines what we can call normal willpower, and this balance is typically only disrupted in exceptional cases or by exceptional people. The mental states that usually have the strongest motivating power are either those that relate to objects of passion, desires, or emotions—essentially, instinctive reactions; or they involve feelings or thoughts of pleasure or pain; or ideas we've become used to following so that the habit of responding to them is built in; or finally, when compared to ideas about more distant objects, they are ideas about things that are present or nearby in space and time. In comparison to these various objects, all distant considerations, all highly abstract thoughts, unfamiliar reasons, and motives that don't connect with our instinctive history as a species have little to no driving force. They may prevail, when they do, with effort; and the normal, as distinct from the pathological, realm of effort is thus found wherever non-instinctive motives for behavior take charge.

Healthiness of will moreover requires a certain amount of complication in the process which precedes the fiat or the act. Each stimulus or idea, at the same time that it wakens its own impulse, must arouse other ideas (associated and consequential) with their impulses, and action must follow, neither too slowly nor too rapidly, as the resultant of all the forces thus engaged. Even when the decision is very prompt, there is thus a sort of preliminary survey of the field and a vision of which course is best before the fiat comes. And where the will is healthy, the vision must be right (i.e., the motives must be on the whole in a normal[Pg 537] or not too unusual ratio to each other), and the action must obey the vision's lead.

The healthiness of the will also requires a certain level of complexity in the process leading up to the decision or action. Each stimulus or idea, while triggering its own drive, must also bring up other ideas (related and consequential) along with their drives, and action must occur, neither too slowly nor too quickly, as a result of all the forces involved. Even when the decision is quick, there is still a kind of preliminary assessment of the situation and a vision of which path is best before the decision is made. And where the will is healthy, the vision must be right (meaning the motives should generally have a normal[Pg 537] or not too unusual ratio to each other), and the action must follow the vision's lead.


Unhealthiness of will may thus come about in many ways. The action may follow the stimulus or idea too rapidly, leaving no time for the arousal of restraining associates—we then have a precipitate will. Or, although the associates may come, the ratio which the impulsive and inhibitive forces normally bear to each other may be distorted, and we then have a will which is perverse. The perversity, in turn, may be due to either of many causes—too much intensity, or too little, here; too much or too little inertia there; or elsewhere too much or too little inhibitory power. If we compare the outward symptoms of perversity together, they fall into two groups, in one of which normal actions are impossible, and in the other abnormal ones are irrepressible. Briefly, we may call them respectively the obstructed and the explosive will.

Willpower can become unhealthy in various ways. The action might occur too quickly after the stimulus or idea, not allowing time for the rest of the mind to catch up—this creates a hasty will. Or, even if those associations do emerge, the balance between the impulsive and inhibiting forces could be off, resulting in a perverse will. This perversity could stem from several factors—too much intensity or too little in one area; too much or too little inertia in another; or, in yet another area, too much or too little inhibitory strength. If we look at the outward signs of perversion, they can be grouped into two categories: one where normal actions are not possible, and the other where abnormal actions cannot be contained. In short, we can refer to them as the obstructed will and the explosive will.

It must be kept in mind, however, that since the resultant action is always due to the ratio between the obstructive and the explosive forces which are present, we never can tell by the mere outward symptoms to what elementary cause the perversion of a man's will may be due, whether to an increase of one component or a diminution of the other. One may grow explosive as readily by losing the usual brakes as by getting up more of the impulsive steam; and one may find things impossible as well through the enfeeblement of the original desire as through the advent of new lions in the path. As Dr. Clouston says, "the driver may be so weak that he cannot control well-broken horses, or the horses may be so hard-mouthed that no driver can pull them up." In some concrete cases (whether of explosive or of obstructed will) it is difficult to tell whether the trouble is due to inhibitory or to impulsive change. Generally, however, we can make a plausible guess at the truth.

It’s important to remember that the resulting action is always due to the ratio between the obstructive and explosive forces present. We can never determine the exact elementary cause of a person's will being derailed just by looking at the external symptoms; it could be because one force has increased or the other has decreased. Someone can become explosive just as easily by losing their usual restraints as by increasing their impulsive drive. Additionally, one might find things impossible due to a weakening of the original desire or the emergence of new obstacles. As Dr. Clouston explains, "the driver may be so weak that he cannot control well-broken horses, or the horses may be so hard-mouthed that no driver can pull them up." In specific cases (whether involving explosive will or obstructed will), it can be hard to determine if the issue stems from inhibitory or impulsive changes. Generally, though, we can make a reasonable guess about what’s true.

THE EXPLOSIVE WILL.

There is a normal type of character, for example, in which impulses seem to discharge so promptly into movements that inhibitions get no time to arise. These are the[Pg 538] 'dare-devil' and 'mercurial' temperaments, overflowing with animation, and fizzling with talk, which are so common in the Latin and Celtic races, and with which the cold-blooded and long-headed English character forms so marked a contrast. Monkeys these people seem to us, whilst we seem to them reptilian. It is quite impossible to judge, as between an obstructed and an explosive individual, which has the greatest sum of vital energy. An explosive Italian with good perception and intellect will cut a figure as a perfectly tremendous fellow, on an inward capital that could be tucked away inside of an obstructed Yankee and hardly let you know that it was there. He will be the king of his company, sing all the songs and make all the speeches, lead the parties, carry out the practical jokes, kiss all the girls, fight the men, and, if need be, lead the forlorn hopes and enterprises, so that an onlooker would think he has more life in his little finger than can exist in the whole body of a correct judicious fellow. But the judicious fellow all the while may have all these possibilities and more besides, ready to break out in the same or even a more violent way, if only the brakes were taken off. It is the absence of scruples, of consequences, of considerations, the extraordinary simplification of each moment's mental outlook, that gives to the explosive individual such motor energy and ease; it need not be the greater intensity of any of his passions, motives, or thoughts. As mental evolution goes on, the complexity of human consciousness grows ever greater, and with it the multiplication of the inhibitions to which every impulse is exposed. But this predominance of inhibition has a bad as well as a good side; and if a man's impulses are in the main orderly as well as prompt, if he has courage to accept their consequences, and intellect to lead them to a successful end, he is all the better for his hair-trigger organization, and for not being 'sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought.' Many of the most successful military and revolutionary characters in history have belonged to this simple but quick-witted impulsive type. Problems come much harder to reflective and inhibitive minds. They can, it is true, solve much vaster problems; and they can avoid many a mistake to which the men of impulse are exposed. But when[Pg 539] the latter do not make mistakes, or when they are always able to retrieve them, theirs is one of the most engaging and indispensable of human types.[471]

There’s a typical type of person, for example, where impulses seem to quickly translate into action, leaving no time for inhibitions to develop. These are the 'dare-devil' and 'mercurial' temperaments, full of energy and chatter, which are common in Latin and Celtic cultures, contrasting sharply with the calm and analytical English character. To us, these people seem like monkeys, while they see us as reptilian. It’s impossible to determine which type—an obstructed individual or an explosive one—has more overall energy. An impulsive Italian with good perception and intelligence can make an enormous impact, operating on an inner strength that might be hidden away in a reserved American, barely making it known. He will be the life of the party, sing all the songs, make speeches, lead events, execute practical jokes, kiss all the girls, challenge the men, and, if necessary, lead daring ventures, making an observer think he has more life in his little finger than a measured and sensible person has in their entire being. However, the sensible person might possess all the same potential, ready to erupt just as violently, if only the restraints were lifted. It’s the lack of scruples, consequences, and careful considerations, along with the remarkable simplicity of each moment's mental perspective, that gives the explosive person such motor energy and freedom; it doesn’t necessarily mean they have greater intensity in their passions, motives, or thoughts. As mental evolution progresses, the complexity of human consciousness increases, bringing with it more inhibitions that each impulse encounters. But this predominance of inhibition has its pros and cons; if a person’s impulses are mostly orderly and prompt, if they have the courage to face the consequences and the intellect to guide them to a successful outcome, they benefit from their quick-reacting nature, avoiding being 'paralyzed by overthinking.' Many of the most successful military and revolutionary figures in history have come from this straightforward but sharp-witted, impulsive type. Problems are often tougher for reflective and inhibitive minds. They can indeed tackle much larger issues and can avoid many pitfalls that impulsive individuals fall into. But when impulsive people don’t make mistakes, or when they can always recover from them, they become one of the most appealing and essential human types.

In infancy, and in certain conditions of exhaustion as well as in peculiar pathological states, the inhibitory power may fail to arrest the explosions of the impulsive discharge. We have then an explosive temperament temporarily realized in an individual who at other times may be of a relatively obstructed type. I cannot do better here than copy a few pages from Dr. Clouston's excellent work:[472]

In infancy, as well as in specific cases of fatigue and unusual medical conditions, the ability to control impulses may not be able to stop sudden emotional outbursts. This results in an explosive temperament that can emerge in someone who is typically more reserved. I can't improve on this by saying anything more than what Dr. Clouston shares in his excellent book:[472]

"Take a child of six months, and there is absolutely no such brain-power existent as mental inhibition; no desire or tendency is stopped by a mental act.... At a year old the rudiments of the great faculty of self-control are clearly apparent in most children. They will resist the desire to seize the gas-flame, they will not upset the milk-jug, they will obey orders to sit still when they want to run about, all through a higher mental inhibition. But the power of control is just as gradual a development as the motions of the hands.... Look at a more complicated act, that will be recognized by any competent physiologist to be automatic and beyond the control of any ordinary inhibitory power, e.g., irritate and tease a child of one or two years sufficiently, and it will suddenly strike out at you; suddenly strike at a man, and he will either perform an act of defence or offence, or both, quite automatically, and without power of controlling himself. Place a bright tempting toy before a child of a year, and it will be instantly appropriated. Place cold water before a man dying of thirst, and he will take and drink it without power of doing otherwise. Exhaustion[Pg 540] of nervous energy always lessens the inhibitory power. Who is not conscious of this? 'Irritability' is one manifestation of this. Many persons have so small a stock of reserve brain-power—that most valuable of all brain-qualities—that it is soon used up, and you see at once that they lose their power of self-control very soon. They are angels or demons just as they are fresh or tired. That surplus store of energy or resistive force which provides, in persons normally constituted, that moderate excesses in all directions shall do no great harm so long as they are not too often repeated, not being present in these people, overwork, over-drinking, or small debauches leave them at the mercy of their morbid impulses without power of resistance.... Woe to the man who uses up his surplus stock of brain-inhibition too near the bitter end, or too often!... The physiological word inhibition can be used synonymously with the psychological and ethical expression self-control, or with the will when exercised in certain directions. It is the characteristic of most forms of mental disease for self-control to be lost, but this loss is usually part of a general mental affection with melancholic, maniacal, demented, or delusional symptoms as the chief manifestation of the disease. There are other cases, not so numerous, where the loss of the power of inhibition is the chief and by far the most marked symptom.... I shall call this form 'Inhibitory Insanity.' Some of these cases have uncontrollable impulses to violence and destruction, others to homicide, others to suicide prompted by no depressed feelings, others to acts of animal gratification (satyriasis, nymphomania, erotomania, bestiality), others to drinking too much alcohol (dipsomania), others towards setting things on fire (pyromania), others to stealing (kleptomania), and others towards immoralities of all sorts. The impulsive tendencies and morbid desires are innumerable in kind. Many of these varieties of Insanity have been distinguished by distinct names. To dig up and eat dead bodies (necrophilism), to wander from home and throw off the restraints of society (planomania), to act like a wild beast (lycanthropia), etc. Action from impulse in all these directions may take place from a loss of controlling power in the higher regions of the brain, or from an over-development of energy in certain portions of the brain, which the normal power of inhibition cannot control. The driver may be so weak that he cannot control well-broken horses, or the horses may be so hard-mouthed that no driver can pull them up. Both conditions may arise from purely cerebral disorder ... or may be reflex.... The ego, the man, the will, may be non-existent for the time. The most perfect examples of this are murders done during somnambulism or epileptic unconsciousness, or acts done in the hypnotic state. There is no conscious desire to attain the object at all in such cases. In other cases there is consciousness and memory present, but no power of restraining action. The simplest example of this is where an imbecile or dement, seeing something glittering, appropriates it to himself, or when he commits indecent sexual acts. Through disease a previously sane and vigorous-minded person may get into the[Pg 541] same state. The motives that would lead other persons not to do such acts do not operate in such persons. I have known a man steal who said he had no intense longing for the article he appropriated at all, at least consciously, but his will was in abeyance, and he could not resist the ordinary desire of possession common to all human nature."

"Take a six-month-old baby, and there’s no such thing as mental inhibition; they don’t hold back any desires or impulses. By the time they’re one, most kids show signs of basic self-control. They’ll resist grabbing a gas flame, won’t knock over the milk jug, and can sit still when told, even if they want to run around—all thanks to improved mental inhibition. However, the ability to control impulses develops gradually, just like their hand movements. Now, think about a more complex action that any qualified physiologist would see as automatic and beyond normal control. For instance, irritate and tease a one- or two-year-old enough, and they’ll suddenly lash out. An adult can similarly react involuntarily to provocation, either defensively or offensively, without being able to control it. When you put a shiny toy in front of a one-year-old, they will grab it right away. If you present cold water to a very thirsty man, he will instinctively drink it, unable to resist. Fatigue always reduces our ability to inhibit impulses. Who doesn’t notice this? 'Irritability' is one sign of this phenomenon. Many people have such a limited reserve of mental energy—one of the most valuable qualities of the brain—that it runs out quickly, leading to a loss of self-control. They can be angels or demons, depending on whether they are rested or tired. That extra store of energy that helps most people handle moderate excesses without serious harm—if not too frequent—is absent in these individuals. Overworking, drinking too much, or even small indulgences can leave them vulnerable to troubling impulses with no power to resist. Woe to the person who exhausts their extra supply of brain inhibition too close to their breaking point or too often! The physiological term inhibition can be used similarly to the psychological and ethical term self-control or will when it’s applied in certain ways. It’s common for people with mental disorders to lose self-control; however, this loss usually fits into a broader mental condition that includes symptoms like depression, mania, dementia, or delusions as the main signs of the illness. There are also specific cases, though fewer, where the loss of inhibitory power is the primary and most noticeable symptom. I’ll call this condition 'Inhibitory Insanity.' Some cases involve uncontrollable impulses toward violence and destruction, others toward homicide, some toward suicide without feelings of depression, and others toward various animalistic desires (like satyriasis, nymphomania, erotomania, or bestiality), excessive drinking (dipsomania), arson (pyromania), stealing (kleptomania), and many other immoral behaviors. The impulsive tendencies and unhealthy desires are countless. Many forms of this Insanity have specific names. For example, to dig up and consume dead bodies is called necrophilism; wandering from home and abandoning societal restraints is planomania; and behaving like a wild animal is lycanthropia. Impulsive actions in all these areas may happen due to a loss of control in higher brain functions, or from an overdevelopment of energy in certain brain areas that normal inhibition can’t manage. The driver may be too weak to control well-trained horses, or the horses may be too stubborn for any driver to control. Both situations could stem from purely cerebral disorders or reflexive actions. At that moment, the ego, the individual, the will may not exist. The clearest examples of this happen during murders committed in a sleepwalking state or during periods of epileptic unconsciousness, or in actions taken under hypnosis. In these cases, there’s no conscious desire to achieve anything. In other situations, awareness and memory are there, but there’s no ability to restrain actions. A simple example is when someone with an intellectual disability or dementia sees something shiny and takes it, or when they engage in inappropriate sexual behaviors. Through illness, a previously mentally sound and vigorous person may end up in the same condition. The motivations that would normally stop others from acting in such ways don’t apply to these individuals. I’ve known a man who stole something while insisting he didn’t feel a strong desire for the item, at least not consciously; his will was dormant, and he couldn’t resist the basic human desire for possession."

It is not only those technically classed imbeciles and dements who exhibit this promptitude of impulse and tardiness of inhibition. Ask half the common drunkards you know why it is that they fall so often a prey to temptation, and they will say that most of the time they cannot tell. It is a sort of vertigo with them. Their nervous centres have become a sluice-way pathologically unlocked by every passing conception of a bottle and a glass. They do not thirst for the beverage; the taste of it may even appear repugnant; and they perfectly foresee the morrow's remorse. But when they think of the liquor or see it, they find themselves preparing to drink, and do not stop themselves: and more than this they cannot say. Similarly a man may lead a life of incessant love-making or sexual indulgence, though what spurs him thereto seems rather to be suggestions and notions of possibility than any overweening strength in his affections or lusts. He may even be physically impotent all the while. The paths of natural (or it may be unnatural) impulse are so pervious in these characters that the slightest rise in the level of innervation produces an overflow. It is the condition recognized in pathology as 'irritable weakness.' The phase known as nascency or latency is so short in the excitement of the neural tissues that there is no opportunity for strain or tension to accumulate within them; and the consequence is that with all the agitation and activity, the amount of real feeling engaged may be very small. The hysterical temperament is the playground par excellence of this unstable equilibrium. One of these subjects will be filled with what seems the most genuine and settled aversion to a certain line of conduct, and the very next instant follow the stirring of temptation and plunge in it up to the neck. Professor Ribot well gives the name of 'Le Règne des Caprices' to the chapter in which he describes the hysterical temperament in his interesting little monograph 'The Diseases of the Will.'

It’s not just those who are classified as fools or insane who show this quick burst of impulse and slow ability to hold back. If you ask half the ordinary drunks you know why they often give in to temptation, they will say that most of the time they can’t explain it. It’s kind of like a dizziness for them. Their nervous systems have become a pathway that’s been pathologically unlocked by every fleeting thought of a bottle and a glass. They don’t really crave the drink; it might even taste disgusting to them; and they can fully predict the regret they’ll feel the next day. But when they think of the alcohol or see it, they find themselves getting ready to drink, and they don’t stop themselves: and that’s all they can say about it. In a similar way, a man might live a life filled with constant flirting or sexual activity, even though what drives him seems more like ideas and possibilities rather than any overwhelming strength in his feelings or desires. He might even be physically unable to perform during all of this. The pathways of natural (or maybe unnatural) urges are so open in these people that even the slightest stimulation causes an overflow. This condition is recognized in medical terms as 'irritable weakness.' The phase known as beginning or latency is so brief in the excitement of the nerves that there’s no chance for stress or tension to build up in them; and as a result, despite all the excitement and action, the actual feelings involved may be quite minimal. The hysterical temperament is the prime example of this unstable balance. One of these individuals can seem to have the most genuine and stable aversion to a certain kind of behavior, and the very next instant follow the pull of temptation and dive right in. Professor Ribot aptly calls the chapter where he explains the hysterical temperament 'Le Règne des Caprices' in his fascinating little book 'The Diseases of the Will.'

Disorderly and impulsive conduct may, on the other hand, come about where the neural tissues preserve their proper inward tone, and where the inhibitory power is normal or even unusually great. In such cases the strength of the impulsive idea is preternaturally exalted, and what would be for most people the passing suggestion of a possibility becomes a gnawing, craving urgency to act. Works on insanity are full of examples of these morbid insistent ideas, in obstinately struggling against which the unfortunate victim's soul often sweats with agony, ere at last it gets swept away. One instance will stand for many; M. Ribot quotes it from Calmeil:[473]

Disorderly and impulsive behavior can happen when the neural tissues maintain their proper internal balance, and when the inhibitory control is normal or even particularly strong. In these cases, the intensity of the impulsive thought is unusually heightened, turning what would be just a fleeting suggestion for most people into an overwhelming, urgent drive to act. Books on insanity are filled with examples of these distressing persistent thoughts, against which the unfortunate person's spirit often struggles in agony before ultimately being overcome. One example will represent many; M. Ribot cites it from Calmeil:[473]

"Glénadal, having lost his father in infancy, was brought up by his mother, whom he adored. At sixteen, his character, till then good and docile, changed. He became gloomy and taciturn. Pressed with questions by his mother, he decided at last to make a confession. 'To you,' said he, 'I owe everything; I love you with all my soul; yet for some time past an incessant idea drives me to kill you. Prevent so terrible a misfortune from happening, in case some day the temptation should overpower me: allow me to enlist.' Notwithstanding pressing solicitations, he was firm in his resolve, went off, and was a good soldier. Still a secret impulse stimulated him without cessation to desert in order to come home and kill his mother. At the end of his term of service the idea was as strong as on the first day. He enlisted for another term. The murderous instinct persisted, but substituted another victim. He no longer thought of killing his mother—the horrible impulse pointed day and night towards his sister-in-law. In order to resist the second impulse, he condemned himself to perpetual exile. At this time one of his old neighbors arrived in the regiment. Glénadal confesses all his trouble. 'Be at rest,' said the other. 'Your crime is impossible; your sister-in-law has just died.' At these words Glénadal rises like a delivered captive. Joy fills his heart. He travels to the home of his childhood, unvisited for so many years. But as he arrives he sees his sister-in-law living. He gives a cry, and the terrible impulse seizes him again as a prey. That very evening he makes his brother tie him fast. 'Take a solid rope, bind me like a wolf in the barn, and go and tell Dr. Calmeil....' From him he got admission to an insane asylum. The evening before his entrance he wrote to the director of the establishment: 'Sir, I am to become an inmate of your house. I shall behave there as if I were in the regiment. You will think me cured. At moments perhaps I shall pretend to be so. Never believe me. Never let me out on any pretext. If I beg to be released, double[Pg 543] your watchfulness; the only use I shall make of my liberty will be to commit a crime which I abhor.'"[474]

"Glénadal, who lost his father as a baby, was raised by his mother, whom he cherished. By the time he was sixteen, his previously friendly and agreeable nature took a dark turn. He became withdrawn and moody. When his mother pressed him for answers, he finally decided to open up. 'To you,' he said, 'I owe everything; I love you fully; but for some time now, I’ve had this unshakeable desire to kill you. Please, prevent this terrible fate from happening, in case one day the temptation becomes too strong: let me join the military.' Despite her pleas, he stuck to his decision, left, and proved to be a capable soldier. However, a persistent inner drive urged him to desert and return home to harm his mother. When his service ended, that thought remained just as strong as it had been from the beginning. He re-enlisted. The murderous impulse persisted, but now it targeted a different victim. He stopped thinking about killing his mother—the horrific urge now focused day and night on his sister-in-law. To resist this new desire, he exiled himself. During this time, an old neighbor joined his regiment. Glénadal shared all his troubles. 'Don’t worry,' the neighbor said. 'Your crime isn't possible; your sister-in-law has just died.' At these words, Glénadal felt like a freed prisoner. Joy filled his heart. He returned to his childhood home, which he hadn’t seen in years. But upon arrival, he found his sister-in-law alive. He cried out, and the dreadful urge seized him once more. That very evening, he had his brother tie him up. 'Use a strong rope, bind me tightly like a wolf in a barn, and go tell Dr. Calmeil....' This led to his admission into an insane asylum. The night before he entered, he wrote to the director of the facility: 'Sir, I am about to become a resident of your establishment. I will behave as if I'm still in the military. You might think I've been cured. I may even pretend to be at times. But don’t trust me. Never let me out for any reason. If I ask to be released, please double your vigilance; the only thing I would do with my freedom is commit a crime I hate.'"

The craving for drink in real dipsomaniacs, or for opium or chloral in those subjugated, is of a strength of which normal persons can form no conception. "Were a keg of rum in one corner of a room and were a cannon constantly discharging balls between me and it, I could not refrain from passing before that cannon in order to get the rum;" "If a bottle of brandy stood at one hand and the pit of hell yawned at the other, and I were convinced that I should be pushed in as sure as I took one glass, I could not refrain:" such statements abound in dipsomaniacs' mouths. Dr. Mussey of Cincinnati relates this case:

The desire for alcohol in true alcoholics, or for opium or chloral in those who are dependent, is something that normal people can't even begin to understand. "If there was a keg of rum in one corner of a room and a cannon was constantly firing between me and it, I couldn't stop myself from going past that cannon to get to the rum;" "If there was a bottle of brandy in one hand and the pit of hell opened up on the other side, and I knew for sure that I'd be thrown in if I had even one drink, I still couldn't hold back:" such comments are commonly heard from alcoholics. Dr. Mussey from Cincinnati shares this case:

"A few years ago a tippler was put into an almshouse in this State. Within a few days he had devised various expedients to procure rum, but failed. At length, however, he hit upon one which was successful. He went into the wood-yard of the establishment, placed one hand upon the block, and with an axe in the other, struck it off at a single blow. With the stump raised and streaming he ran into the house and cried, 'Get some rum! get some rum! my hand is off!' In the confusion and bustle of the occasion a bowl of rum was brought, into which he plunged the bleeding member of his body, then raising the bowl to his mouth, drank freely, and exultingly exclaimed, 'Now I am satisfied.' Dr. J. E. Turner tells of a man who, while under treatment for inebriety, during four weeks secretly drank the alcohol from six jars containing morbid specimens. On asking him why he had committed this loathsome act, he replied: 'Sir, it is as impossible for me to control this diseased appetite as it is for me to control the pulsations of my heart.'"[475]

A few years ago, a heavy drinker was placed in a shelter in this state. Within a few days, he tried various ways to get rum, but none worked. Eventually, he found a method that did. He went to the wood-yard of the facility, put one hand on the block, and with an axe in the other, chopped it off in one swing. With his severed hand raised and bleeding, he rushed into the house and yelled, "Get some rum! Get some rum! My hand is gone!" In the chaos of the moment, someone brought a bowl of rum, which he plunged his bleeding hand into. Then he raised the bowl to his lips, drank happily, and declared, "Now I am satisfied." Dr. J. E. Turner recounts a man who, while being treated for alcohol addiction, secretly drank the alcohol from six jars of morbid specimens over four weeks. When asked why he did this disgusting thing, he replied, "Sir, it's as impossible for me to control this craving as it is for me to control the beating of my heart."[475]

The passion of love may be called a monomania to which all of us are subject, however otherwise sane. It can coexist with contempt and even hatred for the 'object' which inspires it, and whilst it lasts the whole life of the man is altered by its presence. Alfieri thus describes the struggles of his unusually powerful inhibitive power with his abnormally excited impulses toward a certain lady:

The passion of love can be seen as a kind of obsession that we all can fall into, no matter how rational we are otherwise. It can exist alongside feelings of disdain or even hatred for the person who inspires it, and while it lasts, it completely changes a person's life. Alfieri describes the battles between his strong inhibitions and his heightened desires for a certain woman:

"Contemptible in my own eyes, I fell into such a state of melancholy as would, if long continued, inevitably have led to insanity or[Pg 544] death. I continued to wear my disgraceful fetters till towards the end of January, 1775, when my rage, which had hitherto so often been restrained within bounds, broke forth with the greatest violence. On returning one evening from the opera (the most insipid and tiresome amusement in Italy), where I had passed several hours in the box of the woman who was by turns the object of my antipathy and my love, I took the firm determination of emancipating myself forever from her yoke. Experience had taught me that flight, so far from enabling me to persevere in my resolutions, tended on the contrary to weaken and destroy them; I was inclined therefore to subject myself to a still more severe trial, imagining from the obstinacy and peculiarity of my character that I should succeed most certainly by the adoption of such measures as would compel me to make the greatest efforts. I determined never to leave the house, which, as I have already said, was exactly opposite that of the lady; to gaze at her windows, to see her go in and out every day, to listen to the sound of her voice, though firmly resolved that no advances on her part, either direct or indirect, no tender remembrances, nor in short any other means which might be employed, should ever again tempt me to a revival of our friendship. I was determined to die or liberate myself from my disgraceful thraldom. In order to give stability to my purpose, and to render it impossible for me to waver without the imputation of dishonor, I communicated my determination to one of my friends, who was greatly attached to me, and whom I highly esteemed. He had lamented the state of mind into which I had fallen, but not wishing to give countenance to my conduct, and seeing the impossibility of inducing me to abandon it, he had for some time ceased to visit at my house. In the few lines which I addressed to him, I briefly stated the resolution I had adopted, and as a pledge of my constancy I sent him a long tress of my ugly red hair. I had purposely caused it to be cut off in order to prevent my going out, as no one but clowns and sailors then appeared in public with short hair. I concluded my billet by conjuring him to strengthen and aid my fortitude by his presence and example. Isolated in this manner in my own house, I prohibited all species of intercourse, and passed the first fifteen days in uttering the most frightful lamentations and groans. Some of my friends came to visit me, and appeared to commiserate my situation, perhaps because I did not myself complain; but my figure and whole appearance bespoke my sufferings. Wishing to read something I had recourse to the gazettes, whole pages of which I frequently ran over without understanding a single word.... I passed more than two months till the end of March 1775, in a state bordering on frenzy; but about this time a new idea darted into my mind, which tended to assuage my melancholy."

"Feeling worthless, I fell into a deep sadness that, if it continued much longer, would likely drive me insane or lead to my death. I held onto my shameful chains until late January 1775, when my anger, which I had often kept suppressed, erupted violently. One night, after returning from the opera (the most boring entertainment in Italy), where I had spent hours with the woman I both hated and loved, I decided to break free from her influence for good. I had learned that running away didn’t help me stick to my resolutions; instead, it made them weaker, so I figured I’d challenge myself even more. I believed that my stubborn and unique character would guarantee my success if I took measures that required the greatest effort. I resolved never to leave the house, which, as I mentioned before, was right across from hers; to watch her windows, see her come and go every day, and listen to her voice—all while maintaining my decision that no gestures from her, direct or indirect, no sweet memories, or any other tactics she might use would ever tempt me to rekindle our friendship. I was determined to either die or free myself from this humiliating bondage. To strengthen my resolve and prevent any wavering without facing accusations of dishonor, I shared my decision with a close friend who cared for me deeply and whom I respected immensely. He had shown sadness over my mindset but didn’t want to support my choices, and since he couldn’t convince me to change, he had stopped visiting for a while. In the few lines I wrote to him, I briefly outlined my resolution and sent him a long lock of my unattractive red hair as proof of my commitment. I had intentionally had it cut off to avoid going out, as only clowns and sailors had short hair in public back then. I ended my note by asking him to strengthen my courage with his presence and example. Isolated in my home, I cut off all contact and spent the first fifteen days making the most dreadful laments and groans. Some friends came by, apparently sympathizing with my situation—perhaps because I didn’t complain myself—but my appearance showed my suffering. Wanting to read, I turned to the newspapers, skimming entire pages without understanding a single word... I spent over two months, until the end of March 1775, in a near-frenzied state, until a new idea suddenly struck me that helped ease my sadness."

This was the idea of poetical composition, at which Alfieri describes his first attempts, made under these diseased circumstances, and goes on:

This was the concept of poetic composition, where Alfieri talks about his initial efforts, made under these troubling conditions, and continues:

"The only good that occurred to me from this whim was that of gradually detaching me from love, and of awakening my reason which had so long lain dormant. I no longer found it necessary to cause myself to be tied with cords to a chair, in order to prevent me from leaving my house and returning to that of my lady. This had been one of the expedients I devised to render myself wise by force. The cords were concealed under a large mantle in which I was enveloped, and only one hand remained at liberty. Of all those who came to see me, not one suspected I was bound down in this manner. I remained in this situation for whole hours; Elias, who was my jailer, was alone intrusted with the secret. He always liberated me, as he had been enjoined, whenever the paroxysms of my rage subsided. Of all the whimsical methods which I employed, however, the most curious was that of appearing in masquerade at the theatre towards the end of the carnival. Habited as Apollo, I ventured to present myself with a lyre, on which I played as well as I was able and sang some bad verses of my own composing. Such effrontery was diametrically opposite to my natural character. The only excuse I can offer for such scenes was my inability to resist an imperious passion. I felt that it was necessary to place an insuperable barrier between its object and me; and I saw that the strongest of all was the shame to which I should expose myself by renewing an attachment which I had so publicly turned into ridicule."[476]

"The only good thing that came from this impulse was that it gradually detached me from love and awakened my reason, which had been asleep for so long. I didn’t feel the need to tie myself to a chair anymore to keep myself from leaving my house and going back to my lady. This was one of the strategies I created to force myself to gain wisdom. The ropes were hidden under a large cloak that I wore, leaving only one hand free. None of the visitors who came to see me suspected that I was bound like this. I stayed in this state for hours; only Elias, my jailer, knew the secret. He would free me, as instructed, whenever my anger calmed down. Of all the strange methods I used, the most curious was showing up in disguise at the theater towards the end of carnival. Dressed as Apollo, I dared to present myself with a lyre, on which I played as best as I could and sang some poorly written verses of my own. Such boldness was completely opposite to my true character. The only justification I can offer for these antics was my inability to resist an overwhelming passion. I felt it was necessary to put an unbreakable barrier between its object and me, and I realized that the strongest barrier of all was the shame I would feel by reigniting a relationship that I had so publicly mocked." [476]

Often the insistent idea is of a trivial sort, but it may wear the patient's life out. His hands feel dirty, they must be washed. He knows they are not dirty; yet to get rid of the teasing idea he washes them. The idea, however, returns in a moment, and the unfortunate victim, who is not in the least deluded intellectually, will end by spending the whole day at the wash-stand. Or his clothes are not 'rightly' put on; and to banish the thought he takes them off and puts them on again, till his toilet consumes two or three hours of time. Most people have the potentiality of this disease. To few has it not happened to conceive, after getting into bed, that they may have forgotten to lock the front door, or to turn out the entry gas. And few of us have not on some occasion got up to repeat the performance, less because they believed in the reality of its omission than because only so could they banish the worrying doubt and get to sleep.[477]

Often, the persistent thought is trivial, but it can wear a person down. His hands feel dirty, so he feels the need to wash them. He knows they aren't dirty; still, to get rid of the nagging thought, he washes them. However, the thought comes back almost immediately, and the unfortunate person, who isn't at all fooled intellectually, ends up spending the entire day at the sink. Or maybe his clothes aren’t 'properly' put on, and to get rid of the thought, he takes them off and puts them back on, taking up two or three hours with his outfit. Most people have the potential to experience this condition. Few haven't had the nagging thought, after getting into bed, that they might have forgotten to lock the front door or turn off the entry light. And many of us have, at some point, gotten up to check again, not because we really believed we had forgotten, but just to put the worrying doubt to rest and finally get to sleep.[477]

THE OBSTRUCTED WILL.

In striking contrast with the cases in which inhibition is insufficient or impulsion in excess are those in which impulsion is insufficient or inhibition of in excess. We all know the condition described on p. 404 of Vol. I, in which the mind for a few moments seems to lose its focussing power and to be unable to rally its attention to any determinate thing. At such times we sit blankly staring and do nothing. The objects of consciousness fail to touch the quick or break the skin. They are there, but do not reach the level of effectiveness. This state of non-efficacious presence is the normal condition of some objects, in all of us. Great fatigue or exhaustion may make it the condition of almost all objects; and an apathy resembling that then brought about is recognized in asylums under the name of abulia as a symptom of mental disease. The healthy state of the will requires, as aforesaid, both that vision should be right, and that action should obey its lead. But in the morbid condition in question the vision may be wholly unaffected, and the intellect clear, and yet the act either fails to follow or follows in some other way. "Video meliora proboque, deteriora sequor" is the classic expression of the latter condition of mind. The former it is to which the name abulia peculiarly applies. The patients, says Guislain,

In sharp contrast to situations where inhibition is lacking or impulsion is excessive are those where impulsion is lacking or inhibition is excessive. We're all familiar with the condition described on p. 404 of Vol. I, where the mind seems to temporarily lose its ability to focus and struggles to concentrate on anything specific. During these moments, we sit blankly staring and do nothing. The things we're conscious of fail to resonate or have any real impact. They exist, but don't reach a level where they really matter. This state of ineffective awareness is the typical condition of some objects in all of us. Severe fatigue or exhaustion can make it the state for nearly all objects, and a kind of apathy that emerges from this is recognized in mental institutions as abulia, a symptom of mental illness. The healthy state of the will, as mentioned earlier, requires both that vision is accurate and that action aligns with it. However, in this unhealthy condition, vision may remain completely unaffected, and the intellect clear, yet actions either do not follow or occur in a different manner. "Video meliora proboque, deteriora sequor" is the classic phrase that expresses this latter state of mind. The former is specifically referred to by the term abulia. According to Guislain,

"are able to will inwardly, mentally, according to the dictates of reason. They experience the desire to act, but they are powerless to act as they should.... Their will cannot overpass certain limits: one would say that the force of action within them is blocked up: the I will does not transform itself into impulsive volition, into active determination. Some of these patients wonder themselves at the impotence with which their will is smitten. If you abandon them to themselves, they pass whole days in their bed or on a chair. If one speaks to them or excites them, they express themselves properly though briefly; and judge of things pretty well."[478]

"They have the ability to will things internally and mentally, following what makes sense. They feel the desire to act, but are unable to do so as they should... Their will is restricted and can’t push past certain boundaries: it seems like their drive to act is stuck; their I will doesn’t lead to impulsive action or strong determination. Some of these individuals are surprised by their own lack of willpower. If left alone, they can spend entire days in bed or sitting in a chair. When someone engages with them or encourages them, they respond appropriately, albeit briefly, and they have a good grasp of things." [478]

In Chapter XXI, as will be remembered, it was said that the sentiment of reality with which an object appealed to the mind is proportionate (amongst other things) to its efficacy as a stimulus to the will. Here we get the[Pg 547] obverse side of the truth. Those ideas, objects, considerations, which (in these lethargic states) fail to get to the will, fail to draw blood, seem, in so far forth, distant and unreal. The connection of the reality of things with their effectiveness as motives is a tale that has never yet been fully told. The moral tragedy of human life comes almost wholly from the fact that the link is ruptured which normally should hold between vision of the truth and action, and that this pungent sense of effective reality will not attach to certain ideas. Men do not differ so much in their mere feelings and conceptions. Their notions of possibility and their ideals are not as far apart as might be argued from their differing fates. No class of them have better sentiments or feel more constantly the difference between the higher and the lower path in life than the hopeless failures, the sentimentalists, the drunkards, the schemers, the 'dead-beats,' whose life is one long contradiction between knowledge and action, and who, with full command of theory, never get to holding their limp characters erect. No one eats of the fruit of the tree of knowledge as they do; as far as moral insight goes, in comparison with them, the orderly and prosperous philistines whom they scandalize are sucking babes. And yet their moral knowledge, always there grumbling and rumbling in the background,—discerning, commenting, protesting, longing, half resolving,—never wholly resolves, never gets its voice out of the minor into the major key, or its speech out of the subjunctive into the imperative mood, never breaks the spell, never takes the helm into its hands. In such characters as Rousseau and Restif it would seem as if the lower motives had all the impulsive efficacy in their hands. Like trains with the right of way, they retain exclusive possession of the track. The more ideal motives exist alongside of them in profusion, but they never get switched on, and the man's conduct is no more influenced by them than an express train is influenced by a wayfarer standing by the roadside and calling to be taken aboard. They are an inert accompaniment to the end of time; and the consciousness of inward hollowness that accrues from habitually seeing the better only to do the worse, is one of[Pg 548] the saddest feelings one can bear with him through this vale of tears.

In Chapter XXI, as we recall, it was mentioned that the sense of reality with which an object connects to the mind is proportional (among other things) to its power as a trigger for action. Here, we see the opposite side of the truth. Those ideas, objects, and considerations that (in these sluggish states) fail to reach the will and fail to inspire action seem, to that extent, distant and unreal. The relationship between the reality of things and their effectiveness as motivators is a story that's never fully been told. The moral tragedy of human existence largely arises from the break in the connection that should normally exist between the perception of truth and action, and that this strong sense of effective reality doesn’t attach itself to certain ideas. People don’t differ that much in their basic feelings and thoughts. Their ideas of possibility and their ideals aren't as different as you might think based on their varied outcomes. No group has better feelings or is more aware of the distinction between the higher and lower paths in life than the hopeless failures, the sentimentalists, the drunks, the schemers, and the 'dead-beats' whose lives are filled with contradictions between knowing and doing, who, despite fully understanding the theory, never manage to hold their weakened characters upright. No one experiences the benefits of knowledge like they do; in terms of moral understanding, the orderly and successful people they scandalize are like infants in comparison. Yet their moral awareness, always rumbling and mulling in the background—analyzing, commenting, protesting, yearning, half-resolving—never fully resolves, never shifts from minor to major, or from subjunctive to imperative, never breaks the spell, never takes control. In characters like Rousseau and Restif, it seems that the lower motivations have all the driving force. Like trains with the right of way, they have exclusive control over the tracks. The more ideal motivations are plentiful but never get switched on, and a person's actions are unaffected by them, just as an express train is unmoved by a passerby calling to be let on. They are an inert accompaniment to the passage of time, and the awareness of inner emptiness that comes from consistently seeing the better only to do the worse is one of the saddest feelings one can carry through this world of pain.


We now see at one view when it is that effort complicates volition. It does so whenever a rarer and more ideal impulse is called upon to neutralize others of a more instinctive and habitual kind; it does so whenever strongly explosive tendencies are checked, or strongly obstructive conditions overcome. The âme bien née, the child of the sunshine, at whose birth the fairies made their gifts, does not need much of it in his life. The hero and the neurotic subject, on the other hand, do. Now our spontaneous way of conceiving the effort, under all these circumstances, is as an active force adding its strength to that of the motives which ultimately prevail. When outer forces impinge upon a body, we say that the resultant motion is in the line of least resistance, or of greatest traction. But it is a curious fact that our spontaneous language never speaks of volition with effort in this way. Of course if we proceed a priori and define the line of least resistance as the line that is followed, the physical law must also hold good in the mental sphere. But we feel, in all hard cases of volition, as if the line taken, when the rarer and more ideal motives prevail, were the line of greater resistance, and as if the line of coarser motivation were the more pervious and easy one, even at the very moment when we refuse to follow it. He who under the surgeon's knife represses cries of pain, or he who exposes himself to social obloquy for duty's sake, feels as if he were following the line of greatest temporary resistance. He speaks of conquering and overcoming his impulses and temptations.

We can now see clearly when effort complicates choice. It happens whenever a rare and more ideal impulse needs to counterbalance others that are more instinctive and habitual; it occurs when strong, explosive urges are suppressed, or when serious obstacles are overcome. The âme bien née, the child of sunlight, who has been gifted by fairies at birth, doesn’t need much effort in life. In contrast, the hero and the person with neuroses do. Our natural way of thinking about effort, in all these situations, is as a force that adds to the strength of the motives that ultimately win out. When external forces act on an object, we say the resulting motion follows the path of least resistance or greatest traction. However, it’s odd that our usual language doesn’t describe choice with effort in this way. Of course, if we think a priori and define the path of least resistance as the one that is taken, then this physical law should also apply in mental situations. But we feel, in tough situations of choice, as if the path taken when rarer and more ideal motives dominate is the path of greater resistance, and that the path of more basic motivation is the easier one, even at the moment we decide not to follow it. Someone who holds back cries of pain under a surgeon’s knife, or someone who endures social disgrace for the sake of duty, feels like they are following the path of greatest temporary resistance. They talk about conquering and overcoming their impulses and temptations.

But the sluggard, the drunkard, the coward, never talk of their conduct in that way or say they resist their energy, overcome their sobriety, conquer their courage, and so forth. If in general we class all springs of action as propensities on the one hand and ideals on the other, the sensualist never says of his behavior that it results from a victory over his ideals, but the moralist always speaks of his as a victory over his propensities. The sensualist uses terms of inactivity, says he forgets his ideals, is deaf to[Pg 549] duty, and so forth; which terms seem to imply that the ideal motives per se can be annulled without energy or effort, and that the strongest mere traction lies in the line of the propensities. The ideal impulse appears, in comparison with this, a still small voice which must be artificially reinforced to prevail. Effort is what reinforces it, making things seem as if, while the force of propensity were essentially a fixed quantity, the ideal force might be of various amount. But what determines the amount of the effort when, by its aid, an ideal motive becomes victorious over a great sensual resistance? The very greatness of the resistance itself. If the sensual propensity is small, the effort is small. The latter is made great by the presence of a great antagonist to overcome. And if a brief definition of ideal or moral action were required, none could be given which would better fit the appearances than this: It is action in the line of the greatest resistance..

But the lazy, the drunk, and the coward never describe their behavior that way or claim they're resisting their instincts, overcoming their sobriety, or conquering their courage, and so on. If we generally categorize all sources of action as urges on one side and ideals on the other, the pleasure-seeker never claims that his actions stem from a triumph over his ideals, while the moral person always refers to his actions as a victory over his urges. The pleasure-seeker uses terms that suggest inaction, claiming he forgets his ideals, is oblivious to duty, and so forth; these terms imply that ideal motivations can simply be ignored without any energy or effort and that the strongest drives come from urges. In contrast, the ideal impulse seems like a quiet voice that needs extra support to be heard. Effort is what gives it that support, making it seem as if the strength of our urges is fixed, while the strength of our ideals can vary. But what determines how much effort is needed when that effort helps an ideal motive overcome strong sensual resistance? It’s the very size of that resistance. If the sensual urge is weak, the effort is small. That effort becomes significant when faced with a strong opponent. And if you had to define ideal or moral action, there’s no better description than this: It is action in the face of the greatest resistance.

The facts may be most briefly symbolized thus, P standing for the propensity, I for the ideal impulse, and E for the effort:

The facts can be summed up like this: P stands for propensity, I represents the ideal impulse, and E indicates effort:

I per se < P.
I + E > P.

I per se < P.
I + E > P.

In other words, if E adds itself to I, P immediately offers the least resistance, and motion occurs in spite of it.

In other words, if E combines with I, P quickly provides the least resistance, and movement happens regardless.

But the E does not seem to form an integral part of the I. It appears adventitious and indeterminate in advance. We can make more or less as we please, and if we make enough we can convert the greatest mental resistance into the least. Such, at least, is the impression which the facts spontaneously produce upon us. But we will not discuss the truth of this impression at present; let us rather continue our descriptive detail.

But the E doesn't seem to be a crucial part of the I. It seems random and uncertain from the start. We can create as much as we want, and if we create enough, we can turn the biggest mental resistance into the smallest. At least, that's the impression the facts naturally give us. But we won't talk about the truth of this impression right now; let's continue with our descriptive detail.

PLEASURE AND PAIN AS SPRINGS OF ACTION.

Objects and thoughts of objects start our action, but the pleasures and pains which action brings modify its course and regulate it; and later the thoughts of the pleasures and the pains acquire themselves impulsive and[Pg 550] inhibitive power. Not that the thought of a pleasure need be itself a pleasure, usually it is the reverse—nessun maggior dolore—as Dante says—and not that the thought of pain need be a pain, for, as Homer says, "griefs are often afterwards an entertainment." But as present pleasures are tremendous reinforcers, and present pains tremendous inhibitors of whatever action leads to them, so the thoughts of pleasures and pains take rank amongst the thoughts which have most impulsive and inhibitive power. The precise relation which these thoughts hold to other thoughts is thus a matter demanding some attention.

Objects and thoughts about objects kick off our actions, but the pleasures and pains that result from those actions change their direction and shape. Later, the thoughts of those pleasures and pains gain their own motivating and restraining power. It's important to note that just thinking about a pleasure doesn't necessarily bring pleasure—it often does the opposite, as Dante says, nessun maggior dolore. Similarly, thinking about pain doesn't always cause pain; as Homer notes, "griefs are often afterwards an entertainment." However, present pleasures are powerful motivators, while current pains strongly discourage any actions that lead to them. Consequently, thoughts about pleasures and pains rank among the most influential in terms of motivation and inhibition. The specific relationship these thoughts have with other thoughts is something that deserves careful consideration.


If a movement feels agreeable, we repeat and repeat it as long as the pleasure lasts. If it hurts us, our muscular contractions at the instant stop. So complete is the inhibition in this latter case that it is almost impossible for a man to cut or mutilate himself slowly and deliberately—his hand invincibly refusing to bring on the pain. And there are many pleasures which, when once we have begun to taste them, make it all but obligatory to keep up the activity to which they are due. So widespread and searching is this influence of pleasures and pains upon our movements that a premature philosophy has decided that these are our only spurs to action, and that wherever they seem to be absent, it is only because they are so far on among the 'remoter' images that prompt the action that they are overlooked.

If a movement feels good, we do it over and over as long as the pleasure lasts. If it hurts, our muscles immediately stop contracting. This inhibition is so complete that it’s nearly impossible for someone to cut or harm themselves slowly and intentionally—our hand just won’t bring on the pain. There are also many pleasures that, once we start enjoying them, make it almost necessary to continue the activity that causes them. This influence of pleasures and pains on our movements is so widespread that some premature philosophers have concluded that these are our only motivations for action, and wherever they seem absent, it’s just because they’re buried among the more distant images that trigger the action and get overlooked.

This is a great mistake, however. Important as is the influence of pleasures and pains upon our movements, they are far from being our only stimuli. With the manifestations of instinct and emotional expression, for example, they have absolutely nothing to do. Who smiles for the pleasure of the smiling, or frowns for the pleasure of the frown? Who blushes to escape the discomfort of not blushing? Or who in anger, grief, or fear is actuated to the movements which he makes by the pleasures which they yield? In all these cases the movements are discharged fatally by the vis a tergo which the stimulus exerts upon a nervous system framed to respond in just that way. The objects of our rage, love, or terror, the occasions of our tears and smiles,[Pg 551] whether they be present to our senses, or whether they be merely represented in idea, have this peculiar sort of impulsive power. The impulsive quality of mental states is an attribute behind which we cannot go. Some states of mind have more of it than others, some have it in this direction, and some in that. Feelings of pleasure and pain have it, and perceptions and imaginations of fact have it, but neither have it exclusively or peculiarly. It is of the essence of all consciousness (or of the neural process which underlies it) to instigate movement of some sort. That with one creature and object it should be of one sort, with others of another sort, is a problem for evolutionary history to explain. However the actual impulsions may have arisen, they must now be described as they exist; and those persons obey a curiously narrow teleological superstition who think themselves bound to interpret them in every instance as effects of the secret solicitancy of pleasure and repugnancy of pain.[479]

This is a big mistake, though. While the influence of pleasure and pain on our actions is important, they aren’t our only motivators. For instance, instinctual actions and emotional expressions have nothing to do with them. Who smiles just for the sake of smiling, or frowns just for the sake of frowning? Who blushes to avoid the awkwardness of not blushing? Or who acts out in anger, sadness, or fear because of the pleasure those actions bring? In all these situations, actions are triggered by the underlying force that the stimulus has on a nervous system designed to respond in that way. The objects of our anger, love, or fear, and the reasons for our tears and smiles, whether they are real or just imagined, possess this unique kind of impulsive power. The impulsive quality of mental states is something we can’t go beyond. Some mental states have more of it than others; some have it in one way, some in another. Pleasure and pain can possess it, as can our perceptions and imaginations of reality, but neither of those is exclusive to the impulsive quality. It’s fundamental to all consciousness (or the neural processes behind it) to trigger some kind of movement. Why it varies between different creatures and objects remains a question for evolutionary history to solve. Regardless of how these impulses originated, we must describe them as they are; those who feel compelled to explain every instance as a result of the hidden allure of pleasure or the aversion to pain are operating under a strangely limited belief.

It might be that to reflection such a narrow teleology would justify itself, that pleasures and pains might seem the only comprehensible and reasonable motives for action, the only motives on which we ought to act. That is an ethical proposition, in favor of which a good deal may be said. But it is not a psychological proposition; and nothing follows from it as to the motives upon which as a matter of fact we do act. These motives are supplied by innumerable objects, which innervate our voluntary muscles by a process as automatic as that by which they light a fever in our breasts. If the thought of pleasure can impel to action, surely other thoughts may. Experience only can decide which thoughts do. The chapters on Instinct and Emotion have shown us that their name is legion; and with this verdict we ought to remain contented, and not seek an illusory simplification at the cost of half the facts.

It might be that through reflection, such a narrow purposefulness could justify itself, where pleasure and pain seem to be the only understandable and reasonable reasons for action—the only motives we should act upon. This is an ethical proposition, and there’s a lot to say in its favor. But it's not a psychological proposition; and nothing follows from it regarding the motives we actually do act on. These motives come from countless objects that stimulate our voluntary muscles through a process as automatic as how they ignite a fever in us. If the idea of pleasure can drive us to action, surely other thoughts can too. Only experience can determine which thoughts do. The chapters on Instinct and Emotion have shown us that there are many of them; and we should be satisfied with this conclusion, rather than trying to create a misleading simplification at the expense of half the facts.

If in these our first acts pleasures and pains bear no part, as little do they bear in our last acts, or those artificially acquired performances which have become habitual.[Pg 553] All the daily routine of life, our dressing and undressing, the coming and going from our work or carrying through of its various operations, is utterly without mental reference to pleasure and pain, except under rarely realized conditions. It is ideo-motor action. As I do not breathe for the pleasure of the breathing, but simply find that I am breathing, so I do not write for the pleasure of the writing, but simply because I have once begun, and being in a state of intellectual excitement which keeps venting itself in that way, find that I am writing still. Who will pretend that when he idly fingers his knife-handle at the table, it is for the sake of any pleasure which it gives him, or pain which he thereby avoids. We do all these things because at the moment we cannot help it; our nervous systems are so shaped that they overflow in just that way; and for many of our idle or purely 'nervous' and fidgety performances we can assign absolutely no reason at all.

If in these first actions, pleasure and pain have no role, neither do they in our final actions or in the habits we've developed. [Pg 553] The daily routines of life—getting dressed and undressed, coming and going from work, or carrying out its various tasks—are completely free of mental considerations about pleasure and pain, except in rare situations. It's simply automatic behavior. Just as I don't breathe for the enjoyment of breathing, but only notice that I am breathing, I don't write for the pleasure of writing, but because I’ve started, and find that, in a state of intellectual excitement that keeps spilling out this way, I am still writing. Who would claim that when he absentmindedly fiddles with the handle of his knife at the table, it's for any pleasure it brings or pain it helps him avoid? We do these things simply because we can’t help it; our nervous systems are wired to react in that way, and for many of our restless or purely 'nervous' habits, we can give absolutely no reason at all.

Or what shall be said of a shy and unsociable man who receives point-blank an invitation to a small party? The thing is to him an abomination; but your presence exerts a compulsion on him, he can think of no excuse, and so says yes, cursing himself the while for what he does. He is unusually sui compos who does not every week of his life fall into some such blundering act as this. Such instances of voluntas invita show not only that our acts cannot all be conceived as effects of represented pleasure, but that they cannot even be classed as cases of represented good. The class 'goods' contains many more generally influential motives to action than the class 'pleasants.' Pleasures often attract us only because we deem them goods. Mr. Spencer, e.g., urges us to court pleasures for their influence upon health, which comes to us as a good. But almost as little as under the form of pleasures do our acts invariably appear to us under the form of goods. All diseased impulses and pathological fixed ideas are instances to the contrary. It is the very badness of the act that gives it then its vertiginous fascination. Remove the prohibition, and the attraction stops. In my university days a student threw himself from an upper entry window of one of the college buildings and was nearly killed. Another[Pg 554] student, a friend of my own, had to pass the window daily in coming and going from his room, and experienced a dreadful temptation to imitate the deed. Being a Catholic, he told his director, who said, 'All right! if you must, you must,' and added, 'Go ahead and do it,' thereby instantly quenching his desire. This director knew how to minister to a mind diseased. But we need not go to minds diseased for examples of the occasional tempting-power of simple badness and unpleasantness as such. Every one who has a wound or hurt anywhere, a sore tooth, e.g., will ever and anon press it just to bring out the pain. If we are near a new sort of stink, we must sniff it again just to verify once more how bad it is. This very day I have been repeating over and over to myself a verbal jingle whose mawkish silliness was the secret of its haunting power. I loathed yet could not banish it.

Or what can be said about a shy and unsociable person who receives a direct invitation to a small gathering? To him, it's a nightmare; but the pressure from others makes him feel compelled to accept, and he can't think of any excuse, so he reluctantly says yes, mentally kicking himself for it. It's pretty unusual for someone to not find themselves in a situation like this at least once a week. These examples of unwanted willingness show that our actions can’t all be seen as results of anticipated pleasure, nor can they always be categorized as instances of perceived good. The category of 'goods' includes many more motivating factors for action than the category of 'pleasures.' Often, pleasures entice us simply because we think of them as goods. For instance, Mr. Spencer encourages us to seek pleasures for their benefits to our health, which we see as a good. But our actions don’t always appear to us as goods either. There are plenty of unhealthy impulses and irrational fixations that contradict this. It’s the very wrongness of the act that gives it a thrilling fascination. Remove the restriction, and the allure disappears. I remember during my college days, a student jumped from an upper window in one of the buildings and nearly got killed. Another student, a friend of mine, had to pass by that window every day, and he felt an overwhelming urge to do the same thing. Being Catholic, he mentioned it to his counselor, who said, 'Fine! If you feel you have to, then go ahead,' which instantly extinguished his desire. This counselor knew how to handle a troubled mind. But we don’t have to look to troubled minds for examples of how simple badness and unpleasantness can sometimes tempt us. Anyone with an injury or pain, like a sore tooth, will occasionally poke at it just to feel the pain again. If we come across a new kind of disgusting smell, we can't help but take another sniff just to confirm how awful it is. Just today, I found myself repeating a silly little phrase over and over in my head, and its annoying absurdity was what made it so hard to shake off. I hated it, yet I couldn't get rid of it.

Believers in the pleasure-and-pain theory must thus, if they are candid, make large exceptions in the application of their creed. Action from 'fixed ideas' is accordingly a terrible stumbling-block to the candid Professor Bain. Ideas have in his psychology no impulsive but only a 'guiding' function, whilst

Believers in the pleasure-and-pain theory must therefore, if they are honest, make significant exceptions when applying their beliefs. Acting on 'fixed ideas' is a major challenge for the honest Professor Bain. In his psychology, ideas have no impulsive function but only serve as a 'guiding' role, while

"The proper stimulus of the will, namely, some variety of pleasure and pain, is needed to give the impetus.... The intellectual link is not sufficient for causing the deed to rise at the beck of the idea (except in case of an 'idée fixe');" but "should any pleasure spring up or be continued, by performing an action that we clearly conceive, the causation is then complete; both the directing and the moving powers are present."[480]

"You need the right motivation, whether it's pleasure or pain, to get things started. Just having an intellectual connection isn’t enough to trigger action when an idea pops into your head (unless it's an intense obsession); however, if any pleasure arises or persists from doing something we clearly understand, then the cause is fulfilled; both the guiding and motivating forces are present."[480]

Pleasures and pains are for Professor Bain the 'genuine impulses of the will.'[481]

Pleasures and pains are for Professor Bain the 'genuine impulses of the will.'[481]

"Without an antecedent of pleasurable or painful feeling—actual or ideal, primary or derivative—the will cannot be stimulated. Through[Pg 555] all the disguises that wrap up what we call motives, something of one or other of these two grand conditions can be detected."[482]

"Without any past experience of pleasure or pain—whether real or imagined, basic or secondary—the will can't be driven. Beneath all the layers that conceal what we call motives, you can find factors of one or the other of these two main conditions."[Pg 555][482]

Accordingly, where Professor Bain finds an exception to this rule, he refuses to call the phenomenon a 'genuinely voluntary impulse.' The exceptions, he admits, 'are those furnished by never-dying spontaneity, habits, and fixed ideas.'[483] Fixed ideas 'traverse the proper course of volition.'[484]

Accordingly, where Professor Bain finds an exception to this rule, he refuses to label the phenomenon a 'genuinely voluntary impulse.' He acknowledges that the exceptions are provided by enduring spontaneity, habits, and fixed ideas. [483] Fixed ideas 'interfere with the natural process of will.' [484]

"Disinterested impulses are wholly distinct from the attainment of pleasure and the avoidance of pain.... The theory of disinterested action, in the only form that I can conceive it, supposes that the action of the will and the attainment of happiness do not square throughout."[485]

"Disinterested impulses are totally different from pursuing pleasure and steering clear of pain.... The concept of disinterested action, as I can only understand it, assumes that the will's actions and the pursuit of happiness don’t always match up."[485]

Sympathy "has this in common with the Fixed Idea, that it clashes with the regular outgoings of the will in favor, of our pleasures."[486]

Sympathy "has this in common with the Fixed Idea, that it goes against the usual expressions of the will in favor of our pleasures."[486]

Prof. Bain thus admits all the essential facts. Pleasure and pain are motives of only part of our activity. But he prefers to give to that part of the activity exclusively which these feelings prompt the name of 'regular outgoings' and 'genuine impulses' of the will,[487] and to treat all the rest as mere paradoxes and anomalies, of which nothing rational can be said. This amounts to taking one species of a genus, calling it alone by the generic name, and ordering the other co-ordinate species to find what names they may. At bottom this is only verbal play. How much more conducive to clearness and insight it is to take the genus 'springs of action' and treat it as a whole; and then to distinguish within it the species 'pleasure and pain' from whatever other species may be found!

Prof. Bain acknowledges all the key facts. Pleasure and pain drive only part of our actions. However, he chooses to label that part of our activity that these feelings inspire as 'regular outgoings' and 'genuine impulses' of the will,[487] treating everything else as mere paradoxes and anomalies that don't have any rational explanation. This is essentially taking one type of a broader category, calling it by the general name, and expecting the other related types to find their own names. Ultimately, it's just a play on words. It’s much clearer and more insightful to consider the genus 'springs of action' as a whole and then differentiate between the 'pleasure and pain' category and any other categories that may exist!


There is, it is true, a complication in the relation of pleasure to action, which partly excuses those who make it the exclusive spur. This complication deserves some notice at our hands.

There is, it's true, a complication in the relationship between pleasure and action, which somewhat justifies those who see it as the only motivator. This complication deserves some attention from us.

An impulse which discharges itself immediately is generally quite neutral as regards pleasure or pain—the breathing[Pg 556] impulse, for example. If such an impulse is arrested, however, by an extrinsic force, a great feeling of uneasiness is produced—for instance, the dyspnœa of asthma. And in proportion as the arresting force is then overcome, relief accrues—as when we draw breath again after the asthma subsides. The relief is a pleasure and the uneasiness a pain; and thus it happens that round all our impulses, merely as such, there twine, as it were, secondary possibilities of pleasant and painful feeling, involved in the manner in which the act is allowed to occur. These pleasures and pains of achievement, discharge, or fruition exist, no matter what the original spring of action be. We are glad when we have successfully got ourselves out of a danger, though the thought of the gladness was surely not what suggested to us to escape. To have compassed the steps towards a proposed sensual indulgence also makes us glad, and this gladness is a pleasure additional to the pleasure originally proposed. On the other hand, we are chagrined and displeased when any activity, however instigated, is hindered whilst in process of actual discharge. We are 'uneasy' till the discharge starts up again. And this is just as true when the action is neutral, or has nothing but pain in view as its result, as when it was undertaken for pleasure's express sake. The moth is probably as annoyed if hindered from getting into the lamp-flame as the roué is if interrupted in his debauch; and we are chagrined if prevented from doing some quite unimportant act which would have given us no noticeable pleasure if done, merely because the prevention itself is disagreeable.

An impulse that is acted on immediately is usually quite neutral when it comes to pleasure or pain—for instance, the urge to breathe[Pg 556]. However, if this impulse is stopped by an outside force, it creates a strong feeling of uneasiness—like the difficulty in breathing during asthma. As the blocking force is overcome, relief follows—like when we can breathe easily again after an asthma attack. This relief feels good, while the uneasiness feels bad; and so, around all our impulses, there are secondary feelings of pleasure and pain, depending on how the act occurs. These pleasures and pains of achievement, discharge, or fruition exist regardless of what originally sparked the action. We feel happy when we successfully escape danger, even though the thought of that happiness didn’t motivate us to flee. Achieving steps toward a desired pleasure also brings us joy, adding to the original pleasure. Conversely, we feel frustrated and unhappy when any activity, no matter the motivation, is interrupted while it's happening. We feel 'uneasy' until we can continue again. This is true whether the action is neutral or aimed solely at pain relief, just as much as when it’s for pleasure. A moth is likely just as irritated if it's stopped from getting to the lamp flame as a roué would be if interrupted during a debauch; and we feel annoyed if prevented from completing an insignificant task that wouldn’t have brought us much pleasure, simply because the interruption itself is unpleasant.

Let us now call the pleasure for the sake of which the act may be done the pursued pleasure. It follows that, even when no pleasure is pursued by an act, the act itself may be the pleasantest line of conduct when once the impulse has begun, on account of the incidental pleasure which then attends its successful achievement and the pain which would come of interruption. A pleasant act and an act pursuing a pleasure are in themselves, however, two perfectly distinct conceptions, though they coalesce in one concrete phenomenon whenever a pleasure is deliberately pursued. I cannot help thinking that it is the confusion of pursued pleasure[Pg 557] with mere pleasure of achievement which makes the pleasure-theory of action so plausible to the ordinary mind. We feel an impulse, no matter whence derived; we proceed to act; if hindered, we feel displeasure; and if successful, relief. Action in the line of the present impulse is always for the time being the pleasant course; and the ordinary hedonist expresses this fact by saying that we act for the sake of the pleasantness involved. But who does not see that for this sort of pleasure to be possible, the impulse must be there already as an independent fact? The pleasure of successful performance is the result of the impulse, not its cause. You cannot have your pleasure of achievement unless you have managed to get your impulse under headway beforehand by some previous means.

Let’s now refer to the pleasure for the sake of which the act may be done as the pursued pleasure. This means that even when no pleasure is sought from an act, the act itself can be the most enjoyable choice once the impulse starts, because of the incidental pleasure that comes with successfully completing it and the discomfort that would result from stopping. A pleasant act and an act aiming for pleasure are two completely separate ideas, although they come together in one actual experience whenever pleasure is intentionally sought. I can’t help but think that it’s the mix-up between pursued pleasure[Pg 557] and just the pleasure of achievement that makes the pleasure theory of action seem so reasonable to most people. We feel an impulse, no matter where it comes from; we start to act; if we’re interrupted, we feel displeasure; and if we succeed, we feel relief. Acting according to the current impulse is usually the most enjoyable option at that moment; and the typical hedonist puts this simply by saying we act for the sake of the pleasure involved. But who doesn’t realize that for this kind of pleasure to exist, the impulse needs to be present first as a separate fact? The pleasure of achieving something is the result of the impulse, not its cause. You can’t enjoy the achievement unless you’ve already managed to set your impulse in motion through some previous means.

It is true that on special occasions (so complex is the human mind) the pleasure of achievement may itself become a pursued pleasure; and these cases form another point on which the pleasure-theory is apt to rally. Take a foot-ball game or a fox-hunt. Who in cold blood wants the fox for its own sake, or cares whether the ball be at this goal or that? We know, however, by experience, that if we can once rouse a certain impulsive excitement in ourselves, whether to overtake the fox, or to get the ball to one particular goal, the successful venting of it over the counteracting checks will fill us with exceeding joy. We therefore get ourselves deliberately and artificially into the hot impulsive state. It takes the presence of various instinct-arousing conditions to excite it; but little by little, once we are in the field, it reaches its paroxysm; and we reap the reward of our exertions in that pleasure of successful achievement which, far more than the dead fox or the goal-got ball, was the object we originally pursued. So it often is with duties. Lots of actions are done with heaviness all through, and not till they are completed does pleasure emerge, in the joy of being done with them. Like Hamlet we say of each such successive task,

It’s true that on special occasions (the human mind is so complex) the pleasure of achievement can become a pleasure we chase; and these situations point out another aspect that the pleasure-theory tends to emphasize. Take a football game or a fox hunt. Who really wants the fox just for the sake of having it, or cares whether the ball goes in one goal or the other? However, we know from experience that if we can stir up a certain rush of excitement in ourselves, whether it’s to catch the fox or to get the ball to a specific goal, the thrill of overcoming obstacles will bring us great joy. So, we intentionally and artificially get ourselves into that excited state. It requires different instinct-triggering conditions to spark it; but little by little, once we’re in the action, it reaches its peak; and we enjoy the fruits of our efforts in that pleasure from achieving success, which, much more than the dead fox or the scored ball, was what we were really after. The same often goes for responsibilities. Many actions feel burdensome throughout, and it’s only when they’re done that we feel pleasure in having completed them. Like Hamlet, we say of each such task,

"O cursed spite,
That ever I was born to set it right!"

"Oh, what a horrible situation,
"That I was ever born to make it right!"

and then we often add to the original impulse that set us on, this additional one, that "we shall feel so glad when[Pg 558] well through with it," that thought also having its impulsive spur. But because a pleasure of achievement can thus become a pursued pleasure upon occasion, it does not follow that everywhere and always that pleasure must be what is pursued. This, however, is what the pleasure-philosophers seem to suppose. As well might they suppose, because no steamer can go to sea without incidentally consuming coal, and because some steamers may occasionally go to sea to try their coal, that therefore no steamer can go to sea for any other motive than that of coal-consumption.[488]

and then we often add to the initial motivation that got us started, this extra thought that "we'll feel so great once it's done," which also has its own urge. But just because the joy of accomplishment can sometimes turn into a goal we chase, it doesn't mean that this joy is always and everywhere what we should be chasing. However, this is what the pleasure-focused philosophers seem to believe. It would be just as ridiculous for them to think that because no ship can set sail without using fuel, and because some ships might occasionally go to sea just to test their fuel, that therefore no ship can ever set sail for any reason other than using fuel.[488]

As we need not act for the sake of gaining the pleasure of achievement, so neither need we act for the sake of escaping the uneasiness of arrest. This uneasiness is altogether due to the fact that the act is already tending to occur on other grounds. And these original grounds are what impel to its continuance, even though the uneasiness of the arrest may upon occasion add to their impulsive power.

As we don’t have to act just to experience the satisfaction of achievement, we also don’t need to act solely to avoid the discomfort of being stopped. This discomfort is entirely because the act is already about to happen for other reasons. Those underlying reasons are what drive its continuation, even if the discomfort of being stopped sometimes increases their motivating power.

To conclude, I am far from denying the exceeding prominence and importance of the part which pleasures and pains, both felt and represented, play in the motivation of our conduct. But I must insist that it is no exclusive part, and that co-ordinately with these mental objects innumerable others have an exactly similar impulsive and inhibitive power.[489]

To wrap up, I definitely acknowledge how significant the role of pleasures and pains, both experienced and depicted, is in shaping our actions. However, I must stress that it’s not the only factor, and alongside these emotions, there are countless other influences that have an equally strong ability to motivate or hold us back.[489]

If one must have a single name for the condition upon which the impulsive and inhibitive quality of objects depends, one had better call it their interest. 'The interesting'[Pg 559] is a title which covers not only the pleasant and the painful, but also the morbidly fascinating, the tediously haunting, and even the simply habitual, inasmuch as the attention usually travels on habitual lines, and what-we-attend-to and what-interests-us are synonymous terms. It seems as if we ought to look for the secret of an idea's impulsiveness, not in any peculiar relations which it may have with paths of motor discharge,—for all ideas have relations with some such paths,—but rather in a preliminary phenomenon, the urgency, namely, with which it is able to compel attention and dominate in consciousness. Let it once so dominate, let no other ideas succeed in displacing it, and whatever motor effects belong to it by nature will inevitably occur—its impulsion, in short, will be given to boot, and will manifest itself as a matter of course. This is what we have seen in instinct, in emotion, in common ideo-motor action, in hypnotic suggestion, in morbid impulsion, and in voluntas invita,—the impelling idea is simply the one which possesses the attention. It is the same where pleasure and pain are the motor spurs—they drive other thoughts from consciousness at the same time that they instigate their own characteristic 'volitional' effects. And this is also what happens at the moment of the fiat, in all the five types of 'decision' which we have described. In short, one does not see any case in which the steadfast occupancy of consciousness does not appear to be the prime condition of impulsive power. It is still more obviously the prime condition of inhibitive power. What checks our impulses is the mere thinking of reasons to the contrary—it is their bare presence to the mind which gives the veto, and makes acts, otherwise seductive, impossible to perform. If we could only forget our scruples, our doubts, our fears, what exultant energy we should for a while display!

If you had to give a single name to the condition that influences the impulsive and inhibitive nature of things, you might as well call it their interest. 'The interesting'[Pg 559] refers not just to what we find pleasurable or painful, but also to what is morbidly intriguing, annoyingly persistent, and even to what is merely habitual. This is because our focus generally follows habitual patterns, and what captures our attention and what interests us are effectively the same. We should probably look for the key to an idea's impulsiveness not in any specific relationships it has with motor pathways—since all ideas connect with those pathways—but more in a preliminary factor: the urgency with which it can capture attention and dominate our consciousness. Once an idea dominates, and no other ideas manage to take its place, the natural motor effects related to it will certainly follow—its impulsion will be established, and it will show up as a given. This is evident in instinct, emotion, common ideomotor actions, hypnotic suggestions, morbid impulses, and voluntas invita—the driving idea is simply the one that captures attention. The same applies when pleasure and pain act as motivators—they push other thoughts out of consciousness while triggering their own specific 'volitional' effects. This also occurs during the moment of the fiat in all five types of 'decision' we've outlined. In short, I haven't seen any situation where the firm occupation of consciousness isn't the main factor for impulsive power. It is even more clearly the essential factor for inhibitive power. What holds back our impulses is simply entertaining reasons against them—their mere presence in our mind can veto and make otherwise appealing actions impossible to carry out. If we could just forget our scruples, doubts, and fears, imagine the incredible energy we could unleash for a while!

WILL IS A RELATION BETWEEN THE MIND AND ITS 'IDEAS.'

In closing in, therefore, after all these preliminaries, upon the more intimate nature of the volitional process, we find ourselves driven more and more exclusively to consider the conditions which make ideas prevail in the mind.[Pg 560] With the prevalence, once there as a fact, of the motive idea the psychology of volition properly stops. The movements which ensue are exclusively physiological phenomena, following according to physiological laws upon the neural events to which the idea corresponds. The willing terminates with the prevalence of the idea; and whether the act then follows or not is a matter quite immaterial, so far as the willing itself goes. I will to write, and the act follows. I will to sneeze, and it does not. I will that the distant table slide over the floor towards me; it also does not. My willing representation can no more instigate my sneezing-centre than it can instigate the table to activity. But in both cases it is as true and good willing as it was when I willed to write.[490] In a word, volition is a psychic or moral fact pure and simple, and is absolutely completed when the stable state of the idea is there. The supervention of motion is a supernumerary phenomenon depending on executive ganglia whose function lies outside the mind.

So, to summarize everything we've talked about, when we focus more closely on the personal aspects of the will, we find ourselves increasingly looking at the conditions that allow ideas to dominate our thoughts.[Pg 560] Once an idea has established itself as dominant, the study of willpower properly ends. The subsequent actions are purely physiological events that happen according to physiological laws in response to the neural occurrences linked to that idea. The act of willing stops once the idea takes precedence; whether an action happens afterwards is irrelevant when it comes to the act of willing itself. I decide to write, and I write. I decide to sneeze, and I don’t. I want the table across the room to slide toward me; it doesn’t do that either. My intention can no more trigger my sneeze than it can make the table move. But in both situations, my intention is just as valid as it was when I intended to write.[490] In short, willpower is a psychological or moral fact, plain and simple, and it is fully realized when the idea is stable. Any resulting motion is an additional phenomenon governed by executive ganglia that operate outside of conscious thought.

In St. Vitus' dance, in locomotor ataxy, the representation of a movement and the consent to it take place normally. But the inferior executive centres are deranged, and although the ideas discharge them, they do not discharge them so as to reproduce the precise sensations anticipated. In aphasia the patient has an image of certain words which he wishes to utter, but when he opens his mouth he hears himself making quite unintended sounds. This may fill him with rage and despair—which passions only show how[Pg 561] intact his will remains. Paralysis only goes a step farther. The associated mechanism is not only deranged but altogether broken through. The volition occurs, but the hand remains as still as the table. The paralytic is made aware of this by the absence of the expected change in his afferent sensations. He tries harder, i.e., he mentally frames the sensation of muscular 'effort,' with consent that it shall occur. It does so: he frowns, he heaves his chest, he clinches his other fist, but the palsied arm lies passive as before.[491]

In St. Vitus' dance and locomotor ataxia, the ability to move and the agreement to do so happen normally. However, the lower brain centers are messed up, and even though the thoughts trigger them, they don't trigger the exact sensations expected. In aphasia, the patient has a mental image of certain words they want to say, but when they open their mouth, they hear themselves making random sounds. This can lead to feelings of anger and despair—those emotions only show how strong their will still is. Paralysis just goes a step further. The related mechanism is not only disrupted but completely broken. The intention to move exists, but the hand remains as still as the table. The person with paralysis notices this because they don't feel the expected change in their sensory feedback. They try harder, meaning they mentally create the sensation of muscle 'effort,' hoping it will happen. It does happen: they frown, they lift their chest, they clench their other fist, but the paralyzed arm stays limp as before.[491]

We thus find that we reach the heart of our inquiry into volition when we ask by what process it is that the thought of any given object comes to prevail stably in the mind. Where thoughts prevail without effort, we have sufficiently studied in the several chapters on sensation, association, and attention, the laws of their advent before consciousness and of their stay. We will not go over that ground again, for we know that interest and association are the words, let their worth be what it may, on which our explanations must perforce rely. Where, on the other hand, the prevalence of the thought is accompanied by the phenomenon of effort, the case is much less clear. Already in the chapter on attention we postponed the final consideration of voluntary attention with effort to a later place. We have now brought things to a point at which we see that attention with effort is all that any case of volition implies. The essential achievement of the will, in short, when it is most 'voluntary,' is to attend to a difficult object and hold it fast before the mind. The so-doing is the fiat; and it is a mere physiological incident that when the object is thus attended to, immediate motor consequences should ensue. A resolve, whose contemplated motor consequences are not to ensue until some possibly far distant future condition shall have been fulfilled, involves all the psychic elements of a motor fiat except the word 'now;' and it is the same with many of[Pg 562] our purely theoretic beliefs. We saw in effect in the appropriate chapter, how in the last resort belief means only a peculiar sort of occupancy of the mind, and relation to the self felt in the thing believed; and we know in the case of many beliefs how constant an effort of the attention is required to keep them in this situation and protect them from displacement by contradictory ideas.[492] (Compare above, p. 321.)

We find that the key to our investigation into willpower is figuring out how the idea of a particular object becomes consistently dominant in our thoughts. We've already explored how thoughts come to dominate our minds effortlessly in the chapters on sensation, association, and attention, so we won’t revisit that. We know that interest and association are the key concepts our explanations depend on, regardless of their value. However, when a thought's dominance requires effort, the situation is much less clear. In the chapter on attention, we deferred the final look at voluntary attention that requires effort to a later point. Now, we've reached a point where we realize that attention involving effort is what every case of willpower entails. The main objective of the will, when it is most 'voluntary,' is to focus on a challenging object and keep it consistently in our thoughts. This act is the decree; and it’s just a physiological response that, when we focus on the object, immediate actions follow. A decision that anticipates actions only when a future condition is met carries all the psychological elements of a decisive action except the word 'now;' the same applies to many of[Pg 562] our purely theoretical beliefs. In a previous chapter, we established that fundamentally, belief is just a specific type of mental engagement and a relationship to the self connected to what is believed; and we know for many beliefs that maintaining this state requires a constant effort of attention to prevent them from being pushed out by conflicting ideas.[492] (See above, p. 321.)

Effort of attention is thus the essential phenomenon of will.[493] Every reader must know by his own experience that this is so, for every reader must have felt some fiery passion's grasp. What constitutes the difficulty for a man laboring under an unwise passion of acting as if the passion[Pg 563] were unwise? Certainly there is no physical difficulty. It is as easy physically to avoid a fight as to begin one, to pocket one's money as to squander it on one's cupidities, to walk away from as towards a coquette's door. The difficulty is mental; it is that of getting the idea of the wise action to stay before our mind at all. When any strong emotional state whatever is upon us the tendency is for no images but such as are congruous with it to come up. If others by chance offer themselves, they are instantly smothered and crowded out. If we be joyous, we cannot keep thinking of those uncertainties and risks of failure which abound upon our path; if lugubrious, we cannot think of new triumphs, travels, loves, and joys; nor if vengeful, of our oppressor's community of nature with ourselves. The cooling advice which we get from others when the fever-fit is on us is the most jarring and exasperating thing in life. Reply we cannot, so we get angry; for by a sort of self-preserving instinct which our passion has, it feels that these chill objects, if they once but gain a lodgment, will work and work until they have frozen the very vital spark from out of all our mood and brought our airy castles in ruin to the ground. Such is the inevitable effect of reasonable ideas over others—if they can once get a quiet hearing; and passion's cue accordingly is always and everywhere to prevent their still small voice from being heard at all. "Let me not think of that! Don't speak to me of that!" This is the sudden cry of all those who in a passion perceive some sobering considerations about to check them in mid-career. "Hæc tibi erit janua leti," we feel. There is something so icy in this cold-water bath, something which seems so hostile to the movement of our life, so purely negative, in Reason, when she lays her corpse-like finger on our heart and says, "Halt! give up! leave off! go back! sit down!" that it is no wonder that to most men the steadying influence seems, for the time being, a very minister of death.

The effort to focus is the core aspect of will.[493] Every reader knows this from experience, having felt the grip of a fiery passion. What makes it difficult for someone caught up in an unwise passion to act as if that passion is unwise? There’s certainly no physical barrier. It’s just as easy to avoid a fight as to start one, to keep money in your pocket as to waste it on desires, to walk away from a flirty person's door as to walk towards it. The struggle is mental; it’s about keeping the idea of wise action clear in our minds. When overwhelmed by strong emotions, our thoughts tend to focus only on things that align with those emotions. If we feel joyful, we can’t focus on the uncertainties and risks of failure before us; if we’re feeling down, we can’t think of new successes, adventures, loves, and joys; and if we’re vengeful, we can’t consider that our oppressor shares a common humanity with us. The well-meaning advice we receive from others during these emotional highs can be the most frustrating part of life. We can’t respond, and we end up angry because our passion instinctively knows that such cold thoughts, if allowed to settle, will grind away at our mood until they extinguish our spirit and bring our dreams crumbling down. That’s the inevitable effect of reasonable ideas over others—if they can be given a moment’s peace; and passion’s goal is always to stop that quiet voice from being heard. “Don’t let me think about that! Don’t talk to me about that!” This is the common outcry of those in a passionate state who sense that sobering thoughts are about to interrupt them. "Hæc tibi erit janua leti," we feel. There’s something so chilling about this cold-water reality check, something that feels so against the flow of our lives, so purely negative about Reason, when it takes on a deathly tone and says, “Stop! Give up! Quit! Go back! Sit down!” It’s no wonder that for most people, this calming influence seems, at that moment, like a grim reaper.

The strong-willed man, however, is the man who hears the still small voice unflinchingly, and who, when the death-bringing consideration comes, looks at its face, consents to its presence, clings to it, affirms it, and holds it fast, in spite of the host of exciting mental images which[Pg 564] rise in revolt against it and would expel it from the mind. Sustained in this way by a resolute effort of attention, the difficult object erelong begins to call up its own congeners and associates and ends by changing the disposition of the man's consciousness altogether. And with his consciousness, his action changes, for the new object, once stably in possession of the field of his thoughts, infallibly produces its own motor effects. The difficulty lies in the gaining possession of that field. Though the spontaneous drift of thought is all the other way, the attention must be kept strained on that one object until at last it grows, so as to maintain itself before the mind with ease. This strain of the attention is the fundamental act of will. And the will's work is in most cases practically ended when the bare presence to our thought of the naturally unwelcome object has been secured. For the mysterious tie between the thought and the motor centres next comes into play, and, in a way which we cannot even guess at, the obedience of the bodily organs follows as a matter of course.

The strong-willed person, however, is someone who hears the quiet inner voice without hesitation, and when faced with troubling thoughts of death, looks them in the eye, accepts their existence, holds on to them, acknowledges them, and keeps them close, despite the flood of distracting mental images that[Pg 564] rise up in opposition and try to push them away. By maintaining focus through a determined effort, the challenging thought eventually begins to resonate with related ideas and ultimately transforms the person's state of mind entirely. And as his mindset shifts, his actions change too, because the new thought, once firmly established in his consciousness, inevitably leads to new behaviors. The challenge lies in claiming that mental space. Even though our thoughts naturally drift in a different direction, we must keep our focus fixed on that one idea until it finally grows strong enough to stay at the forefront of our mind without effort. This effort of concentration is the very essence of willpower. And often, the work of will is nearly complete once we are able to keep that naturally unwelcome thought present in our mind. Next, the mysterious connection between our thoughts and our bodily actions kicks in, and in a way we can’t fully understand, our physical responses follow naturally.

In all this one sees how the immediate point of application of the volitional effort lies exclusively in the mental world. The whole drama is a mental drama. The whole difficulty is a mental difficulty, a difficulty with an object of our thought. If I may use the word idea without suggesting associationist or Herbartian fables, I will say that it is an idea to which our will applies itself, an idea which if we let it go would slip away, but which we will not let go. Consent to the idea's undivided presence, this is effort's sole achievement. Its only function is to get this feeling of consent into the mind. And for this there is but one way. The idea to be consented to must be kept from flickering and going out. It must be held steadily before the mind until it fills the mind. Such filling of the mind by an idea, with its congruous associates, is consent to the idea and to the fact which the idea represents. If the idea be that, or include that, of a bodily movement of our own, then we call the consent thus laboriously gained a motor volition. For Nature here 'backs' us instantaneously and follows up our inward willingness by outward changes on her own part. She does this in no other instance. Pity she should not[Pg 565] have been more generous, nor made a world whose other parts were as immediately subject to our will!

In all of this, it's clear that the immediate focus of our willpower is entirely within the mental realm. The entire struggle is a mental one. The whole challenge is a mental challenge, a challenge with something we’re thinking about. If I can use the word idea without implying any associationist or Herbartian theories, I’ll say that it’s an idea to which our will is directed, an idea we hold onto tightly. If we let it go, it would fade away, but we refuse to let it slip. Agreeing to the idea's continuous presence is the only goal of our effort. Its sole purpose is to bring this feeling of agreement into our minds. And there is just one way to achieve this. The idea we need to agree to must be kept from flickering and disappearing. It has to be held steadily in our thoughts until it fills the mind. Such filling of the mind with an idea, along with its related thoughts, is agreement with the idea and with the reality it represents. If the idea is that, or includes that, of a physical action we’re about to take, then we call the hard-won agreement a motor volition. Nature here instantaneously supports us and responds to our internal willingness with outward changes of her own. She doesn't do this in any other case. It’s a shame she wasn’t more generous and didn’t create a world where other parts were as immediately responsive to our will!


On page 531, in describing the 'reasonable type' of decision, it was said that it usually came when the right conception of the case was found. Where, however, the right conception is an anti-inpulsive one, the whole intellectual ingenuity of the man usually goes to work to crowd it out of sight, and to find names for the emergency, by the help of which the dispositions of the moment may sound sanctified, and sloth or passion may reign unchecked. How many excuses does the drunkard find when each new temptation comes! It is a new brand of liquor which the interests of intellectual culture in such matters oblige him to test; moreover it is poured out and it is sin to waste it; or others are drinking and it would be churlishness to refuse; or it is but to enable him to sleep, or just to get through this job of work; or it isn't drinking, it is because he feels so cold; or it is Christmas-day; or it is a means of stimulating him to make a more powerful resolution in favor of abstinence than any he has hitherto made; or it is just this once, and once doesn't count, etc., etc., ad libitum—it is, in fact, anything you like except being a drunkard. That is the conception that will not stay before the poor soul's attention. But if he once gets able to pick out that way of conceiving, from all the other possible ways of conceiving the various opportunities which occur, if through thick and thin he holds to it that this is being a drunkard and is nothing else, he is not likely to remain one long. The effort by which he succeeds in keeping the right name unwaveringly present to his mind proves to be his saving moral act.[494]

On page 531, when discussing the 'reasonable type' of decision, it was noted that it typically arises when the correct understanding of the situation is realized. However, when the correct understanding is an anti-impulsive one, a person's entire intellectual effort usually goes into hiding it and finding justifications in the moment, making it seem acceptable, allowing laziness or passion to take control. How many excuses does an alcoholic come up with when faced with a new temptation? It’s a new type of drink that, for the sake of intellectual curiosity, he feels he must try; plus, it's served and a waste to leave it; or others are drinking and it would be rude to decline; or it’s only to help him sleep, or just to get through this task; or he’s only drinking because he feels cold; or it’s Christmas; or it’s to give him the motivation for a stronger commitment to sobriety than he’s ever made; or just this once, and one time doesn’t matter, etc., etc., ad libitum—it is, in reality, anything you want except being a drunkard. That is the perspective that refuses to stay at the forefront of the troubled person's mind. But if he manages to recognize that viewpoint amidst all the other ways of seeing the various opportunities that arise, and if he persistently holds onto the idea that this is being a drunkard and nothing else, he is unlikely to remain one for long. The effort he makes to keep that correct name clearly in his mind turns out to be his saving moral act.[494]

Everywhere then the function of the effort is the same: to keep affirming and adopting a thought which, if left to itself, would slip away. It may be cold and flat when the spontaneous mental drift is towards excitement, or great and arduous when the spontaneous drift is towards repose. In the one case the effort has to inhibit an explosive, in the[Pg 566] other to arouse an obstructed will. The exhausted sailor on a wreck has a will which is obstructed. One of his ideas is that of his sore hands, of the nameless exhaustion of his whole frame which the act of farther pumping involves, and of the deliciousness of sinking into sleep. The other is that of the hungry sea ingulfing him. "Rather the aching toil!" he says; and it becomes reality then, in spite of the inhibiting influence of the relatively luxurious sensations which he gets from lying still. But exactly similar in form would be his consent to lie and sleep. Often it is the thought of sleep and what leads to it which is the hard one to keep before the mind. If a patient afflicted with insomnia can only control the whirling chase of his thoughts so far as to think of nothing at all (which can be done), or so far as to imagine one letter after another of a verse of scripture or poetry spelt slowly and monotonously out, it is almost certain that here, too, specific bodily effects will follow, and that sleep will come. The trouble is to keep the mind upon a train of objects naturally so insipid. To sustain a representation, to think, is, in short, the only moral act, for the impulsive and the obstructed, for sane and lunatics alike. Most maniacs know their thoughts to be crazy, but find them too pressing to be withstood. Compared with them the sane truths are so deadly sober, so cadaverous, that the lunatic cannot bear to look them in the face and say, "Let these alone be my reality!" But with sufficient effort, as Dr. Wigan says,

Everywhere the function of the effort is the same: to keep affirming and embracing a thought that, if left alone, would fade away. It might feel cold and flat when our spontaneous thoughts drift toward excitement, or it can feel big and challenging when our thoughts naturally lean toward rest. In one case, the effort needs to hold back an explosive impulse, while in the other, it has to awaken a blocked will. The exhausted sailor on a wreck has a will that’s blocked. One of his thoughts is about his sore hands, the overwhelming exhaustion of his entire body that more pumping would require, and the tempting idea of falling asleep. The other thought is about the hungry sea swallowing him up. "I'd rather endure the aching effort!" he insists, and that becomes his new reality despite the more comfortable sensations he experiences from lying still. But his willingness to lie down and sleep would be very similar in nature. Often, it’s the thought of sleep and what leads to it that’s the hardest to keep in mind. If a person suffering from insomnia can only manage to control the chaotic flow of their thoughts to the point of thinking of nothing at all (which is possible) or can picture one letter after another from a verse of scripture or poetry slowly and monotonously, it’s almost certain that specific physical effects will follow, and sleep will come. The challenge is maintaining focus on thoughts that are naturally so bland. To sustain a representation, to think, is, in short, the only moral act, whether for the impulsive or the blocked, for the sane and the insane alike. Most people with mania know that their thoughts are irrational, but find them too urgent to ignore. Compared to those thoughts, sane truths seem so dull and lifeless that the person with a mental illness can’t stand to face them and say, "Let these alone be my reality!" But with enough effort, as Dr. Wigan says,

"Such a man can for a time wind himself up, as it were, and determine that the notions of the disordered brain shall not be manifested. Many instances are on record similar to that told by Pinel, where an inmate of the Bicêtre, having stood a long cross-examination, and given every mark of restored reason, signed his name to the paper authorizing his discharge 'Jesus Christ,' and then went off into all the vagaries connected with that delusion. In the phraseology of the gentleman whose case is related in an early part of this [Wigan's] work he had 'held himself tight' during the examination in order to attain his object; this once accomplished he 'let himself down' again, and, if even conscious of his delusion, could not control it. I have observed with such persons that it requires a considerable time to wind themselves up to the pitch of complete self-control, that the effort is a painful tension of the mind.... When thrown off their guard by any accidental remark or worn out by the length of the examination, they[Pg 567] let themselves go, and cannot gather themselves up again without preparation. Lord Erskine relates the story of a man who brought an action against Dr. Munro for confining him without cause. He underwent the most rigid examination by the counsel for the defendant without discovering any appearance of insanity, till a gentleman asked him about a princess with whom he corresponded in cherry-juice, and he became instantly insane."[495]

"A person like this can, for a time, hold it together and convince themselves that their chaotic thoughts won’t be evident. There are many documented instances similar to the one shared by Pinel, where a patient at the Bicêtre, after going through extensive questioning and showing all signs of restored sanity, signed their name as 'Jesus Christ' on the discharge form and then quickly fell back into the delusions that came with that belief. As described by the gentleman earlier in this [Wigan's] work, he had 'kept himself composed' during the questioning to achieve his goal; once that was accomplished, he 'let himself go' again and, even if he was aware of his delusion, couldn't control it. I’ve noticed that it takes these individuals a significant amount of time to reach full self-control, and that the effort is a painful burden on their mind.... When they drop their guard due to an unexpected comment or become fatigued from a prolonged examination, they[Pg 567] let themselves down and can't gather themselves again without some preparation. Lord Erskine shares a story about a man who sued Dr. Munro for confining him without cause. He underwent a very intense examination by the defendant’s lawyer without showing any signs of insanity until someone asked him about a princess he corresponded with in cherry juice, and he suddenly lost his grip on reality." [495]

To sum it all up in a word, the terminus of the psychological process in volition, the point to which the will is directly applied, is always an idea. There are at all times some ideas from which we shy away like frightened horses the moment we get a glimpse of their forbidding profile upon the threshold of our thought. The only resistance which our will can possibly experience is the resistance which such an idea offers to being attended to at all. To attend to it is the volitional act, and the only inward volitional act which we ever perform.

To sum it all up in one word, the end of the psychological process in will, the point where the will is focused, is always an idea. There are always some ideas that we avoid like scared horses as soon as we catch a glimpse of their intimidating presence at the edge of our thoughts. The only resistance our will can possibly encounter is the resistance that such an idea presents to being acknowledged at all. Acknowledging it is the volitional act, and it’s the only internal volitional act we ever perform.


I have put the thing in this ultra-simple way because I want more than anything else to emphasize the fact that volition is primarily a relation, not between our Self and[Pg 568] extra-mental matter (as many philosophers still maintain) but between our Self and our own states of mind. But when, a short while ago, I spoke of the filling of the mind with an idea as being equivalent to consent to the idea's object, I said something which the reader doubtless questioned at the time, and which certainly now demands some qualification ere we pass beyond.

I’ve put this in a super simple way because I want to highlight that willpower is primarily a connection, not between our self and[Pg 568] external things (as many philosophers still argue), but between our self and our own thoughts. However, when I recently mentioned that filling the mind with an idea is the same as agreeing to the idea’s object, I likely made a statement that you questioned back then, and it definitely needs some clarification before we move on.

It is unqualifiedly true that if any thought do fill the mind exclusively, such filling is consent. The thought, for that time at any rate, carries the man and his will with it. But it is not true that the thought need fill the mind exclusively for consent to be there; for we often consent to things whilst thinking of other things, even of hostile things; and we saw in fact that precisely what distinguishes our 'fifth type' of decision from the other types (see p. 534) is just this coexistence with the triumphant thought of other thoughts which would inhibit it but for the effort which makes it prevail. The effort to attend is therefore only a part of what the word 'will' covers; it covers also the effort to consent to something to which our attention is not quite complete. Often, when an object has gained our attention exclusively, and its motor results are just on the point of setting in, it seems as if the sense of their imminent irrevocability were enough of itself to start up the inhibitory ideas and to make us pause. Then we need a new stroke of effort to break down the sudden hesitation which seizes upon us, and to persevere. So that although attention is the first and fundamental thing in volition, express consent to the reality of what is attended to is often an additional and quite distinct phenomenon involved.

It’s absolutely true that if a thought fully occupies the mind, that’s a form of consent. At that moment, the thought takes over the person and their will. However, it’s not true that a thought has to completely fill the mind for consent to exist; we frequently consent to things while thinking about other things, even things that oppose it. In fact, what sets our “fifth type” of decision apart from the others (see p. 534) is this coexistence of the dominant thought with other thoughts that would normally inhibit it if not for the effort that allows it to prevail. Thus, the effort to attend is only part of what the term "will" encompasses; it also includes the effort to consent to something that hasn’t fully captured our attention. Often, when an object has our full attention and the results of that focus are about to kick in, the sense of their impending finality is enough to trigger the conflicting ideas and cause us to hesitate. In those moments, we need a fresh burst of effort to overcome the sudden doubt that grips us and to continue. So, while attention is the primary and essential component of will, the explicit consent to the reality we're focusing on is often a separate and distinct aspect that comes into play.

The reader's own consciousness tells him of course just what these words of mine denote. And I freely confess that I am impotent to carry the analysis of the matter any farther, or to explain in other terms of what this consent consists. It seems a subjective experience sui generis, which we can designate but not define. We stand here exactly where we did in the case of belief. When an idea stings us in a certain way, makes as it were a certain electric connection with our self, we believe that it is a reality. When it stings us in another way, makes another connection with[Pg 569] our Self, we say, let it be a reality. To the word 'is' and to the words 'let it be' there correspond peculiar attitudes of consciousness which it is vain to seek to explain. The indicative and the imperative moods are as much ultimate categories of thinking as they are of grammar. The 'quality of reality' which these moods attach to things is not like other qualities. It is a relation to our life. It means our adoption of the things, our caring for them, our standing by them. This at least is what it practically means for us; what it may mean beyond that we do not know. And the transition from merely considering an object as possible, to deciding or willing it to be real; the change from the fluctuating to the stable personal attitude concerning it; from the 'don't care' state of mind to that in which 'we mean business,' is one of the most familiar things in life. We can partly enumerate its conditions; and we can partly trace its consequences, especially the momentous one that when the mental object is a movement of our own body, it realizes itself outwardly when the mental change in question has occurred. But the change itself as a subjective phenomenon is something which we can translate into no simpler terms.

The reader’s own awareness, of course, tells him exactly what my words mean. And I readily admit that I can’t analyze the matter any further or explain what this agreement consists of in other terms. It seems to be a unique subjective experience, which we can label but not define. We are in the same position as we were with belief. When an idea impacts us in a particular way, creating a certain connection with our self, we believe that it is a reality. When it affects us differently, creating another connection with our self, we say, let it be a reality. The word ‘is’ and the phrase ‘let it be’ correspond to specific attitudes of consciousness that are futile to try to explain. The indicative and imperative moods are as fundamental to thinking as they are to grammar. The ‘quality of reality’ these moods attach to things is not like other qualities. It represents a relationship to our life. It reflects our acceptance of things, our care for them, our support for them. This is what it practically means for us; what it might mean beyond that is unknown to us. The shift from merely considering something as possible to deciding or wanting it to be real; the change from an uncertain to a stable personal attitude toward it; from a ‘don’t care’ mentality to one in which ‘we mean business’ is one of the most common experiences in life. We can partially outline its conditions; and we can partially trace its consequences, particularly the significant one that when the mental object is a movement of our own body, it becomes real outwardly once the mental shift has occurred. However, the shift itself as a subjective phenomenon is something we cannot simplify further.

THE QUESTION OF 'FREE-WILL.'

Especially must we, when talking about it, rid our mind of the fabulous warfare of separate agents called 'ideas.' The brain-processes may be agents, and the thought as such may be an agent. But what the ordinary psychologies call 'ideas' are nothing but parts of the total object of representation. All that is before the mind at once, no matter how complex a system of things and relations it may be, is one object for the thought. Thus, 'A-and-B-and-their-mutual-incompatibility-and-the-fact-that-only-one-can-be-true-or-can-become-real-notwithstanding-the-probability-or-desirability-of-both' may be such a complex object; and where the thought is deliberative its object has always some such form as this. When, now, we pass from deliberation to decision, that total object undergoes a change. We either dismiss A altogether and its relations to B, and think of B exclusively; or after thinking of both as possibilities,[Pg 570] we next think that A is impossible, and that B is or forthwith shall be real. In either case a new object is before our thought; and where effort exists, it is where the change from the first object to the second one is hard. Our thought seems to turn in this case like a heavy door on rusty hinges; only, so far as the effort feels spontaneous, it turns, not as if by some one helping, but as if by an inward activity, born for the occasion, of its own.

Especially when we talk about it, we need to clear our minds of the fanciful idea of separate agents called 'ideas.' The processes in our brain might act as agents, and thought itself can be an agent too. But what regular psychology refers to as 'ideas' are just parts of the overall object of representation. Everything that is in our minds at once, no matter how complex the system of things and relationships is, constitutes a single object for thought. So, 'A-and-B-and-their-mutual-incompatibility-and-the-fact-that-only-one-can-be-true-or-can-become-real-notwithstanding-the-probability-or-desirability-of-both' could represent such a complex object; and when our thought is focused on deliberation, its object usually takes forms like this. Now, as we move from deliberating to deciding, that total object changes. We either completely disregard A along with its connections to B and focus only on B; or after considering both as possibilities,[Pg 570] we conclude that A is impossible and that B is or soon will be a reality. In either situation, a new object comes into our thought; and when effort is involved, it’s where the transition from the first object to the second is challenging. Our thought seems to shift in this case like a heavy door on rusty hinges; yet, as long as the effort feels natural, it shifts not as if someone is assisting it, but as if it comes from an inner activity that is created for the occasion itself.

The psychologists who discussed 'the muscular sense' at the international congress at Paris in 1889 agreed at the end that they needed to come to a better understanding in regard to this appearance of internal activity at the moment when a decision is made. M. Fouillée, in an article which I find more interesting and suggestive than coherent or conclusive,[496] seems to resolve our sense of activity into that of our very existence as thinking entities. At least so I translate his words.[497] But we saw in Chapter X how hard it is to lay a verifying finger plainly upon the thinking process as such, and to distinguish it from certain objects of the stream. M. Fouillée admits this; but I do not think he fully realizes how strong would be the position of a man who should suggest (see Vol. I. p. 301) that the feeling of moral activity itself which accompanies the advent of certain 'objects' before the mind is nothing but certain other objects,—constrictions, namely, in the brows, eyes, throat, and breathing apparatus, present then, but absent from other pulses of subjective change. Were this the truth, then a part, at any rate, of the activity of which we become aware in effort would seem merely to be that of our body; and many thinkers would probably thereupon conclude that this 'settles the claims' of inner activity, and dismisses the whole notion of such a thing as a superfluity in psychological science.

The psychologists who talked about 'the muscular sense' at the international congress in Paris in 1889 agreed at the end that they needed to reach a better understanding regarding this feeling of internal activity when a decision is made. M. Fouillée, in an article that I find more interesting and thought-provoking than coherent or definitive,[496] seems to break down our sense of activity into that of our very existence as thinking beings. At least, that's how I interpret his words.[497] But we saw in Chapter X how difficult it is to clearly pinpoint the thinking process itself and to separate it from certain objects in the stream. M. Fouillée acknowledges this; however, I don’t believe he fully realizes how strong a stance someone could take by suggesting (see Vol. I. p. 301) that the feeling of moral activity that comes with certain 'objects' appearing in our mind is merely other objects—specifically, constrictions in the brows, eyes, throat, and breathing apparatus—that are present then but absent from other moments of subjective change. If this were true, then at least some of the activity we become aware of during effort would seem to be just that of our body; and many thinkers would likely conclude that this 'resolves the claims' of inner activity, labeling the whole idea as unnecessary in psychological science.

I cannot see my way to so extreme a view; even although I must repeat the confession made on pp. 296-7 of Vol. I, that I do not fully understand how we come to our unshakable belief that thinking exists as a special kind of[Pg 571] immaterial process alongside of the material processes of the world. It is certain, however, that only by postulating such thinking do we make things currently intelligible; and it is certain that no psychologist has as yet denied the fact of thinking, the utmost that has been denied being its dynamic power. But if we postulate the fact of the thinking at all, I believe that we must postulate its power as well; nor do I see how we can rightly equalize its power with its mere existence, and say (as M. Fouillée seems to say) that for the thought-process to go on at all is an activity, and an activity everywhere the same; for certain steps forward in this process seem prima facie to be passive, and other steps (as where an object comes with effort) seem prima facie to be active in a supreme degree. If we admit, therefore, that our thoughts exist, we ought to admit that they exist after the fashion in which they appear, as things, namely, that supervene upon each other, sometimes with effort and sometimes with ease; the only questions being, is the effort where it exists a fixed function of the object, which the latter imposes on the thought? or is it such an independent 'variable' that with a constant object more or less of it may be made?

I can't fully agree with such an extreme viewpoint. I have to admit, though, as I mentioned on pages 296-7 of Volume I, that I don't completely understand how we come to have an unshakeable belief that thinking exists as a unique, immaterial process alongside the material processes of the world. However, it's clear that we can only make sense of things today by assuming such thinking exists. No psychologist has denied the reality of thinking; the most anyone has challenged is its dynamic power. But if we accept that thinking exists at all, I believe we must also acknowledge its power. I don't see how we can equate its power with mere existence, as M. Fouillée seems to suggest, claiming that for thought to continue at all is simply an activity that is always the same everywhere. Certain steps within this process seem at first glance to be passive, while others (like when something requires effort) appear to be actively engaging in a significant way. Therefore, if we accept that our thoughts exist, we should acknowledge that they exist as they seem—sometimes with effort and sometimes easily. The key questions then are: is the effort, when it occurs, a fixed function of the object that imposes it on thought, or is it an independent variable that can vary even with a constant object?

It certainly appears to us indeterminate, and as if, even with an unchanging object, we might make more or less, as we choose. If it be really indeterminate, our future acts are ambiguous or unpredestinate: in common parlance, our wills are free. If the amount of effort be not indeterminate, but be related in a fixed manner to the objects themselves, in such wise that whatever object at any time fills our consciousness was from eternity bound to fill it then and there, and compel from us the exact effort, neither more nor less, which we bestow upon it,—then our wills are not free, and all our acts are foreordained. The question of fact in the free-will controversy is thus extremely simple. It relates solely to the amount of effort of attention or consent which we can at any time put forth. Are the duration and intensity of this effort fixed functions of the object, or are they not? Now, as I just said, it seems as if the effort were an independent variable, as if we might exert more or less of it in any given case. When a man has let his thoughts go for[Pg 572] days and weeks until at last they culminate in some particularly dirty or cowardly or cruel act, it is hard to persuade him, in the midst of his remorse, that he might not have reined them in; hard to make him believe that this whole goodly universe (which his act so jars upon) required and exacted it of him at that fatal moment, and from eternity made aught else impossible. But, on the other hand, there is the certainty that all his effortless volitions are resultants of interests and associations whose strength and sequence are mechanically determined by the structure of that physical mass, his brain; and the general continuity of things and the monistic conception of the world may lead one irresistibly to postulate that a little fact like effort can form no real exception to the overwhelming reign of deterministic law. Even in effortless volition we have the consciousness of the alternative being also possible. This is surely a delusion here; why is it not a delusion everywhere?

It definitely seems to us uncertain, as if, even with a constant object, we could exert more or less effort as we please. If it really is uncertain, our future actions are unclear or not predetermined: in everyday terms, our wills are free. If the amount of effort is not uncertain but is fixed in relation to the objects themselves, so that any object that occupies our consciousness was destined to do so from the very beginning and forces us to exert exactly the effort, neither more nor less, that we give it—then our wills are not free, and all our actions are predetermined. The question of fact in the free-will debate is therefore very straightforward. It concerns only the level of effort of attention or consent that we can exert at any time. Are the duration and intensity of this effort fixed responses to the object, or not? As I mentioned earlier, it seems like effort is an independent variable, as if we can exert more or less in any given situation. When someone has let their thoughts drift for[Pg 572] days and weeks, eventually leading to a particularly dirty, cowardly, or cruel act, it's hard to convince them, in their remorse, that they could have contained those thoughts; it’s hard to make them believe that this entire vast universe (which their act disrupts) required and demanded it from them at that critical moment, making anything else impossible from the start. But on the other hand, there's the undeniable truth that all their effortless choices arise from interests and associations whose strength and order are mechanically determined by the structure of their brain; and the overall continuity of things along with a holistic view of the world might compel one to argue that a small fact like effort cannot truly be an exception to the overwhelming force of deterministic law. Even in effortless choices, we are conscious of the possibility of alternatives. This is definitely an illusion here; why wouldn’t it be an illusion everywhere else?

My own belief is that the question of free-will is insoluble on strictly psychologic grounds. After a certain amount of effort of attention has been given to an idea, it is manifestly impossible to tell whether either more or less of it might have been given or not. To tell that, we should have to ascend to the antecedents of the effort, and defining them with mathematical exactitude, prove, by laws of which we have not at present even an inkling, that the only amount of sequent effort which could possibly comport with them was the precise amount which actually came. Measurements, whether of psychic or of neural quantities, and deductive reasonings such as this method of proof implies, will surely be forever beyond human reach. No serious psychologist or physiologist will venture even to suggest a notion of how they might be practically made. We are thrown back therefore upon the crude evidences of introspection on the one hand, with all its liabilities to deception, and, on the other hand, upon a priori postulates and probabilities. He who loves to balance nice doubts need be in no hurry to decide the point. Like Mephistopheles to Faust, he can say to himself, "dazu hast du noch eine lange Frist," for from generation to generation the reasons adduced on both sides will grow more voluminous,[Pg 573] and the discussion more refined. But if our speculative delight be less keen, if the love of a parti pris outweighs that of keeping questions open, or if, as a French philosopher of genius says, "l'amour de la vie qui s'indigne de tant de discours," awakens in us, craving the sense of either peace or power,—then, taking the risk of error on our head, we must project upon one of the alternative views the attribute of reality for us; we must so fill our mind with the idea of it that it becomes our settled creed. The present writer does this for the alternative of freedom, but since the grounds of his opinion are ethical rather than psychological, he prefers to exclude them from the present book.[498]

My own belief is that the question of free will is unsolvable on strictly psychological grounds. After a certain amount of mental effort has been focused on an idea, it’s clearly impossible to tell whether more or less of that effort could have been applied or not. To determine that, we would need to trace back to the factors leading to the effort and define them with mathematical precision, proving, by laws we don’t even have a hint of right now, that the exact amount of subsequent effort that could possibly align with those factors was the specific amount that actually occurred. Measurements, whether of mental or neural aspects, and the deductive reasoning this type of proof requires, will likely always be out of human reach. No serious psychologist or physiologist would even dare to suggest how they might be practically achieved. So, we are left with the blunt evidence of introspection on one side, which is prone to deception, and on the other side, we have a priori assumptions and probabilities. Anyone who enjoys weighing complex doubts doesn’t need to rush to a conclusion. Like Mephistopheles to Faust, they can remind themselves, "you have a long time for that," because from generation to generation, the arguments on both sides will become more extensive,[Pg 573] and the discussion more nuanced. But if our speculative curiosity is not as intense, if a strong bias towards one side overshadows the desire to keep options open, or if, as a brilliant French philosopher says, "the love of life protests against so much discussion," stirs within us a desire for either peace or power,—then, taking the risk of being wrong, we must project onto one of the alternative views a sense of reality for ourselves; we must fill our minds with that idea until it becomes our settled belief. The current writer does this for the choice of freedom, but since the reasons for his opinion are more ethical than psychological, he prefers to leave them out of this book.[498]


A few words, however, may be permitted about the logic of the question. The most that any argument can do for determinism is to make it a clear and seductive conception, which a man is foolish not to espouse, so long as he stands by the great scientific postulate that the world must be one unbroken fact, and that prediction of all things without exception must be ideally, even if not actually, possible. It is a moral postulate about the Universe, the postulate that what ought to be can be, and that bad acts cannot be fated, but that good ones must be possible in their place, which would lead one to espouse the contrary view. But when scientific and moral postulates war thus with each other and objective proof is not to be had, the only course is voluntary choice, for scepticism itself, if systematic, is also voluntary choice. If, meanwhile, the will be undetermined, it would seem only fitting that the belief in its indetermination should be voluntarily chosen from amongst other possible beliefs. Freedom's first deed should be to affirm itself. We ought never to hope for any other method of getting at the truth if indeterminism be a fact. Doubt of this particular truth will therefore probably be open to us to the end of time, and the utmost that a[Pg 574] believer in free-will can ever do will be to show that the deterministic arguments are not coercive. That they are seductive, I am the last to deny; nor do I deny that effort may be needed to keep the faith in freedom, when they press upon it, upright in the mind.

A few words, however, may be allowed about the logic of the question. The most that any argument can do for determinism is present it as a clear and appealing idea that someone would be foolish not to believe, as long as they adhere to the important scientific principle that the world must be one continuous reality, and that predicting everything without exception should ideally, if not actually, be possible. It is a moral principle about the Universe, the principle that what should happen can happen, and that bad actions cannot be predetermined, but that good ones must be possible in their place, which would lead someone to take the opposite view. But when scientific and moral principles clash in this way and we can't find objective proof, the only path is voluntary choice, because skepticism itself, if it’s systematic, is also a voluntary choice. If, in the meantime, the will is undetermined, it seems reasonable that the belief in its indeterminacy should be a voluntary choice among other possible beliefs. Freedom’s first act should be to affirm itself. We should never expect to uncover the truth in any other way if indeterminism is a reality. Doubt about this particular truth will probably remain with us indefinitely, and the most that a[Pg 574] believer in free will can ever do is demonstrate that the deterministic arguments are not compelling. That they are appealing, I will not deny; nor will I deny that it may take effort to maintain faith in freedom when those arguments press against it.

There is a fatalistic argument for determinism, however, which is radically vicious. When a man has let himself go time after time, he easily becomes impressed with the enormously preponderating influence of circumstances, hereditary habits, and temporary bodily dispositions over what might seem a spontaneity born for the occasion. "All is fate," he then says; "all is resultant of what pre-exists. Even if the moment seems original, it is but the instable molecules passively tumbling in their preappointed way. It is hopeless to resist the drift, vain to look for any new force coming in; and less, perhaps, than anywhere else under the sun is there anything really mine in the decisions which I make." This is really no argument for simple determinism. There runs throughout it the sense of a force which might make things otherwise from one moment to another, if it were only strong enough to breast the tide. A person who feels the impotence of free effort in this way has the acutest notion of what is meant by it, and of its possible independent power. How else could he be so conscious of its absence and of that of its effects? But genuine determinism occupies a totally different ground; not the impotence but the unthinkability of free-will is what it affirms. It admits something phenomenal called free effort, which seems to breast the tide, but it claims this as a portion of the tide. The variations of the effort cannot be independent, it says; they cannot originate ex nihilo, or come from a fourth dimension; they are mathematically fixed functions of the ideas themselves, which are the tide. Fatalism, which conceives of effort clearly enough as an independent variable that might come from a fourth dimension if it would come, but that does not come, is a very dubious ally for determinism. It strongly imagines that very possibility which determinism denies.

There’s a fatalistic argument for determinism that is completely flawed. When someone continually lets themselves go, they can easily become overwhelmed by the significant influence of circumstances, inherited habits, and temporary physical conditions on what may seem like a spontaneous action for the moment. “Everything is fate,” they might say; “everything is the result of what has already existed. Even if the moment feels unique, it’s just the unstable molecules passively falling into their predetermined paths. It’s pointless to resist the current, useless to expect any new force to come in; and maybe the decisions I make have nothing truly belonging to me.” This isn’t really an argument for simple determinism. There’s a hint throughout it of a force that could change things from one moment to another if it were strong enough to overcome the current. A person who senses the impotence of free effort in this way has a clear understanding of what it means and its potential independent power. How else could they be so aware of its absence and its effects? But true determinism is based on completely different reasoning; it affirms not the impotence but the unthinkability of free will. It acknowledges something phenomenal called free effort, which seems to resist the current, but claims this is just a part of the current. The variations in the effort cannot be independent, it argues; they cannot emerge ex nihilo, or come from a fourth dimension; they are mathematically predetermined functions of the ideas themselves, which are the current. Fatalism, which clearly sees effort as an independent variable that could come from a fourth dimension if it would come, but doesn’t, is a very questionable supporter of determinism. It strongly imagines the very possibility that determinism denies.

But what, quite as much as the inconceivability of absolutely independent variables, persuades modern men[Pg 575] of science that their efforts must be predetermined, is the continuity of the latter with other phenomena whose predetermination no one doubts. Decisions with effort merge so gradually into those without it that it is not easy to say where the limit lies. Decisions without effort merge again into ideo-motor, and these into reflex acts; so that the temptation is almost irresistible to throw the formula which covers so many cases over absolutely all. Where there is effort just as where there is none, the ideas themselves which furnish the matter of deliberation are brought before the mind by the machinery of association. And this machinery is essentially a system of arcs and paths, a reflex system, whether effort be amongst its incidents or not. The reflex way is, after all, the universal way of conceiving the business. The feeling of ease is a passive result of the way in which the thoughts unwind themselves. Why is not the feeling of effort the same? Professor Lipps, in his admirably clear deterministic statement, so far from admitting that the feeling of effort testifies to an increment of force exerted, explains it as a sign that force is lost. We speak of effort, according to him, whenever a force expends itself (wholly or partly) in neutralizing another force, and so fails of its own possible outward effect. The outward effect of the antagonistic force, however, also fails in corresponding measure, "so that there is no effort without counter-effort,... and effort and counter-effort signify only that causes are mutually robbing each other of effectiveness."[499] Where the forces are ideas, both sets of them, strictly speaking, are the seat of effort—both those which tend to explode, and those which tend to check them. We, however, call the more abundant mass of ideas ourselves; and, talking of its effort as our effort, and of that of the smaller mass of ideas as the resistance,[500] we say that our effort sometimes overcomes the resistances offered by the inertias of an obstructed, and sometimes[Pg 576] those presented by the impulsions of an explosive, will. Really both effort and resistance are ours, and the identification of our self with one of these factors is an illusion and a trick of speech. I do not see how anyone can fail (especially when the mythologic dynamism of separate 'ideas,' which Professor Lipps cleaves to, is translated into that of brain-processes) to recognize the fascinating simplicity of some such view as his. Nor do I see why for scientific purposes one need give it up even if indeterminate amounts of effort really do occur. Before their indeterminism, science simply stops. She can abstract from it altogether, then; for in the impulses and inhibitions with which the effort has to cope there is already a larger field of uniformity than she can ever practically cultivate. Her prevision will never foretell, even if the effort be completely predestinate, the actual way in which each individual emergency is resolved. Psychology will be Psychology,[501] and Science Science, as much as ever (as much and no more) in this world, whether free will be true in it or not. Science, however, must be constantly reminded that her purposes are not the only purposes, and that the order of uniform causation which she has use for, and is therefore right in postulating, may be enveloped in a wider order, on which she has no claims at all.

But what convinces modern scientists just as much as the idea that completely independent variables are unimaginable, is the way these efforts connect with other phenomena whose predetermination is widely accepted. Decisions involving effort blend so smoothly into those without it that it’s hard to pinpoint where one ends and the other begins. Decisions without effort merge into ideo-motor responses, which then link to reflex actions; so the urge to apply the same formula to nearly everything is hard to resist. Whether there is effort or not, the ideas that shape our decisions come to mind through the process of association. This process is fundamentally a network of connections, a reflex system, regardless of whether effort is part of it or not. The reflex method is ultimately the universal way of understanding the situation. The feeling of ease is a passive outcome of how thoughts unwind. So why isn’t the feeling of effort the same? Professor Lipps, in his clearly articulated deterministic viewpoint, instead of suggesting that the feeling of effort indicates an increase in exerted force, describes it as a sign of lost force. According to him, we talk about effort when a force is spent (either fully or partially) to counter another force, leading to a failure in achieving its potential outward effect. The outward effect of the opposing force also diminishes correspondingly, “so that there is no effort without counter-effort,... and effort and counter-effort merely show that causes are mutually diminishing each other’s effectiveness.” Where the forces are ideas, both types actually embody effort—those that seek to burst forth, and those that aim to restrain them. We identify the larger collection of ideas as ourselves; and, discussing its effort as our effort, while referring to the smaller set of ideas as the resistance, we claim that our effort sometimes overcomes the resistances posed by inertia, and sometimes those presented by the driving forces of an explosive will. In truth, both effort and resistance are ours, and aligning our self with just one of these factors is an illusion and a linguistic trick. I don’t understand how anyone could miss (especially when the mythological concept of separate 'ideas,' which Professor Lipps adheres to, is translated into that of brain processes) the intriguing simplicity of a perspective like his. I also don’t see why, for scientific purposes, it needs to be abandoned, even if indeterminate amounts of effort really exist. When faced with indeterminism, science simply stops. It can totally abstract from it, as in the impulses and inhibitions that the effort encounters, there is already a broader field of consistency than it can ever practically manage. Its predictions will never accurately foresee how each unique situation is resolved, even if the effort itself is entirely predestined. Psychology will remain Psychology, and Science will remain Science, as much as ever (as much and no more) in this world, whether free will exists in it or not. However, science must continually remember that its objectives are not the only ones, and that the order of uniform causation it relies on, and is justified in asserting, may exist within a larger order, which it cannot claim at all.

We can therefore leave the free-will question altogether out of our account. As we said in Chapter VI (vol. I. p. 453), the operation of free effort, if it existed, could only be to hold some one ideal object, or part of an object, a little longer or a little more intensely before the mind. Amongst the alternatives which present themselves as genuine possibles,[Pg 577] it would thus make one effective.[502] And although such quickening of one idea might be morally and historically momentous, yet, if considered dynamically, it would be an operation amongst those physiological infinitesimals which calculation must forever neglect.

We can therefore completely set aside the free will question. As we mentioned in Chapter VI (vol. I. p. 453), the function of free effort, if it existed, could only be to keep one ideal object, or part of an object, in focus a little longer or a little more intensely. Among the options that present themselves as genuine possibilities,[Pg 577] it would therefore make one effective.[502] And while such an intensification of one idea could be morally and historically significant, if viewed dynamically, it would be considered an operation among those physiological infinitesimals which calculations will always overlook.

But whilst eliminating the question about the amount of[Pg 578] our effort as one which psychology will never have a practical call to decide, I must say one word about the extraordinarily intimate and important character which the phenomenon of effort assumes in our own eyes as individual men. Of course we measure ourselves by many standards. Our strength and our intelligence, our wealth and even our good luck, are things which warm our heart and make us feel ourselves a match for life. But deeper than all such things, and able to suffice unto itself without them, is the sense of the amount of effort which we can put forth. Those are, after all, but effects, products, and reflections of the outer world within. But the effort seems to belong to an altogether different realm, as if it were the substantive thing which we are, and those were but externals which we carry. If the 'searching of our heart and reins' be the purpose of this human drama, then what is sought seems to be what effort we can make. He who can make none is but a shadow; he who can make much is a hero. The huge world that girdles us about puts all sorts of questions to us, and tests us in all sorts of ways. Some of the tests we meet by actions that are easy, and some of the questions we answer in articulately formulated words. But the deepest question that is ever asked admits of no reply but the dumb turning of the will and tightening of our heartstrings as we say, "Yes, I will even have it so!" When a dreadful object is presented, or when life as a whole turns up its dark abysses to our view, then the worthless ones among us lose their hold on the situation altogether, and either escape from its difficulties by averting their attention, or if they cannot do that, collapse into yielding masses of plaintiveness and fear. The effort required for facing and consenting to such objects is beyond their power to make. But the heroic mind does differently. To it, too, the objects are sinister and dreadful, unwelcome, incompatible with wished-for things. But it can face them if necessary, without for that losing its hold upon the rest of life. The world thus finds in the heroic man its worthy match and mate; and the effort which he is able to put forth to hold himself erect and keep his heart unshaken is the direct measure of his worth[Pg 579] and function in the game of human life. He can stand this Universe. He can meet it and keep up his faith in it in presence of those same features which lay his weaker brethren low. He can still find a zest in it, not by 'ostrich-like forgetfulness,' but by pure inward willingness to face the world with those deterrent objects there. And hereby he becomes one of the masters and the lords of life. He must be counted with henceforth; he forms a part of human destiny. Neither in the theoretic nor in the practical sphere do we care for, or go for help to, those who have no head for risks, or sense for living on the perilous edge. Our religious life lies more, our practical life lies less, than it used to, on the perilous edge. But just as our courage is so often a reflex of another's courage, so our faith is apt to be, as Max Müller somewhere says, a faith in some one else's faith. We draw new life from the heroic example. The prophet has drunk more deeply than anyone of the cup of bitterness, but his countenance is so unshaken and he speaks such mighty words of cheer that his will becomes our will, and our life is kindled at his own.

But while removing the question about the amount of[Pg 578] effort as one that psychology will never practically address, I need to mention the extremely intimate and important nature of the phenomenon of effort in our eyes as individuals. We measure ourselves by many standards, of course. Our strength and intelligence, our wealth and even our good luck, are things that warm our hearts and make us feel ready to tackle life. But deeper than all that, and sufficient on its own, is the sense of the effort we can exert. Those are just effects, products, and reflections of the external world within us. But effort seems to belong to a completely different realm, as if it’s the fundamental thing that we are, while those are just the external factors we carry. If the "searching of our heart and reins" is the purpose of this human drama, then what we seek seems to be the effort we can make. Those who can exert no effort are merely shadows; those who can put in a lot are heroes. The vast world around us throws all kinds of questions our way and tests us in various ways. Some tests we meet with easy actions, and some questions we answer in clearly articulated words. But the deepest question asked can only accept the silent turning of the will and the tightening of our heartstrings as we say, "Yes, I will even have it so!" When faced with a terrible situation, or when life reveals its darkest depths, the weaker among us lose their grip on reality entirely, either avoiding the difficulties by diverting their attention or, if they can’t do that, collapsing into a heap of sadness and fear. The effort needed to confront and accept such situations is beyond their capability. But the heroic mind operates differently. To it, too, the situations are grim and frightening, unwelcome, and at odds with what is desired. Yet it can confront them if necessary without losing touch with the rest of life. Thus, the world finds in the heroic person a worthy counterpart; the effort they can put forth to remain standing and keep their heart steady is a direct measure of their value[Pg 579] and role in the game of human life. They can stand this Universe. They can face it and maintain their faith in it despite the same harsh realities that bring lower spirits down. They can still find joy in it, not through 'ostrich-like forgetfulness,' but through a genuine inner willingness to confront the world with those daunting realities present. And in doing so, they become one of life's masters and leaders. They must be considered from now on; they are part of human destiny. In both theoretical and practical realms, we don’t seek help from those who can’t handle risks or live on the edge. Our religious life is now more, and our practical life is less, than it used to be on that dangerous edge. But just as our courage is often a reflection of someone else’s, our faith tends to be, as Max Müller once said, a faith in someone else’s faith. We draw new energy from heroic examples. The prophet drinks more deeply from the cup of bitterness than anyone, but his expression is so unwavering and he speaks such powerful words of encouragement that his will becomes our will, and our lives are ignited by his own.

Thus not only our morality but our religion, so far as the latter is deliberate, depend on the effort which we can make. "Will you or won't you have it so?" is the most probing question we are ever asked; we are asked it every hour of the day, and about the largest as well as the smallest, the most theoretical as well as the most practical, things. We answer by consents or non-consents and not by words. What wonder that these dumb responses should seem our deepest organs of communication with the nature of things! What wonder if the effort demanded by them be the measure of our worth as men! What wonder if the amount which we accord of it be the one strictly underived and original contribution which we make to the world!

Thus, not only our morals but our religion, as far as it is intentional, depend on the effort we put in. "Will you or won't you have it that way?" is the most challenging question we face; it's asked of us every hour of the day, concerning both big and small, theoretical and practical matters. We respond with consents or non-consents rather than words. It’s no surprise that these silent responses appear to be our deepest means of communicating with the essence of things! It’s no surprise if the effort they require becomes the measure of our worth as individuals! It's no surprise if the amount we give is the one true, original contribution we make to the world!

THE EDUCATION OF THE WILL.

The education of the will may be taken in a broader or a narrower sense. In the broader sense, it means the whole of one's training to moral and prudential conduct, and of one's learning to adapt means to ends, involving the 'association of ideas,' in all its varieties and complications,[Pg 580] together with the power of inhibiting impulses irrelevant to the ends desired, and of initiating movements contributory thereto. It is the acquisition of these latter powers which I mean by the education of the will in the narrower sense. And it is in this sense alone that it is worth while to treat the matter here.[503]

The education of the will can be understood in a broader or narrower way. In the broader sense, it refers to all of one's training for moral and practical behavior, and learning to match means to ends, involving the 'association of ideas' in all its forms and complexities,[Pg 580] along with the ability to suppress impulses that don’t relate to the desired goals, and to start actions that help achieve those goals. The development of these latter abilities is what I mean by the education of the will in the narrower sense. It is in this specific sense that it is worthwhile to discuss the topic here.[503]

Since a willed movement is a movement preceded by an idea of itself, the problem of the will's education is the problem of how the idea of a movement can arouse the movement itself. This, as we have seen, is a secondary kind of process; for framed as we are, we can have no a priori idea of a movement, no idea of a movement which we have not already performed. Before the idea can be generated, the movement must have occurred in a blind, unexpected way, and left its idea behind. Reflex, instinctive, or random execution of a movement must, in other words, precede its voluntary execution. Reflex and instinctive movements have already been considered sufficiently for the purposes of this book. 'Random' movements are mentioned so as to include quasi-accidental reflexes from inner causes, or movements possibly arising from such overflow of nutrition in special centres as Prof. Bain postulates in his explanation of those 'spontaneous discharges' by which he sets such great store in his derivation of the voluntary life.[504]

Since a willed movement is one that starts with a concept of itself, the question of teaching the will is really about how the idea of a movement can trigger that movement itself. As we've discussed, this is a secondary process; given our nature, we can't have a prior idea of a movement, meaning we can't think of a movement that we haven't already done. Before the idea can take shape, the movement must happen in a spontaneous, unexpected manner, leaving behind its concept. In other words, reflexive, instinctive, or random actions must happen before we can execute a movement voluntarily. Reflexive and instinctive movements have already been covered enough for this book. 'Random' movements are mentioned to include quasi-accidental reflexes triggered by internal causes, or actions that may result from such an overflow of energy in specific areas, as Prof. Bain suggests in his explanation of those 'spontaneous discharges' which he values highly in his theory of voluntary action.[504]

Now how can the sensory process which a movement has previously produced, discharge, when excited again, into the centre for the movement itself? On the movement's original occurrence the motor discharge came first and the sensory process second; now in the voluntary repetition the sensory process (excited in weak or 'ideational' form) comes first, and the motor discharge comes second. To tell how this comes to pass would be to answer the problem of the education of the will in physiological terms. Evidently the problem is that of the formation of new paths; and the[Pg 581] only thing to do is to make hypotheses, till we find some which seem to cover all the facts.

Now how can the sensory process created by a movement earlier discharge, when triggered again, into the center for the movement itself? In the movement's initial occurrence, the motor discharge happened first and the sensory process followed; now in the voluntary repetition, the sensory process (activated in a weak or 'ideational' form) comes first, and the motor discharge follows. Explaining how this happens would solve the problem of will education in physiological terms. Clearly, the issue involves the creation of new paths; and the[Pg 581] only thing to do is to make hypotheses until we find some that seem to explain all the facts.

How is a fresh path ever formed? All paths are paths of discharge, and the discharge always takes place in the direction of least resistance, whether the cell which discharges be 'motor' or 'sensory.' The connate paths of least resistance are the paths of instinctive reaction; and I submit as my first hypothesis that these paths all run one way, that is from 'sensory' cells into 'motor' cells and from motor cells into muscles, without ever taking the reverse direction. A motor cell, for example, never awakens a sensory cell directly, but only through the incoming current caused by the bodily movements to which its discharge gives rise. And a sensory cell always discharges or normally tends to discharge towards the motor region. Let this direction be called the 'forward' direction. I call the law an hypothesis, but really it is an indubitable truth. No impression or idea of eye, ear, or skin comes to us without occasioning a movement, even though the movement be no more than the accommodation of the sense-organ; and all our trains of sensation and sensational imagery have their terms alternated and interpenetrated with motor processes, of most of which we practically are unconscious. Another way of stating the rule is to say that, primarily or connately, all currents through the brain run towards the Rolandic region, and that there they run out, and never return upon themselves. From this point of view the distinction of sensory and motor cells has no fundamental significance. All cells are motor; we simply call those of the Rolandic region, those nearest the mouth of the funnel, the motor cells par excellence.

How is a new pathway ever created? All pathways are paths of discharge, and this discharge always occurs in the direction of least resistance, whether the cell doing the discharging is 'motor' or 'sensory.' The innate paths of least resistance are the paths of instinctive reaction; and I propose as my first hypothesis that these paths all lead in one direction, specifically from 'sensory' cells to 'motor' cells and from motor cells to muscles, without ever going in the opposite direction. A motor cell, for example, never directly activates a sensory cell, but only through the incoming current caused by the bodily movements that its discharge triggers. And a sensory cell always discharges or tends to discharge towards the motor region. Let’s call this direction the 'forward' direction. I refer to this law as a hypothesis, but in fact, it is an undeniable truth. No impression or idea from the eye, ear, or skin reaches us without causing some movement, even if that movement is just the adjustment of the sense organ; and all our experiences of sensation and sensory imagery are intertwined and mixed with motor processes, most of which we are largely unaware of. Another way to express this rule is to say that, primarily or innately, all currents through the brain move towards the Rolandic region, and there they terminate, never circling back. From this perspective, the distinction between sensory and motor cells is not fundamentally significant. All cells are motor; we just refer to those in the Rolandic region, the ones closest to the mouth of the funnel, as the motor cells par excellence.

A corollary of this law is that 'sensory' cells do not awaken each other connately; that is, that no one sensible property of things has any tendency, in advance of experience, to awaken in us the idea of any other sensible properties which in the nature of things may go with it. There is no a priori calling up of one 'idea' by another; the only a priori couplings are of ideas with movements. All suggestions of one sensible fact by another[Pg 582] take place by secondary paths which experience has formed.

A consequence of this law is that 'sensory' cells don't trigger each other naturally; meaning that no single sensory quality of things has any tendency, before experience, to bring to mind the idea of any other sensory qualities that may naturally occur with it. There’s no prior invoking of one 'idea' by another; the only a priori connections are between ideas and movements. All suggestions of one sensory fact by another[Pg 582] happen through secondary pathways shaped by experience.

Fig. 87.

The diagram (Fig. 87)[505] shows what happens in a nervous system ideally reduced to the fewest possible terms. A stimulus reaching the sense-organ awakens the sensory cell, S; this by the connate or instinctive path discharges the motor cell, M, which makes the muscle contract; and the contraction arouses the second sensory cell, K, which may be the organ either of a 'resident' or 'kinæsthetic,' or of a 'remote,' sensation. (See above, p. 488.) This cell K again discharges into M. If this were the entire nervous mechanism, the movement, once begun, would be self-maintaining, and would stop only when the parts were exhausted. And this, according to M. Pierre Janet, is what actually happens in catalepsy. A cataleptic patient is anæsthetic, speechless, motionless. Consciousness, so far as we can judge, is abolished. Nevertheless the limbs will retain whatever position is impressed upon them from without, and retain it so long that if it be a strained and unnatural position, the phenomenon is regarded by Charcot as one of the few conclusive tests against hypnotic subjects shamming, since hypnotics can be made cataleptic,[Pg 583] and then keep their limbs outstretched for a length of time quite unattainable by the waking will. M. Janet thinks that in all these cases the outlying ideational processes in the brain are temporarily thrown out of gear. The kinæsthetic sensation of the raised arm, for example, is produced in the patient when the operator raises the arm, this sensation discharges into the motor cell, which through the muscle reproduces the sensation, etc., the currents running in this closed circle until they grow so weak, by exhaustion of the parts, that the member slowly drops. We may call this circle from the muscle to K, from K to M, and from M to the muscle again, the 'motor circle.' We should all be cataleptics and never stop a muscular contraction once begun, were it not that other processes simultaneously going on inhibit the contraction. Inhibition is therefore not an occasional accident; it is an essential and unremitting element of our cerebral life. It is interesting to note that Dr. Mercier, by a different path of reasoning, is also led to conclude that we owe to outside inhibitions exclusively our power to arrest a movement once begun.[506]

The diagram (Fig. 87)[505] illustrates how a nervous system can be simply understood in basic terms. When a stimulus hits the sense-organ, it triggers the sensory cell, S; this cell then activates the motor cell, M, through an instinctive pathway, causing the muscle to contract. This contraction then stimulates the second sensory cell, K, which can be related to either a 'resident' or 'kinesthetic' sensation, or a 'remote' sensation. (See above, p. 488.) This cell K again activates M. If this were the complete nervous system, once the movement started, it would keep going on its own and would only stop when the muscles got tired. According to M. Pierre Janet, this is what happens in catalepsy. A cataleptic patient appears unconscious, unable to speak or move. From what we can tell, consciousness is gone. However, their limbs can stay in any position that is imposed on them from outside, maintaining that position so long that if it's a strained and unnatural one, Charcot considers this one of the few reliable tests against hypnotized individuals feigning, since hypnotics can be made cataleptic,[Pg 583] and can hold their limbs extended for a duration that a fully aware person couldn’t. M. Janet believes that in all these instances, the surrounding thought processes in the brain are temporarily disrupted. For example, when the operator raises the patient’s arm, the kinesthetic sensation of the raised arm is generated, and this sensation activates the motor cell, which then reproduces the sensation through the muscle, creating a loop of activity until the currents weaken from the exhaustion of the muscles, causing the arm to finally drop. We can refer to this loop between the muscle, K, M, and back to the muscle as the 'motor circle.' We would all be cataleptics and never stop a muscle contraction once it starts if it weren't for other processes happening simultaneously that inhibit the contraction. Inhibition is therefore not just a random occurrence; it is a crucial and constant aspect of our brain function. It's interesting to point out that Dr. Mercier, through a different line of reasoning, also concludes that our ability to stop a movement once it begins is entirely due to external inhibitions.[506]

One great inhibitor of the discharge of K into M seems to be the painful or otherwise displeasing quality of the sensation itself of K; and conversely, when this sensation is distinctly pleasant, that fact tends to further K's discharge into M, and to keep the primordial motor circle agoing. Tremendous as the part is which pleasure and pain play in our psychic life, we must confess that absolutely nothing is known of their cerebral conditions. It is hard to imagine them as having special centres; it is harder still to invent peculiar forms of process in each and every centre, to which these feelings may be due. And let one try as one will to represent the cerebral activity in exclusively mechanical terms, I, for one, find it quite impossible to enumerate what seem to be the facts and yet to make no mention of the psychic side which they possess. However it be with other drainage currents and discharges, the drainage currents and discharges of the brain are not purely physical facts. They are psycho-physical facts, and the[Pg 584] spiritual quality of them seems a codeterminant of their mechanical effectiveness. If the mechanical activities in a cell, as they increase, give pleasure, they seem to increase all the more rapidly for that fact; if they give displeasure, the displeasure seems to damp the activities. The psychic side of the phenomenon thus seems, somewhat like the applause or hissing at a spectacle, to be an encouraging or adverse comment on what the machinery brings forth. The soul presents nothing herself; creates nothing; is at the mercy of the material forces for all possibilities; but amongst these possibilities she selects; and by reinforcing one and checking others, she figures not as an 'epiphenomenon,' but as something from which the play gets moral support. I shall therefore never hesitate to invoke the efficacy of the conscious comment, where no strictly mechanical reason appears why a current escaping from a cell should take one path rather than another.[507] But the existence of the current, and its tendency towards either path, I feel bound to account for by mechanical laws.

One major blocker for the release of K into M seems to be the painful or otherwise unpleasant nature of the sensation that K brings; conversely, when this sensation is clearly pleasant, it tends to promote K's release into M and keep the basic motor loop going. While pleasure and pain have a huge role in our mental life, we must admit that we really don't know anything about their brain-based conditions. It's hard to picture them having specific centers; it's even harder to come up with unique processes in each and every center that could explain these feelings. No matter how much one tries to describe brain activity purely in mechanical terms, I personally find it impossible to list the facts without mentioning the mental side they involve. Just as with other drainage currents and releases, the brain's currents and releases aren't simply physical phenomena. They're psycho-physical facts, and the spiritual aspect of them seems to play a role in their mechanical effectiveness. If the mechanical activities in a cell, as they increase, produce pleasure, they seem to speed up even more because of it; if they cause displeasure, that displeasure seems to slow down the activities. The mental aspect of the phenomenon seems, somewhat like the applause or booing at a show, to be a supportive or negative comment on what the machinery produces. The soul doesn't present anything itself; creates nothing; is dependent on material forces for all possibilities; but among these possibilities, it selects; and by reinforcing some and holding back others, it acts not as an 'epiphenomenon,' but as something that provides moral support to the performance. Therefore, I will never hesitate to call upon the power of conscious feedback when there is no strictly mechanical reason explaining why a current escaping from a cell should choose one path over another.[507] However, I feel obligated to explain the existence of the current and its tendency toward either path using mechanical laws.


Having now considered a nervous system reduced to its lowest possible terms, in which all the paths are connate, and the possibilities of inhibition not extrinsic, but due solely to the agreeableness or disagreeableness of the feeling aroused, let us turn to the conditions under which new paths may be formed. Potentialities of new paths are furnished by the fibres which connect the sensory cells amongst themselves; but these fibres are not originally pervious, and have to be made so by a process which I proceed hypothetically to state as follows: Each discharge from a sensory cell in the forward direction[508] tends to drain the cells lying behind the discharging one of whatever tension they may possess. The drainage from the rearward cells is what for the first time makes the fibres pervious. The result is a new-formed 'path,' running from the cells which were 'rearward' to the cell which was 'forward' on that occasion; which path, if on future occasions the rearward cells are independently excited, will tend to carry off their activity in the same direction so as to excite the[Pg 585] forward cell, and will deepen itself more and more every time it is used.

Having now looked at a nervous system simplified to its most basic form, where all pathways are innate and the potential for inhibition is not external but entirely based on whether the feeling is pleasant or unpleasant, let’s explore the conditions under which new pathways can be created. The potential for new pathways comes from the fibers that connect sensory cells to one another; however, these fibers are not originally open and need to be made so through a process that I will state hypothetically as follows: Each signal sent from a sensory cell toward the front[508] tends to drain the cells behind the signaling one of whatever tension they may have. The drainage from the rear cells is what, for the first time, makes the fibers open. The result is a newly formed 'path' that runs from the 'rear' cells to the 'forward' cell on that occasion; this path, if on future occasions the rear cells are activated independently, will carry their activity in the same direction in order to stimulate the[Pg 585] forward cell, and will become stronger and more defined each time it is used.

Now the 'rearward cells,' so far, stand for all the sensory cells of the brain other than the one which is discharging; but such an indefinitely broad path would practically be no better than no path, so here I make a third hypothesis, which, taken together with the others, seems to me to cover all the facts. It is that the deepest paths are formed from the most drainable to the most draining cells; that the most drainable cells are those which have just been discharging, and that the most draining cells are those which are now discharging or in which the tension is rising towards the point of discharge.[509] Another diagram, Fig. 88, will make the matter clear.

Now the 'rearward cells' represent all the sensory cells of the brain except for the one that is currently discharging; however, such a broad definition wouldn't really be useful, so here I propose a third hypothesis that, when combined with the others, seems to explain all the facts. It is that the deepest pathways are formed from the cells that can discharge easily to those that are more taxing to discharge; that the cells that discharge easily are those that have just finished discharging, and that the cells that are more taxing to discharge are those that are currently discharging or where the activity is building up towards discharge.[509] Another diagram, Fig. 88, will clarify this further.

Fig. 88.

Take the operation represented by the previous diagram at the moment when, the muscular contraction having occurred, the cell K is discharging forward into M. Through the dotted line p it will, according to our third hypothesis, drain S (which, in the supposed case, has just discharged into M by the connate path P, and caused the muscular contraction), and the result is that p will now remain as a new path open from S to K. When next S is excited from without it will tend not only to discharge into M, but into K as well. K thus gets excited directly by S before it gets excited by the incoming current from the muscle; or, translated into psychic terms: when a sensation has once produced a movement in us, the next time we have the sensation, it tends to suggest the idea of the movement, even before the movement occurs.[510]

Take the operation shown in the previous diagram at the moment when, after the muscle contraction has occurred, cell K is sending out a signal to M. Through the dotted line p, it will, based on our third hypothesis, drain S (which, in this scenario, has just sent a signal to M via the connected path P, causing the muscle contraction), and as a result, p will now serve as a new path from S to K. When S is stimulated externally next time, it will not only send a signal to M, but also to K. K thus becomes excited directly by S before it is activated by the incoming signal from the muscle; or, to put it in psychological terms: when a sensation has triggered a movement in us once, the next time we experience that sensation, it tends to evoke the thought of the movement, even before the movement takes place.[510]

The same principles also apply to the relations of K and M. M, lying in the forward direction, drains K, and the path KM, even though it be no primary or connate path, becomes a secondary or habitual one. Hereafter K may be aroused in any way whatsoever (not as before from S or from without) and still it will tend to discharge into M; or, to express it again in psychic terms, the idea of the movement M's sensory effects will have become an immediately antecedent condition to the production of the movement itself.

The same principles apply to the relationship between K and M. M, positioned in front, draws from K, and the path KM, even though it isn't a primary or inherent path, becomes a secondary or habitual one. From now on, K can be triggered in any way (not just from S or from outside) and it will still tend to flow into M; or, to put it another way in psychological terms, the idea of M's sensory effects will have become a direct precursor to the actual movement itself.

Here, then, we have the answer to our original question of how a sensory process which, the first time it occurred, was the effect of a movement, can later figure as the movement's cause.

Here, we have the answer to our original question about how a sensory process that, the first time it happened, was the result of a movement, can later be seen as the cause of that movement.


It is obvious on this scheme that the cell which we have marked K may stand for the seat of either a resident or a remote sensation occasioned by the motor discharge. It may indifferently be a tactile, a visual, or an auditory cell. The idea of how the arm feels when raised may cause it to rise; but no less may the idea of some sound which it makes in rising, or of some optical impression which it produces. Thus we see that the 'mental cue' may belong to either of various senses; and that what our diagrams lead us to infer is what really happens; namely, that in our movements, such as that of speech, for example, in some of us it is the tactile, in others the acoustic, Effectsbild, or memory-image, which seems most concerned in starting the articulation (Vol. I. pp. 54-5). The primitive 'starters,' however, of all our movements are not Effectsbilder at all, but sensations and objects, and subsequently ideas derived therefrom.

It’s clear from this diagram that the cell we've labeled K can represent the source of either a local or distant sensation triggered by motor activity. It could be a touch, a sight, or a sound cell. The sensation of how the arm feels when it’s raised might make it elevate; however, it could just as easily be the thought of some sound it produces while rising, or of some visual impression it creates. This shows that the 'mental cue' can come from different senses; our diagrams suggest what actually occurs, meaning that during our actions—like speech, for instance—for some of us, it’s the tactile, while for others, it’s the acoustic Effectsbild or memory-image that plays a key role in initiating articulation (Vol. I. pp. 54-5). The primitive 'starters' for all our movements aren’t Effectsbilder at all, but rather sensations and objects, followed by ideas derived from them.


Let us now turn to the more complex and serially concatenated movements which oftenest meet us in real life. The object of our will is seldom a single muscular contraction; it is almost always an orderly sequence of contractions, ending with a sensation which tells us that the goal is reached. But the several contractions of the sequence are not each distinctly willed; each earlier one seems rather, by the sensation it produces, to call its follower up, after the fashion described in Chapter VI, where we spoke of[Pg 587] habitual concatenated movements being due to a series of secondarily organized reflex arcs (Vol. I. p. 116). The first contraction is the one distinctly willed, and after willing it we let the rest of the chain rattle off of its own accord. How now is such an orderly concatenation of movements originally learned? or in other words, how are paths formed for the first time between one motor centre and another, so that the discharge of the first centre makes the others discharge in due order all along the line?

Let’s now look at the more complex and linked movements that we often encounter in real life. The goal of our will is rarely a single muscle contraction; it’s almost always a coordinated series of contractions, ending with a sensation that tells us we’ve reached our goal. However, each contraction in the sequence isn’t always distinctly willed; instead, each earlier one seems to trigger the next, as described in Chapter VI, where we discussed[Pg 587] habitual linked movements being the result of a set of secondarily organized reflex pathways (Vol. I. p. 116). The initial contraction is the one we consciously decide on, and after initiating it, we allow the rest of the chain to happen automatically. How is such an orderly sequence of movements originally learned? In other words, how are pathways created for the first time between one motor center and another, so that the activation of the first center causes the others to activate in sequence along the line?

The phenomenon involves a rapid alternation of motor discharges and resultant afferent impressions, for as long a time as it lasts. They must be associated in one definite order; and the order must once have been learned, i.e., it must have been picked out and held to more and more exclusively out of the many other random orders which first presented themselves. The random afferent impressions fell out, those that felt right were selected and grew together in the chain. A chain which we actively teach ourselves by stringing a lot of right-feeling impressions together differs in no essential respect from a chain which we passively learn from someone else who gives us impressions in a certain order. So to make our ideas more precise, let us take a particular concatenated movement for an example, and let it be the recitation of the alphabet, which someone in our childhood taught us to say by heart.

The phenomenon involves a quick switching between motor responses and the resulting sensory inputs, for as long as it lasts. They need to be connected in a specific order, and this order must have been learned, meaning it was chosen and maintained more exclusively from the various random orders that initially appeared. The random sensory inputs were discarded, while those that felt right were selected and linked together in a sequence. A sequence that we actively teach ourselves by combining many appropriate-feeling inputs is fundamentally the same as a sequence we passively learn from someone else who presents us with inputs in a specific order. To clarify our ideas, let’s use a specific series of movements as an example: the recitation of the alphabet, which someone taught us to memorize during our childhood.

What we have seen so far is how the idea of the sound or articulatory feeling of A may make us say 'A,' that of B, 'B,' and so on. But what we now want to see is why the sensation that A is uttered should make us say 'B,' why the sensation that B is uttered should make us say 'C,' and so on.

What we've looked at so far is how the sound or feel of saying A might lead us to say 'A,' the sound of B leads us to say 'B,' and so on. But now, what we want to explore is why the sensation of saying A makes us say 'B,' why the sensation of saying B makes us say 'C,' and so forth.

Fig. 89.

To understand this we must recall what happened when we first learned the letters in their order. Someone repeated A, B, C, D to us over and over again, and we imitated the sounds. Sensory cells corresponding to each letter were awakened in succession in such wise that each one of them (by virtue of our second law) must have 'drained' the cell just previously excited and left a path by which that cell tended ever afterwards to discharge into the cell that drained it. Let Sa, Sb, Sc in figure 89 stand for three of these cells. Each later one of them, as it discharges[Pg 588] motorwards, draws a current from the previous one, Sb from Sa, and Sc from Sb. Cell Sb having thus drained Sa, if Sa ever gets excited again, it tends to discharge into Sb; whilst Sc having drained Sb, Sb later discharges into Sc, etc., etc.—all through the dotted lines. Let now the idea of the letter A arise in the mind, or, in other words, let Sa be aroused: what happens? A current runs from Sa not only into the motor cell Ma for pronouncing that letter, but also into the cell Sb. When, a moment later, the effect of Ma's discharge comes back by the afferent nerve and re-excites Sa, this latter cell is inhibited from discharging again into Ma and reproducing the 'primordial motor circle' (which in this case would be the continued utterance of the letter A), by the fact that the process in Sb, already under headway and tending to discharge into its own motor associate Mb, is, under the existing conditions, the stronger drainage-channel for Sa's excitement. The result is that Mb discharges and the letter B is pronounced; whilst at the same [Pg 589]time Sc receives some of Sb's overflow; and, a moment later when the sound of B enters the ear, discharges into the motor cell for pronouncing C, by a repetition of the same mechanism as before; and so on ad libitum. Figure 90 represents the entire set of processes involved.

To grasp this, we should remember what happened when we first learned the alphabet. Someone repeated A, B, C, D to us repeatedly, and we copied the sounds. Sensory cells linked to each letter were activated in sequence so that each one (according to our second law) must have 'drained' the cell that was previously stimulated, creating a pathway for that cell to continue discharging into the cell that drained it. Let Sa, Sb, Sc in figure 89 represent three of these cells. Each subsequent cell, as it sends out signals[Pg 588] towards movement, pulls a current from the previous one: Sb from Sa, and Sc from Sb. If cell Sb has drained Sa, and Sa gets excited again, it tends to send a signal to Sb; similarly, Sc having drained Sb, sends a signal to Sc, and so on—all through the dotted lines. Now, if the idea of the letter A comes to mind, or in other words, if Sa is stimulated: what occurs? A current flows from Sa not only into the motor cell Ma for saying that letter, but also into the cell Sb. When, a moment later, the effect of Ma's signal returns through the sensory nerve and re-stimulates Sa, this cell is prevented from sending a signal again to Ma (which would mean continuously saying the letter A) because the process in Sb, already active and tending to signal its own motor associate Mb, is, under the current conditions, the stronger route for Sa's stimulation. The outcome is that Mb sends a signal, and the letter B is pronounced; meanwhile, Sc receives some of Sb's overflow; and shortly after, when the sound of B reaches the ear, it sends a signal to the motor cell for saying C, by repeating the same mechanism as before; and so on ad libitum. Figure 90 illustrates the entire set of processes involved.

Fig. 90.

The only thing that one does not immediately see is the reason why 'under the existing conditions' the path from Sa to Sb should be the stronger drainage-channel for Sa's excitement. If the cells and fibres in the figure constituted the entire brain we might suppose either a mechanical or a psychical reason. The mechanical reason might lie in a general law that cells like Sb and Mb, whose excitement is in a rising phase, are stronger drainers than cells like Ma, which have just discharged; or it might lie in the fact that an irradiation of the current beyond Sb into Sc and Mc has already begun also; and in a still farther law that drainage tends in the direction of the widest irradiations. Either of these suppositions would be a sufficient mechanical reason why, having once said A, we should not say it again. But we must not forget that the process has a psychical side, nor close our eyes to the possibility that the sort of feeling aroused by incipient currents may be the reason why certain of them are instantly inhibited and others helped to flow. There is no doubt that before we have uttered a single letter, the general intention to recite the alphabet is already there; nor is there any doubt that to that intention corresponds a widespread premonitory rising of tensions along the entire system of cells and fibres which are later to be aroused. So long as this rise of tensions feels good, so long every current which increases it is furthered, and every current which diminishes it is checked; and this may be the chief one of the 'existing conditions' which make the drainage-channel from Sa to Sb temporarily so strong.[511]

The only thing you don't immediately notice is why 'under the current conditions' the path from Sa to Sb is the stronger drainage channel for Sa's excitement. If the cells and fibers in the figure made up the entire brain, we might consider either a mechanical or a psychological reason. The mechanical reason could be a general rule that cells like Sb and Mb, which have excitement in an increasing phase, drain more effectively than cells like Ma, which have just discharged; or it might be due to the fact that a flow of current has already started moving past Sb into Sc and Mc; and there's also a broader principle that drainage tends to follow the paths of the widest currents. Either of these ideas would provide a sufficient mechanical explanation for why, once we've said A, we wouldn't say it again. However, we must not overlook the psychological aspect, nor ignore the possibility that the kind of feeling generated by initial currents might explain why some are immediately blocked while others are encouraged to flow. There's no doubt that before we've even spoken a single letter, the overall intention to recite the alphabet is already present; nor is there any doubt that this intention corresponds with a widespread premonitory increase in tensions throughout the whole system of cells and fibers that are later stimulated. As long as this increase in tensions feels good, every current that enhances it is supported, while every current that reduces it is inhibited; and this may be the main factor of the 'current conditions' that make the drainage channel from Sa to Sb temporarily so strong.[511]

The new paths between the sensory cells of which we have studied the formation are paths of 'association,' and we now see why associations run always in the forward[Pg 590] direction; why, for example, we cannot say the alphabet backward, and why, although Sb discharges into Sc, there is no tendency for Sc to discharge into Sb, or at least no more than for it to discharge into Sa.[512] The first-formed paths had, according to the principles which we invoked, to run from cells that had just discharged to those that were discharging; and now, to get currents to run the other way, we must go through a new learning of our letters with their order reversed. There will then be two sets of association-pathways, either of them possible, between the sensible cells. I represent them in Fig. 91, leaving out the motor features for simplicity's sake. The dotted lines are the paths in the backward direction, newly organized from the reception by the ear of the letters in the order C B A.

The new pathways between the sensory cells that we studied are called 'association' paths, and we can now understand why associations always move forward. For instance, we can't say the alphabet backward, and even though Sb discharges into Sc, there's no tendency for Sc to discharge into Sb, or at least no more than for it to discharge into Sa.[512] The initial paths were designed to run from cells that had just discharged to those that were currently discharging; and now, to make currents flow the other way, we need to learn our letters again with their order reversed. At that point, there will be two sets of association pathways, either of which is possible, between the sensory cells. I've illustrated them in Fig. 91, omitting the motor features for simplicity. The dotted lines represent the pathways in the backward direction, newly organized after the ear receives the letters in the order C B A.

Fig. 91.

The same principles will explain the formation of new paths successively concatenated to no matter how great an extent, but it would obviously be folly to pretend to illustrate by more intricate examples. I will therefore only bring back the case of the child and flame (Vol. I. p. 25), to show how easily it admits of explanation as a 'purely cortical transaction' (ibid. p. 80). The sight of the flame stimulates the cortical centre S1 which discharges by an instinctive [Pg 591]reflex path into the centre M1 for the grasping-movement. This movement produces the feeling of burn, as its effects come back to the centre S2; and this centre by a second connate path discharges into M2, the centre for withdrawing the hand. The movement of withdrawal stimulates the centre S3, and this, as far as we are concerned, is the last thing that happens. Now the next time the child sees the candle, the cortex is in possession of the secondary paths which the first experience left behind. S2, having been stimulated immediately after S1, drained the latter, and now S1 discharges into S2 before the discharge of M1 has had time to occur; in other words, the sight of the flame suggests the idea of the burn before it produces its own natural reflex effects. The result is an inhibition of M1, or an overtaking of it before it is completed, by M2.—The characteristic physiological feature in all these acquired systems of paths lies in the fact that the new-formed sensory irradiations keep draining things forward, and so breaking up the 'motor circles' which would otherwise accrue. But, even apart from catalepsy, we see the 'motor circle' every now and then come back. An infant learning to execute a simple movement at will, without regard to other movements beyond it, keeps repeating it till tired. How reiteratively they babble each new-learned word! And we adults often catch ourselves reiterating some meaningless word over and over again, if by chance we once begin to utter it 'absent-mindedly,' that is, without thinking of any ulterior train of words to which it may belong.

The same principles can explain the creation of new paths that link together to any extent, but it would clearly be pointless to illustrate this with more complicated examples. I will therefore return to the case of the child and the flame (Vol. I. p. 25) to demonstrate how easily it can be explained as a 'purely cortical transaction' (ibid. p. 80). The sight of the flame activates the cortical center S1, which instinctively triggers a reflex path into center M1, responsible for the grasping movement. This action creates the sensation of burning as its effects return to center S2; then, this center sends a signal through a second innate path to M2, which is the center for withdrawing the hand. The withdrawal movement activates center S3, and this, from our perspective, is the last action that occurs. The next time the child sees the candle, the cortex contains the secondary paths left from the first experience. Since S2 was activated right after S1, it drained S1, and now S1 sends signals to S2 before M1 has had time to respond; in other words, the sight of the flame prompts the idea of burning before it triggers its natural reflex actions. The result is an inhibition of M1, or M2 taking over before M1 is finished. The key physiological feature in all these newly formed systems of paths is that the fresh sensory signals keep draining things forward, breaking up the 'motor circles' that would otherwise form. But, aside from catalepsy, we occasionally see the 'motor circle' returning. An infant learning to perform a simple movement at will, without considering other movements, keeps repeating it until tired. How often they babble each new word they've learned! And we adults sometimes find ourselves repeating a meaningless word over and over again if we happen to start saying it 'absent-mindedly,' that is, without thinking of any related words that it might belong to.

Fig. 92.

One more observation before closing these already too protracted physiological speculations. Already (Vol. I. p. 71) I have tried to shadow forth a reason why collateral innervation[Pg 592] should establish itself after loss of brain-tissue, and why incoming stimuli should find their way out again, after an interval, by their former paths. I can now explain this a little better. Let S1 be the dog's hearing-centre when he receives the command 'Give your paw.' This used to discharge into the motor centre M1, of whose discharge S2 represents the kinæsthetic effect; but now M1 has been destroyed by an operation, so that S1 discharges as it can, into other movements of the body, whimpering, raising the wrong paw, etc. The kinæsthetic centre S2 meanwhile has been awakened by the order S1, and the poor animal's mind tingles with expectation and desire of certain incoming sensations which are entirely at variance with those which the really executed movements give. None of the latter sensations arouse a 'motor circle,' for they are displeasing and inhibitory. But when, by random accident, S1 and S2 do discharge into a path leading through M2, by which the paw is again given, and S2 is excited at last from without as well as from within, there are no inhibitions and the 'motor circle' is formed: S1 discharges into M2 over and over again, and the path from the one spot to the other is so much deepened that at last it becomes organized as the regular channel of efflux when S1 is aroused. No other path has a chance of being organized in like degree.

One more observation before wrapping up these already lengthy physiological speculations. Previously (Vol. I. p. 71), I attempted to suggest a reason why collateral innervation[Pg 592] establishes itself after brain tissue loss, and why incoming stimuli can find their way out again, after some time, through their previous pathways. I can now clarify this a bit more. Let S1 be the dog's hearing center when he receives the command 'Give your paw.' This used to activate the motor center M1, whose discharge S2 represents the kinesthetic effect; but now M1 has been removed through surgery, so S1 activates as best as it can, resulting in other body movements like whimpering or raising the wrong paw, etc. The kinesthetic center S2 has been triggered by the order S1, and the poor animal's mind is filled with anticipation and desire for certain incoming sensations that are completely different from those produced by the actual movements. None of these sensations activate a 'motor circle,' as they are unpleasant and inhibitory. However, when, by chance, S1 and S2 do connect through a pathway that includes M2, through which the paw is again given, and S2 is finally stimulated from both inside and outside, there are no inhibitions, and the 'motor circle' is formed: S1 continues to activate M2 repeatedly, and the route between the two points becomes so deeply established that it eventually gets organized as the regular channel of output when S1 is triggered. No other pathway has the opportunity to become organized to the same extent.

Fig. 93.

[430] Parts of this chapter have appeared in an essay called "The Feeling of Effort," published in the Anniversary Memoirs of the Boston Society of Natural History, 1880; and parts in Scribner's Magazine for Feb. 1888.

[430] Sections of this chapter were featured in an essay titled "The Feeling of Effort," which was published in the Anniversary Memoirs of the Boston Society of Natural History in 1880; and some parts also appeared in Scribner's Magazine in February 1888.

[431] I am abstracting at present for simplicity's sake, and so as to keep to the elements of the matter, from the learning of acts by seeing others do them.

[431] Right now, I’m simplifying things and focusing on the key elements of how we learn actions by watching others perform them.

[432] Deutsches Archiv f. Klin. Medicin, xxii. 321.

[432] German Archive for Clinical Medicine, vol. xxii, p. 321.

[433] Landry: Mémoire sur la Paralysie du Sens Musculaire, Gazette des Hôpitaux, 1855, p. 270.

[433] Landry: Study on Muscle Sensation Paralysis, Hospital Gazette, 1855, p. 270.

[434] Tàkacs: Ueber die Verspätung der Empfindungsleitung, Archiv für Psychiatrie, Bd. x. Heft 3, p. 533. Concerning all such cases see the remarks made above on pp. 205-6.

[434] Tàkacs: On the Delay of Sensory Transmission, Archive for Psychiatry, Vol. x, Issue 3, p. 533. For all such cases, see the comments mentioned above on pp. 205-6.

[435] Proceedings of American Soc. for Psychical Research, p. 95.

[435] Proceedings of American Society for Psychical Research, p. 95.

[436] In reality the movement cannot even be started correctly in some cases without the kinæsthetic impression. Thus Dr. Strümpell relates how turning over the boy's hand made him bend the little finger instead of the forefinger, when his eye was closed. "Ordered to point, e.g., towards the left with his left arm, the arm was usually raised straight forward, and then wandered about in groping uncertainty, sometimes getting the right position and then leaving it again. Similarly with the lower limbs. If the patient, lying in bed, had, immediately after the tying of his eyes, to lay the left leg over the right, it often happened that he moved it farther over towards the left, and that it lay over the side of the bed in apparently the most intolerably-uncomfortable position. The turning of the head, too, from right to left, or towards certain objects known to the patient, only ensued correctly when the patient, immediately before his eye was bandaged, specially refreshed his perception as to what the required movement was to be." In another anæsthetic of Dr. Strümpell's (described in the same essay) the arm could not be moved at all unless the eyes were opened, however energetic the volition. The variations in these hysteric cases are great. Some patients cannot move the anæsthetic part at all when the eyes are closed. Others move it perfectly well, and can even write continuous sentences with the anæsthetic hand. The causes of such differences are as yet incompletely unexplored. M. Binet suggests (Revue Philosophique, xxv. 478) that in those who cannot move the hand at all the sensation of light is required as a 'dynamogenic' agent (see above, p. 377); and that in those who can move it skilfully the anæsthesia is only a pseudo-insensibility and that the limb is in reality governed by a dissociated or secondary consciousness. This latter explanation is certainly correct. Professor G. E. Müller (Pflüger's Archiv, xlv. 90) invokes the fact of individual differences of imagination to account for the cases who cannot write at all. Their kinæsthetic images properly so called may be weak, he says, and their optical images insufficiently powerful to supplement them without a 'fillip' from sensation. Janet's observation that hysteric anæsthesias may carry amnesias with them would perfectly legitimate Müller's supposition. What we now want is a minute examination of the individual cases. Meanwhile Binet's article above referred to, and Bastian's paper in Brain for April 1887, contain important discussions of the question. In a later note I shall return to the subject again (see p. 520).

[436] In reality, the movement can't even be started correctly in some cases without the kinesthetic sensation. Dr. Strümpell shares how flipping over a boy's hand made him bend his little finger instead of his forefinger when his eyes were closed. "When asked to point, for example, to the left with his left arm, the arm was usually raised straight in front and then moved around in uncertain groping, sometimes hitting the right position and then losing it again. The same goes for the legs. If the patient, lying in bed, had to cross his left leg over his right immediately after his eyes were tied, it often happened that he pushed it too far to the left, causing it to rest over the edge of the bed in what seemed like the most uncomfortable position. Turning the head from right to left, or toward certain objects known to the patient, only happened correctly when the patient had specifically refreshed his perception of the required movement just before his eyes were covered." In another case described by Dr. Strümpell (in the same essay), the arm couldn't be moved at all unless the eyes were open, no matter how strong the intention. The variations in these hysterical cases are significant. Some patients can't move the anesthetic part at all with their eyes closed. Others can move it perfectly well and can even write continuous sentences with the anesthetic hand. The reasons for these differences remain underexplored. M. Binet suggests (Revue Philosophique, xxv. 478) that those who can't move their hand at all require the sensation of light as a 'dynamogenic' agent (see above, p. 377); and those who can move it skillfully may experience only a pseudosenosibility, with the limb actually controlled by a dissociated or secondary consciousness. This latter explanation is certainly accurate. Professor G. E. Müller (Pflüger's Archiv, xlv. 90) points to individual differences in imagination to explain cases where people can't write at all. Their kinesthetic images may be inherently weak, he says, and their optical images might not be strong enough to supplement them without a little 'boost' from sensation. Janet's observation that hysterical anesthesias may come with amnesias could perfectly back up Müller's hypothesis. What we now need is a detailed examination of individual cases. In the meantime, Binet's article mentioned above and Bastian's paper in Brain from April 1887 include important discussions on the matter. I will revisit this subject in a later note (see p. 520).

[437] Professor Beaunis found that the accuracy with which a certain tenor sang was not lost when his vocal cords were made anæsthetic by cocain. He concludes that the guiding sensations here are resident in the laryngeal muscles themselves. They are much more probably in the ear. (Beaunis, Les Sensations Internes (1889), p. 253).

[437] Professor Beaunis discovered that the precision with which a certain tenor sang remained intact even when his vocal cords were numbed with cocaine. He concludes that the sensations guiding this process are likely located in the laryngeal muscles themselves, though they are probably more associated with the ear. (Beaunis, Les Sensations Internes (1889), p. 253).

[438] As the feeling of heat, for example, is the last psychic antecedent of sweating, as the feeling of bright light is that of the pupil's contraction, as the sight or smell of carrion is that of the movements of disgust, as the remembrance of a blunder may be that of a blush, so the idea of a movement's sensible effects might be that of the movement itself. It is true that the idea of sweating will not commonly make us sweat, nor that of blushing make us blush. But in certain nauseated states the idea of vomiting will make us vomit; and a kind of sequence which is in this case realized only exceptionally might be the rule with the so-called voluntary muscles. It all depends on the nervous connections between the centres of ideation and the discharging paths. These may differ from one sort of centre to another. They do differ somewhat from one individual to another. Many persons never blush at the idea of their blunders, but only when the actual blunder is committed; others blush at the idea; and some do not blush at all. According to Lotze, with some persons "It is possible to weep at will by trying to recall that peculiar feeling in the trigeminal nerve which habitually precedes tears. Some can even succeed in sweating voluntarily, by the lively recollection of the characteristic skin-sensations, and the voluntary reproduction of an indescribable sort of feeling of relaxation, which ordinarily precedes the flow of perspiration." (Med. Psych., p. 303.) The commoner type of exceptional case is that in which the idea of the stimulus, not that of the effects, provokes the effects. Thus we read of persons who contract their pupils at will by strongly imagining a brilliant light. A gentleman once informed me (strangely enough I cannot recall who he was, but I have an impression of his being a medical man) that he could sweat at will by imagining himself on the brink of a precipice. The sweating palms of fear are sometimes producible by imagining a terrible object (cf. Manouvrier in Rev. Phil., xxii. 203). One of my students, whose eyes were made to water by sitting in the dentist's chair before a bright window, can now shed tears by imagining that situation again. One might doubtless collect a large number of idiosyncratic cases of this sort. They teach us how greatly the centres vary in their power to discharge through certain channels. All that we need, now, to account for the differences observed between the psychic antecedents of the voluntary and involuntary movements is that centres producing ideas of the movement's sensible effects should be able to instigate the former, but be out of gear with the latter, unless in exceptional individuals. The famous case of Col. Townsend, who could stop his heart at will, is well known. See, on this whole matter, D. H. Tuke: Illustrations of the Influence of the Mind on the Body, chap. xiv. § 3; also J. Braid: Observations on Trance or Human Hybernation (1850). The latest reported case of voluntary control of the heart is by Dr. S. A. Pease, in Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, May 30, 1889.

[438] Just like how the sensation of heat is the last mental trigger for sweating, how the perception of bright light leads to the contraction of the pupil, how the sight or scent of decay causes feelings of disgust, and how remembering a mistake can make us blush, the idea of a movement's noticeable effects might be linked to the movement itself. It's true that thinking about sweating usually doesn’t make us actually sweat, nor does thinking about blushing necessarily make us blush. However, in certain cases of nausea, just the thought of vomiting can trigger it; and a type of sequence that is rarely enacted in this context might happen more regularly with what we call voluntary muscles. This all depends on the neural connections between the idea centers and the pathways that execute these effects. These connections can vary from one type of center to another and also differ somewhat among individuals. Many people don’t blush just at the thought of their mistakes, but only when they actually make them; others might blush at the mere idea; and some don’t blush at all. According to Lotze, some people can "cry on demand by trying to recall that particular sensation in the trigeminal nerve that typically precedes tears." Some can even deliberately sweat by vividly remembering the specific skin sensations and voluntarily recreating a unique feeling of relaxation that normally happens before sweating begins. (Med. Psych., p. 303.) The more common type of exceptional cases is where the thought of the stimulus, rather than the effects, brings about those effects. For instance, we hear about people who can willfully contract their pupils by vividly imagining a bright light. A man once told me (strangely, I can't remember who he was, but I think he was in medicine) that he could sweat at will by picturing himself at the edge of a cliff. The sweaty palms that come from fear can sometimes be triggered by visualizing something terrifying (cf. Manouvrier in Rev. Phil., xxii. 203). One of my students, whose eyes watered while sitting in the dentist's chair in front of a bright window, can now cry just by imagining that situation again. One could probably gather many such unique cases. They show us how much the centers differ in their ability to activate certain pathways. To explain the differences we see between the mental triggers for voluntary and involuntary movements, we just need to consider that the centers generating ideas about a movement's observable effects may be able to initiate voluntary actions, but may not connect properly with involuntary actions unless in rare individuals. The well-known case of Col. Townsend, who could stop his heart at will, illustrates this point. For more on this topic, see D. H. Tuke: Illustrations of the Influence of the Mind on the Body, chap. xiv. § 3; also J. Braid: Observations on Trance or Human Hybernation (1850). The most recent reported case of voluntary heart control is by Dr. S. A. Pease, in Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, May 30, 1889.

[439] Prof. Harless, in an article which in many respects forestalls what I have to say (Der Apparat des Willens, in Fichte's Zeitschrift f. Philos., Bd. 38, 1861), uses the convenient word Effectsbild to designate these images.

[439] Prof. Harless, in an article that in many ways anticipates my arguments (Der Apparat des Willens, in Fichte's Zeitschrift f. Philos., Bd. 38, 1861), uses the handy term Effectsbild to refer to these images.

[440] The best modern statement I know is by Jaccoud: Des Paraplégies et de l'Ataxie du Mouvement (Paris, 1864), p. 591.

[440] The best modern statement I know is by Jaccoud: Des Paraplégies et de l'Ataxie du Mouvement (Paris, 1864), p. 591.

[441] Leidesdorf u. Meynert's Vierteljsch. f. Psychiatrie, Bd. i. Heft i. S. 36-7 (1867). Physiologische Psychologie, 1st ed. S. 316.

[441] Leidesdorf and Meynert's Quarterly Journal for Psychiatry, Vol. I, Issue I, pp. 36-7 (1867). Physiological Psychology, 1st ed. p. 316.

[442] Professor Fouillée, who defends them in the Revue Philosophique, xxviii, 561 ff., also admits (p. 574) that they are the same whatever be the movement, and that all our discrimination of which movement we are innervating is afferent, consisting of sensations after, and of sensory images before, the act.

[442] Professor Fouillée, who defends them in the Revue Philosophique, xxviii, 561 ff., also acknowledges (p. 574) that they are the same regardless of the movement, and that all our ability to distinguish which movement we are activating is based on sensations that occur after and sensory images that occur before the action.

[443] Cf. Souriau in Rev. Philosophique, xxii. 454.—Professor G. E. Müller thus describes some of his experiments with weights: If, after lifting a weight of 8000 grams a number of times we suddenly get a weight of only 500 grams to lift, "this latter weight is then lifted with a velocity which strikes every onlooker, so that the receptacle for the weight with all its contents often flies high up as if it carried the arm along with it, and the energy with which it is raised is sometimes so entirely out of proportion to the weight itself, that the contents of the receptacle are slung out upon the table in spite of the mechanical obstacles which such a result has to overcome. A more palpable proof that the trouble here is a wrong adaptation of the motor impulse could not be given." Pflüger's Archiv, xlv. 47. Compare also p. 57, and the quotation from Hering on the same page.

[443] See Souriau in Rev. Philosophique, xxii. 454.—Professor G. E. Müller describes some of his experiments with weights: If, after lifting a weight of 8000 grams several times, we suddenly have to lift only 500 grams, "this lighter weight is lifted with a speed that amazes everyone watching, to the point where the container for the weight and all its contents can shoot up as if it’s pulling the arm along with it, and the force with which it is lifted is so disproportionate to the weight itself that the contents are often thrown out onto the table despite the mechanical challenges that such an outcome needs to overcome. There couldn’t be a clearer demonstration that the issue here is a misalignment of the motor impulse." Pflüger's Archiv, xlv. 47. Also see p. 57, and the quotation from Hering on the same page.

[444] Archiv für Psychiatrie, iii. 618-635. Bernhardt strangely enough seems to think that what his experiments disprove is the existence of afferent muscular feelings, not those of efferent innervation—apparently because he deems that the peculiar thrill of the electricity ought to overpower all other afferent feelings from the part. But it is far more natural to interpret his results the other way, even aside from the certainty yielded by other evidence that passive muscular feelings exist. This other evidence, after being compendiously summed up by Sachs in Reichert und Du Bois' Archiv (1874), pp. 174-188, is, as far as the anatomical and physiological grounds go, again thrown into doubt by Mays, Zeitschrift f. Biologie, Bd. xx.

[444] Archive for Psychiatry, iii. 618-635. Bernhardt oddly seems to believe that his experiments disprove the existence of incoming muscular sensations, rather than those related to outgoing nerve signals—presumably because he thinks the unique sensation created by electricity should overshadow all other incoming sensations from that area. However, it makes much more sense to interpret his findings the opposite way, especially considering the strong evidence from elsewhere that passive muscular sensations do exist. This additional evidence, which was concisely summarized by Sachs in Reichert and Du Bois' Archive (1874), pp. 174-188, is, regarding anatomical and physiological basis, once again questioned by Mays in the Journal of Biology, Vol. xx.

[445] Functions of the Brain, p. 228.

[445] Functions of the Brain, p. 228.

[446] Vorlesungen über Menschen und Thierseele, i. 222.

[446] Lectures on Human and Animal Souls, i. 222.

[447] In some instances we get an opposite result. Dr. H. Charlton Bastian (British Medical Journal (1869), p. 461, note), says:

[447] In some cases, we end up with a contradictory outcome. Dr. H. Charlton Bastian (British Medical Journal (1869), p. 461, note) states:

"Ask a man whose lower extremities are completely paralyzed, whether, when he ineffectually wills to move either of these limbs, he is conscious of an expenditure of energy in any degree proportionate to that which he would have experienced if his muscles had naturally responded to his volition. He will tell us rather that he has a sense only of his utter powerlessness, and that his volition is a mere mental act, carrying with it no feelings of expended energy such as he is accustomed to experience when his muscles are in powerful action, and from which action and its consequences alone, as I think, he can derive any adequate notion of resistance."

"Ask a man whose legs are completely paralyzed if, when he tries to move them without success, he feels any amount of energy expended that's similar to what he would feel if his muscles responded normally. He will probably say that he only feels completely powerless, and that his will to move is just a mental action that doesn’t involve any feelings of energy being used, like he would feel when his muscles are working strongly. From that action and its effects, I believe, he can only get a real understanding of resistance."

[448] Münsterberg's words may be added: "In lifting an object in the hand I can discover no sensation of volitional energy. I perceive in the first place a slight tension about the head, but that this results from a contraction in the head muscles, and not from a feeling of the brain-discharge, is shown by the simple fact that I get the tension on the right side of the head when I move the right arm, whereas the motor discharge takes place in the opposite side of the brain.... In maximal contractions of body- and limb-muscles there occur, as if it were to reinforce them, those special contractions of the muscles of the face [especially frowning and clinching teeth] and those tensions of the skin of the head. These sympathetic movements, felt particularly on the side which makes the effort, are perhaps the immediate ground why we ascribe our awareness of maximal contraction to the region of the head, and call it a consciousness of force, instead of a peripheral sensation." (Die Willenshandlung (1888), pp. 73, 82.) Herr Münsterberg's work is a little masterpiece, which appeared after my text was written. I shall have repeatedly to refer to it again, and cordially recommend to the reader its most thorough refutation of the Innervationsgefühl-theory.

[448] Münsterberg said, "When I lift an object with my hand, I don't feel any sense of voluntary energy. First, I notice a slight tension in my head, but this is because the muscles in my head are contracting, not because of a brain discharge. This is demonstrated by the fact that I feel tension on the right side of my head when I move my right arm, while the motor discharge actually occurs in the opposite side of my brain.... During maximal contractions of body and limb muscles, you also see corresponding contractions in the face [especially frowning and clenching teeth] and tension in the skin of the head. These sympathetic movements, particularly noticeable on the side engaged in the effort, might be why we associate our awareness of maximal contraction with the head region and refer to it as a consciousness of force, rather than a sensation from the periphery." (Die Willenshandlung (1888), pp. 73, 82.) Herr Münsterberg's work is a little masterpiece that was published after my text was written. I will have to refer to it several times and highly recommend its thorough critique of the Innervationsgefühl theory.

[449] Physiologische Optik, p. 600.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Physiological optics, p. 600.

[450] [The left and sound eye is here supposed covered. If both eyes look at the same field there are double images which still more perplex the judgment. The patient, however, learns to see correctly before many days or weeks are over.—W. J.]

[450] [The left and healthy eye is assumed to be covered here. If both eyes focus on the same area, it creates double images that make judgment even more confusing. However, the patient eventually learns to see correctly in a few days or weeks.—W. J.]

[451] Alfred Graefe, in Handbuch der gesammten Augenheilkunde, Bd. vi. pp. 18-21.

[451] Alfred Graefe, in Handbook of Ophthalmology, Vol. vi, pp. 18-21.

[452] Professor G. E. Müller (Zur Grundlegung der Psychophysik (1878), p. 318,) was the first to explain the phenomenon after the manner advocated in the text. Still unacquainted with his book, I published my own similar explanation two years later.

[452] Professor G. E. Müller (Foundations of Psychophysics (1878), p. 318) was the first to describe the phenomenon in the way discussed in this text. Not having read his book yet, I published my own similar explanation two years later.

Professor Mach in his wonderfully original little work 'Beiträge zur Analyse der Empfindungen,' p. 57, describes an artificial way of getting translocation, and explains the effect likewise by the feeling of innervation. "Turn your eyes," he says, "as far as possible towards the left and press against the right sides of the orbits two large lumps of putty. If you then try to look as quickly as possible towards the right, this succeeds, on account of the incompletely spherical form of the eyes, only imperfectly, and the objects consequently appear translocated very considerably towards the right. The bare will to look rightwards gives to all images on the retina a greater rightwards value, to express it shortly. The experiment is at first surprising."—I regret to say that I cannot myself make it succeed—I know not for what reason. But even where it does succeed it seems to me that the conditions are much too complicated for Professor Mach's theoretic conclusions to be safely drawn. The putty squeezed into the orbit, and the pressure of the eyeball against it must give rise to peripheral sensations strong enough, at any rate (if only of the right kind), to justify any amount of false perception of our eyeball's position, quite apart from the innervation feelings which Professor Mach supposes to coexist.

Professor Mach, in his wonderfully original little work 'Contributions to the Analysis of Sensations,' p. 57, describes an artificial method of inducing translocation and explains the effect through the sensation of innervation. "Turn your eyes," he says, "as far as you can to the left and press against the right sides of your eye sockets with two large lumps of putty. If you then try to look as quickly as possible to the right, you will find that this only works imperfectly because of the incomplete spherical shape of the eyes, making objects appear significantly shifted to the right. The simple desire to look right gives everything on the retina a greater rightward value, to put it briefly. The experiment is initially surprising."—I regret to say that I can't get it to work myself—I’m not sure why. But even when it does work, it seems to me that the conditions are far too complicated for Professor Mach's theoretical conclusions to be reliably drawn. The putty stuffed into the eye socket and the pressure of the eyeball against it must generate peripheral sensations strong enough, at least (if they are the right type), to cause significant misperception of our eyeball's position, aside from the innervation sensations that Professor Mach assumes to be present.

[453] An illusion in principle exactly analogous to that of the patient under discussion can be produced experimentally in anyone in a way which Hering has described in his Lehre von Binocularen Sehen, pp. 13-14. I will quote Helmholtz's account of it, which is especially valuable as coming from a believer in the Innervationsgefühl: "Let the two eyes first look parallel, then let the right eye be closed whilst the left still looks at the infinitely distant object a. The directions of both eyes will thus remain unaltered, and a will be seen in its right place. Now accommodate the left eye for a point f [a needle in Hering's experiment] lying on the optical axis between it and a, only very near. The position of the left eye and its optical axis, as well as the place of the retinal image upon it... are wholly unaltered by this movement. But the consequence is that an apparent movement of the object occurs—a movement towards the left. As soon as we accommodate again for distance the object returns to its old place. Now what alters itself in this experiment is only the position of the closed right eye: its optical axis, when the effort is made to accommodate for the point f, also converges towards this point.... Conversely it is possible for me to make my optical axes diverge, even with closed eyes, so that in the above experiment the right eye should turn far to the right of a. This divergence is but slowly reached, and gives me therefore no illusory movement. But when I suddenly relax my effort to make it, and the right optical axis springs back to the parallel position, I immediately see the object which the left eye fixates shift its position towards the left. Thus not only the position of the seeing eye a, but also that of the closed eye b, influences our judgment of the direction in which the seen object lies. The open eye remaining fixed, and the closed eye moving towards the right or left, the object seen by the open eye appears also to move towards the right or left" (Physiol. Optik, pp. 607-8.)

[453] An illusion similar to the one experienced by the patient in question can be created experimentally in anyone, as Hering describes in his *Lehre von Binocularen Sehen*, pp. 13-14. I will quote Helmholtz's explanation, which is particularly valuable because it comes from someone who believes in the Innervationsgefühl: "First, have both eyes look parallel. Then, close the right eye while the left continues to focus on the infinitely distant object a. The direction of both eyes will stay the same, and a will be seen in the correct position. Now focus the left eye on a point f [a needle in Hering's experiment] that lies on the optical axis between it and a, very close by. The position of the left eye and its optical axis, as well as where the retinal image is on it... remain completely unchanged by this adjustment. However, the result is that the object appears to move—specifically, it seems to shift to the left. As soon as we readjust to focus on distance, the object goes back to its original spot. In this experiment, the only thing changing is the position of the closed right eye: when efforts are made to focus on the point f, its optical axis also converges towards this point.... On the other hand, I can also make my optical axes diverge, even with my eyes closed, so that in this experiment the right eye turns far to the right of a. This divergence happens slowly and therefore does not give me an illusory movement. But when I suddenly stop trying to maintain it, and the right optical axis snaps back to a parallel position, I immediately see the object that the left eye is fixated on shift its position to the left. Thus, both the position of the seeing eye a and that of the closed eye b influence our perception of the direction in which the seen object lies. With the open eye fixed, and the closed eye moving to the right or left, the object seen by the open eye also seems to move to the right or left" (Physiol. Optik, pp. 607-8.)

[454] Beiträge zur Analyse der Empfindungen, p. 65.

[454] Contributions to the Analysis of Sensations, p. 65.

[455] P. 68.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 68.

[456] I owe the interpretation in the text to my friend and former student, Mr. E. S. Drown, whom I set to observe the phenomenon before I had observed it myself. Concerning the vacillations in our interpretation of relative motion over retina and skin, see above, p. 173.

[456] I credit the interpretation in this text to my friend and former student, Mr. E. S. Drown, whom I asked to observe the phenomenon before I had the chance to see it myself. For more on the shifts in our understanding of relative motion across the retina and skin, see above, p. 173.

Herr Münsterberg gives additional reasons against the feeling of innervation, of which I will quote a couple. First, our ideas of movement are all faint ideas, resembling in this the copies of sensations in memory. Were they feelings of the outgoing discharge, they would be original states of consciousness, not copies; and ought by analogy to be vivid like other original states.—Second, our unstriped muscles yield no feelings in contracting, nor can they be contracted at will, differing thus in two peculiarities from the voluntary muscles. What more natural than to suppose that the two peculiarities hang together, and that the reason why we cannot contract our intestines, for example, at will, is, that we have no memory-images of how their contraction feels? Were the supposed innervation-feeling always the 'mental cue,' one doesn't see why we might not have it even where, as here, the contractions themselves are unfelt, and why it might not bring the contractions about. (Die Willenshandlung, pp 87-8.)

Herr Münsterberg provides some additional reasons against the sensation of innervation, and I will quote a couple of them. First, our ideas of movement are all faint ideas, similar to the memories of sensations. If they were feelings of the outgoing discharge, they would be original states of consciousness, not copies; and by analogy, they should be vivid like other original states. Second, our non-striated muscles do not provide any sensations when they contract, nor can we contract them at will, which makes them different in two key ways from voluntary muscles. What would be more natural than to assume that these two differences are connected, and that the reason we can't contract our intestines, for example, at will, is that we have no memory-images of how their contraction feels? If the supposed innervation feeling were always the 'mental cue,' it's unclear why we wouldn't have it even when, as here, the contractions themselves are unfelt, and why it wouldn't trigger the contractions. (Die Willenshandlung, pp 87-8.)

[457] Revue Philosophique, xxiii. 442.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Philosophical Review, xxiii. 442.

[458] Ibid. xx. 604.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ibid. p. 604.

[459] Herr Sternberg (Pflüger's Archiv, xxxvii. p. 1) thinks that he proves the feeling of innervation by the fact that when we have willed to make a movement we generally think that it is made. We have already seen some of the facts on pp. 105-6, above. S. cites from Exner the fact that if we put a piece of hard rubber between our back teeth and bite, our front teeth seem actually to approach each other, although it is physically impossible for them to do so. He proposes the following experiment: Lay the palm of the hand on a table with the forefinger overlapping its edge and flexed back as far as possible, whilst the table keeps the other fingers extended; then try to flex the terminal joint of the forefinger without looking. You do not do it, and yet you think that you do. Here again the innervation, according to the author, is felt as an executed movement. It seems to me, as I said in the previous place, that the illusion is in all these cases due to the inveterate association of ideas. Normally our will to move has always been followed by the sensation that we have moved, except when the simultaneous sensation of an external resistance was there. The result is that where we feel no external resistance, and the muscles and tendons tighten, the invariably associated idea is intense enough to be hallucinatory. In the experiment with the teeth, the resistance customarily met with when our masseters contract is a soft one. We do not close our teeth on a thing like hard rubber once in a million times; so when we do so, we imagine the habitual result.—Persons with amputated limbs more often than not continue to feel them as if they were still there, and can, moreover, give themselves the feeling of moving them at will. The life-long sensorial associate of the idea of 'working one's toes,' e.g. (uncorrected by any opposite sensation, since no real sensation of non-movement can come from non-existing toes), follows the idea and swallows it up. The man thinks that his toes are 'working' (cf. Proceedings of American Soc. for Psych. Research, p. 249).

[459] Mr. Sternberg (Pflüger's Archiv, xxxvii. p. 1) believes he demonstrates the feeling of innervation by pointing out that when we intend to make a movement, we usually believe that we have actually done it. We've already discussed some of the facts on pp. 105-6, above. He references Exner, noting that if we place a piece of hard rubber between our back teeth and bite down, our front teeth seem to come together, even though it’s physically impossible. He suggests the following experiment: Place the palm of your hand on a table with your forefinger extended over the edge and bent back as far as it can go, while the table keeps the other fingers straight; then try to bend the tip joint of your forefinger without looking. You won't actually do it, but you'll think you have. According to the author, this perception of innervation feels like a completed movement. It appears to me, as I mentioned earlier, that this illusion in all these instances stems from a deep-seated association of ideas. Normally, whenever we intend to move, we follow it with the sensation that we have moved, unless there's a simultaneous perception of external resistance. As a result, when there's no external resistance felt, and the muscles and tendons tense up, the associated idea becomes strong enough to feel like a hallucination. In the teeth experiment, the usual resistance encountered when our masseters contract is soft. We hardly ever bite down on something as hard as rubber; so when we do, we picture the usual outcome. — People with amputated limbs often still feel those limbs as if they were present and can even create the sensation of moving them at will. The lifelong sensory association with the idea of 'moving one's toes,' for instance (not corrected by any opposite sensation, since there's no actual sensation of non-movement coming from non-existent toes), follows the idea and overwhelms it. The individual believes that their toes are 'moving' (cf. Proceedings of American Soc. for Psych. Research, p. 249).

Herr Loeb also comes to the rescue of the feeling of innervation with observations of his own made after my text was written, but they convince me no more than the arguments of others. Loeb's facts are these (Pflüger's Archiv, xliv. p. 1): If we stand before a vertical surface, and if, with our hands at different heights, we simultaneously make with them what seem to us equally extensive movements, that movement always turns out really shorter which is made with the arm whose muscles (in virtue of the arm's position) are already the more contracted. The same result ensues when the arms are laterally unsymmetrical. Loeb assumes that both arms contract by virtue of a common innervation, but that although this innervation is relatively less effective upon the more contracted arm, our feeling of its equal strength overpowers the disparity of the incoming sensations of movement which the two limbs send back, and makes us think that the spaces they traverse are the same. "The sensation of the extent and direction of our voluntary movements depends accordingly upon the impulse of our will to move, and not upon the feelings set up by the motion in the active organ." Now if this is the elementary law which Loeb calls it, why does it only manifest its effect when both hands are moving simultaneously? Why not when the same hand makes successive movements? and especially why not when both hands move symmetrically or at the same level, but one of them is weighted? A weighted hand surely requires a stronger innervation than an unweighted one to move an equal distance upwards; and yet, as Loeb confesses, we do not tend to overestimate the path which it traverses under these circumstances. The fact is that the illusion which Loeb has studied is a complex resultant of many factors. One of them, it seems to me, is an instinctive tendency to revert to the type of the bilateral movements of childhood. In adult life we move our arms for the most part in alternation; but in infancy the free movements of the arms are almost always similar on both sides, symmetrical when the direction of motion is horizontal, and with the hands on the same level when it is vertical. The most natural innervation, when the movements are rapidly performed, is one which takes the movement hack to this form. Our estimation meanwhile of the lengths severally traversed by the two hands is mainly based, as such estimations with closed eyes usually are (see Loeb's own earlier paper, Untersuchungen über den Fühlraum der Hand, in Pflüger's Archiv, xli. 107), upon the apparent velocity and duration of the movement. The duration is the same for both hands, since the movements begin and end simultaneously. The velocities of the two hands are under the experimental conditions almost impossible of comparison. It is well known how imperfect a discrimination of weights we have when we 'heft' them simultaneously, one in either hand; and G. E. Müller has well shown (Pflüger's Archiv, xlv. 57) that the velocity of the lift is the main factor in determining our judgment of weight. It is hardly possible to conceive of more unfavorable conditions for making an accurate comparison of the length of two movements than those which govern the experiments which are under discussion. The only prominent sign is the duration, which would lead us to infer the equality of the two movements. We consequently deem them equal, though a native tendency in our motor centres keeps them from being so.

Herr Loeb also supports the feeling of innervation with his own observations made after I wrote my text, but they convince me no more than the arguments of others. Loeb's facts are these (Pflüger's Archiv, xliv. p. 1): If we stand in front of a vertical surface, and if, with our hands at different heights, we simultaneously make what seem to us equally extensive movements, the movement that feels longer is actually shorter for the arm whose muscles (due to the arm's position) are already more contracted. The same result happens when the arms are positioned asymmetrically. Loeb suggests that both arms contract due to a shared innervation, but that while this innervation is relatively less effective on the more contracted arm, our feeling of equal strength overshadows the difference in the sensations of movement sent back by the two limbs, leading us to believe they cover the same distance. "The sensation of the extent and direction of our voluntary movements depends, therefore, on the impulse of our will to move, and not on the feelings produced by the motion in the active organ." Now, if this is the basic law that Loeb refers to, why does it only show its effect when both hands are moving at the same time? Why not when the same hand makes successive movements? And especially, why not when both hands move symmetrically or at the same level, but one of them is weighted? A weighted hand surely needs a stronger innervation than an unweighted one to move the same distance upwards; yet, as Loeb admits, we do not tend to overestimate the distance it moves in these situations. The reality is that the illusion Loeb studies is a complex result of many factors. One of them, it seems to me, is an instinctive tendency to revert to the type of bilateral movements of childhood. In adulthood, we mostly move our arms alternately; but in infancy, free arm movements are almost always similar on both sides, symmetrical when the motion is horizontal, and with the hands at the same level when the motion is vertical. The most natural innervation, during rapid movements, is one that brings the motion back to this form. Our estimation of the distances each hand covers is primarily based, as such estimations usually are with closed eyes (see Loeb's own earlier paper, Untersuchungen über den Fühlraum der Hand, in Pflüger's Archiv, xli. 107), on the perceived speed and duration of the movement. The duration is the same for both hands, since the movements start and finish at the same time. The speeds of the two hands are nearly impossible to compare under the experimental conditions. It is well known how poor our ability to discriminate weights is when we 'heft' them simultaneously, one in each hand; and G. E. Müller has demonstrated (Pflüger's Archiv, xlv. 57) that the speed of the lift is the main factor influencing our judgment of weight. It's hard to imagine worse conditions for making an accurate comparison of the lengths of two movements than those governing the experiments being discussed. The only significant sign is the duration, which leads us to assume the two movements are equal. We consequently consider them equal, despite a natural tendency in our motor centers preventing this from being true.

[460] This is by no means an unplausible opinion. See Vol. I. p. 65.

[460] This is definitely a reasonable opinion. See Vol. I. p. 65.

[461] Maine de Biran, Royer Collard, Sir John Herschel, Dr. Carpenter, Dr. Martineau, all seem to posit a force-sense by which, in becoming aware of an outer resistance to our will, we are taught the existence of an outer world. I hold that every peripheral sensation gives us an outer world. An insect crawling on our skin gives us as 'outward' an impression as a hundred pounds weighing on our back.—I have read M. A. Bertrand's criticism of my views (La Psychologie de l'Effort, 1889); but as he seems to think that I deny the feeling of effort altogether, I can get no profit from it, despite his charming way of saying things.

[461] Maine de Biran, Royer Collard, Sir John Herschel, Dr. Carpenter, Dr. Martineau, all seem to suggest a sense of force through which, by becoming aware of an external resistance to our will, we learn about the existence of the outside world. I believe that every sensation at the edge of our perception provides us with an external world. An insect crawling on our skin gives us an 'outward' feeling as strongly as a hundred pounds pressing on our back. —I have read M. A. Bertrand's critique of my ideas (La Psychologie de l'Effort, 1889); however, since he seems to think that I completely deny the feeling of effort, I find it unhelpful, despite his pleasant way of expressing himself.

[462] Bowditch and Southard in Journal of Physiology, vol. iii. No. 3. It was found in these experiments that the maximum of accuracy was reached when two seconds of time elapsed between locating the object by eye or hand and starting to touch it. When the mark was located with one hand, and the other hand had to touch it, the error was considerably greater than when the same hand both located and touched it.

[462] Bowditch and Southard in Journal of Physiology, vol. iii. No. 3. The experiments showed that maximum accuracy was achieved when there was a two-second gap between spotting the object with the eye or hand and starting to touch it. When one hand located the mark and the other hand had to touch it, the error was significantly greater than when the same hand both located and touched the mark.

[463] The same caution must be shown in discussing pathological cases. There are remarkable discrepancies in the effects of peripheral anæsthesia upon the voluntary power. Such cases as I quoted in the text (p. 490) are by no means the only type. In those cases the patients could move their limbs accurately when the eyes were open, and inaccurately when they were shut. In other cases, however, the anæsthetic patients cannot move their limbs at all when the eyes are shut. (For reports of two such cases see Bastian in 'Brain,' Binet in Rev. Philos., xxv. 478.) M. Binet explains these (hysterical) cases as requiring the 'dynamogenic' stimulus of light (see above, p. 377). They might, however, be cases of such congenitally defective optical imagination that the 'mental cue' was normally 'tactile;' and that when this tactile cue failed through functional inertness of the kinæsthetic centres, the only optical cue strong enough to determine the discharge had to be an actual sensation of the eye.—There is still a third class of cases in which the limbs have lost all sensibility, even for movements passively imprinted, but in which voluntary movements can be accurately executed even when the eyes are closed. MM. Binet and Féré have reported some of these interesting cases, which are found amongst the hysterical hemianæsthetics. They can, for example, write accurately at will, although their eyes are closed and they have no feeling of the writing taking place, and many of them do not know when it begins or stops. Asked to write repeatedly the letter a, and then say how many times they have written it, some are able to assign the number and some are not. Some of them admit that they are guided by visual imagination of what is being done. Cf. Archives de Physiologie, Oct. 1887, pp. 363-5. Now it would seem at first sight that feelings of outgoing innervation must exist in these cases and be kept account of. There are no other guiding impressions, either immediate or remote, of which the patient is conscious; and unless feelings of innervation be there, the writing would seem miraculous. But if such feelings are present in these cases, and suffice to direct accurately the succession of movements, why do they not suffice in those other anæsthetic cases in which movement becomes disorderly when the eyes are closed? Innervation is there, or there would be no movement; why is the feeling of the innervation gone? The truth seems to be, as M. Binet supposes (Rev. Philos., xxiii. p. 479), that these cases are not arguments for the feeling of innervation. They are pathological curiosities; and the patients are not really anæsthetic, but are victims of that curious dissociation or splitting-off of one part of their consciousness from the rest which we are just beginning to understand, thanks to Messrs. Janet, Binet, and Gurney, and in which the split-off part (in this case the kinæsthetic sensations) may nevertheless remain to produce its usual effects. Compare what was said above, p. 491.

[463] The same care needs to be taken when discussing pathological cases. There are significant differences in how peripheral anesthesia affects voluntary control. The cases I mentioned in the text (p. 490) are by no means the only examples. In those cases, patients could move their limbs accurately with their eyes open, and inaccurately with their eyes closed. However, in other cases, the anesthetized patients cannot move their limbs at all when their eyes are shut. (For reports of two such cases, see Bastian in 'Brain,' Binet in Rev. Philos., xxv. 478.) M. Binet explains these (hysterical) cases as needing the 'dynamogenic' stimulus of light (see above, p. 377). They might actually be cases of congenital deficiencies in optical imagination, where the 'mental cue' is normally 'tactile;' and when this tactile cue fails due to inactivity of the kinesthetic centers, the only visual cue strong enough to trigger a response has to be an actual sensation from the eye.—There's yet another group of cases where the limbs have lost all sensitivity, even for movements that are imposed passively, but voluntary movements can still be performed accurately even with the eyes closed. MM. Binet and Féré have reported some of these fascinating cases, found among hysterical hemianesthetics. For instance, they can accurately write at will, even though their eyes are closed and they have no awareness of the writing occurring, and many don't even realize when it starts or stops. When asked to repeatedly write the letter a and then state how many times they've written it, some can specify the number, while others cannot. Some admit they are guided by visual imagination of what they're doing. Cf. Archives de Physiologie, Oct. 1887, pp. 363-5. At first glance, it would seem that feelings of outgoing innervation must exist in these cases and need to be accounted for. There are no other guiding sensations, whether immediate or remote, of which the patient is aware; and unless feelings of innervation are present, writing would seem miraculous. But if such feelings are indeed present and sufficient to accurately direct the sequence of movements, why do they not work in those other anesthetic cases where movement becomes chaotic with the eyes closed? Innervation is there, or else there would be no movement; why is the feeling of innervation absent? The truth appears to be, as M. Binet suggests (Rev. Philos., xxiii. p. 479), that these cases do not support the existence of a feeling of innervation. They are pathological curiosities; and the patients are not genuinely anesthetic, but are experiencing a peculiar dissociation or splitting-off of one part of their consciousness from the rest, which we are just beginning to understand, thanks to Messrs. Janet, Binet, and Gurney, in which the separated part (in this case, the kinesthetic sensations) can still function to produce its usual effects. Compare what was said above, p. 491.

[464] Medicinische Psychologie, p. 293. In his admirably acute chapter on the Will this author has most explicitly maintained the position that what we call muscular exertion is an afferent and not an efferent feeling; "We must affirm universally that in the muscular feeling we are not sensible of the force on its way to produce an effect, but only of the sufferance already produced in our movable organs, the muscles, after the force has, in a manner unobservable by us, exerted upon them its causality" (p. 311). How often the battles of psychology have to be fought over again, each time with heavier armies and bigger trains, though not always with such able generals!

[464] Medical Psychology, p. 293. In his brilliantly insightful chapter on the Will, this author clearly states that what we refer to as muscular exertion is actually an incoming sensation rather than an outgoing one; "We must universally acknowledge that in the muscular feeling, we do not perceive the force aiming to produce an effect, but only the sensation already generated in our movable parts, the muscles, after the force has, in a way that escapes our observation, acted upon them" (p. 311). How often the conflicts in psychology have to be revisited, each time with larger forces and more resources, though not always with such skilled leaders!

[465] Ch. Féré: Sensation et Mouvement (1887), chapter iii.

[465] Ch. Féré: Sensation and Motion (1887), chapter iii.

[466] Professor A. Bain (Senses and Intellect, pp 336-48) and Dr. W. B. Carpenter (Mental Physiology, chap. vi) give examples in abundance.

[466] Professor A. Bain (Senses and Intellect, pp 336-48) and Dr. W. B. Carpenter (Mental Physiology, chap. vi) provide plenty of examples.

[467] For a full account, by an expert, of the 'willing-game,' see Mr. Stuart Cumberland's article: A Thought-reader's Experiences in the Nineteenth century, xx. 867. M. Gley has given a good example of ideo-motor action in the Bulletins de la Société de Psychologie Physiologique for 1889. Tell a person to think intently of a certain name, and saying that you will then force her to write it, let her hold a pencil, and do you yourself hold her hand. She will then probably trace the name involuntarily, believing that you are forcing her to do it.

[467] For a complete explanation from an expert on the 'willing-game,' check out Mr. Stuart Cumberland's article: A Thought-reader's Experiences in the Nineteenth Century, xx. 867. M. Gley provides a solid example of ideomotor action in the Bulletins de la Société de Psychologie Physiologique from 1889. Have someone focus intently on a specific name, and while telling them you’ll make them write it, let them hold a pencil and hold their hand yourself. They will likely trace the name involuntarily, thinking you are making them do it.

[468] I abstract here from the fact that a certain intensity of the consciousness is required for its impulsiveness to be effective in a complete degree. There is an inertia in the motor processes as in all other natural things. In certain individuals, and at certain times (disease, fatigue), the inertia is unusually great, and we may then have ideas of action which produce no visible act, but discharge themselves into merely nascent dispositions to activity or into emotional expression. The inertia of the motor parts here plays the same rôle as is elsewhere played by antagonistic ideas. We shall consider this restrictive inertia later on, it obviously introduces no essential alteration into the law which the text lays down.

[468] I'm setting aside the fact that a certain intensity of consciousness is needed for impulsiveness to be fully effective. There’s a kind of inertia in movement just like in everything else in nature. In some people, and at certain times (due to illness or fatigue), this inertia can be quite strong. As a result, we might have ideas about acting that don’t lead to any visible action; instead, they just result in slight urges to act or emotional expressions. Here, the inertia in physical movement functions like opposing ideas do in other situations. We’ll look at this restrictive inertia later on, but it clearly doesn’t change the fundamental principle that the text discusses.

[469] I use the common phraseology here for mere convenience' sake. The reader who has made himself acquainted with Chapter IX will always understand, when he hears of many ideas simultaneously present to the mind and acting upon each other, that what is really meant is a mind with one idea before it, of many objects, purposes, reasons, motives, related to each other, some in a harmonious and some in an antagonistic way. With this caution I shall not hesitate from time to time to fall into the popular Lockian speech, erroneous though I believe it to be.

[469] I'm using this common phrasing for the sake of convenience. The reader who is familiar with Chapter IX will always understand that when discussing many ideas simultaneously influencing each other, it actually refers to a mind focused on one idea, surrounded by various connected objects, purposes, reasons, and motives, some in harmony and some in opposition. With that clarification, I won't hesitate to occasionally use the popular Lockian terminology, even though I think it's misleading.

[470] My attention was first emphatically called to this class of decisions by my colleague, Professor C. C. Everett.

[470] My colleague, Professor C. C. Everett, was the first to strongly draw my attention to this type of decision.

[471] In an excellent article on The 'Mental Qualities of an Athlete' in the Harvard Monthly, vol. vi. p. 43, Mr. A. T. Dudley assigns the first place to the rapidly impulsive temperament. "Ask him how, in some complex trick, he performed a certain act, why he pushed or pulled at a certain instant, and he will tell you he does not know; he did it by instinct; or rather his nerves and muscles did it of themselves.... Here is the distinguishing feature of the good player: the good player, confident in his training and his practice, in the critical game trusts entirely to his impulse, and does not think out every move. The poor player, unable to trust his impulsive actions, is compelled to think carefully all the time. He thus not only loses the opportunities through his slowness in comprehending the whole situation, but, being compelled to think rapidly all the time, at critical points becomes confused; while the first-rate player, not trying to reason, but acting as impulse directs, is continually distinguishing himself and plays the better under the greater pressure."

[471] In a great article on The 'Mental Qualities of an Athlete' in the Harvard Monthly, vol. vi. p. 43, Mr. A. T. Dudley emphasizes that the most important quality is a quick, instinctive temperament. "If you ask him how he managed to perform a particular move in a complicated play or why he decided to push or pull at a specific moment, he won’t know; he did it instinctively, or rather his nerves and muscles acted on their own... This is the key trait of a good player: the good player trusts his training and practice, and in a crucial game, relies entirely on his instincts without overthinking each move. On the other hand, the poor player, unable to trust his instincts, has to think everything through all the time. As a result, he misses out on opportunities due to his slow comprehension of the overall situation, and when forced to think on his feet during critical moments, he ends up confused; while the top player, who doesn’t try to analyze but simply follows his instinct, consistently stands out and performs better under pressure."

[472] T. B. Clouston, Clinical Lectures on Mental Diseases (London 1883), pp. 310-318.

[472] T. B. Clouston, Clinical Lectures on Mental Diseases (London 1883), pp. 310-318.

[473] In his Maladies de la Volonté, p. 77.

[473] In his Maladies de la Volonté, p. 77.

[474] For other cases of 'impulsive insanity,' see H. Maudsley's Responsibility in Mental Disease, pp. 133-170, and Forbes Winslow's Obscure Diseases of the Mind and Brain, chapters vi, vii, viii.

[474] For more examples of 'impulsive insanity,' check out H. Maudsley's Responsibility in Mental Disease, pages 133-170, and Forbes Winslow's Obscure Diseases of the Mind and Brain, chapters six, seven, and eight.

[475] Quoted by G. Burr, in an article on the Insanity of Inebriety in the N. Y. Psychological and Medico-Legal Journal, Dec. 1874.

[475] Cited by G. Burr in an article about the insanity caused by alcoholism in the N. Y. Psychological and Medico-Legal Journal, December 1874.

[476] Autobiography, Howells' edition (1877), pp. 192-6.

[476] Autobiography, Howells' edition (1877), pp. 192-6.

[477] See a paper on Insistent and Fixed Ideas by Dr. Cowles in American Journal of Psychology, i. 222; and another on the so-called Insanity of Doubt by Dr. Knapp, ibid. iii. 1. The latter contains a partial bibliography of the subject.

[477] Check out a paper on Persistent and Fixed Ideas by Dr. Cowles in the American Journal of Psychology, vol. i, page 222; and another on what’s called the Insanity of Doubt by Dr. Knapp, ibid. vol. iii, page 1. The latter includes a partial bibliography on the topic.

[478] Quoted by Ribot, op cit. p. 39.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Quoted by Ribot, op cit. p. 39.

[479] The silliness of the old-fashioned pleasure-philosophy saute aux yeux. Take, for example, Prof. Bain's explanation of sociability and parental love by the pleasures of touch: "Touch is the fundamental and generic sense.... Even after the remaining senses are differentiated, the primary sense continues to be a leading susceptibility of the mind. The soft warm touch, if not a first-class influence, is at least an approach to that. The combined power of soft contact and warmth amounts to a considerable pitch of massive pleasure; while there may be subtle influences not reducible to these two heads, such as we term, from not knowing anything about them, magnetic or electric. The sort of thrill from taking a baby in arms is something beyond mere warm touch; and it may rise to the ecstatic height, in which case, however, there may be concurrent sensations and ideas.... In mere tender emotion not sexual, there is nothing but the sense of touch to gratify, unless we assume the occult magnetic influences.... In a word, our love pleasures begin and end in sensual contact. Touch is both the alpha and omega of affection. As the terminal and satisfying sensation, the ne plus ultra, it must be a pleasure of the highest degree.... Why should a more lively feeling grow up towards a fellow-being than towards a perennial fountain? [This 'should' is simply delicious from the more modern evolutionary point of view.] It must be that there is a source of pleasure in the companionship of other sentient creatures, over and above the help afforded by them in obtaining the necessaries of life. To account for this, I can suggest nothing but the primary and independent pleasure of the animal embrace." [Mind, this is said not of the sexual interest, but of 'Sociability at Large.'] "For this pleasure every creature is disposed to pay something, even when it is only fraternal. A certain amount of material benefit imparted is a condition of the full heartiness of a responding embrace, the complete fruition of this primitive joy. In the absence of those conditions the pleasure of giving ... can scarcely be accounted for; we know full well that, without these helps, it would be a very meagre sentiment in beings like ourselves.... It seems to me that there must be at the [parental instinct's] foundation that intense pleasure in the embrace of the young which we find to characterize the parental feeling throughout. Such a pleasure once created would associate itself with the prevailing features and aspects of the young, and give to all of these their very great interest. For the sake of the pleasure, the parent discovers the necessity of nourishing the subject of it, and comes to regard the ministering function as a part or condition of the delight" (Emotions and Will, pp. 126, 127, 132, 133, 140). Prof. Bain does not explain why a satin cushion kept at about 98º F. would not on the whole give us the pleasure in question more cheaply than our friends and babies do. It is true that the cushion might lack the 'occult magnetic influences.' Most of us would say that neither a baby's nor a friend's skin would possess them, were not a tenderness already there. The youth who feels ecstasy shoot through him when by accident the silken palm or even the 'vesture's hem' of his idol touches him, would hardly feel it were he not hard hit by Cupid in advance. The love creates the ecstasy, not the ecstasy the love. And for the rest of us can it possibly be that all our social virtue springs from an appetite for the sensual pleasure of having our hand shaken, or being slapped on the back?

[479] The ridiculousness of the outdated pleasure philosophy saute aux yeux. Take, for instance, Prof. Bain's take on sociability and parental love through the joys of touch: "Touch is the basic and fundamental sense.... Even as other senses develop, the primary sense remains a key sensitivity of the mind. The gentle, warm touch, if not a top-tier influence, is at least close to that. The combined effect of soft contact and warmth creates a significant level of pleasure; while there may be subtle effects that can't be reduced to these two categories, which we call, due to our ignorance, magnetic or electric. The thrill of holding a baby goes beyond simple warm touch; and it can reach ecstatic levels, though in such cases, there may be additional sensations and ideas involved.... In mere tender emotions that aren't sexual, there is nothing but the sense of touch to satisfy, unless we consider the mysterious magnetic influences.... In short, our pleasures of love start and finish with sensual contact. Touch is both the starting and ending point of affection. As the conclusive and fulfilling sensation, the ne plus ultra, it must be a pleasure of the highest kind.... Why would we feel a stronger attachment toward another person than towards a never-ending fountain? [This 'should' is quite amusing from a more modern evolutionary perspective.] There must be a source of joy in the company of other sentient beings, beyond the assistance they provide in acquiring life's essentials. To explain this, I can only suggest the primal and independent pleasure of the animal embrace." [Keep in mind, this refers not to sexual interest, but to 'Sociability at Large.'] "For this pleasure, every creature is inclined to give something, even if it's just a brotherly gesture. A certain level of material benefit provided is necessary for the full warmth of a reciprocated embrace, the complete experience of this basic joy. Without those conditions, the joy of giving... can hardly make sense; we know very well that, without these aids, it would be a rather weak sentiment in beings like us.... It seems to me that at the core of the [parental instinct] lies that intense pleasure in embracing the young, which we see as characteristic of the parental feeling throughout. Such a pleasure, once established, would connect with the key features of the young, giving all of these their great significance. For the sake of this pleasure, the parent recognizes the need to nurture the object of it, and comes to see the act of caring as part or condition of that joy" (Emotions and Will, pp. 126, 127, 132, 133, 140). Prof. Bain does not clarify why a satin cushion maintained at around 98º F. wouldn't overall provide us with this kind of pleasure more cheaply than our friends and babies do. It's true that the cushion might lack those 'mysterious magnetic influences.' Most of us would agree that neither a baby’s nor a friend’s skin would have them if there wasn't already a sense of tenderness there. The young person who feels ecstasy when the silken palm, or even the 'hem of the garment' of their beloved, brushes against them would likely not experience it if they weren't already smitten by Cupid beforehand. The love generates the ecstasy, not the other way around. And for the rest of us, could it really be that all our social virtues arise from a desire for the physical pleasure of a handshake or a friendly pat on the back?

[480] Emotion and Will, p. 352. But even Bain's own description belies his formula, for the idea appears as the 'moving' and the pleasure as the 'directing' force.

[480] Emotion and Will, p. 352. But even Bain's own description contradicts his formula, since the idea comes off as the 'moving' force and the pleasure as the 'directing' force.

[481] P. 398.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 398.

[482] P. 354.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 354.

[483] P. 355.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 355.

[484] P. 390.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 390.

[485] Pp. 295-6.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ pp. 295-6.

[486] P. 121.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 121.

[487] Cf. also Bain's note to Jas. Mill's Analysis, vol. ii. p. 305.

[487] See also Bain's note to James Mill's Analysis, vol. ii. p. 305.

[488] How much clearer Hume's head was than that of his disciples! "It has been proved beyond all controversy that even the passions commonly esteemed selfish carry the Mind beyond self directly to the object; that though the satisfaction of these passions gives us enjoyment, yet the prospect of this enjoyment is not the cause of the passions but, on the contrary, the passion is antecedent to the enjoyment, and without the former the latter could never possibly exist," etc. (Essay on the Different Species of Philosophy, § 1, note near the end.)

[488] How much clearer Hume's thinking was compared to that of his followers! "It has been proven beyond doubt that even the passions usually seen as selfish lead the mind beyond itself directly to the object; that although satisfying these passions brings us pleasure, the anticipation of this pleasure is not the reason for the passions; rather, the passion comes before the pleasure, and without the former, the latter could never exist," etc. (Essay on the Different Species of Philosophy, § 1, note near the end.)

[489] In favor of the view in the text, one may consult H. Sidgwick, Methods of Ethics, book i. chap. iv; T. H. Green, Prolegomena to Ethics, bk. iii. chap. i. p. 179; Carpenter, Mental Physiol., chap vi; J. Martineau, Types of Ethical Theory, part ii, bk. i, chap. ii. i, and bk. ii, branch i. chap. i. i. § 3. Against it see Leslie Stephen, Science of Ethics, chap. ii. § ii; H. Spencer, Data of Ethics, §§ 9-15; D. G. Thompson, System of Psychology, part ix, and Mind, vi. 62. Also Bain, Senses and Intellect, 738-44; Emotions and Will, 436.

[489] To support the viewpoint in the text, you can refer to H. Sidgwick's *Methods of Ethics*, book I, chapter IV; T. H. Green's *Prolegomena to Ethics*, book III, chapter I, page 179; Carpenter's *Mental Physiology*, chapter VI; J. Martineau's *Types of Ethical Theory*, part II, book I, chapter II, section I, and book II, branch I, chapter I, section I, § 3. For opposing views, see Leslie Stephen's *Science of Ethics*, chapter II, § II; H. Spencer's *Data of Ethics*, §§ 9-15; D. G. Thompson's *System of Psychology*, part IX, and *Mind*, VI, 62. Also check Bain's *Senses and Intellect*, pages 738-44; and *Emotions and Will*, page 436.

[490] This sentence is written from the author's own consciousness. But many persons say that where they disbelieve in the effects ensuing, as in the case of the table, they cannot will it. They "cannot exert a volition that a table should move." This personal difference may be partly verbal. Different people may attach different connotations to the word 'will.' But I incline to think that we differ psychologically as well. When one knows that he has no power, one's desire of a thing is called a wish and not a will. The sense of impotence inhibits the volition. Only by abstracting from the thought of the impossibility am I able to imagine strongly the table sliding over the floor, to make the bodily 'effort' which I do, and to will it to come towards me. It may be that some people are unable to perform this abstraction, and that the image of the table stationary on the floor inhibits the contradictory image of its moving, which is the object to be willed.

[490] This sentence is expressed from the author's own perspective. However, many people say that when they don't believe in the resulting effects, like with the table, they can't will it to move. They "can't exert the will for a table to move." This personal difference might be partly about language. Different individuals may have different meanings attached to the word 'will.' But I tend to think that we also differ psychologically. When someone knows they have no power, their desire for something is called a wish instead of a will. The feeling of powerlessness restricts the will. Only by setting aside the thought of impossibility can I vividly imagine the table sliding across the floor, make the physical 'effort' that I do, and will it to come toward me. It may be that some people cannot make this abstraction, and that the image of the table being still on the floor prevents the conflicting image of it moving, which is what they want to will.

[491] A normal palsy occurs during sleep. We will all sorts of motions in our dreams, but seldom perform any of them. In nightmare we become conscious of the non-performance, and make a muscular 'effort.' This seems then to occur in a restricted way, limiting itself to the occlusion of the glottis and producing the respiratory anxiety which wakes us up.

[491] A regular sleep paralysis happens while we're asleep. We experience many movements in our dreams but rarely act them out. During nightmares, we realize we can't move and make a muscular 'effort.' This often becomes limited, focusing on closing off the airway, which causes the breathing distress that wakes us up.

[492] Both resolves and beliefs have of course immediate motor consequences of a quasi-emotional sort, changes of breathing, of attitude, internal speech movements, etc.; but these movements are not the objects resolved on or believed. The movements in common volition are the objects willed.

[492] Both resolutions and beliefs obviously lead to immediate physical reactions that feel somewhat emotional, like changes in breathing, body language, internal dialogue, and so on; however, these reactions are not the objects that we have resolved to pursue or believe in. The actions we collectively agree on are the actual objects we intend to achieve.

[493] This volitional effort pure and simple must be carefully distinguished from the muscular effort with which it is usually confounded. The latter consists of all those peripheral feelings to which a muscular 'exertion' may give rise. These feelings, whenever they are massive and the body is not 'fresh,' are rather disagreeable, especially when accompanied by stopped breath, congested head, bruised skin of fingers, toes, or shoulders, and strained joints. And it is only as thus disagreeable that the mind must make its volitional effort in stably representing their reality and consequently bringing it about. That they happen to be made real by muscular activity is a purely accidental circumstance. A soldier standing still to be fired at expects disagreeable sensations from his muscular passivity. The action of his will, in sustaining the expectation, is identical with that required for a painful muscular effort. What is hard for both is facing an idea as real.

[493] This volitional effort, plain and simple, needs to be carefully distinguished from the muscular effort that it is often mixed up with. The latter involves all those peripheral sensations that can come from a muscular 'exertion.' These feelings, especially when they are intense and the body isn't 'fresh,' can be quite unpleasant, particularly if they're accompanied by shortness of breath, a congested head, sore skin on fingers, toes, or shoulders, and sore joints. It's only because they're so unpleasant that the mind must make its volitional effort to accurately represent their reality and thus make it happen. The fact that they become real through muscular activity is just a coincidence. A soldier standing still while being targeted anticipates unpleasant feelings from his lack of movement. The action of his will to maintain that expectation is the same as what is needed for a painful muscular effort. What is difficult for both is facing an idea as real.

Where much muscular effort is not needed or where the 'freshness' is very great, the volitional effort is not required to sustain the idea of movement, which comes then and stays in virtue of association's simpler laws. More commonly, however, muscular effort involves volitional effort as well. Exhausted with fatigue and wet and watching, the sailor on a wreck throws himself down to rest. But hardly are his limbs fairly relaxed, when the order 'To the pumps!' again sounds in his ears. Shall he, can he, obey it? Is it not better just to let his aching body lie, and let the ship go down if she will? So he lies on, till, with a desperate heave of the will, at last he staggers to his legs, and to his task again. Again, there are instances where the fiat demands great volitional effort though the muscular exertion be insignificant, e.g., the getting out of bed and bathing one's self on a cold morning.

Where a lot of muscle power isn't needed or when the feeling of 'freshness' is really strong, there's no need for willpower to maintain the idea of movement; it just happens and stays due to simpler associative laws. More often, though, muscle exertion also requires willpower. Tired and soaked, the sailor on a wreck lies down to rest. But hardly are his limbs fully relaxed when the command 'To the pumps!' rings in his ears again. Should he obey it? Can he? Isn't it better to just let his aching body lie still and allow the ship to sink if that's what happens? So he stays lying down until, with a desperate push of will, he finally gets to his feet and returns to his task. There are also cases where obeying a command requires a lot of willpower, even if the physical effort is minimal, like getting out of bed and washing on a cold morning.

[494] Cf. Aristotle's Nichomachæan Ethics, vii. 3; also a discussion of the doctrine of 'The Practical Syllogism' in Sir A. Grant's edition of this work, 2d ed. vol. i. p. 212 ff.

[494] See Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics, vii. 3; also a discussion of the doctrine of 'The Practical Syllogism' in Sir A. Grant's edition of this work, 2nd ed. vol. i. p. 212 ff.

[495] The Duality of the Mind, pp. 141-2. Another case from the same book (p. 123): "A gentleman of respectable birth, excellent education, and ample fortune, engaged in one of the highest departments of trade,... and being induced to embark in one of the plausible speculations of the day ... was utterly ruined. Like other men he could bear a sudden overwhelming reverse better than a long succession of petty misfortunes, and the way in which he conducted himself on the occasion met with unbounded admiration from his friends. He withdrew, however, into rigid seclusion, and being no longer able to exercise the generosity and indulge the benevolent feelings which had formed the happiness of his life, made himself a substitute for them by daydreams, gradually fell into a state of irritable despondency, from which he only gradually recovered with the loss of reason. He now fancied himself possessed of immense wealth, and gave without stint his imaginary riches. He has ever since been under gentle restraint, and leads a life not merely of happiness, but of bliss; converses rationally, reads the newspapers, where every tale of distress attracts his notice, and being furnished with an abundant supply of blank checks, he fills up one of them with a munificent sum, sends it off to the sufferer, and sits down to his dinner with a happy conviction that he has earned the right to a little indulgence in the pleasures of the table; and yet, on a serious conversation with one of his old friends, he is quite conscious of his real position, but the conviction is so exquisitely painful that he will not let himself believe it."

[495] The Duality of the Mind, pp. 141-2. Another case from the same book (p. 123): "A man from a respectable background, with a great education and plenty of money, worked in a high-level trade... and was persuaded to get involved in one of the trendy schemes of the time... and ended up completely ruined. Like many others, he found it easier to deal with a sudden major setback than a long string of minor misfortunes, and his reaction during this time earned him immense admiration from his friends. However, he retreated into strict isolation, and since he could no longer express his generosity or enjoy the kindness that had brought him happiness, he created a substitute for those feelings through daydreams, gradually slipping into a state of irritable despair, from which he only slowly recovered, losing his sanity in the process. He now believes he is incredibly wealthy and gives generously from his imagined fortune. Ever since, he has lived under gentle supervision, leading a life not just of happiness, but of bliss; he talks reasonably, reads the news, where every story of struggle catches his attention, and with a constant supply of blank checks, he fills one out with a generous amount, sends it off to the person in need, and sits down to dinner feeling justified in indulging in the pleasures of the table; yet, during a serious conversation with an old friend, he is fully aware of his actual situation, but the realization is so painfully exquisite that he refuses to let himself accept it."

[496] 'Le Sentiment de l'Effort, et la Conscience de l'Action,' in Revue Philosophique, xxviii. 561.

[496] 'The Feeling of Effort and the Awareness of Action,' in Philosophical Review, xxviii. 561.

[497] P. 577.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ p. 577.

[498] They will be found indicated, in somewhat popular form, in a lecture on 'The Dilemma of Determinism,' published in the Unitarian Review (of Boston) for September 1884 (vol. xxii. p. 193).

[498] You'll find them mentioned in a somewhat accessible way in a lecture titled 'The Dilemma of Determinism,' published in the Unitarian Review (Boston) for September 1884 (vol. xxii. p. 193).

[499] See Grundtatsachen des Seelenlebens, pp. 594-5; and compare the conclusion of our own chapter on Attention, Vol. I. pp. 448-454.

[499] See Basic Facts of the Life of the Mind, pp. 594-5; and compare the conclusion of our own chapter on Attention, Vol. I, pp. 448-454.

[500] Thus at least I interpret Prof. Lipps's words: "Wir wissen uns naturgemäss in jedem Streben umsomehr aktiv, je mehr unser ganzes Ich bei dem Streben beheiligt ist," u. s. w. (p. 601).

[500] So, at least that's how I understand Prof. Lipps's words: "We naturally feel more active in any effort, the more our whole self is involved in that effort," and so on. (p. 601).

[501] Such ejaculations as Mr. Spencer's: "Psychical changes either conform to law or they do not. If they do not, this work, in common with all works on the subject, is sheer nonsense: no science of Psychology is possible" (Principles of Psychology, i. 503),—are beneath criticism. Mr. Spencer's work, like all the other 'works on the subject,' treats of those general conditions of possible conduct within which all our real decisions must fall no matter whether their effort be small or great. However closely psychical changes may conform to law, it is safe to say that individual histories and biographies will never be written in advance no matter how 'evolved' psychology may become.

[501] Mr. Spencer's outburst: "Psychical changes either follow a law or they don’t. If they don’t, then this work, like all others on the subject, is completely pointless: a science of Psychology isn’t possible" (Principles of Psychology, i. 503),—is not worthy of serious discussion. Mr. Spencer’s work, similar to all the other works on the topic, discusses the general conditions of possible behavior that encompass all our actual choices, regardless of whether their impact is small or significant. Even if psychical changes closely align with a law, it’s safe to say that individual stories and biographies will never be predicted in advance, no matter how advanced psychology becomes.

[502] Caricatures of the kind of supposition which free will demands abound in deterministic literature. The following passage from John Fiske's Cosmic Philosophy (pt. ii. chap. xvii) is an example: "If volitions arise without cause, it necessarily follows that we cannot infer from them the character of the antecedent states of feeling. If, therefore, a murder has been committed, we have a priori no better reason for suspecting the worst enemy than the best friend of the murdered man. If we see a man jump from a fourth-story window, we must beware of too hastily inferring his insanity, since he may be merely exercising his free-will; the intense love of life implanted in the human breast being, as it seems, unconnected with attempts at suicide or at self-preservation. We can thus frame no theory of human actions whatever. The countless empirical maxims of every-day life, the embodiment as they are of the inherited and organized sagacity of many generations, become wholly incompetent to guide us; and nothing which any one may do ought ever to occasion surprise. The mother may strangle her first-born child, the miser may cast his long-treasured gold into the sea, the sculptor may break in pieces his lately-finished statue, in the presence of no other feelings than those which before led them to cherish, to hoard, and to create.

[502] Caricatures of the type of assumptions that free will requires are common in deterministic writings. The following passage from John Fiske's Cosmic Philosophy (pt. ii. chap. xvii) is an example: "If decisions happen without any cause, it follows that we cannot deduce the nature of the prior emotional states from them. Therefore, if a murder has occurred, we have a priori no better reason to suspect the worst enemy than the best friend of the victim. If we see a man jump from a fourth-story window, we must be careful not to quickly assume he is insane, as he may simply be exercising his free will; the deep love of life inherent in humans seems to be unrelated to attempts at suicide or self-preservation. Thus, we cannot create any theory of human actions at all. The countless practical rules of daily life, which embody the inherited wisdom of many generations, become entirely inadequate to guide us; and nothing anyone might do should ever come as a surprise. The mother may strangle her firstborn child, the miser may throw his long-saved gold into the sea, the sculptor may smash his recently finished statue, all while feeling no different than what initially drove them to nurture, save, and create."

"To state these conclusions is to refute their premise. Probably no defender of the doctrine of free-will could be induced to accept them, even to save the theorem with which they are inseparably wrapped up. Yet the dilemma cannot be avoided. Volitions are either caused or they are not. If they are not caused, an inexorable logic brings us to the absurdities just mentioned. If they are caused, the free-will doctrine is annihilated.... In truth, the immediate corollaries of the free-will doctrine are so shocking, not only to philosophy but to common-sense, that were not accurate thinking a somewhat rare phenomenon, it would be inexplicable how any credit should ever have been given to such a dogma. This is but one of the many instances in which by the force of words alone men have been held subject to chronic delusion.... Attempting, as the free-will philosophers do, to destroy the science of history, they are compelled by an inexorable logic to pull down with it the cardinal principles of ethics, politics, and jurisprudence. Political economy, if rigidly dealt with on their theory, would fare little better; and psychology would become chaotic jargon.... The denial of causation is the affirmation of chance, and 'between the theory of Chance and the theory of Law there can be no compromise, no reciprocity, no borrowing and lending.' To write history on any method furnished by the free-will doctrine would be utterly impossible."—All this comes from Mr. Fiske's not distinguishing between the possibles which really tempts man and those which tempt him not at all. Free-will, like psychology, deals with the former possibles exclusively.

"Stating these conclusions refutes their basis. It's unlikely that any supporter of the free-will doctrine would agree to them, even to protect the theorem they are closely tied to. However, this dilemma is unavoidable. Choices are either caused or they aren’t. If they aren’t caused, we are led to the absurdities mentioned earlier. If they are caused, the free-will doctrine is destroyed. In fact, the immediate consequences of the free-will doctrine are so shocking, not just to philosophy but to common sense, that if accurate thinking were more common, it would be hard to understand how anyone ever believed such a doctrine. This is just one of many examples where the power of words alone has kept people stuck in a chronic delusion. As free-will philosophers attempt to dismiss the science of history, they are inevitably forced by logic to undermine the fundamental principles of ethics, politics, and law. Political economy wouldn't fare much better if strictly analyzed under their theory, and psychology would devolve into chaotic jargon. Rejecting causation is to affirm chance, and 'between the theory of Chance and the theory of Law, there can be no compromise, no reciprocity, no borrowing and lending.' It would be completely impossible to write history using any method derived from the free-will doctrine."—All this comes from Mr. Fiske's failure to distinguish between the possible choices that actually tempt people and those that don’t tempt them at all. Free-will, like psychology, focuses exclusively on the former possible choices.

[503] On the education of the Will from a pedagogic point of view, see an article by G. Stanley Hall in the Princeton Review for November 1882, and some bibliographic references there contained.

[503] For insights on the education of the Will from an educational perspective, check out an article by G. Stanley Hall in the Princeton Review from November 1882, along with some bibliographic references included there.

[504] See his Emotions and Will, 'The Will,' chap. i. I take the name of random movements from Sully, Outlines of Psychology, p. 593.

[504] See his Emotions and Will, 'The Will,' chap. i. I got the term random movements from Sully, Outlines of Psychology, p. 593.

[505] This figure and the following ones are purely schematic, and must not be supposed to involve any theory about protoplasmatic and axis-cylinder processes. The latter, according to Golgi and others, emerge from the base of the cell, and each cell has but one. They alone form a nervous network. The reader will of course also understand that none of the hypothetical constructions which I make from now to the end of the chapter are proposed as definite accounts of what happens. All I aim at is to make it clear in some more or less symbolic fashion that the formation of new paths, the learning of habits, etc., is in some mechanical way conceivable. Compare what was said in Vol. I. p. 81, note.

[505] These diagrams and the ones that follow are just rough sketches and shouldn't be seen as reflecting any theories about protoplasmic and axis-cylinder processes. According to Golgi and others, the latter come from the bottom of the cell, and each cell has only one. They are the ones that create a nervous network. The reader should also realize that none of the hypothetical models I present from here to the end of the chapter are intended as exact explanations of what occurs. My goal is simply to illustrate, in a somewhat symbolic way, that the creation of new pathways, the learning of habits, etc., can be understood in some mechanical sense. Refer to what was mentioned in Vol. I. p. 81, note.

[506] The Nervous System and the Mind (1888), pp. 75-6.

[506] The Nervous System and the Mind (1888), pp. 75-6.

[507] Compare Vol. I. pp. 137, 142.

[507] See Vol. I, pages 137, 142.

[508] That is, the direction towards the motor cells.

[508] In other words, the path leading to the motor cells.

[509] This brain-scheme seems oddly enough to give a certain basis of reality to those hideously fabulous performances of the Herbartian Vorstellungen. Herbart says that when one idea is inhibited by another it fuses with that other and thereafter helps it to ascend into consciousness. Inhibition is thus the basis of association in both schemes, for the 'draining' of which the text speaks is tantamount to an inhibition of the activity of the cells which are drained, which inhibition makes the inhibited revive the inhibiter on later occasions.

[509] This brain model seems strangely enough to provide a certain reality to those incredibly bizarre performances of the Herbartian Vorstellungen. Herbart states that when one idea is blocked by another, it merges with that second idea and later aids it in rising to consciousness. Inhibition is therefore the foundation of association in both models, as the 'draining' mentioned in the text is essentially similar to blocking the activity of the drained cells, which causes the blocked cells to later recall the one that inhibited them.

[510] See the luminous passage in Münsterberg: Die Willenshandlung, pp. 144-5.

[510] Check out the insightful section in Münsterberg: Die Willenshandlung, pp. 144-5.

[511] L. Lange's and Münsterberg's experiments with 'shortened' or 'muscular' reaction-time (see Vol. I. p. 432) show how potent a fact dynamically this anticipatory preparation of a whole set of possible drainage-channels is.

[511] L. Lange's and Münsterberg's experiments with 'shortened' or 'muscular' reaction time (see Vol. I. p. 432) demonstrate how powerful the dynamic factor of preparing a complete set of potential drainage channels can be.

[512] Even as the proofs of these pages are passing through my hands, I receive Heft 2 of the Zeitschrift für Psychologie u. Physiologie der Sinnesorgane, in which the irrepressible young Münsterberg publishes experiments to show that there is no association between successive ideas, apart from intervening movements. As my explanations have assumed that an earlier excited sensory cell drains a later one, his experiments and inferences would, if sound, upset all my hypotheses. I therefore can (at this late moment) only refer the reader to Herr M.'s article, hoping to review the subject again myself in another place.

[512] Even as I'm reviewing these pages, I receive Volume 2 of the Journal of Psychology and Physiology of the Senses, where the energetic young Münsterberg presents experiments showing that there is no connection between successive ideas, except for intervening actions. Since my explanations have suggested that an earlier activated sensory cell affects a later one, his experiments and conclusions would, if valid, challenge all of my theories. Therefore, I can only direct the reader to Herr M.'s article at this late stage, hoping to discuss the topic again in the future.


CHAPTER XXVII.

HYPNOTISM.

MODES OF OPERATING, AND SUSCEPTIBILITY.

The 'hypnotic,' 'mesmeric,' or 'magnetic' trance can be induced in various ways, each operator having his pet method. The simplest one is to leave the subject seated by himself, telling him that if he close his eyes and relax his muscles and, as far as possible, think of vacancy, in a few minutes he will 'go off.' On returning in ten minutes you may find him effectually hypnotized. Braid used to make his subjects look at a bright button held near their forehead until their eyes spontaneously closed. The older mesmerists made 'passes' in a downward direction over the face and body, but without contact. Stroking the skin of the head, face, arms and hands, especially that of the region round the brows and eyes, will have the same effect. Staring into the eyes of the subject until the latter droop, making him listen to a watch's ticking; or simply making him close his eyes for a minute whilst you describe to him the feeling of falling into sleep, 'talk sleep' to him, are equally efficacious methods in the hands of some operators; whilst with trained subjects any method whatever from which they have been led by previous suggestion to expect results will be successful.[513] The touching of an object[Pg 594] which they are told has been 'magnetized,' the drinking of 'magnetized' water, the reception of a letter ordering them to sleep, etc., are means which have been frequently employed. Recently M. Liégeois has hypnotized some of his subjects at a distance of 1 1/2 kilometres by giving them an intimation to that effect through a telephone. With some subjects, if you tell them in advance that at a certain hour of a certain day they will become entranced, the prophecy is fulfilled. Certain hysterical patients are immediately thrown into hypnotic catalepsy by any violent sensation, such as a blow on a gong or the flashing of an intense light in their eyes. Pressure on certain parts of the body (called zones hypnogènes by M. Pitres) rapidly produces hypnotic sleep in some hysterics. These regions, which differ in different subjects, are oftenest found on the forehead and about the root of the thumbs. Finally, persons in ordinary sleep may be transferred into the hypnotic condition by verbal intimation or contact, performed so gently as not to wake them up.

The 'hypnotic,' 'mesmeric,' or 'magnetic' trance can be induced in various ways, with each operator having their preferred method. The simplest approach is to have the subject sit alone and tell them that if they close their eyes, relax their muscles, and focus on emptiness, they'll 'drift off' in a few minutes. When you check back in ten minutes, you may find them deeply hypnotized. Braid used to make his subjects gaze at a bright button held near their forehead until their eyes naturally closed. Older mesmerists used to make 'passes' in a downward motion over the face and body without actually touching. Gently stroking the skin of the head, face, arms, and hands, especially around the brows and eyes, can have the same effect. Staring into the subject's eyes until they begin to droop, making them listen to the ticking of a watch, or simply asking them to close their eyes for a minute while you describe the feeling of falling asleep—'talk sleep' to them—are equally effective methods for some operators. For trained subjects, any method that they expect to work due to previous suggestions will generally be successful.[513] Touching an object[Pg 594] that they are told has been 'magnetized,' drinking 'magnetized' water, receiving a letter instructing them to sleep, etc., are methods that have been commonly used. Recently, M. Liégeois has hypnotized some of his subjects from a distance of 1.5 kilometers by letting them know through a telephone. With some subjects, if you inform them in advance that they will become entranced at a specific time on a specific day, it often comes true. Some hysterical patients instantly fall into hypnotic catalepsy with any intense sensation, like a loud gong or a bright light flashing in their eyes. Pressing on certain areas of the body (called zones hypnogènes by M. Pitres) can quickly induce hypnotic sleep in some hysterics. These areas, which vary in different subjects, are most commonly found on the forehead and around the base of the thumbs. Finally, individuals in regular sleep can be moved into a hypnotic state through verbal suggestion or gentle contact, carefully done to avoid waking them.


Some operators appear to be more successful than others in getting control of their subjects. I am informed that Mr. Gurney (who made valuable contributions to the theory of hypnotism) was never able himself to hypnotize, and had to use for his observations the subjects of others. On the other hand, Dr. Liébeault claims that he hypnotizes 92% of all comers, and Wetterstrand in Stockholm says that amongst 718 persons there proved to be only 18 whom he failed to influence. Some of this disparity is unquestionably due to differences in the personal 'authority' of the operator, for the prime condition of success is that the subject should confidently expect to be entranced. Much also depends on the operator's tact in interpreting the physiognomy of his subjects, so as to give the right commands, and 'crowd it on' to the subject, at just the propitious moments. These conditions account for the fact that operators grow more[Pg 595] successful the more they operate. Bernheim says that whoever does not hypnotize 80 per cent of the persons whom he tries has not yet learned to operate as he should. Whether certain operators have over and above this a peculiar 'magnetic power' is a question which I leave at present undecided.[514] Children under three or four, and insane persons, especially idiots, are unusually hard to hypnotize. This seems due to the impossibility of getting them to fix their attention continuously on the idea of the coming trance. All ages above infancy are probably equally hypnotizable, as are all races and both sexes. A certain amount of mental training, sufficient to aid concentration of the attention, seems a favorable condition, and so does a certain momentary indifference or passivity as to the result. Native strength or weakness of 'will' have absolutely nothing to do with the matter. Frequent trances enormously increase the susceptibility of a subject, and many who resist at first succumb after several trials. Dr. Moll says he has more than once succeeded after forty fruitless attempts. Some experts are of the opinion that every one is hypnotizable essentially, the only difficulty being the more habitual presence in some individuals of hindering mental preoccupations, which, however, may suddenly at some moment be removed.

Some operators seem to have more success than others in taking control of their subjects. I've heard that Mr. Gurney (who contributed significantly to the theory of hypnotism) was never able to hypnotize anyone himself and had to rely on the subjects of others for his observations. On the other hand, Dr. Liébeault claims he can hypnotize 92% of everyone he tries, and Wetterstrand in Stockholm says that out of 718 people, there were only 18 he couldn't influence. Some of this difference is definitely due to the varying levels of personal 'authority' of the operator, since a key factor for success is that the subject should confidently expect to be entranced. A lot also depends on the operator's skill in reading their subjects' expressions to give the right commands and 'push it on' at just the right moments. These factors explain why operators become more successful the more they practice. Bernheim states that anyone who does not hypnotize at least 80% of the people they try hasn't yet learned the proper technique. Whether some operators have an additional special 'magnetic power' is a question I’ll leave unanswered for now.[514] Children under three or four, and individuals with mental challenges, especially those with severe cognitive impairments, are particularly difficult to hypnotize. This seems to be because it's impossible to get them to focus their attention continuously on the idea of the impending trance. All ages beyond infancy are likely equally hypnotizable, as are all races and both genders. Some degree of mental training that helps with concentration appears to be beneficial, as does a certain momentary indifference or passivity regarding the outcome. Natural strength or weakness of 'will' has absolutely no impact on this. Frequent trances significantly increase a subject's susceptibility, and many who initially resist ultimately give in after several attempts. Dr. Moll says he has often succeeded after forty unsuccessful tries. Some experts believe that everyone is essentially hypnotizable, with the main challenge being that some individuals have persistent mental distractions that can sometimes be suddenly cleared away.


The trance may be dispelled instantaneously by saying in a rousing voice, 'All right, wake up!' or words of similar purport. At the Salpétrière they awaken subjects by blowing on their eyelids. Upward passes have an awakening effect; sprinkling cold water ditto. Anything will awaken a patient who expects to be awakened by that thing. Tell him that he will wake after counting five, and he will do so. Tell him to waken in five minutes, and he is very likely to do so punctually, even though he interrupt thereby some exciting histrionic performance which you may have suggested.—As Dr. Moll says, any theory which pretends to[Pg 596] explain the physiology of the hypnotic state must keep account of the fact that so simple a thing as hearing the word 'wake!' will end it.

The trance can be instantly broken by saying in an enthusiastic voice, 'Okay, wake up!' or phrases with a similar meaning. At Salpétrière, they wake subjects by blowing on their eyelids. Moving hands upward has a waking effect; splashing cold water does too. Anything can wake up a patient who thinks that it will. If you tell him he will wake up after counting to five, he will. If you tell him to wake up in five minutes, he will probably do so right on time, even if it interrupts some exciting performance you suggested. As Dr. Moll says, any theory that claims to explain the physiology of the hypnotic state must consider the fact that something as simple as hearing the word 'wake!' can end it.

THEORIES ABOUT THE HYPNOTIC STATE.

The intimate nature of the hypnotic condition, when once induced, can hardly be said to be understood. Without entering into details of controversy, one may say that three main opinions have been held concerning it, which we may call respectively the theories of

The intimate nature of the hypnotic state, once induced, is still not fully understood. Without delving into the details of the debate, it can be stated that there are three main opinions regarding it, which we can refer to as the theories of

1. Animal magnetism;
2. of Neurosis; and finally of
3. Suggestion.

Animal attraction;
2. Neurosis; and finally of
Suggestion.

According to the animal-magnetism theory there is a direct passage of force from the operator to the subject, whereby the latter becomes the former's puppet. This theory is nowadays given up as regards all the ordinary hypnotic phenomena, and is only held to by some persons as an explanation of a few effects exceptionally met with.

According to the animal-magnetism theory, there is a direct transfer of energy from the operator to the subject, causing the latter to become the former's puppet. This theory is now largely abandoned concerning typical hypnotic phenomena, and is only accepted by some as an explanation for a few rare effects.


According to the neurosis-theory, the hypnotic state is a peculiar pathological condition into which certain predisposed patients fall, and in which special physical agents have the power of provoking special symptoms, quite apart from the subjects mentally expecting the effect. Professor Charcot and his colleagues at the Salpétrière hospital admit that this condition is rarely found in typical form. They call it then le grand hypnotisme, and say that it accompanies the disease hystero-epilepsy. If a patient subject to this sort of hypnotism hear a sudden loud noise, or look at a bright light unexpectedly, she falls into the cataleptic trance. Her limbs and body offer no resistance to movements communicated to them, but retain permanently the attitudes impressed. The eyes are staring, there is insensibility to pain, etc., etc. If the eyelids be forcibly closed, the cataleptic gives place to the lethargic condition, characterized by apparent abolition of consciousness, and absolute muscular relaxation except where the muscles are kneaded or the tendons struck by the operator's hand, or certain nerve-trunks[Pg 597] are pressed upon. Then the muscles in question, or those supplied by the same nerve-trunk enter into a more or less steadfast tonic contraction. Charcot calls this symptom by the name of neuro-muscular hyperexcitability. The lethargic state may be primarily brought on by fixedly looking at anything, or by pressure on the closed eyeballs. Friction on the top of the head will make the patient pass from either of the two preceding conditions into the somnambulic state, in which she is alert, talkative, and susceptible to all the suggestions of the operator. The somnambulic state may also be induced primarily, by fixedly looking at a small object. In this state the accurately limited muscular contractions characteristic of lethargy do not follow upon the above-described manipulations, but instead of them there is a tendency to rigidity of entire regions of the body, which may upon occasion develop into general tetanus, and which is brought about by gently touching the skin or blowing upon it. M. Charcot calls this by the name of cutaneo-muscular hyperexcitability.

According to the neurosis-theory, the hypnotic state is an unusual pathological condition that certain predisposed patients enter, where specific physical stimuli can trigger particular symptoms, completely independent of the subjects’ mental expectations. Professor Charcot and his colleagues at the Salpétrière hospital acknowledge that this condition is rarely seen in its typical form. They refer to it as le grand hypnotisme, stating that it occurs alongside the disease hystero-epilepsy. If a patient experiencing this type of hypnotism hears a sudden loud noise or unexpectedly sees a bright light, she falls into a cataleptic trance. Her limbs and body do not resist movement, but they hold onto the positions they've been put in. Her eyes become fixed, and she shows insensitivity to pain, among other things. If her eyelids are forcibly closed, she transitions from the cataleptic state to a lethargic state, indicated by a noticeable loss of consciousness and total muscle relaxation, except when the muscles are manipulated or the tendons are tapped by the operator's hand, or certain nerve-trunks[Pg 597] are pressed. At that point, the relevant muscles, or those connected to the same nerve-trunk, may enter a more or less steady tonic contraction. Charcot refers to this symptom as neuro-muscular hyperexcitability. The lethargic state can be primarily triggered by staring at something or applying pressure to the closed eyeballs. Rubbing the top of the head can move the patient from either of the prior conditions into a somnambulic state, where she becomes alert, talkative, and highly receptive to the operator's suggestions. The somnambulic state can also be induced directly by focusing on a small object. In this state, the specific muscle contractions seen in lethargy do not occur; instead, there is a tendency for entire areas of the body to become rigid, which can occasionally lead to general tetanus, triggered by light skin contact or by blowing on the skin. M. Charcot refers to this as cutaneo-muscular hyperexcitability.

Many other symptoms, supposed by their observers to be independent of mental expectation, are described, of which I only will mention the more interesting. Opening the eyes of a patient in lethargy causes her to pass into catalepsy. If one eye only be opened, the corresponding half of the body becomes cataleptic, whilst the other half remains in lethargy. Similarly, rubbing one side of the head may result in a patient becoming hemilethargic or hemicataleptic and hemisomnambulic. The approach of a magnet (or certain metals) to the skin causes these half-states (and many others) to be transferred to the opposite sides. Automatic repetition of every sound heard ('echolalia') is said to be produced by pressure on the lower cervical vertebræ or on the epigastrium. Aphasia is brought about by rubbing the head over the region of the speech-centre. Pressure behind the occiput determines movements of imitation. Heidenhain describes a number of curious automatic tendencies to movement, which are brought about by stroking various portions of the vertebral column. Certain other symptoms have been frequently noticed, such as a flushed face and cold hands, brilliant and congested eyes, dilated pupils. Dilated retinal[Pg 598] vessels and spasm of the accommodation are also reported.

Many other symptoms, which observers believe to be independent of mental expectation, are documented, and I will mention only the more interesting ones. Opening the eyes of a patient in lethargy makes her enter catalepsy. If just one eye is opened, the corresponding side of the body goes cataleptic, while the other side remains lethargic. In a similar way, rubbing one side of the head can lead to a patient becoming hemilethargic or hemicataleptic and hemisomnambulic. The approach of a magnet (or certain metals) to the skin causes these half-states (and many others) to shift to the opposite sides. Automatic repetition of every sound heard ('echolalia') is said to occur with pressure on the lower cervical vertebrae or on the epigastric area. Aphasia is triggered by rubbing the head over the area of the speech center. Pressure behind the occiput leads to movements of imitation. Heidenhain describes several curious automatic tendencies to movement that are initiated by stroking different parts of the vertebral column. Some other symptoms have been frequently observed, such as a flushed face and cold hands, bright and congested eyes, and dilated pupils. Dilated retinal[Pg 598] vessels and spasm of the accommodation have also been reported.


The theory of Suggestion denies that there is any special hypnotic state worthy of the name of trance or neurosis. All the symptoms above described, as well as those to be described hereafter, are results of that mental susceptibility which we all to some degree possess, of yielding assent to outward suggestion, of affirming what we strongly conceive, and of acting in accordance with what we are made to expect. The bodily symptoms of the Salpétrière patients are all of them results of expectation and training. The first patients accidentally did certain things which their doctors thought typical and caused to be repeated. The subsequent subjects 'caught on' and followed the established tradition. In proof of this the fact is urged that the classical three stages and their grouped symptoms have only been reported as spontaneously occurring, so far, at the Salpétrière, though they may be superinduced by deliberate suggestion, in patients anywhere found. The ocular symptoms, the flushed face, accelerated breathing, etc., are said not to be symptoms of the passage into the hypnotic state as such, but merely consequences of the strain on the eyes when the method of looking at a bright object is used. They are absent in the subjects at Nancy, where simple verbal suggestion is employed. The various reflex effects (aphasia, echolalia, imitation, etc.) are but habits induced by the influence of the operator, who unconsciously urges the subject into the direction in which he would prefer to have him go. The influence of the magnet, the opposite effects of upward and downward passes, etc., are similarly explained. Even that sleepy and inert condition, the advent of which seems to be the prime condition of farther symptoms being developed, is said to be merely due to the fact that the mind expects it to come; whilst its influence on the other symptoms is not physiological, so to speak, but psychical, its own easy realization by suggestion simply encouraging the subject to expect that ulterior suggestions will be realized with equal ease. The radical defenders of the suggestion-theory are thus led to deny the very existence[Pg 599] of the hypnotic state, in the sense of a peculiar trance-like condition which deprives the patient of spontaneity and makes him passive to suggestion from without. The trance itself is only one of the suggestions, and many subjects in fact can be made to exhibit the other hypnotic phenomena without the preliminary induction of this one.

The theory of Suggestion argues that there's no special hypnotic state that deserves to be called trance or neurosis. All the symptoms described above, as well as those to be discussed later, are results of the mental susceptibility we all have to some extent, yielding to external suggestions, affirming what we strongly believe, and acting according to what we expect. The physical symptoms of the Salpétrière patients are all results of expectation and training. The first patients accidentally did certain things that their doctors thought were typical and caused them to be repeated. Subsequent subjects 'caught on' and followed the established pattern. To support this, it's noted that the classic three stages and their grouped symptoms have only been reported as happening spontaneously so far at Salpétrière, although they can be induced by deliberate suggestion in patients anywhere. The eye symptoms, flushed face, accelerated breathing, etc., are said not to be signs of entering a hypnotic state per se, but simply consequences of the strain on the eyes when a method of focusing on a bright object is used. They are absent in the subjects at Nancy, where only simple verbal suggestions are used. The various reflex effects (aphasia, echolalia, imitation, etc.) are just habits created by the operator's influence, who unconsciously pushes the subject in a preferred direction. The effects of the magnet, the differing impacts of upward and downward passes, etc., are similarly explained. Even that sleepy and sluggish state, which seems to be the key condition for further symptoms to develop, is said to be merely a result of the mind expecting it to come; while its effect on other symptoms is not physiological, so to speak, but psychological, with its own easy realization through suggestion encouraging the subject to expect that later suggestions will also be realized with the same ease. The staunch supporters of the suggestion theory ultimately argue against the very existence [Pg 599] of a hypnotic state in the sense of a distinct trance-like condition that takes away the patient’s spontaneity and makes them passive to external suggestion. The trance itself is just one of the suggestions, and many subjects can actually be made to show other hypnotic phenomena without first inducing this one.


The theory of suggestion may be said to be quite triumphant at the present day over the neurosis-theory as held at the Salpétrière, with its three states, and its definite symptoms supposed to be produced by physical agents apart from co-operation of the subject's mind. But it is one thing to say this, and it is quite another thing to say that there is no peculiar physiological condition whatever worthy of the name of hypnotic trance, no peculiar state of nervous equilibrium, 'hypotaxy,' 'dissociation,' or whatever you please to call it, during which the subject's susceptibility to outward suggestion is greater than at ordinary times. All the facts seem to prove that, until this trance-like state is assumed by the patient, suggestion produces very insignificant results, but that, when it is once assumed, there are no limits to suggestion's power. The state in question has many affinities with ordinary sleep. It is probable, in fact, that we all pass through it transiently whenever we fall asleep; and one might most naturally describe the usual relation of operator and subject by saying that the former keeps the latter suspended between waking and sleeping by talking to him enough to keep his slumber from growing profound, and yet not in such a way as to wake him up. A hynotized patient, left to himself, will either fall sound asleep or wake up entirely. The difficulty in hypnotizing refractory persons is that of catching them at the right moment of transition and making it permanent. Fixing the eyes and relaxing the muscles of the body produce the hypnotic state just as they facilitate the advent of sleep. The first stages of ordinary sleep are characterized by a peculiar dispersed attitude of the attention. Images come before consciousness which are entirely incongruous with our ordinary beliefs and habits of thought. The latter either vanish altogether or withdraw, as it were,[Pg 600] inertly into the background of the mind, and let the incongruous images reign alone. These images acquire, moreover, an exceptional vivacity; they become first 'hypnagogic hallucinations,' and then, as the sleep grows deeper, dreams. Now the 'mono-ideism,' or else the impotency and failure to 'rally' on the part of the background-ideas, which thus characterize somnolescence, are unquestionably the result of a special physiological change occurring in the brain at that time. Just so that similar mono-ideism, or dissociation of the reigning fancy from those other thoughts which might possibly act as its 'reductives,' which characterize the hypnotic consciousness, must equally be due to a special cerebral change. The term 'hypnotic trance,' which I employ, tells us nothing of what the change is, but it marks the fact that it exists, and is consequently a useful expression. The great vivacity of the hypnotic images (as gauged by their motor effects), the oblivion of them when normal life is resumed, the abrupt awakening, the recollection of them again in subsequent trances, the anæsthesia and hyperæsthesia which are so frequent, all point away from our simple waking credulity and 'suggestibility' as the type by which the phenomena are to be interpreted, and make us look rather towards sleep and dreaming, or towards those deeper alterations of the personality known as automatism, double consciousness, or 'second' personality for the true analogues of the hypnotic trance.[515] Even the best hypnotic subjects pass through life without any one suspecting them to possess such a remarkable susceptibility, until by deliberate experiment it is made manifest. The operator fixes their eyes or their attention a short time to develop the propitious phase, holds them in it by his talk, and the state being there, makes them the puppets of all his suggestions. But no ordinary suggestions of waking life ever took such control of their mind.

The theory of suggestion has currently prevailed over the neurosis theory as it was understood at the Salpétrière, which included three states and specific symptoms believed to be caused by physical agents independent of the subject's mind. However, saying this is one thing, and saying that there’s no unique physiological condition worthy of the term hypnotic trance—no specific state of nervous balance, 'hypotaxy,' 'dissociation,' or whatever else you want to call it—during which a subject’s susceptibility to external suggestion is greater than usual is another. All the evidence suggests that until this trance-like state is achieved by the patient, suggestion has very minimal effects, but once it is reached, there are virtually no limits to the power of suggestion. This state shares many similarities with ordinary sleep. In fact, it’s likely that we all briefly enter it whenever we fall asleep; one could naturally describe the typical relationship between the operator and the subject by stating that the former keeps the latter suspended between wakefulness and sleep by speaking enough to prevent deep slumber, yet not enough to fully wake them. A hypnotized patient, left to himself, will either drift into deep sleep or completely wake up. The challenge in hypnotizing resistant individuals lies in capturing them at the right moment of transition and making it stick. Fixating their gaze and relaxing their body can induce the hypnotic state, just like they help facilitate the onset of sleep. The early stages of ordinary sleep are marked by a distinct sense of scattered attention. Images emerge in consciousness that are completely at odds with our usual beliefs and thought patterns. These ideas either disappear altogether or retreat, so to speak, into the background of the mind, allowing the incongruous images to take over. These images also gain an unusual intensity; they initially become 'hypnagogic hallucinations' and then, as sleep deepens, transform into dreams. The 'mono-ideism,' or inability to 'rally' from background thoughts, characteristic of somnolence, undoubtedly stems from a physiological change occurring in the brain at that time. Similarly, the mono-ideism or dissociation of the dominant thought from other thoughts that could counter it, which characterizes the hypnotic state, must also result from a specific cerebral change. The phrase 'hypnotic trance,' which I use, doesn’t tell us what the change is, but it indicates that such a change exists and makes it a useful term. The heightened intensity of hypnotic images (as measured by their motor effects), the forgetfulness of them when normal life resumes, the sudden awakening, the recall of these images in later trances, and the frequent occurrences of anesthesia and hyperesthesia all suggest that our typical waking credulity and 'suggestibility' cannot adequately explain these phenomena. Instead, they direct us to look towards sleep and dreaming, or towards deeper alterations of personality known as automatism, double consciousness, or 'second' personality for true parallels to the hypnotic trance.[515] Even the most skilled hypnotic subjects live their lives without anyone realizing they have such remarkable susceptibility until it is demonstrated through a deliberate experiment. The operator briefly focuses their eyes or attention to create the right conditions, maintains it through conversation, and with the state present, makes them responsive to all his suggestions. Yet, no ordinary suggestions from waking life exert such control over their minds.

The suggestion-theory may therefore be approved as correct, provided we grant the trance-state as its prerequisite. The three states of Charcot, the strange reflexes of Heidenhain, and all the other bodily phenomena which have been called direct consequences of the trance-state itself, are not such. They are products of suggestion, the trance-state having no particular outward symptoms of its own; but without the trance-state there, those particular suggestions could never have been successfully made.[516]

The suggestion theory can be considered correct, as long as we accept the trance state as a necessary condition. The three states identified by Charcot, the unusual reflexes observed by Heidenhain, and all the other physical phenomena that have been labeled as direct results of the trance state itself, are not actually that. They are outcomes of suggestion, with the trance state showing no distinct outward symptoms of its own; however, without the trance state present, those specific suggestions could never have been effectively made.[516]

THE SYMPTOMS OF THE TRANCE.

This accounts for the altogether indefinite array of symptoms which have been gathered together as characteristic of the hypnotic state. The law of habit dominates hypnotic subjects even more than it does waking ones. Any sort of personal peculiarity, any trick accidentally fallen into in the first instance by some one subject, may, by attracting attention, become stereotyped, serve as a pattern for imitation, and figure as the type of a school. The first subject trains the operator, the operator trains the succeeding subjects, all of them in perfect good faith conspiring together to evolve a perfectly arbitrary result. With the extraordinary perspicacity and subtlety of perception which subjects often display for all that concerns the operator with whom they are en rapport, it is hard to keep them ignorant of anything which he expects. Thus it happens that one easily verifies on new subjects what one has already seen on old ones, or any desired symptom of which one may have heard or read.

This explains the completely uncertain range of symptoms that are recognized as typical of the hypnotic state. The law of habit affects hypnotic subjects even more than it does those who are awake. Any personal quirk or habit that one subject accidentally develops can, by drawing attention, become fixed, serving as a model for others to mimic and representing a trend. The first subject teaches the operator, the operator trains the next subjects, and all of them, fully believing in the process, work together to create a completely arbitrary outcome. With the remarkable insight and subtlety of perception that subjects often show regarding the operator they are en rapport with, it's difficult to keep them unaware of anything he anticipates. This makes it easy to confirm what has already been observed in prior subjects or to reproduce any specific symptom that one may have heard about or read.

The symptoms earliest observed by writers were all thought to be typical. But with the multiplication of observed[Pg 602] phenomena, the importance of most particular symptoms as marks of the state has diminished. This lightens very much our own immediate task. Proceeding to enumerate the symptoms of the hypnotic trance, I may confine myself to those which are intrinsically interesting, or which differ considerably from the normal functions of man.

The symptoms that early writers noted were all seen as typical. However, as more phenomena were observed[Pg 602], the significance of most specific symptoms as indicators of the condition has lessened. This greatly simplifies our current task. As I list the symptoms of the hypnotic trance, I can focus on those that are inherently interesting or that differ greatly from normal human functions.


First of all comes amnesia. In the earlier stages of hypnotism the patient remembers what has happened, but with successive sittings he sinks into a deeper condition, which is commonly followed by complete loss of memory. He may have been led through the liveliest hallucinations and dramatic performances, and have exhibited the intensest apparent emotion, but on waking he can recall nothing at all. The same thing happens on waking from sleep in the midst of a dream—it quickly eludes recall. But just as we may be reminded of it, or of parts of it, by meeting persons or objects which figured therein, so on being adroitly prompted, the hypnotic patient will often remember what happened in his trance. One cause of the forgetfulness seems to be the disconnection of the trance performances with the system of waking ideas. Memory requires a continuous train of association. M. Delbœuf, reasoning in this way, woke his subjects in the midst of an action begun during trance (washing the hands, e.g.), and found that they then remembered the trance. The act in question bridged over the two states. But one can often make them remember by merely telling them during the trance that they shall remember. Acts of one trance, moreover, are usually recalled, either spontaneously or at command, during another trance, provided that the contents of the two trances be not mutually incompatible.

First of all, there’s amnesia. In the early stages of hypnosis, the patient remembers what has happened, but as the sessions continue, they enter a deeper state, which is often followed by a complete loss of memory. They may experience vivid hallucinations and dramatic actions, showing intense emotions, but when they wake up, they can't remember anything at all. This happens similarly when waking from sleep in the middle of a dream—it quickly fades from memory. However, just like we might be reminded of a dream by seeing people or things that were in it, a hypnotized patient can often recall what happened in their trance when prompted skillfully. One reason for the forgetfulness seems to be the lack of connection between the actions done in trance and the person's waking thoughts. Memory needs a continuous flow of associations. M. Delbœuf, thinking along these lines, would wake his subjects in the middle of an action they started during the trance (like washing their hands) and found they then remembered the trance. That action connected the two states. Furthermore, one can often help them remember simply by suggesting during the trance that they will remember. Actions from one trance are usually recalled, either spontaneously or on cue, during another trance as long as the content of both trances doesn’t conflict.

Suggestibility. The patient believes everything which his hypnotizer tells him, and does everything which the latter commands. Even results over which the will has normally no control, such as sneezing, secretion, reddening and growing pale, alterations of temperature and heart-beat, menstruation, action of the bowels, etc., may take place in consequence of the operator's firm assertions during the hypnotic trance, and the resulting conviction on the[Pg 603] part of the subject, that the effects will occur. Since almost all the phenomena yet to be described are effects of this heightened suggestibility, I will say no more under the general head, but proceed to illustrate the peculiarity in detail.

Suggestibility. The patient believes everything their hypnotist tells them and follows every command given. Even actions normally beyond willful control, like sneezing, sweating, flushing, and paling, changes in temperature and heart rate, menstruation, and bowel movements, can occur due to the hypnotist's strong statements during the hypnotic trance, along with the subject's resulting belief that these effects will happen. Since almost all the phenomena to be described next are effects of this heightened suggestibility, I won’t elaborate further on the general concept but will instead illustrate this peculiarity in detail.

Effects on the voluntary muscles seem to be those most easily got; and the ordinary routine of hypnotizing consists in provoking them first. Tell the patient that he cannot open his eyes or his mouth, cannot unclasp his hands or lower his raised arm, cannot rise from his seat, or pick up a certain object from the floor, and he will be immediately smitten with absolute impotence in these regards. The effect here is generally due to the involuntary contraction of antagonizing muscles. But one can equally well suggest paralysis, of an arm for example, in which case it will hang perfectly placid by the subject's side. Cataleptic and tetanic rigidity are easily produced by suggestion, aided by handling the parts. One of the favorite shows at public exhibitions is that of a subject stretched stiff as a board with his head on one chair and his heels on another. The cataleptic retention of impressed attitudes differs from voluntary assumption of the same attitude. An arm voluntarily held out straight will drop from fatigue after a quarter of an hour at the utmost, and before it falls the agent's distress will be made manifest by oscillations in the arm, disturbances in the breathing, etc. But Charcot has shown that an arm held out in hypnotic catalepsy, though it may as soon descend, yet does so slowly and with no accompanying vibration, whilst the breathing remains entirely calm. He rightly points out that this shows a profound physiological change, and is proof positive against simulation, as far as this symptom is concerned. A cataleptic attitude, moreover, may be held for many hours.—Sometimes an expressive attitude, clinching of the fist, contraction of the brows, will gradually set up a sympathetic action of the other muscles of the body, so that at last a tableau vivant of fear, anger, disdain, prayer, or other emotional condition, is produced with rare perfection. This effect would seem to be due to the suggestion of the mental state by the first contraction. Stammering, aphasia, or[Pg 604] inability to utter certain words, pronounce certain letters, are readily producible by suggestion.

Effects on the voluntary muscles seem to be the easiest to achieve; and the typical process of hypnotizing starts by triggering them first. Tell the patient that he cannot open his eyes or mouth, cannot unclasp his hands or lower his raised arm, cannot get up from his seat, or pick up a specific object from the floor, and he will instantly be paralyzed in these actions. The effect here usually results from the involuntary contraction of opposing muscles. However, one can just as easily suggest paralysis, such as of an arm, which will then hang completely still by the subject's side. Cataleptic and tetanic rigidity can be easily induced through suggestion, supported by manipulating the limbs. One popular demonstration at public exhibitions features a subject lying stiff as a board with their head on one chair and their heels on another. The cataleptic maintenance of assumed positions differs from the voluntary holding of the same position. An arm held out straight voluntarily will drop from fatigue after a maximum of fifteen minutes, and before it falls, the subject's discomfort will be evident through oscillations in the arm, changes in breathing, etc. But Charcot has shown that an arm extended in hypnotic catalepsy, while it may fall eventually, does so slowly and without any accompanying vibrations, while respiration stays completely calm. He correctly notes that this indicates a significant physiological change and serves as clear evidence against simulation concerning this symptom. Additionally, a cataleptic position can be sustained for many hours. Sometimes, a specific posture, like clenching a fist or furrowing the brows, will gradually trigger a sympathetic reaction in the other muscles of the body, eventually creating a tableau vivant of fear, anger, disdain, prayer, or other emotional states, achieved with remarkable precision. This effect appears to stem from the suggestion of the emotional state by the initial muscle contraction. Stammering, aphasia, or[Pg 604] the inability to say certain words or pronounce specific letters can easily be induced through suggestion.

Hallucinations of all the senses and delusions of every conceivable kind can be easily suggested to good subjects. The emotional effects are then often so lively, and the pantomimic display so expressive, that it is hard not to believe in a certain 'psychic hyper-excitability,' as one of the concomitants of the hypnotic condition. You can make the subject think that he is freezing or burning, itching or covered with dirt, or wet; you can make him eat a potato for a peach, or drink a cup of vinegar for a glass of champagne;[517] ammonia will smell to him like cologne water; a chair will be a lion, a broom-stick a beautiful woman, a noise in the street will be an orchestral music, etc., etc., with no limit except your powers of invention and the patience of the lookers on.[518] Illusions and hallucinations form the pièces de résistance at public exhibitions. The comic effect is at its climax when it is successfully suggested to the subject that his personality is changed into that of a baby, of a street boy, of a young lady dressing for a party, of a stump orator, or of Napoleon the Great. He may even be transformed into a beast, or an inanimate thing like a chair or a carpet, and in every case will act out all the details of the part with a sincerity and intensity seldom seen at the theatre. The excellence of the performance is in these cases the best reply to the suspicion that the subject may be shamming—so skilful a shammer must long since have found his true function in life upon the stage. Hallucinations and histrionic delusions generally go with a certain depth of the trance, and are followed[Pg 605] by complete forgetfulness. The subject awakens from them at the command of the operator with a sudden start of surprise, and may seem for a while a little dazed.

Hallucinations involving all the senses and delusions of every imaginable type can easily be suggested to responsive subjects. The emotional reactions are often so vivid, and the physical expressions so clear, that it's tough not to believe in a certain level of 'psychic hyper-excitability' as part of the hypnotic state. You can make the subject think they're freezing or burning, itching or filthy, or wet; you can make them eat a potato as if it were a peach, or drink vinegar thinking it’s champagne;[517] ammonia will smell to them like perfume; a chair will become a lion, a broomstick a gorgeous woman, and a noise outside will turn into orchestral music, etc., with no limits except your imagination and the patience of the audience.[518] Illusions and hallucinations are the pièces de résistance at public shows. The comedic effect peaks when it's successfully suggested to the subject that their personality has transformed into that of a baby, a street kid, a young woman getting ready for a party, a public speaker, or Napoleon the Great. They might even turn into a beast or an object like a chair or a carpet, and in every case will act out all the details of the role with a sincerity and intensity rarely seen in theatre. The quality of the performance is the best answer to any doubt that the subject might be faking—someone so good at faking would have long found their true calling on stage. Hallucinations and dramatic delusions usually accompany a certain depth of trance and are followed[Pg 605] by total forgetfulness. The subject wakes from these states at the operator's command with a sudden jolt of surprise and may appear a bit disoriented for a while.

Subjects in this condition will receive and execute suggestions of crime, and act out a theft, forgery, arson, or murder. A girl will believe that she is married to her hypnotizer, etc. It is unfair, however, to say that in these cases the subject is a pure puppet with no spontaneity. His spontaneity is certainly not in abeyance so far as things go which are harmoniously associated with the suggestion given him. He takes the text from his operator; but he may amplify and develop it enormously as he acts it out. His spontaneity is lost only for those systems of ideas which conflict with the suggested delusion. The latter is thus 'systematized'; the rest of consciousness is shut off, excluded, dissociated from it. In extreme cases the rest of the mind would seem to be actually abolished and the hypnotic subject to be literally a changed personality, a being in one of those 'second' states which we studied in Chapter X. But the reign of the delusion is often not as absolute as this. If the thing suggested be too intimately repugnant, the subject may strenuously resist and get nervously excited in consequence, even to the point of having an hysterical attack. The conflicting ideas slumber in the background and merely permit those in the foreground to have their way until a real emergency arises; then they assert their rights. As M. Delbœuf says, the subject surrenders himself good-naturedly to the performance, stabs with the pasteboard dagger you give him because he knows what it is, and fires off the pistol because he knows it has no ball; but for a real murder he would not be your man. It is undoubtedly true that subjects are often well aware that they are acting a part. They know that what they do is absurd. They know that the hallucination which they see, describe, and act upon, is not really there. They may laugh at themselves; and they always recognize the abnormality of their state when asked about it, and call it 'sleep.' One often notices a sort of mocking smile upon them, as if they were playing a comedy, and they may even say on 'coming to' that they were shamming[Pg 606] all the while. These facts have misled ultra-skeptical people so far as to make them doubt the genuineness of any hypnotic phenomena at all. But, save the consciousness of 'sleep,' they do not occur in the deeper conditions; and when they do occur they are only a natural consequence of the fact that the 'monoideism' is incomplete. The background-thoughts still exist, and have the power of comment on the suggestions, but no power to inhibit their motor and associative effects. A similar condition is frequent enough in the waking state, when an impulse carries us away and our 'will' looks on wonderingly like an impotent spectator. These 'shammers' continue to sham in just the same way, every new time you hypnotize them, until at last they are forced to admit that if shamming there be, it is something very different from the free voluntary shamming of waking hours.

Subjects in this state will accept and act on suggestions for committing crimes like theft, forgery, arson, or murder. A girl might think she is married to her hypnotist, for example. However, it’s unfair to claim that in these situations the subject is just a puppet with no will of their own. Their spontaneity isn’t completely absent when it comes to things that align well with the given suggestion. They follow the script provided by their operator but can significantly elaborate on it as they play it out. Their spontaneity is only diminished regarding ideas that conflict with the suggested delusion. This delusion becomes 'systematized'; the rest of their consciousness is cut off, excluded, and separated from it. In severe cases, it almost seems like the rest of the mind is completely erased, and the hypnotized subject becomes a totally different personality, one that exists in one of those 'second' states we looked at in Chapter X. However, the control of the delusion isn’t always this absolute. If the suggested action is too deeply uncomfortable for them, the subject may resist strongly and become nervously agitated, potentially leading to a hysterical episode. The conflicting ideas remain dormant in the background, allowing the forefront ideas to dominate until a real emergency arises; then they assert themselves. As M. Delbœuf points out, subjects willingly engage in the act, stabbing with a cardboard dagger because they know it’s fake and firing a gun because they know it’s unloaded; but for an actual murder, they wouldn’t participate. It’s certainly true that subjects are often aware they are playing a role. They recognize that what they’re doing is absurd and realize the hallucinations they see and react to aren’t real. They might even laugh at themselves and often acknowledge the strangeness of their state when asked about it, calling it 'sleep.' One frequently notices a sort of ironic smile on them, as if they are performing in a play, and they might even claim upon returning to normalcy that they were faking the whole time[Pg 606]. These observations have led some overly skeptical people to question the reality of any hypnotic phenomena. But aside from the awareness of 'sleep,' these elements don’t happen in deeper conditions; and when they do, they simply stem from the fact that the 'monoideism' isn’t complete. The background thoughts still exist and can comment on the suggestions, but they lack the ability to hinder their motor and associative responses. A similar condition occurs often while we’re awake, when an impulse takes over and our 'will' watches in amazement like a powerless spectator. These 'pretenders' continue to act the same way every time they are hypnotized, until eventually they admit that if they’re pretending, it’s very different from the free, voluntary pretending of their waking life.

Real sensations may be abolished as well as false ones suggested. Legs and breasts may be amputated, children born, teeth extracted, in short the most painful experiences undergone, with no other anæsthetic than the hypnotizer's assurance that no pain shall be felt. Similarly morbid pains may be annihilated, neuralgias, toothaches, rheumatisms cured. The sensation of hunger has thus been abolished, so that a patient took no nourishment for fourteen days. The most interesting of these suggested anæsthesias are those limited to certain objects of perception. Thus a subject may be made blind to a certain person and to him alone, or deaf to certain words but to no others.[519] In this case the anæsthesia (or negative hallucination, as it has been called) is apt to become systematized. Other things related to the person to whom one has been made blind may also be shut out of consciousness. What he says is not heard, his contact is not felt, objects which he takes from his pocket are not seen, etc. Objects which he screens are seen as if he were transparent. Facts about him are forgotten, his name is not recognized when pronounced. Of course there is great variety in the completeness[Pg 607] of this systematic extension of the suggested anæsthesia, but one may say that some tendency to it always exists. When one of the subjects' own limbs is made anæsthetic, for example, memories as well as sensations of its movements often seem to depart. An interesting degree of the phenomenon is found in the case related by M. Binet of a subject to whom it was suggested that a certain M. C. was invisible. She still saw M. C., but saw him as a stranger, having lost the memory of his name and his existence.—Nothing is easier than to make subjects forget their own name and condition in life. It is one of the suggestions which most promptly succeed, even with quite fresh ones. A systematized amnesia of certain periods of one's life may also be suggested, the subject placed, for instance, where he was a decade ago with the intervening years obliterated from his mind.

Real sensations can be eliminated just as easily as false ones can be suggested. Limbs and breasts can be removed, children can be born, teeth can be extracted—in short, one can go through the most painful experiences without any anesthetic other than the hypnotist's promise that no pain will be felt. Similarly, chronic pains such as neuralgia, toothaches, and rheumatism can be erased. The sensation of hunger has been eliminated, allowing a patient to go without food for fourteen days. Among the most fascinating of these suggested anesthesias are those focused on specific objects of perception. For instance, a subject can be made blind to a certain person and only that person, or deaf to specific words but not to others.[519] In this scenario, the anesthesia (or negative hallucination, as it's sometimes called) can become systematized. Other things related to the person they have been made blind to may also be excluded from their consciousness. What that person says goes unheard, their touch is not felt, objects they take from their pocket are not seen, and so on. Objects they cover are seen as if they were transparent. Facts about that person are forgotten, and their name goes unrecognized when spoken. Naturally, there's a wide range in how completely this systematic extension of suggested anesthesia manifests, but it can be said that some tendency towards it almost always exists. When one of the subject's own limbs is made anesthetic, for example, memories and sensations of its movements often seem to disappear. An intriguing example of this phenomenon is found in the case described by M. Binet of a subject who was told that a certain M. C. was invisible. She still saw M. C., but perceiving him as a stranger, she lost the memory of his name and existence.—It’s incredibly easy to make subjects forget their own names and life circumstances. This is one of the suggestions that often works quickly, even with those who are new to it. A systematic amnesia of certain periods of one’s life can also be suggested, so the subject might be placed back where they were a decade ago, with all the intervening years erased from their mind.

The mental condition which accompanies these systematized anæsthesias and amnesias is a very curious one. The anæsthesia is not a genuine sensorial one, for if you make a real red cross (say) on a sheet of white paper invisible to an hypnotic subject, and yet cause him to look fixedly at a dot on the paper on or near the cross, he will, on transferring his eye to a blank sheet, see a bluish-green after-image of the cross. This proves that it has impressed his sensibility. He has felt it, but not perceived it. He had actively ignored it, refused to recognize it, as it were. Another experiment proves that he must distinguish it first in order thus to ignore it. Make a stroke on paper or blackboard, and tell the subject it is not there, and he will see nothing but the clean paper or board. Next, he not looking, surround the original stroke with other strokes exactly like it, and ask him what he sees. He will point out one by one all the new strokes and omit the original one every time, no matter how numerous the new strokes may be, or in what order they are arranged. Similarly, if the original single stroke to which he is blind be doubled by a prism of sixteen degrees placed before one of his eyes (both being kept open), he will say that he now sees one stroke, and point in the direction in which the image seen through the prism lies.

The mental state that comes with these organized numbness and memory loss is quite fascinating. The numbness isn’t a true sensory one, because if you make a real red cross (for example) on a sheet of white paper while it's invisible to someone in a hypnotic state, and then have them stare at a dot on or near the cross, they will later see a bluish-green after-image of the cross when they look at a blank sheet. This shows that it has registered with their sensitivity. They have felt it, but not perceived it. They actively ignored it, as if they refused to acknowledge it. Another experiment shows that they must distinguish it first in order to ignore it. Draw a line on paper or a blackboard, and tell the person it isn’t there, and they will see nothing but the clean paper or board. Next, while they’re not looking, surround the original line with other lines that are exactly like it, and ask them what they see. They will point out each of the new lines and completely overlook the original one every time, no matter how many new lines there are or in what order they are arranged. Similarly, if the original single line that they can't see is doubled by using a prism of sixteen degrees in front of one of their eyes (while both eyes remain open), they will say they now see one line and point in the direction of the image seen through the prism.

Obviously, then, he is not blind to the kind of stroke in the least. He is blind only to one individual stroke of that kind in a particular position on the board or paper,—that is, to a particular complex object; and, paradoxical as it may seem to say so, he must distinguish it with great accuracy from others like it, in order to remain blind to it when the others are brought near. He 'apperceives' it, as a preliminary to not seeing it at all! How to conceive of this state of mind is not easy. It would be much simpler to understand the process, if adding new strokes made the first one visible. There would then be two different objects apperceived as totals,—paper with one stroke, paper with two strokes; and, blind to the former, he would see all that was in the latter, because he would have apperceived it as a different total in the first instance.

Clearly, he is not oblivious to the type of stroke at all. He is only unaware of one specific stroke of that type in a particular spot on the board or paper—that is, a specific complex object. And as strange as it might sound, he has to differentiate it very precisely from other similar ones to not notice it when the others are nearby. He 'apperceives' it as a step before completely ignoring it! It's not easy to grasp this state of mind. It would be much easier to understand the process if adding new strokes made the first one visible. Then, there would be two distinct objects perceived as wholes—paper with one stroke and paper with two strokes; and, blind to the first, he would see everything that was in the second one because he would have seen it as a different whole at the beginning.

A process of this sort occurs sometimes (not always) when the new strokes, instead of being mere repetitions of the original one, are lines which combine with it into a total object, say a human face. The subject of the trance then may regain his sight of the line to which he had previously been blind, by seeing it as part of the face.

A process like this happens sometimes (not always) when the new strokes, instead of being just repeats of the original, become lines that merge with it to form a complete object, like a human face. The person in the trance might then regain their ability to see the line they were previously blind to by recognizing it as part of the face.

When by a prism before one eye a previously invisible line has been made visible to that eye, and the other eye is closed or screened, its closure makes no difference; the line still remains visible. But if then the prism is removed, the line will disappear even to the eye which a moment ago saw it, and both eyes will revert to their original blind state.

When a prism is held in front of one eye, it can make a line that was previously invisible visible to that eye, even if the other eye is closed or blocked. Closing the other eye doesn’t change anything; the line remains visible. However, if the prism is taken away, the line will vanish even from the eye that just saw it, and both eyes will go back to being unable to see.

We have, then, to deal in these cases neither with a sensorial anæsthesia, nor with a mere failure to notice, but with something much more complex; namely, an active counting out and positive exclusion of certain objects. It is as when one 'cuts' an acquaintance, 'ignores' a claim, or 'refuses to be influenced' by a consideration of whose existence one remains aware. Thus a lover of Nature in America finds himself able to overlook and ignore entirely the board- and rail-fences and general roadside raggedness, and revel in the beauty and picturesqueness of the other elements of the landscape, whilst to a newly-arrived[Pg 609] European the fences are so aggressively present as to spoil enjoyment.

We have to deal in these cases neither with a sensory numbness nor with simply not noticing, but with something much more complicated: an active counting out and deliberate exclusion of certain objects. It's like when someone 'cuts' ties with an acquaintance, 'ignores' a claim, or 'refuses to be swayed' by something they know exists. So, a nature lover in America can completely overlook the board and rail fences and the messy roadside, and instead enjoy the beauty and charm of the other parts of the landscape, while to a newcomer from Europe, the fences stand out so much that they ruin the experience.[Pg 609]

Messrs. Gurney, Janet, and Binet have shown that the ignored elements are preserved in a split-off portion of the subjects' consciousness which can be tapped in certain ways, and made to give an account of itself (see Vol. I. p. 209).

Messrs. Gurney, Janet, and Binet have demonstrated that the overlooked elements are retained in a separate part of the subjects' consciousness that can be accessed in specific ways and can provide an account of itself (see Vol. I. p. 209).

Hyperæsthesia of the senses is as common a symptom as anæsthesia. On the skin two points can be discriminated at less than the normal distance. The sense of touch is so delicate that (as M. Delbœuf informs me) a subject after simply poising on her finger-tips a blank card drawn from a pack of similar ones can pick it out from the pack again by its 'weight.' We approach here the line where, to many persons, it seems as if something more than the ordinary senses, however sharpened, were required in explanation. I have seen a coin from the operator's pocket repeatedly picked out by the subject from a heap of twenty others,[520] by its greater 'weight' in the subject's language.—Auditory hyperæsthesia may enable a subject to hear a watch tick, or his operator speak, in a distant room.—One of the most extraordinary examples of visual hyperæsthesia is that reported by Bergson, in which a subject who seemed to be reading through the back of a book held and looked at by the operator, was really proved to be reading the image of the page reflected on the latter's cornea. The same subject was able to discriminate with the naked eye details in a microscopic preparation. Such cases of 'hyperæsthesia of vision' as that reported by Taguet and Sauvaire, where subjects could see things mirrored by non-reflecting bodies, or through opaque pasteboard, would seem rather to belong to 'psychical research', than to the present category.—The ordinary test of visual hyperacuteness in hypnotism is the favorite trick of giving a subject the hallucination of a picture on a blank sheet of card-board, and then mixing the latter with a lot of other similar sheets. The subject will always find the picture on the original sheet again, and recognize infallibly if it has been turned[Pg 610] over, or upside down, although the bystanders have to resort to artifice to identify it again. The Subject notes peculiarities on the card, too small for waking observation to detect.[521] If it be said that the spectators guide him by their manner, their breathing, etc., that is only another proof of his hyperæsthesia; for he undoubtedly is conscious of subtler personal indications (of his operator's mental states especially) than he could notice in his waking state. Examples of this are found in the so-called 'magnetic rapport.' This is a name for the fact that in deep trance, or in lighter trance whenever the suggestion is made, the subject is deaf and blind to everyone but the operator or those spectators to whom the latter expressly awakens his senses. The most violent appeals from anyone else are for him as if non-existent, whilst he obeys the faintest signals on the part of his hypnotizer. If in catalepsy, his limbs will retain their attitude only when the operator moves them; when others move them they fall down, etc. A more remarkable fact still is that the patient will often answer anyone whom his operator touches, or at whom he even points his finger, in however concealed a manner. All which is rationally explicable by expectation and suggestion, if only it be farther admitted that his senses are acutely sharpened for all the operator's movements.[522] He often shows great anxiety and restlessness if the latter is out of the room. A favorite experiment of Mr. E. Gurney's was to put the subject's hands through an opaque screen, and cause the operator to point at one finger. That finger presently grew insensible or rigid. A bystander pointing simultaneously at another finger, never made that insensible or rigid. Of course the elective rapport with their operator had been developed in these[Pg 611] trained subjects during the hypnotic state, but the phenomenon then occurred in some of them during the waking state, even when their consciousness was absorbed in animated conversation with a fourth party.[523] I confess that when I saw these experiments I was impressed with the necessity for admitting between the emanations from different people differences for which we have no name, and a discriminative sensibility for them of the nature of which we can form no clear conception, but which seems to be developed in certain subjects by the hypnotic trance.—The enigmatic reports of the effect of magnets and metals, even if they be due, as many contend, to unintentional suggestion on the operator's part, certainly involve hyperæsthetic perception, for the operator seeks as well as possible to conceal the moment when the magnet is brought into play, and yet the subject not only finds it out that moment in a way difficult to understand, but may develop effects which (in the first instance certainly) the operator did not expect to find. Unilateral contractures, movements, paralyses, hallucinations, etc., are made to pass to the other side of the body, hallucinations to disappear, or to change to the complementary color, suggested emotions to pass into their opposites, etc. Many Italian observations agree with the French ones, and the upshot is that if unconscious suggestion lie at the bottom of this matter, the patients show an enormously exalted power of divining what it is they are expected to do. This hyperæsthetic perception is what concerns us now.[524] Its modus cannot yet be said to be defined.

Heightened sensitivity of the senses is just as common a symptom as numbness. On the skin, two points can be distinguished at less than the normal distance. The sense of touch is so sensitive that (as M. Delbœuf informs me) a person, after simply balancing a blank card drawn from a pack of similar ones on her fingertips, can identify it again by its 'weight.' We are getting to a point where, for many people, it seems like something beyond ordinary senses, no matter how sharpened, is needed to explain this. I have seen a coin from the operator's pocket repeatedly identified by the subject from a pile of twenty others,[520] by its greater 'weight' in the subject's terms.—Auditory hyper-sensitivity might enable a subject to hear a watch ticking or the operator speaking in a nearby room.—One of the most astonishing examples of visual hyper-sensitivity is reported by Bergson, where a subject who appeared to be reading the back of a book held and viewed by the operator was actually reading the reflection of the page on the latter's cornea. The same subject was able to distinguish details in a microscopic preparation with the naked eye. Such cases of 'hyper-sensitivity of vision' as reported by Taguet and Sauvaire, where subjects could see reflections from non-reflective surfaces or through opaque cardboard, seem to belong more to 'psychical research' than to the current category.—The usual test for visual acuity in hypnosis involves the classic trick of creating the hallucination of a picture on a blank cardboard sheet and then mixing that sheet with other similar ones. The subject will consistently find the picture on the original sheet again and can reliably identify it even if it's been turned[Pg 610] over or upside down, even though bystanders have to resort to tricks to identify it again. The subject notices small details on the card that waking observation would miss.[521] If it's suggested that the spectators guide him through their demeanor, breathing, etc., that only serves as further proof of his heightened sensitivity; for he is undoubtedly aware of subtler personal cues (especially regarding his operator's mental states) than he could notice while awake. Examples of this are seen in the so-called 'magnetic rapport.' This describes the phenomenon where, in a deep trance or lighter trance when the suggestion is made, the subject is deaf and blind to everyone except the operator or specific bystanders the operator intentionally prompts. The most intense calls from anyone else seem non-existent to him, while he responds to the faintest signals from his hypnotizer. If in catalepsy, his limbs will hold their position only when the operator moves them; if others try, they simply fall down, etc. An even more remarkable fact is that the subject will often respond to anyone the operator touches or even points to, no matter how subtly. All this can be logically explained by expectation and suggestion, provided it's also acknowledged that his senses are sharply attuned to all the operator's movements.[522] He often displays significant anxiety and restlessness if the operator leaves the room. A favorite experiment of Mr. E. Gurney's was to place the subject's hands through an opaque screen and have the operator point at one finger. That finger would soon become numb or rigid. A bystander pointing simultaneously at another finger never caused that finger to become numb or rigid. Obviously, the selective rapport with their operator had been developed in these[Pg 611] trained subjects during the hypnotic state, but this phenomenon also occurred in some of them during the waking state, even when their attention was consumed in lively conversation with a third party.[523] I admit that when I observed these experiments, I was struck by the necessity to recognize that there are differences in the emanations from different individuals for which we lack a name, and that there’s a kind of discriminative sensitivity toward them that we cannot clearly understand, yet seems to be developed in certain subjects through the hypnotic trance.—The puzzling reports about the influence of magnets and metals, even if they stem, as many argue, from unintentional suggestion from the operator, undoubtedly involve heightened perceptual sensitivity, as the operator tries to conceal when the magnet is introduced, and yet the subject not only identifies that moment in a way that's hard to comprehend, but may also produce effects that (initially, at least) the operator did not anticipate. Unilateral contractions, movements, paralysis, hallucinations, etc., can shift to the other side of the body, hallucinations may vanish or change to their complementary color, suggested emotions can transform into their opposites, etc. Many observations from Italy align with French ones, leading to the conclusion that if unconscious suggestion is at play here, the patients demonstrate an incredibly heightened ability to intuit what they are expected to do. This heightened perceptual sensitivity is what concerns us now.[524] Its modus has yet to be clearly defined.

Changes in the nutrition of the tissues may be produced by suggestion. These effects lead into therapeutics—a subject which I do not propose to treat of here. But I may say that there seems no reasonable ground for doubting that in certain chosen subjects the suggestion of a congestion, a burn, a blister, a raised papule, or a bleeding from the nose or skin, may produce the effect. Messrs. Beaunis, Berjon, Bernheim, Bourru, Burot, Charcot, Delbœuf, Dumontpallier, Focachon, Forel, Jendrássik, Krafft-Ebing, Liébeault, Liégeois, Lipp, Mabille, and others have recently vouched for one or other of these effects. Messrs. Delbœuf and Liégeois have annulled by suggestion, one the effects of a burn, the other of a blister. Delbœuf was led to his experiments after seeing a burn on the skin produced by suggestion, at the Salpétrière, by reasoning that if the idea of a pain could produce inflammation it must be because pain was itself an inflammatory irritant, and that the abolition of it from a real burn ought therefore to entail the absence of inflammation. He applied the actual cautery (as well as vesicants) to symmetrical places on the skin, affirming that no pain should be felt on one of the sides. The result was a dry scorch on that side, with (as he assures me) no after-mark, but on the other side a regular blister with suppuration and a subsequent scar. This explains the innocuity of certain assaults made on subjects during trance. To test simulation, recourse is often had to sticking pins under their finger-nails or through their tongue, to inhalations of strong ammonia, and the like. These irritations, when not felt by the subject, seem to leave no after-consequences. One is reminded of the reported non-inflammatory character of the wounds made on themselves by dervishes in their pious orgies. On the other hand, the reddenings and bleedings of the skin along certain lines, suggested by tracing lines or pressing objects thereupon, put the accounts handed down to us of the stigmata of the cross appearing on the hands, feet, sides, and forehead of certain Catholic mystics in a new light. As so often happens, a fact is denied until a welcome interpretation comes with it. Then it is admitted readily enough; and evidence judged quite insufficient to back a claim, so long as the church had an interest in making it, proves to[Pg 613] be quite sufficient for modern scientific enlightenment, the moment it appears that a reputed saint can thereby be classed as 'a case of hystero-epilepsy.'

Changes in the nutrition of the tissues can be caused by suggestion. These effects lead into therapeutics—a topic I won’t discuss here. However, I can say that there seems to be no reasonable reason to doubt that in some specific cases, suggesting things like congestion, a burn, a blister, a raised bump, or bleeding from the nose or skin can produce these effects. Recently, Messrs. Beaunis, Berjon, Bernheim, Bourru, Burot, Charcot, Delbœuf, Dumontpallier, Focachon, Forel, Jندريةску, Krafft-Ebing, Liébeault, Liégeois, Lipp, Mabille, and others have confirmed one or more of these effects. Messrs. Delbœuf and Liégeois have managed to cancel out the effects of a burn and a blister using suggestion. Delbœuf started his experiments after observing a burn on the skin caused by suggestion at the Salpétrière, reasoning that if the idea of pain could create inflammation, it must be because pain itself is an inflammatory irritant, and that eliminating it from a real burn should therefore eliminate inflammation. He applied actual cautery (as well as blisters) to matched areas on the skin, asserting that no pain should be felt on one side. The result was a dry burn on that side, which (as he tells me) left no mark, while the other side developed a regular blister with pus and a subsequent scar. This sheds light on the harmlessness of certain actions taken on subjects during trance. To test for faking, they often use pins under the fingernails or through the tongue, inhaling strong ammonia, and the like. These irritations, when not felt by the subject, seem to leave no lasting effects. It reminds one of the non-inflammatory nature of wounds that dervishes reportedly inflict on themselves during their religious rituals. On the other hand, the reddening and bleeding of the skin along certain lines, suggested by drawing lines or pressing objects on them, gives a new perspective on the historical accounts of the stigmata of the cross appearing on the hands, feet, sides, and forehead of certain Catholic mystics. As often happens, a fact is denied until it can be interpreted in a favorable way. Then it is easily accepted; and evidence once deemed insufficient to support a claim while the church had an interest in it, suddenly proves to[Pg 613] be quite adequate for modern scientific understanding the moment it becomes possible to categorize a reputed saint as 'a case of hystero-epilepsy.'


There remain two other topics, viz., post-hypnotic effects of suggestion, and effects of suggestion in the waking state.

There are still two other topics to discuss: post-hypnotic effects of suggestion and the effects of suggestion when awake.

Post-hypnotic, or deferred, suggestions are such as are given to the patients during trance, to take effect after waking. They succeed with a certain number of patients even when the execution is named for a remote period—months or even a year, in one case reported by M. Liégeois. In this way one can make the patient feel a pain, or be paralyzed, or be hungry or thirsty, or have an hallucination, positive or negative, or perform some fantastic action after emerging from his trance. The effect in question may be ordered to take place not immediately, but after an interval of time has elapsed, and the interval may be left to the subject to measure, or may be marked by a certain signal. The moment the signal occurs, or the time is run out, the subject, who until then seems in a perfectly normal waking condition, will experience the suggested effect. In many instances, whilst thus obedient to the suggestion, he seems to fall into the hypnotic condition again. This is proved by the fact that the moment the hallucination or suggested performance is over he forgets it, denies all knowledge of it, and so forth; and by the further fact that he is 'suggestible' during its performance, that is, will receive new hallucinations, etc., at command. A moment later and this suggestibility has disappeared. It cannot be said, however, that relapse into the trance is an absolutely necessary condition for the post-hypnotic carrying out of commands, for the subject may be neither suggestible nor amnesic, and may struggle with all the strength of his will against the absurdity of this impulse which he feels rising in him, he knows not why. In these cases, as in most cases, he forgets the circumstance of the impulse having been suggested to him in a previous trance; regards it as arising within himself; and often improvises, as he yields to it, some more or less plausible or ingenious motive by which to justify it to[Pg 614] the lookers-on. He acts, in short, with his usual sense of personal spontaneity and freedom; and the disbelievers in the freedom of the will have naturally made much of these cases in their attempts to show it to be an illusion.

Post-hypnotic, or deferred, suggestions are instructions given to patients while they're in a trance that take effect after they wake up. They work for some patients even when the instructions are set for a distant time—months or even a year, as reported by M. Liégeois. In this way, a patient can feel pain, become paralyzed, experience hunger or thirst, have a hallucination, whether real or imagined, or do something unusual after coming out of the trance. The effect may be scheduled to occur not right away, but after a certain amount of time, which might be left up to the patient to decide or signaled by a specific cue. When the cue happens or the time is up, the patient, who until then appears completely normal, will experience the suggested effect. In many cases, while following the suggestion, the person seems to slip back into a hypnotic state. This is evident because as soon as the hallucination or action is over, they forget it, deny any knowledge of it, and so on. Furthermore, they are 'suggestible' during the occurrence, meaning they can accept new hallucinations or commands. A moment later, this suggestibility disappears. However, it's not necessary for the person to relapse into a trance for the post-hypnotic command to be carried out; the subject may be neither suggestible nor forgetful, and may firmly resist the strange urge they suddenly feel, not knowing why. In these instances, as in most cases, they forget that the impulse was suggested to them during a previous trance; they see it as something that comes from within themselves; and often, as they give in to it, they create some plausible or clever reason to justify it to [Pg 614] the bystanders. They act, in short, with their usual sense of personal spontaneity and freedom; and skeptics of free will have understandably highlighted these instances in their efforts to prove it’s an illusion.

The only really mysterious feature of these deferred suggestions is the patient's absolute ignorance during the interval preceding their execution that they have been deposited in his mind. They will often surge up at the preappointed time, even though you have vainly tried a while before to make him recall the circumstances of their production. The most important class of post-hypnotic suggestions are, of course, those relative to the patient's health—bowels, sleep, and other bodily functions. Among the most interesting (apart from the hallucinations) are those relative to future trances. One can determine the hour and minute, or the signal, at which the patient will of his own accord lapse into trance again. One can make him susceptible in future to another operator who may have been unsuccessful with him in the past. Or more important still in certain cases, one can, by suggesting that certain persons shall never be able hereafter to put him to sleep, remove him for all future time from hypnotic influences which might be dangerous. This, indeed, is the simple and natural safeguard against those 'dangers of hypnotism' of which uninstructed persons talk so vaguely. A subject who knows himself to be ultra-susceptible should never allow himself to be entranced by an operator in whose moral delicacy he lacks complete confidence; and he can use a trusted operator's suggestions to protect himself against liberties which others, knowing his weakness, might be tempted to take with him.

The only truly mysterious aspect of these delayed suggestions is that the patient is completely unaware that they have been placed in their mind during the time before they take effect. They often come up at the designated moment, even if you've unsuccessfully tried to get them to remember how they were created earlier. The most significant type of post-hypnotic suggestions relates to the patient's health—like their digestion, sleep, and other bodily functions. Among the most interesting (besides the hallucinations) are the ones about future trances. You can set the specific hour and minute, or a signal, for when the patient will automatically fall back into a trance. You can make them open to another practitioner who was previously unsuccessful with them. More importantly, in some cases, you can suggest that certain individuals will never be able to hypnotize them again, protecting them from potentially harmful hypnotic influences in the future. This is indeed a straightforward and natural way to guard against the so-called 'dangers of hypnotism' that uninformed people discuss so vaguely. A subject who's aware of their high susceptibility should never let themselves be hypnotized by an operator whose moral integrity they don't fully trust; and they can utilize a trusted operator's suggestions to shield themselves from any misconduct that others, aware of their vulnerability, might try to engage in.

The mechanism by which the command is retained until the moment for its execution arrives is a mystery which has given rise to much discussion. The experiments of Gurney and the observations of M. Pierre Janet and others on certain hysterical somnabulists seem to prove that it is stored up in consciousness; not simply organically registered, but that the consciousness which thus retains it is split off, dissociated from the rest of the subject's mind. We have here, in short, an experimental production of one of those 'second' states of the personality of which we have spoken so often. Only here the[Pg 615] second state coexists as well as alternates with the first. Gurney had the brilliant idea of tapping this second consciousness by means of the planchette. He found that certain persons, who were both hypnotic subjects and automatic writers, would if their hands were placed on a planchette (after being wakened from a trance in which they had received the suggestion of something to be done at a later time) write out unconsciously the order, or something connected with it. This shows that something inside of them, which could express itself through the hand alone, was continuing to think of the order, and possibly of it alone. These researches have opened a new vista of possible experimental investigations into the so-called 'second' states of the personality.

The way the command is kept until it’s time for execution is a mystery that has sparked a lot of debate. Experiments by Gurney and observations by M. Pierre Janet and others on certain hysterical sleepwalkers seem to demonstrate that it's stored in consciousness; not just recorded in a physical way, but that the consciousness that holds onto it is separate, dissociated from the rest of the person's mind. Essentially, this is an experimental demonstration of one of those 'second' states of personality we’ve talked about frequently. Here, the[Pg 615] second state exists alongside and alternates with the first. Gurney had a brilliant idea to access this second consciousness using a planchette. He discovered that certain individuals, who were both hypnotic subjects and automatic writers, would, if their hands were placed on a planchette (after being awakened from a trance where they had received a suggestion to do something later), unconsciously write down the order, or something related to it. This indicates that something within them, which could express itself solely through the hand, was still thinking about the command, and possibly only about that. These studies have opened up a new path for potential experimental inquiries into the so-called 'second' states of personality.

Some subjects seem almost as obedient to suggestion in the waking state as in sleep, or even more so, according to certain observers. Not only muscular phenomena, but changes of personality and hallucinations are recorded as the result of simple affirmation on the operator's part, without the previous ceremony of 'magnetizing' or putting into the 'mesmeric sleep.' These are all trained subjects, however, so far as I know, and the affirmation must apparently be accompanied by the patient concentrating his attention and gazing, however briefly, into the eyes of the operator. It is probable therefore that an extremely rapidly induced condition of trance is a prerequisite for success in these experiments.

Some people seem to respond to suggestions in their waking state just as much as they do when they're asleep, or even more, according to some observers. Not only do we see physical reactions, but also personality changes and hallucinations happening just from simple affirmations by the operator, without the usual process of 'magnetizing' or putting someone into a 'mesmeric sleep.' However, as far as I know, all of these subjects are trained, and it seems that the affirmation needs to be paired with the patient focusing their attention and looking, even for a moment, into the operator's eyes. Therefore, it's likely that a rapidly induced trance state is necessary for success in these experiments.


I have now made mention of all the more important phenomena of the hypnotic trance. Of their therapeutic or forensic bearings this is not the proper place to speak. The recent literature of the subject is quite voluminous, but much of it consists in repetition. The best compendious work on the subject is 'Der Hypnotismus,' by Dr. A. Moll (Berlin, 1889; and just translated into English, N. Y., 1890), which is extraordinarily complete and judicious. The other writings most recommendable are subjoined in the note.[525][Pg 616] Most of them contain a historical sketch and much bibliography. A complete bibliography has been published by M. Dessoir (Berlin, 1888).

I have now mentioned all the key phenomena of the hypnotic trance. This isn't the right place to discuss their therapeutic or legal implications. Recent literature on the subject is quite extensive, but a lot of it is repetitive. The most comprehensive work on the topic is 'Der Hypnotismus' by Dr. A. Moll (Berlin, 1889; recently translated into English, N.Y., 1890), which is incredibly thorough and insightful. The other highly recommended writings are listed in the note.[525][Pg 616] Most of them include a historical overview and a lot of references. A complete bibliography was published by M. Dessoir (Berlin, 1888).


[513] It should be said that the methods of leaving the patient to himself, and that of the simple verbal suggestion of sleep (the so-called Nancy method introduced by Liébeault of that place), seem, wherever applicable, to be the best, as they entail none of the after-inconveniences which occasionally follow upon straining his eyes. A new patient should not be put through a great variety of different suggestions in immediate succession. He should be waked up from time to time, and then rehypnotized to avoid mental confusion and excitement. Before finally waking a subject you should undo whatever delusive suggestions you may have implanted in him, by telling him that they are all gone, etc., and that you are now going to restore him to his natural state. Headache, languor, etc., which sometimes follow the first trance or two, must be banished at the outset, by the operator strongly assuring the subject that such things never come from hypnotism, that the subject must not have them, etc.

[513] It should be noted that the methods of allowing the patient to be on their own, and the simple verbal suggestion for sleep (the so-called Nancy method introduced by Liébeault from that area), seem to be the most effective wherever they can be applied, as they avoid any of the later discomforts that can sometimes come from overly straining their eyes. A new patient shouldn’t be subjected to a wide range of different suggestions all at once. They should be awakened periodically and then put back into hypnosis to prevent mental confusion and agitation. Before finally waking up the subject, you should undo any false suggestions you may have given them by telling them that those suggestions are gone, etc., and that you are now going to return them to their natural state. Any headaches, fatigue, etc., that sometimes follow the initial trances must be addressed right away by the operator firmly assuring the subject that such issues never arise from hypnosis, and that the subject must not experience them, etc.

[514] Certain facts would seem to point that way. Cf., e.g., the case of the man described by P. Despine, Étude Scientifique sur le Somnambulisme, p. 286 ff.

[514] Some facts seem to support this idea. See, for example, the case of the man described by P. Despine in Étude Scientifique sur le Somnambulisme, p. 286 ff.

[515] The state is not identical with sleep, however analogous in certain respects. The lighter stages of it, particularly, differ from sleep and dreaming, inasmuch as they are characterized almost exclusively by muscular inabilities and compulsions, which are not noted in ordinary somnolescence, and the mind, which is confused in somnolescence, may be quite clearly conscious, in the lighter state of trance, of all that is going on.

[515] The state is not identical to sleep, but it is similar in some ways. The lighter stages, especially, are different from sleep and dreaming because they are mostly marked by muscular weaknesses and urges, which aren’t seen in normal drowsiness. Additionally, the mind, which can be confused during drowsiness, can be quite aware of everything happening in the lighter state of trance.

[516] The word 'suggestion' has been bandied about too much as if it explained all mysteries: When the subject obeys it is by reason of the 'operator's suggestion'; when he proves refractory it is in consequence of an 'auto-suggestion' which he has made to himself, etc., etc. What explains everything explains nothing; and it must be remembered that what needs explanation here is the fact that in a certain condition of the subject suggestions operate as they do at no other time; that through them functions are affected which ordinarily elude the action of the waking will; and that usually all this happens in a condition of which no after-memory remains.

[516] The term 'suggestion' has been tossed around too freely as if it can clarify all mysteries: when the subject follows it, it's attributed to the 'operator's suggestion'; when they resist, it's chalked up to an 'auto-suggestion' they've created for themselves, and so on. What explains everything explains nothing; what really needs explaining here is that in a certain state, suggestions work in ways they do not at any other time; they impact functions that typically escape the control of the conscious will; and usually, all of this occurs in a state that leaves no memory afterward.

[517] A complete fit of drunkenness may be the consequence of the suggested champagne. It is even said that real drunkenness has been cured by suggestion.

[517] A full-on bout of drunkenness might be the result of the mentioned champagne. It's even claimed that genuine drunkenness has been treated through suggestion.

[518] The suggested hallucination may be followed by a negative after-image, just as if it were a real object. This can be very easily verified with the suggested hallucination of a colored cross on a sheet of white paper. The subject, on turning to another sheet of paper, will see a cross of the complementary color. Hallucinations have been shown by MM. Binet and Féré to be doubled by a prism or mirror, magnified by a lens, and in many other ways to behave optically like real objects. These points have been discussed already on p. 138 ff.

[518] The suggested hallucination can be followed by a negative after-image, just like it would be with a real object. This is easy to confirm using the suggested hallucination of a colored cross on a white sheet of paper. When the subject looks at another sheet of paper, they will see a cross in the complementary color. MM. Binet and Féré have shown that hallucinations can be doubled using a prism or mirror, magnified through a lens, and behave optically like real objects in many other ways. These points have already been discussed on p. 138 ff.

[519] M. Liégeois explains the common exhibition-trick of making the subject unable to get his arms into his coat-sleeves again after he has taken his coat off, by an anæsthesia to the necessary parts of the coat.

[519] M. Liégeois describes a common exhibition trick where the subject can't get their arms back into their coat sleeves after taking off their coat, due to numbness in the necessary parts of the coat.

[520] Precautions being taken against differences of temperature and other grounds of suggestion.

[520] Measures are being taken to guard against temperature changes and other factors that may influence perception.

[521] It should be said, however, that the bystander's ability to discriminate unmarked cards and sheets of paper from each other is much greater than one would naturally suppose.

[521] It's worth noting, though, that a bystander’s ability to tell unmarked cards apart from sheets of paper is much better than you might expect.

[522] I must repeat, however, that we are here on the verge of possibly unknown forces and modes of communication. Hypnotization at a distance, with no grounds for expectation on the subject's part that it was to be tried, seems pretty well established in certain very rare cases. See in general, for information on these matters, the Proceedings of the Soc. for Psych. Research, passim.

[522] I have to emphasize again that we are on the brink of potentially unfamiliar forces and ways of communicating. Distance hypnosis, where the person being hypnotized has no reason to expect that it will happen, appears to be well established in a few very rare instances. For more information on these topics, check out the Proceedings of the Soc. for Psych. Research, passim.

[523] Here again the perception in question must take place below the threshold of ordinary consciousness, possibly in one of those split-off selves or 'second' states whose existence we have so often to recognize.

[523] Once again, the perception we're talking about has to happen beneath the level of everyday awareness, perhaps in one of those separate selves or 'alternate' states whose existence we often need to acknowledge.

[524] I myself verified many of the above effects of the magnet on a blindfolded subject on whom I was trying them for the first time, and whom I believe to have never heard of them before. The moment, however, an opaque screen was added to the blindfolding, the effects ceased to coincide with the approximation of the magnet, so that it looks as if visual perception had been instrumental in producing them. The subject passed from my observation, so that I never could clear up the mystery. Of course I gave him consciously no hint of what I was looking for.

[524] I personally tested many of the effects of the magnet on a blindfolded subject during my first trial, and I believe he had never heard of them before. However, when I added an opaque screen while he was still blindfolded, the effects stopped aligning with the magnet's approach, suggesting that visual perception may have been responsible for them. The subject moved out of my view, so I could never resolve the mystery. Of course, I didn’t give him any hints about what I was trying to find.

[525] Binet and Féré, 'Animal Magnetism,' in the International Scientific Series; A. Bernheim. 'Suggestive Therapeutics' (N. Y., 1889); J. Liégeois, 'De la Suggestion' (1889); E. Gurney, two articles in Mind, vol. ix.—In the recent revival of interest in the history of this subject, it seems a pity that the admirably critical and scientific work of Dr. John Kearsley Mitchell of Philadelphia should remain relatively so unknown. It is quite worthy to rank with Braid's investigations. See "Five Essays" by the above author, edited by S. Weir Mitchell, Philadelphia, 1859, pp. 141-274.

[525] Binet and Féré, 'Animal Magnetism,' in the International Scientific Series; A. Bernheim. 'Suggestive Therapeutics' (N. Y., 1889); J. Liégeois, 'De la Suggestion' (1889); E. Gurney, two articles in Mind, vol. ix.—In the recent revival of interest in the history of this subject, it seems unfortunate that the exceptional critical and scientific work of Dr. John Kearsley Mitchell from Philadelphia should remain relatively unknown. It certainly deserves to be mentioned alongside Braid's research. See "Five Essays" by the aforementioned author, edited by S. Weir Mitchell, Philadelphia, 1859, pp. 141-274.


CHAPTER XXVIII.

NECESSARY TRUTHS AND THE EFFECTS OF EXPERIENCE.

In this final chapter I shall treat of what has sometimes been called psychogenesis, and try to ascertain just how far the connections of things in the outward environment can account for our tendency to think of, and to react upon, certain things in certain ways and in no others, even though personally we have had of the things in question no experience, or almost no experience, at all. It is a familiar truth that some propositions are necessary. We must attach the predicate 'equal' to the subject 'opposite sides of a parallelogram' if we think those terms together at all, whereas we need not in any such way attach the predicate 'rainy,' for example, to the subject 'to-morrow.' The dubious sort of coupling of terms is universally admitted to be due to 'experience'; the certain sort is ascribed to the 'organic structure' of the mind. This structure is in turn supposed by the so-called apriorists to be of transcendental origin, or at any rate not to be explicable by experience; whilst by evolutionary empiricists it is supposed to be also due to experience, only not to the experience of the individual, but to that of his ancestors as far back as one may please to go. Our emotional and instinctive tendencies, our irresistible impulses to couple certain movements with the perception or thought of certain things, are also features of our connate mental structure, and like the necessary judgments, are interpreted by the apriorists and the empiricists in the same warring ways.

In this final chapter, I will discuss what’s sometimes referred to as psychogenesis, and I’ll try to determine how much the connections of things in our environment can explain why we tend to think about and react to certain things in specific ways, even if we have had little to no personal experience with them. It’s a well-known fact that some statements are necessary. We must connect the term 'equal' with 'opposite sides of a parallelogram' if we think about those concepts together, whereas we don’t have to link the term 'rainy' to 'tomorrow' in any similar way. The questionable linking of terms is generally accepted to be a result of 'experience'; the certain connections are attributed to the 'organic structure' of the mind. Some so-called apriorists believe this structure has a transcendental origin or at least can't be explained by experience, while evolutionary empiricists argue that it is also a result of experience, but not the individual’s experience—rather, it comes from the experiences of our ancestors, going back as far as we want. Our emotional and instinctual tendencies, our strong impulses to associate certain actions with the perception or thought of specific things, are also aspects of our inherent mental structure, and like necessary judgments, they are interpreted differently by apriorists and empiricists, leading to ongoing debate.

I shall try in the course of the chapter to make plain three things:

I will try during this chapter to explain three things:

1) That, taking the word experience as it is universally understood, the experience of the race can no more account[Pg 618] for our necessary or a priori judgments than the experience of the individual can;

1) That, using the word experience as it's commonly understood, the experience of the race cannot explain our necessary or a priori judgments any more than the experience of the individual can;

2) That there is no good evidence for the belief that our instinctive reactions are fruits of our ancestors' education in the midst of the same environment, transmitted to us at birth.

2) That there is no solid evidence to support the belief that our instinctive reactions are products of our ancestors' upbringing in the same environment, passed down to us at birth.

3) That the features of our organic mental structure cannot be explained at all by our conscious intercourse with the outer environment, but must rather be understood as congenital variations, 'accidental'[526] in the first instance, but then transmitted as fixed features of the race.

3) The characteristics of our mental structure can't be explained just by our conscious interactions with the outside world; instead, they should be seen as inherent variations, initially 'accidental'[526], but later passed down as fixed traits of the species.

On the whole, then, the account which the apriorists give of the facts is that which I defend; although I should contend (as will hereafter appear) for a naturalistic view of their cause.

On the whole, the explanation that the apriorists provide about the facts is the one I support; however, I will argue (as will become clear later) for a naturalistic perspective on their cause.


The first thing I have to say is that all schools (however they otherwise differ) must allow that the elementary qualities of cold, heat, pleasure, pain, red, blue, sound, silence, etc., are original, innate, or a priori properties of our subjective nature, even though they should require the touch of experience to waken them into actual consciousness, and should slumber, to all eternity, without it.

The first thing I want to point out is that all schools (no matter how different they are) must agree that the basic qualities of cold, heat, pleasure, pain, red, blue, sound, silence, etc., are original, innate, or a priori traits of our subjective nature, even though they need the experience of being touched to bring them into actual awareness, and would remain dormant forever without it.

This is so on either of the two hypotheses we may make concerning the relation of the feelings to the realities at whose touch they become alive. For in the first place, if a feeling do not mirror the reality which wakens it and to which we say it corresponds, if it mirror no reality whatever outside of the mind, it of course is a purely mental product. By its very definition it can be nothing else. But in the second place, even if it do mirror the reality exactly, still it is not that reality itself, it is a duplication of it, the result of a mental reaction. And that the mind should have the power of reacting in just that duplicate way can only be stated as a harmony between its nature and the nature of the truth outside of it, a harmony whereby it follows that the qualities of both parties match.

This applies to either of the two theories we can make about the relationship between feelings and the realities that bring them to life. First, if a feeling does not reflect the reality that triggers it, and we say it corresponds to nothing outside of the mind, then it is purely a mental creation. By definition, it can't be anything else. However, even if it does perfectly reflect the reality, it still is not that reality itself; it is merely a reproduction of it, resulting from a mental response. The fact that the mind can react in this specific way can only be described as a harmony between its nature and the nature of the external truth, a harmony that ensures the qualities of both align.

The originality of these elements is not, then, a question for dispute. The warfare of philosophers is exclusively relative to their forms of combination. The empiricist maintains that these forms can only follow the order of combination in which the elements were originally awakened by the impressions of the external world; the apriorists insist, on the contrary, that some modes of combination, at any rate, follow from the natures of the elements themselves, and that no amount of experience can modify this result.

The originality of these elements isn’t something up for debate. The conflict among philosophers is solely about their types of combinations. The empiricist argues that these forms can only come from the order in which the elements were initially triggered by impressions from the external world; the apriorists, on the other hand, argue that some modes of combination, at least, arise from the very nature of the elements themselves, and no amount of experience can change that outcome.

WHAT IS MEANT BY EXPERIENCE?

The phrase 'organic mental structure' names the matter in dispute. Has the mind such a structure or not? Are its contents arranged from the start, or is the arrangement they may possess simply due to the shuffling of them by experience in an absolutely plastic bed? Now the first thing to make sure of is that when we talk of 'experience,' we attach a definite meaning to the word. Experience means experience of something foreign supposed to impress us, whether spontaneously or in consequence of our own exertions and acts. Impressions, as we well know, affect certain orders of sequence and coexistence, and the mind's habits copy the habits of the impressions, so that our images of things assume a time- and space-arrangement which resembles the time- and space-arrangements outside. To uniform outer coexistences and sequences correspond constant conjunctions of ideas, to fortuitous coexistences and sequences casual conjunctions of ideas. We are sure that fire will burn and water wet us, less sure that thunder will come after lightning, not at all sure whether a strange dog will bark at us or let us go by. In these ways experience moulds us every hour, and makes of our minds a mirror of the time- and space-connections between the things in the world. The principle of habit within us so fixes the copy at last that we find it difficult even to imagine how the outward order could possibly be different from what it is, and we continually divine from the present what the future is to be. These habits of transition, from one thought to another, are features of mental structure which were lacking[Pg 620] in us at birth; we can see their growth under experience's moulding finger, and we can see how often experience undoes her own work, and for an earlier order substitutes a new one. 'The order of experience,' in this matter of the time- and space-conjunctions of things, is thus an indisputably vera causa of our forms of thought. It is our educator, our sovereign helper and friend; and its name, standing for something with so real and definite a use, ought to be kept sacred and encumbered with no vaguer meaning.

The term 'organic mental structure' refers to the issue at hand. Does the mind have such a structure or not? Are its contents arranged from the beginning, or is any arrangement simply the result of experience reshuffling them in a completely flexible way? First, we need to clarify what we mean by 'experience.' Experience means the encounter with something external that is supposed to leave an impression on us, whether it occurs spontaneously or as a result of our own efforts and actions. Impressions influence certain sequences and coexisting elements, and the mind's habits mirror the habits of these impressions, so our mental images adopt a time- and space-arrangement similar to the actual arrangements outside. Consistent external coexistences and sequences correspond to fixed connections of ideas, while random coexistences and sequences correspond to casual connections of ideas. We reliably know that fire burns and water makes us wet, are less certain that thunder follows lightning, and have no guarantee whether a strange dog will bark at us or let us pass by. In these ways, experience shapes us every hour, turning our minds into a reflection of the time- and space-connections of things in the world. The principle of habit within us so fixes this reflection that we struggle to even imagine how the external order could be different from what it is, and we continually predict the future based on the present. These habits of transitioning from one thought to another are aspects of mental structure that we didn’t have at birth; we can observe their development under the influence of experience, and we can see how often experience reverses its own work, replacing an earlier order with a new one. 'The order of experience,' concerning the time- and space-connections of things, is undeniably a vera causa of our thought processes. It serves as our teacher, our main helper and friend; and its name, representing something so real and essential, should be preserved and kept free from any vague interpretations.

If all the connections among ideas in the mind could be interpreted as so many combinations of sense-data wrought into fixity in this way from without, then experience in the common and legitimate sense of the word would be the sole fashioner of the mind.

If all the connections between ideas in the mind could be understood as numerous combinations of sense-data shaped into permanence from the outside, then experience, in the usual and accepted sense of the term, would be the only creator of the mind.

The empirical school in psychology has in the main contended that they can be so interpreted. Before our generation, it was the experience of the individual only which was meant. But when one nowadays says that the human mind owes its present shape to experience, he means the experience of ancestors as well. Mr. Spencer's statement of this is the earliest emphatic one, and deserves quotation in full:[527]

The empirical school in psychology mainly argues that experience can be understood this way. In the past, it referred only to individual experiences. However, when we say today that the human mind has been shaped by experience, we also mean the experiences of our ancestors. Mr. Spencer's statement on this is the earliest and most significant one, and it deserves to be quoted in full:[527]

"The supposition that the inner cohesions are adjusted to the outer persistences by accumulated experience of those outer persistences is in harmony with all our actual knowledge of mental phenomena. Though in so far as reflex actions and instincts are concerned, the experience-hypothesis seems insufficient; yet its seeming insufficiency occurs only where the evidence is beyond our reach. Nay, even here such few facts as we can get point to the conclusion that automatic psychical connections result from the registration of experiences continued for numberless generations.

"The idea that our internal connections match up with external consistencies through accumulated experience aligns with what we know about mental processes. While the experience-hypothesis seems incomplete, especially concerning reflex actions and instincts, this perceived limitation only arises when the evidence is out of reach. Even in these cases, the few facts we can access imply that automatic mental links come from experiences recorded over countless generations.

"In brief, the case stands thus: It is agreed that all psychical relations, save the absolutely indissoluble, are determined by experiences. Their various strengths are admitted, other things equal, to be proportionate to the multiplication of experiences. It is an unavoidable[Pg 621] corollary that an infinity of experiences will produce a psychical relation that is indissoluble. Though such infinity of experiences cannot be received by a single individual, yet it may be received by the succession of individuals forming a race. And if there is a transmission of induced tendencies in the nervous system, it is inferrible that all psychical relations whatever, from the necessary to the fortuitous, result from the experiences of the corresponding external relations; and are so brought into harmony with them.

In summary, the consensus is clear: all mental connections, except for those that are completely unbreakable, are shaped by experiences. It’s understood that their varying strengths typically correspond to the multiplication of experiences. Logically, an infinite number of experiences will create a mental connection that can't be severed. Although no single person can accumulate that infinite number of experiences, successive individuals within a population can over time. If learned tendencies can transfer within the nervous system, we can conclude that all mental connections, whether essential or incidental, originate from experiences related to external connections, and thus align with them.

"Thus, the experience-hypothesis furnishes an adequate solution. The genesis of instinct, the development of memory and reason out of it, and the consolidation of rational actions and inferences into instinctive ones, are alike explicable on the single principle that the cohesion between psychical states is proportionate to the frequency with which the relation between the answering external phenomena has been repeated in experience.

Therefore, the experience-hypothesis offers a satisfactory explanation. The origins of instincts, the evolution of memory and reasoning, and the reinforcement of rational actions into instinctual ones can all be understood through the single principle that the connection between mental states relates directly to how often the relationship between corresponding external phenomena has been repeated in experience.

"The universal law that, other things equal, the cohesion of psychical states is proportionate to the frequency with which they have followed one another in experience, supplies an explanation of the so-called 'forms of thought,' as soon as it is supplemented by the law that habitual psychical successions entail some hereditary tendency to such successions, which, under persistent conditions, will become cumulative in generation after generation. We saw that the establishment of those compound reflex actions called instincts is comprehensible on the principle that inner relations are, by perpetual repetition, organized into correspondence with outer relations. We have now to observe that the establishment of those consolidated, those indissoluble, those instinctive mental relations constituting our ideas of Space and Time is comprehensible on the same principle. For if even to external relations that are often experienced during the life of a single organism, answering internal relations are established that become next to automatic—if such a combination of psychical changes as that which guides a savage in hitting a bird with an arrow becomes, by constant repetition, so organized as to be performed almost without thought of the processes of adjustment gone through—and if skill of this kind is so far transmissible that particular races of men become characterized by particular aptitudes, which are nothing else than partially-organized psychical connections; then, if there exist certain external relations which are experienced by all organisms at all instants of their waking lives—relations which are absolutely constant, absolutely universal—there will be established answering internal relations that are absolutely constant, absolutely universal. Such relations we have in those of Space and Time. The organization of subjective relations adjusted to these objective relations has been cumulative, not in each race of creatures only, but throughout successive races of creatures; and such subjective relations have, therefore, become more consolidated than all others. Being experienced in every perception and every action of each creature, these connections among outer existences must, for this reason too, be[Pg 622] responded to by connections among inner feelings, that are, above all others, indissoluble. As the substrata of all other relations in the non-ego, they must be responded to by conceptions that are the substrata of all other relations in the ego. Being the constant and infinitely-repeated elements of thought, they must become the automatic elements of thought—the elements of thought which it is impossible to get rid of—the 'forms of intuition.'

The universal law that, all else being equal, the connection between mental states also corresponds to how frequently they occur together in experience helps explain the so-called 'forms of thought,' especially when combined with the rule that habitual mental patterns create a hereditary tendency for those patterns, which can accumulate across generations under consistent conditions. We have noticed that the complex reflex actions we call instincts can be explained by the principle that internal connections are organized to align with external connections through constant repetition. We now need to think about how the formation of those strong, unbreakable, instinctive mental connections—which shape our concepts of Space and Time—can be understood in the same way. For external experiences that organisms frequently encounter throughout their lives, corresponding internal connections form that become almost automatic. If the mental processes involved in a primitive person hitting a bird with an arrow become so organized through persistent practice that they can happen almost without conscious thought, and if these skills can be passed down to the point where specific human races develop certain talents, which are essentially semi-organized mental links, then if there are specific external experiences shared by all organisms at every moment of their waking lives—experiences that are absolutely consistent and universally applicable—it follows that corresponding internal connections will also be constant and universal. These connections are what we have regarding Space and Time. The structuring of subjective relations aligned with these objective relations has been cumulative, not just within each species, but across successive species; as a result, these subjective relations have become more solidified than any others. Since they are present in every perception and action of each organism, these connections among external realities must be matched by connections among internal feelings that, above all others, are unbreakable. As the foundation of all other relations in the non-ego, they must reflect in concepts that are foundational to all other relations in the ego. As the constant and infinitely repeated elements of thought, they must become the automatic components of thought—the elements of thought that cannot be eliminated—the 'forms of intuition.'

"Such, it seems to me, is the only possible reconciliation between the experience-hypothesis and the hypothesis of the transcendentalists; neither of which is tenable by itself. Insurmountable difficulties are presented by the Kantian doctrine (as we shall hereafter see); and the antagonist doctrine, taken alone, presents difficulties that are equally insurmountable. To rest with the unqualified assertion that, antecedent to experience, the mind is a blank, is to ignore the questions—whence comes the power of organizing experiences? whence arise the different degrees of that power possessed by different races of organisms, and different individuals of the same race? If, at birth, there exists nothing but a passive receptivity of impressions, why is not a horse as educable as a man? Should it be said that language makes the difference, then why do not the cat and the dog, reared in the same household, arrive at equal degrees and kinds of intelligence? Understood in its current form, the experience-hypothesis implies that the presence of a definitely-organized nervous system is a circumstance of no moment—a fact not needing to be taken into account! Yet it is the all-important fact—the fact to which, in one sense, the criticisms of Leibnitz and others pointed—the fact without which an assimilation of experiences is inexplicable. Throughout the animal kingdom in general, the actions are dependent on the nervous structure. The physiologist shows us that each reflex movement implies the agency of certain nerves and ganglia; that a development of complicated instincts is accompanied by complication of the nervous centres and their commissural connections; that the same creature in different stages, as larva and imago for example, changes its instincts as its nervous structure changes; and that as we advance to creatures of high intelligence, a vast increase in the size and in the complexity of the nervous system takes place. What is the obvious inference? It is that the ability to co-ordinate impressions and to perform the appropriate actions always implies the pre-existence of certain nerves arranged in a certain way. What is the meaning of the human brain? It is that the many established relations among its parts stand for so many established relations among the psychical changes. Each of the constant connections among the fibres of the cerebral masses answers to some constant connection of phenomena in the experiences of the race. Just as the organized arrangement subsisting between the sensory nerves of the nostrils and the motor nerves of the respiratory muscles not only makes possible a sneeze, but also, in the newly-born infant, implies sneezings to be hereafter performed; so, all the organized arrangements subsisting among the nerves of the[Pg 623] infant's brain not only make possible certain combinations of impressions, but also imply that such combinations will hereafter be made—imply that there are answering combinations in the outer world—imply a preparedness to cognize these combinations—imply faculties of comprehending them. It is true that the resulting compound psychical changes do not take place with the same readiness and automatic precision as the simple reflex action instanced—it is true that some individual experiences seem required to establish them. But while this is partly due to the fact that these combinations are highly involved, extremely varied in their modes of occurrence, made up therefore of psychical relations less completely coherent, and hence need further repetitions to perfect them; it is in a much greater degree due to the fact that at birth the organization of the brain is incomplete, and does not cease its spontaneous progress for twenty or thirty years afterwards. Those who contend that knowledge results wholly from the experiences of the individual, ignoring as they do the mental evolution which accompanies the autogenous development of the nervous system, fall into an error as great as if they were to ascribe all bodily growth and structure to exercise, forgetting the innate tendency to assume the adult form. Were the infant born with a full-sized and completely-constructed brain, their position would be less untenable. But, as the case stands, the gradually-increasing intelligence displayed throughout childhood and youth is more attributable to the completion of the cerebral organization than to the individual experiences—a truth proved by the fact that in adult life there is sometimes displayed a high endowment of some faculty which, during education, was never brought into play. Doubtless, experiences received by the individual furnish the concrete materials for all thought. Doubtless, the organized and semi-organized arrangements existing among the cerebral nerves can give no knowledge until there has been a presentation of the external relations to which they correspond. And doubtless the child's daily observations and reasonings aid the formation of those involved nervous connections that are in process of spontaneous evolution; just as its daily gambols aid the development of its limbs. But saying this is quite a different thing from saying that its intelligence is wholly produced by its experiences. That is an utterly inadmissible doctrine—a doctrine which makes the presence of a brain meaningless—a doctrine which makes idiotcy unaccountable.

To me, this is the only way to reconcile the experience-hypothesis with the transcendentalists' hypothesis, as neither can stand alone. The Kantian doctrine presents insurmountable challenges (which we will examine later), and the opposing doctrine, taken alone, has equally significant problems. To insist that the mind is a blank slate before experience ignores critical questions: where does the ability to organize experiences come from? Why do different races of organisms and individuals within the same race vary in that ability? If birth involves only a passive receptivity to impressions, why isn't a horse as trainable as a human? If one argues that language is the difference, then why don’t cats and dogs raised in the same household exhibit equal intelligence? Understood in its current form, the experience-hypothesis implies that having a well-organized nervous system does not matter—a claim that simply doesn’t hold up! Yet it’s the crucial fact pointed out by Leibnitz and others—the fact that makes it impossible to explain experience assimilation without it. In the animal kingdom at large, behavior is tied to the structure of the nervous system. Physiologists show that every reflex action involves specific nerves and ganglia; that developing complex instincts comes with a more complicated nervous system and its connections; that the same creature's instincts change from larva to adult as its nervous system matures; and that as we shift to more intelligent animals, there’s a significant increase in size and complexity of the nervous system. What’s the obvious conclusion? The ability to coordinate impressions and perform appropriate actions always requires specific nerves arranged in particular ways. As for the human brain, the many organized relationships among its parts reflect established connections in psychological changes. Each consistent link between the brain fibers corresponds to a lasting relationship in the experiences of our species. Just as the organized connection between the sensory nerves in the nostrils and the motor nerves in the lungs allows for a sneeze and means that a newborn baby will sneeze later on, all the organized systems in the infant's brain not only permit certain combinations of impressions but also suggest that such combinations will be made later—indicating that there are corresponding combinations in the external world—indicating readiness to understand these combinations—indicating the capability to grasp them. It’s true that the resulting complex psychological changes don’t happen as quickly and automatically as simple reflex actions; it’s also true that some personal experiences seem necessary for establishing them. This is partly due to these combinations being intricate and varied, comprising psychological relationships that are less coherent, thus requiring further repetitions to solidify; but primarily because the brain’s organization is incomplete at birth and continues its spontaneous development for two to three decades afterward. Those who say knowledge comes solely from individual experiences overlook the mental evolution that accompanies the natural development of the nervous system, and they make an error as significant as claiming that all physical growth and structure come from exercise while ignoring the innate tendency to develop an adult form. If an infant were born with a fully developed brain, their argument would be less flawed. But as it stands, the gradual increase in intelligence observed during childhood and adolescence is more linked to the brain’s completion than to individual experiences—a truth supported by the fact that in adulthood, some individuals show strong capabilities in areas they didn’t engage in during their education. Certainly, the experiences gained by the individual provide the concrete basis for all thought. Absolutely, the organized and semi-organized connections in the brain can’t provide knowledge until there’s an encounter with the external reality they correspond to. And certainly, daily observations and reasoning by the child help shape those intricate nervous connections as part of their natural development; just like their daily play helps in the development of their limbs. But saying this is entirely different from claiming that intelligence is entirely produced by experiences. That idea is completely unacceptable—a doctrine that renders the brain irrelevant—a doctrine that fails to explain idiocy.

"In the sense, then, that there exist in the nervous system certain pre-established relations answering to relations in the environment, there is truth in the doctrine of 'forms of intuition'—not the truth which its defenders suppose, but a parallel truth. Corresponding to absolute external relations, there are established in the structure of the nervous system absolute internal relations—relations that are potentially present before birth in the shape of definite nervous connections; that are antecedent to, and independent of, individual experiences; and that are automatically disclosed along with the first cognitions. And,[Pg 624] as here understood, it is not only these fundamental relations which are thus predetermined, but also hosts of other relations of a more or less constant kind, which are congenitally represented by more or less complete nervous connections. But these predetermined internal relations, though independent of the experiences of the individual, are not independent of experiences in general: they have been determined by the experiences of preceding organisms. The corollary here drawn from the general argument is that the human brain is an organized register of infinitely-numerous experiences received during the evolution of life, or rather during the evolution of that series of organisms through which the human organism has been reached. The effects of the most uniform and frequent of these experiences have been successively bequeathed, principal and interest; and have slowly amounted to that high intelligence which lies latent in the brain of the infant—which the infant in after-life exercises and perhaps strengthens or further complicates—and which, with minute additions, it bequeaths to future generations. And thus it happens that the European inherits from twenty to thirty cubic inches more brain than the Papuan. Thus it happens that faculties, as of music, which scarcely exist in some inferior human races, become congenital in superior ones. Thus it happens that out of savages unable to count up to the number of their fingers, and speaking a language containing only nouns and verbs, arise at length our Newtons and Shakspeares."

Thus, since there are specific pre-existing connections in the nervous system that correspond to relationships in the environment, there is some truth in the idea of 'forms of intuition'—not the truth that its advocates believe, but a related truth. For every absolute external relationship, there are absolute internal connections established in the structure of the nervous system—connections that are potentially present before birth in the form of specific nervous pathways; that exist before and independently of personal experiences; and that are revealed alongside the first cognitive processes. And, as understood here, it’s not just these fundamental connections that are predetermined, but many other connections of varying consistency, which are congenitally represented by incomplete nervous pathways. These predetermined internal connections, while independent of individual experiences, are not isolated from experiences in general: they have been shaped by the experiences of earlier organisms. The conclusion drawn from this general argument is that the human brain is an organized record of infinitely numerous experiences accumulated throughout the evolution of life, or more precisely, through the evolutionary history of the organisms that led to the human species. The effects of the most uniform and frequent of these experiences have been passed down over time, like principal and interest; and they have gradually built the high intelligence that is latent in the brain of an infant—which the infant later develops and possibly enhances or complicates—and which, with minor additions, it hands down to future generations. Thus, it appears that Europeans have about twenty to thirty cubic inches more brain than Papuans. Thus, it appears that abilities like music, which are nearly absent in some lesser human races, become innate in more advanced ones. Thus, it appears that from savages who can’t count beyond their fingers and speak a language with only nouns and verbs, we eventually get great thinkers like Newton and Shakespeare."

This is a brilliant and seductive statement, and it doubtless includes a good deal of truth. Unfortunately it fails to go into details; and when the details are scrutinized, as they soon must be by us, many of them will be seen to be inexplicable in this simple way, and the choice will then remain to us either of denying the experiential origin of certain of our judgments, or of enlarging the meaning of the word experience so as to include these cases among its effects.

This is a clever and enticing statement, and it definitely holds a lot of truth. Unfortunately, it doesn’t provide any details; and when we examine the details, as we inevitably will, many of them will seem perplexing in this straightforward manner. We will then have to choose between rejecting the idea that some of our judgments come from experience or expanding the definition of the word experience to include these cases among its impacts.

TWO MODES OF ORIGIN OF BRAIN STRUCTURE.

If we adopt the former course we meet with a controversial difficulty. The 'experience-philosophy' has from time immemorial been the opponent of theological modes of thought. The word experience has a halo of anti-supernaturalism about it; so that if anyone express dissatisfaction with any function claimed for it, he is liable to be treated as if he could only be animated by loyalty to the[Pg 625] catechism, or in some way have the interests of obscurantism at heart. I am entirely certain that, on this ground alone, what I have erelong to say will make this a sealed chapter to many of my readers. "He denies experience!" they will exclaim, "denies science; believes the mind created by miracle; is a regular old partisan of innate ideas! That is enough! we'll listen to such antediluvian twaddle no more." Regrettable as is the loss of readers capable of such wholesale discipleship, I feel that a definite meaning for the word experience is even more important than their company. 'Experience' does not mean every natural, as opposed to every supernatural, cause. It means a particular sort of natural agency, alongside of which other more recondite natural agencies may perfectly well exist. With the scientific animus of anti-supernaturalism we ought to agree, but we ought to free ourselves from its verbal idols and bugbears.

If we take the first approach, we run into a controversial issue. The 'experience philosophy' has long been at odds with theological thinking. The term experience carries a sense of anti-supernaturalism; so, if anyone expresses dissatisfaction with any role assigned to it, they're likely to be seen as loyal only to the[Pg 625] catechism or somehow aligned with the interests of obscurantism. I’m completely sure that, for this reason alone, what I will soon share will be dismissed by many of my readers. "He denies experience!" they will shout, "denies science; believes the mind was created by miracle; is just an old supporter of innate ideas! That’s enough! We won’t listen to that outdated nonsense anymore." As unfortunate as it is to lose readers who think this way, I believe that having a clear definition of 'experience' is even more crucial than their presence. 'Experience' doesn’t refer to every natural cause, in contrast to every supernatural one. It signifies a specific kind of natural agency, alongside which other more obscure natural processes can certainly exist. While we should agree with the scientific spirit of anti-supernaturalism, we also need to break free from its verbal idols and fears.


Nature has many methods of producing the same effect. She may make a 'born' draughtsman or singer by tipping in a certain direction at an opportune moment the molecules of some human ovum; or she may bring forth a child ungifted and make him spend laborious but successful years at school. She may make our ears ring by the sound of a bell, or by a dose of quinine; make us see yellow by spreading a field of buttercups before our eyes, or by mixing a little santonine powder with our food; fill us with terror of certain surroundings by making them really dangerous, or by a blow which produces a pathological alteration of our brain. It is obvious that we need two words to designate these two modes of operating. In the one case the natural agents produce perceptions which take cognizance of the agents themselves; in the other case, they produce perceptions which take cognizance of something else. What is taught to the mind by the 'experience,' in the first case, is the order of the experience itself—the 'inner relation' (in Spencer's phrase) 'corresponds' to the 'outer relation' which produced it, by remembering and knowing the latter. But in the case of the other sort of natural agency, what is taught to the mind has nothing to do with the agency[Pg 626] itself, but with some different outer relation altogether. A diagram will express the alternatives. B stands for our human brain in the midst of the world. All the little o's with arrows proceeding from them are natural objects (like sunsets, etc.), which impress it through the senses, and in the strict sense of the word give it experience, teaching it by habit and association what is the order of their ways. All the little x's inside the brain and all the little x's outside of it are other natural objects and processes (in the ovum, in the blood, etc.), which equally modify the brain, but mould it to no cognition of themselves. The tinnitus aurium discloses no properties of the quinine; the musical endowment teaches no embryology; the morbid dread (of solitude, perhaps) no brain-pathology; but the way in which a dirty sunset and a rainy morrow hang together in the mind copies and teaches the sequences of sunsets and rainfall in the outer world.

Nature has many ways of achieving the same result. She can create a natural artist or singer by nudging the molecules of a human egg in a specific direction at just the right moment, or she may bring forth a child without natural talent and have him spend many years in school, working hard but ultimately succeeding. She can make our ears ring with the sound of a bell or a dose of quinine; make us see the color yellow by showing us a field of buttercups, or by adding a bit of santonine powder to our food; fill us with fear of certain environments by truly making them dangerous, or by a blow that alters our brain in a pathological way. It’s clear that we need two words to describe these two ways of functioning. In one case, natural agents create perceptions that recognize the agents themselves; in the other case, they create perceptions that recognize something different. What the mind learns from the 'experience' in the first case is the nature of the experience itself—the 'inner connection' (as Spencer put it) 'matches' the 'outer connection' that caused it, by remembering and understanding the latter. But in the case of the other type of natural action, what the mind learns has nothing to do with the agency[Pg 626] itself, but with some entirely different outer connection. A diagram will illustrate the options. B represents our human brain in the world. All the little o's with arrows pointing from them are natural objects (like sunsets, etc.) that impress upon it through the senses, and in the strictest sense give it experience, teaching it by habit and association what the order of their ways is. All the little x's inside the brain and all the little x's outside it are other natural objects and processes (in the egg, in the blood, etc.) that also affect the brain but do not shape it to recognize themselves. The tinnitus aurium reveals no properties of the quinine; musical talent teaches no embryology; a pathological fear (perhaps of solitude) teaches nothing about brain pathways; but the way a dirty sunset and a rainy tomorrow connect in the mind reflects and teaches the sequences of sunsets and rainfall in the real world.

Fig. 94.

In zoological evolution we have two modes in which an animal race may grow to be a better match for its environment.

In zoological evolution, there are two ways an animal species can adapt to better fit its environment.

First, the so-called way of 'adaptation,' in which the environment may itself modify its inhabitant by exercising, hardening, and habituating him to certain sequences, and these habits may, it is often maintained, become hereditary.

First, the so-called method of 'adaptation,' where the environment can change its inhabitants by exercising, toughening, and getting them used to specific patterns, and these habits may, as is often claimed, become hereditary.

Second, the way of 'accidental variation,' as Mr. Darwin termed it, in which certain young are born with peculiarities that help them and their progeny to survive. That variations of this sort tend to become hereditary, no one doubts.

Second, the method of 'accidental variation,' as Mr. Darwin called it, where some young are born with traits that assist them and their offspring in surviving. It's widely accepted that variations of this kind are likely to be passed down through generations.

The first mode is called by Mr. Spencer direct, the second indirect, equilibration. Both equilibrations must of course be natural and physical processes, but they belong to entirely different physical spheres. The direct influences are obvious and accessible things. The causes of variation in the young are, on the other hand, molecular and hidden. The direct influences are the animal's 'experiences,' in the widest sense of the term. Where what is influenced by them is the mental organism, they are conscious experiences, and become the objects as well as the causes of their effects. That is, the effect consists in a tendency of the experience itself to be remembered, or to have its elements thereafter coupled in imagination just as they were coupled in the experience. In the diagram these experiences are represented by the o's exclusively. The x's, on the other hand, stand for the indirect causes of mental modification—causes of which we are not immediately conscious as such, and which are not the direct objects of the effects they produce. Some of them are molecular accidents before birth; some of them are collateral and remote combinations, unintended combinations, one might say, of more direct effects wrought in the unstable and intricate brain-tissue. Such a result is unquestionably the susceptibility to music, which some individuals possess at the present day. It has no zoological utility; it corresponds to no object in the natural environment; it is a pure incident of having a hearing organ, an incident depending on such instable and inessential conditions that one brother may have it and another brother not. Just so with the susceptibility to sea-sickness, which, so far from being engendered by long experience of its 'object' (if a heaving deck can be called its object) is erelong annulled thereby. Our higher æsthetic, moral, and intellectual life seems made up of affections of this collateral and incidental sort, which have entered the mind by the back stairs, as it were, or rather have not entered the mind at all, but got surreptitiously born in the house. No one can successfully treat of psychogenesis, or the factors of mental evolution, without distinguishing between these two ways in which the mind is assailed.[Pg 628] The way of 'experience' proper is the front door, the door of the five senses. The agents which affect the brain in this way immediately become the mind's objects. The other agents do not. It would be simply silly to say of two men with perhaps equal effective skill in drawing, one an untaught natural genius, the other a mere obstinate plodder in the studio, that both alike owe their skill to their 'experience.' The reasons of their several skills lie in wholly disparate natural cycles of causation.[528]

The first method is referred to by Mr. Spencer as direct, while the second is indirect equilibration. Both types of equilibration must, of course, be natural and physical processes, but they belong to completely different physical realms. The direct influences are clear and accessible factors. In contrast, the causes of variation in the young are molecular and hidden. The direct influences consist of the animal's 'experiences' in a broad sense. When what is affected by them is the mental organism, these experiences are conscious and become the objects as well as the causes of their outcomes. This means the effect involves a tendency for the experience itself to be remembered or for its elements to be reconnected in the imagination in the same way they were linked during the experience. In the diagram, these experiences are exclusively represented by the o's. The x's, on the other hand, represent the indirect causes of mental changes—causes we aren't immediately aware of and that aren't the direct objects of the effects they create. Some of these are molecular events before birth; others are collateral and distant combinations, unintended combinations, one might say, of more direct effects occurring in the delicate and complex brain tissue. A clear example of this is the susceptibility to music, which some people have today. It has no practical use in zoology; it corresponds to no object in the natural world; it is merely an incident of having a hearing organ, an incident influenced by such unstable and irrelevant conditions that one sibling may have it while another might not. The same goes for the tendency to sea-sickness, which, rather than being developed by extensive experience of its 'object' (if a moving deck can be called its object), is soon negated by that experience. Our higher aesthetic, moral, and intellectual lives seem to consist of feelings of this collateral and incidental nature, which have entered the mind through the back door, so to speak, or rather haven't entered the mind at all, but have been secretly conceived within the home. No one can effectively discuss psychogenesis or the factors of mental development without distinguishing between these two methods by which the mind is impacted.[Pg 628] The way of 'experience' proper is the front door, the entrance of the five senses. The agents that affect the brain this way immediately become the mind's objects. The other agents do not. It would be utterly nonsensical to claim that two men with perhaps equal skill in drawing—one an untaught natural talent, the other a stubborn hard worker in the studio—both owe their skill to their 'experience.' The reasons for their different skills lie in entirely separate natural cycles of causation.[528]

I will then, with the reader's permission, restrict the word 'experience' to processes which influence the mind by the front-door-way of simple habits and association. What the back-door-effects may be will probably grow clearer[Pg 629] as we proceed; so I will pass right on to a scrutiny of the actual mental structure which we find.

I will then, with the reader's permission, limit the term 'experience' to processes that affect the mind through the straightforward means of basic habits and associations. The potential back-door effects will likely become clearer[Pg 629] as we continue; so I will move on to an examination of the actual mental structure we encounter.

THE GENESIS OF THE ELEMENTARY MENTAL CATEGORIES.

We find: 1. Elementary sorts of sensation, and feelings of personal activity;

We find: 1. Basic types of sensations and feelings of personal activity;

2. Emotions; desires; instincts; ideas of worth; æsthetic ideas;

2. Emotions; desires; instincts; concepts of value; aesthetic ideas;

3. Ideas of time and space and number;

3. Concepts of time, space, and numbers;

4. Ideas of difference and resemblance, and of their degrees.

4. Concepts of difference and similarity, and their degrees.

5. Ideas of causal dependence among events; of end and means; of subject and attribute.

5. Concepts of how events depend on each other; of goals and methods; of the subject and the attribute.

6. Judgments affirming, denying, doubting, supposing any of the above ideas.

6. Judgments confirming, rejecting, questioning, considering any of the above ideas.

7. Judgments that the former judgments logically involve, exclude, or are indifferent to, each other.

7. Judgments that the previous judgments logically relate to each other, either by excluding one another or being indifferent to one another.

Now we may postulate at the outset that all these forms of thought have a natural origin, if we could only get at it. That assumption must be made at the outset of every scientific investigation, or there is no temptation to proceed. But the first account of their origin which we are likely to hit upon is a snare. All these mental affections are ways of knowing objects. Most psychologists nowadays believe that the objects first, in some natural way, engendered a brain from out of their midst, and then imprinted these various cognitive affections upon it. But how? The ordinary evolutionist answer to this question is exceedingly simple-minded. The idea of most speculators seems to be that, since it suffices now for us to become acquainted with a complex object, that it should be simply present to us often enough, so it must be fair to assume universally that, with time enough given, the mere presence of the various objects and relations to be known must end by bringing about the latter's cognition, and that in this way all mental structure was from first to last evolved. Any ordinary Spencerite will tell you that just as the experience of blue objects wrought into our mind the color blue, and hard objects got it to feel hardness, so the presence of large and small objects in the world gave it the notion of[Pg 630] size, moving objects made it aware of motion, and objective successions taught it time. Similarly in a world with different impressing things, the mind had to acquire a sense of difference, whilst the like parts of the world as they fell upon it kindled in it the perception of similarity. Outward sequences which sometimes held good, and sometimes failed, naturally engendered in it doubtful and uncertain forms of expectation, and ultimately gave rise to the disjunctive forms of judgment; whilst the hypothetic form, 'if a, then b,' was sure to ensue from sequences that were invariable in the outer world. On this view, if the outer order suddenly were to change its elements and modes, we should have no faculties to cognize the new order by. At most we should feel a sort of frustration and confusion. But little by little the new presence would work on us as the old one did; and in course of time another set of psychic categories would arise, fitted to take cognizance of the altered world.

Now we can assume from the start that all these forms of thought have a natural origin, if only we could discover it. This assumption must be made at the beginning of every scientific investigation, or there’s no reason to continue. But the first explanation of their origin that we might come across is a trap. All these mental processes are ways of understanding objects. Most psychologists today believe that the objects first somehow created a brain from themselves, and then left these various cognitive processes imprinted on it. But how? The typical evolutionary answer to this question is overly simplistic. Most theorists seem to think that, since it’s enough now for us to recognize a complex object, it should just be present to us often enough, so it seems reasonable to assume universally that, given enough time, the mere presence of various objects and their relations must eventually lead to our understanding of them, and that in this way, all mental structures evolved from start to finish. Any usual Spencerite will tell you that just as the experience of blue objects imprints the color blue in our minds, and hard objects let us feel hardness, the presence of large and small objects in the world gave us the concept of[Pg 630] size, moving objects made us aware of motion, and consistent sequences taught us time. Similarly, in a world filled with diverse influencing things, the mind had to develop a sense of difference, while similar parts of the world that interacted with it sparked the perception of similarity. External sequences that sometimes worked and sometimes didn’t naturally created uncertainty in our expectations and eventually led to disconnected forms of judgment; meanwhile, the hypothetical structure, 'if a, then b,' was sure to follow from patterns that were consistent in the world. According to this perspective, if the external order were to suddenly change its aspects and patterns, we would have no faculties to understand the new order. At most, we would feel a sort of frustration and confusion. But gradually, the new presence would affect us as the old one did; and eventually, a new set of mental categories would develop, suited to comprehend the altered world.

This notion of the outer world inevitably building up a sort of mental duplicate of itself if we only give it time, is so easy and natural in its vagueness that one hardly knows how to start to criticise it. One thing, however, is obvious, namely that the manner in which we now become acquainted with complex objects need not in the least resemble the manner in which the original elements of our consciousness grew up. Now, it is true, a new sort of animal need only be present to me, to impress its image permanently on my mind; but this is because I am already in possession of categories for knowing each and all of its several attributes, and of a memory for retracing the order of their conjunction. I now have preformed categories for all possible objects. The objects need only awaken these from their slumber. But it is a very different matter to account for the categories themselves. I think we must admit that the origin of the various elementary feelings is a recondite history, even after some sort of neural tissue is there for the outer world to begin its work on. The mere existence of things to be known is even now not, as a rule, sufficient to bring about a knowledge of them. Our abstract and general discoveries usually come to us as lucky fancies: and it is only après coup[Pg 631] that we find that they correspond to some reality. What immediately produced them were previous thoughts, with which, and with the brain-processes of which, that reality had naught to do.

This idea that the outside world gradually creates a mental copy of itself if we just give it time is so straightforward and vague that it’s hard to know where to begin critiquing it. One thing is clear, though: the way we come to understand complex objects doesn't have to be at all similar to how the basic elements of our awareness developed. It’s true that a new type of animal just has to be present for its image to stick in my mind; but this is because I already have categories for recognizing each of its various traits and a memory to recall how those traits fit together. I now have predefined categories for all possible objects. The objects only need to wake those categories from their sleep. However, explaining the origins of the categories themselves is quite another story. I think we have to acknowledge that the origins of different basic feelings involve a complex history, even after we’ve developed some kind of neural tissue for the external world to work on. The simple existence of things to be understood isn’t typically enough to actually know them. Our abstract and general insights often come to us as lucky ideas: and it’s only après coup[Pg 631] that we realize they match some reality. What prompted them were earlier thoughts, which had nothing to do with that reality, and with the brain processes related to it.

Why may it not have been so of the original elements of consciousness, sensation, time, space, resemblance, difference, and other relations? Why may they not have come into being by the back-door method, by such physical processes as lie more in the sphere of morphological accident, of inward summation of effects, than in that of the 'sensible presence' of objects? Why may they not, in short, be pure idiosyncrasies, spontaneous variations, fitted by good luck (those of them which have survived) to take cognizance of objects (that is, to steer us in our active dealings with them), without being in any intelligible sense immediate derivatives from them? I think we shall find this view gain more and more plausibility as we proceed.[529]

Why might it not have been the case for the original elements of consciousness, sensation, time, space, resemblance, difference, and other relations? Why couldn't they have come about through indirect means, by physical processes that are more about random occurrences and the cumulative effects that result, rather than from the direct experience of objects? Why couldn't they simply be pure idiosyncrasies, spontaneous changes that have happened to be lucky enough (the ones that have lasted) to help us recognize objects (that is, to guide us in our interactions with them), without being, in any clear way, direct results of those objects? I think we'll find this perspective becoming more plausible as we move forward.[529]

All these elements are subjective duplicates of outer objects. They are not the outer objects. The secondary qualities among them are not supposed by any educated person even to resemble the objects. Their nature depends more on the reacting brain than on the stimuli which touch it off. This is even more palpably true of the natures of pleasure and pain, effort, desire and aversion, and of such feelings as those of cause and substance, of denial and of[Pg 632] doubt. Here then is a native wealth of inner forms whose origin is shrouded in mystery, and which at any rate were not simply 'impressed' from without, in any intelligible sense of the verb 'to impress.'

All these elements are personal copies of external objects. They are not the external objects themselves. No educated person even thinks that the secondary qualities among them resemble the objects. Their nature relies more on the reacting brain than on the stimuli that trigger it. This is even more clearly true for the natures of pleasure and pain, effort, desire and aversion, and feelings like those of cause and substance, denial and [Pg 632] doubt. Here lies a rich variety of inner forms whose origins are a mystery, and which were definitely not just ‘impressed’ from the outside, in any clear sense of the word ‘to impress.’


Their time- and space-relations, however, are impressed from without—for two outer things at least the evolutionary psychologist must believe to resemble our thoughts of them, these are the time and space in which the objects lie. The time- and space-relations between things do stamp copies of themselves within. Things juxtaposed in space impress us, continue to be thought of as thus juxtaposed. Things sequent in time impress their sequence on our memory. And thus, through experience in the legitimate sense of the word there can be truly explained an immense number of our mental habitudes, many of our abstract beliefs, and all our ideas of concrete things, and of their ways of behavior. Such truths as that fire burns and water wets, that glass refracts, heat melts snow, fishes live in water and die on land, and the like, form no small part of the most refined education, and are the all-in-all of education amongst the brutes and lowest men. Here the mind is passive and tributary, a servile copy, fatally and unresistingly fashioned from without. It is the merit of the associationist school to have seen the wide scope of these effects of neighborhood in time and space; and their exaggerated applications of the principle of mere neighborhood ought not to blind us to the excellent service it has done to Psychology in their hands. As far as a large part of our thinking goes, then, it can intelligibly be formulated as a mere lot of habits impressed upon us from without. The degree of cohesion of our inner relations, is, in this part of our thinking, proportionate, in Mr. Spencer's phrase, to the degree of cohesion of the outer relations; the causes and the objects of our thought are one; and we are, in so far forth, what the materialistic evolutionists would have us altogether, mere offshoots and creatures of our environment, and naught besides.[530]

Their time- and space-relations, however, are shaped from the outside—for at least two external things, the evolutionary psychologist must assume that they resemble our thoughts about them; these are the time and space in which the objects exist. The time- and space-relations between things leave imprints within us. Things positioned next to each other in space make an impression on us and continue to be thought of as being next to each other. Things occurring in sequence over time leave their order in our memory. Thus, through experience in the true sense of the word, we can clearly explain a vast number of our mental habits, many of our abstract beliefs, and all our ideas about concrete things and their behaviors. Realities like fire burns, water wets, glass refracts, heat melts snow, fish live in water and die on land, and similar truths make up a significant part of a refined education, and are the entirety of education among animals and simpler humans. In this case, the mind is passive and submissive, a servile copy, inevitably shaped by external influences. The associationist school deserves credit for recognizing the broad implications of these effects of proximity in time and space; their overzealous applications of the principle of mere proximity shouldn't overshadow the valuable contributions they've made to Psychology. As far as much of our thinking is concerned, it can be reasonably framed as a collection of habits imposed upon us from the outside. The strength of our internal connections is, in this area of our thinking, proportional, in Mr. Spencer's terms, to the strength of the external connections; the causes and objects of our thoughts are the same; and we are, to that extent, what materialistic evolutionists would have us be—mere offshoots and products of our surroundings, and nothing more.[530]

But now the plot thickens, for the images impressed upon our memory by the outer stimuli are not restricted to the mere time- and space-relations, in which they originally came, but revive in various manners (dependent on the intricacy of the brain-paths and the instability of the tissue thereof), and form secondary combinations such as the forms of judgment, which, taken per se, are not congruent either with the forms in which reality exists or in those in which experiences befall us, but which may nevertheless be explained by the way in which experiences befall in a mind gifted with memory, expectation, and the possibility of feeling doubt, curiosity, belief, and denial. The conjunctions of experience befall more or less invariably, variably, or never. The idea of one term will then engender a fixed, a wavering, or a negative expectation of another, giving affirmative, the hypothetical, disjunctive, interrogative, and negative judgments, and judgments of actuality and possibility about certain things. The separation of attribute from subject in all judgments (which violates the way in which nature exists) may be similarly explained by the piecemeal order in which our perceptions come to us, a vague nucleus growing gradually more detailed as we attend to it more and more. These particular secondary mental forms have had ample justice done them by associationists from Hume downwards.

But now the situation gets more complicated, because the images stored in our memory from outside stimuli aren’t limited to the original time and place they came from. They can resurface in different ways (depending on the complexity of our brain pathways and their instability) and create secondary combinations, like the forms of judgment. These forms, considered per se, don’t necessarily match the ways reality exists or how we experience things. However, they can still be understood based on how experiences occur in a mind with memory, expectation, and the ability to feel doubt, curiosity, belief, and denial. Experiences can connect in various ways—sometimes consistently, sometimes inconsistently, or not at all. The thought of one concept will then produce a fixed, uncertain, or negative expectation of another, leading to affirmative, hypothetical, disjunctive, interrogative, and negative judgments, as well as judgments about what is real and what is possible regarding certain things. The way we separate attributes from subjects in all judgments (which goes against the way nature actually is) can also be explained by the step-by-step order in which our perceptions reach us, starting from a vague core and becoming more detailed as we focus on it. These specific secondary mental forms have been well addressed by associationists from Hume onward.

Associationists have also sought to account for discrimination, abstraction, and generalization by the rates of frequency in which attributes come to us conjoined. With much less success, I think. In the chapter on Discrimination, I have, under the "law of dissociation by varying concomitants," sought to explain as much as possible by the passive order of experience. But the reader saw how much was left for active interest and unknown forces to do. In the chapter on Imagination I have similarly striven to do justice to the 'blended image' theory of generalization and abstraction. So I need say no more of these matters here.

Associationists have also tried to explain discrimination, abstraction, and generalization based on how often we encounter paired attributes. However, I believe they haven't been very successful. In the chapter on Discrimination, I've aimed to clarify as much as possible by looking at the passive order of experience under the "law of dissociation by varying concomitants." But the reader can see that there’s still a lot left for active interest and unknown forces to address. In the chapter on Imagination, I've similarly worked to represent the 'blended image' theory of generalization and abstraction. So, I won’t elaborate on these topics here.

THE GENESIS OF THE NATURAL SCIENCES.

Our 'scientific' ways of thinking the outer reality are highly abstract ways. The essence of things for science is[Pg 634] not to be what they seem, but to be atoms and molecules moving to and from each other according to strange laws. Nowhere does the account of inner relations produced by outer ones in proportion to the frequency with which the latter have been met, more egregiously break down than in the case of scientific conceptions. The order of scientific thought is quite incongruent either with the way in which reality exists or with the way in which it comes before us. Scientific thought goes by selection and emphasis exclusively. We break the solid plenitude of fact into separate essences, conceive generally what only exists particularly, and by our classifications leave nothing in its natural neighborhood, but separate the contiguous, and join what the poles divorce. The reality exists as a plenum. All its parts are contemporaneous, each is as real as any other, and each as essential for making the whole just what it is and nothing else. But we can neither experience nor think this plenum. What we experience, what comes before us, is a chaos of fragmentary impressions interrupting each other;[531] what we think is an abstract system of hypothetical data and laws.[532]

Our 'scientific' ways of thinking about the outside world are very abstract. For science, the essence of things isn’t what they appear to be, but rather atoms and molecules moving in relation to each other according to mysterious laws. The explanation of inner relationships shaped by outer ones—based on how often we encounter the latter—breaks down most notably in scientific concepts. The order of scientific thought doesn't align with how reality exists or how it appears to us. Scientific thinking relies solely on selection and emphasis. We break down the solid complexity of facts into separate essences, believing in generalizations that only represent specific instances, and our classifications prevent anything from remaining in its natural context; we separate what is close and bring together what is fundamentally different. Reality exists as a whole. All of its parts coexist; each is as real as the others and equally essential for making the whole exactly what it is. But we can neither experience nor comprehend this totality. What we experience is a jumble of disjointed impressions clashing with one another; what we think is an abstract system of hypothetical data and laws.

This sort of scientific algebra, little as it immediately resembles the reality given to us, turns out (strangely[Pg 636] enough) applicable to it. That is, it yields expressions which, at given places and times, can be translated into real values, or interpreted as definite portions of the chaos that falls upon our sense. It becomes thus a practical guide to our expectations as well as a theoretic delight. But I do not see how any one with a sense for the facts can possibly call our systems immediate results of 'experience' in the ordinary sense. Every scientific conception is in the first instance a 'spontaneous variation' in some one's brain.[533] For one that proves useful and applicable there are a thousand that perish through their worthlessness. Their genesis is strictly akin to that of the flashes of poetry and sallies of wit to which the instable brain-paths equally give rise. But whereas the poetry and wit (like the science of the ancients) are their 'own excuse for being,' and have to run the gauntlet of no farther test, the 'scientific' conceptions must prove their worth by being 'verified.' This test, however, is the cause of their preservation, not that of their production; and one might as well account for the origin of Artemus Ward's jokes by the 'cohesion' of subjects with predicates in proportion to the 'persistence of the outer relations' to which they 'correspond' as to treat the genesis of scientific conceptions in the same ponderously unreal way.

This kind of scientific algebra, even though it doesn’t immediately resemble the reality we experience, turns out (strangely enough) to be applicable to it. That is, it produces expressions that can, at certain times and places, be translated into real values or interpreted as specific parts of the chaos surrounding our senses. It becomes both a practical guide to our expectations and a theoretical delight. However, I don’t see how anyone who understands the facts could possibly call our systems immediate results of 'experience' in the usual sense. Every scientific idea starts as a 'spontaneous variation' in someone’s mind. For every idea that proves useful and applicable, there are a thousand that vanish because they’re worthless. Their origin is quite similar to the bursts of poetry and moments of wit that arise from the unstable pathways of the brain. But while poetry and wit (like ancient science) exist for their own sake and don’t have to undergo any further testing, 'scientific' concepts must prove their value by being 'verified.' This verification is the reason for their survival, not their creation; and one might as well explain the origin of Artemus Ward’s jokes through the 'cohesion' of subjects with predicates in relation to the 'persistence of external connections' they 'correspond' to, as to approach the origins of scientific ideas in that heavy and artificial way.

The most persistent outer relations which science believes in are never matters of experience at all, but have to be disengaged from under experience by a process of elimination, that is, by ignoring conditions which are always present. The elementary laws of mechanics, physics, and chemistry are all of this sort. The principle of uniformity in nature is of this sort; it has to be sought under and in spite of the most rebellious appearances; and our conviction[Pg 637] of its truth is far more like a religious faith than like assent to a demonstration. The only cohesions which experience in the literal sense of the word produces in our mind are, as we contended some time back, the proximate laws of nature, and habitudes of concrete things, that heat melts ice, that salt preserves meat, that fish die out of water, and the like.[534] Such 'empirical truths' as these we[Pg 638] admitted to form an enormous part of human wisdom. The 'scientific' truths have to harmonize with these truths, or be given up as useless; but they arise in the mind in no such passive associative way as that in which the simpler truths arise. Even those experiences which are used to prove a scientific truth are for the most part artificial experiences of the laboratory gained after the truth itself has been conjectured. Instead of experiences engendering the 'inner relations,' the inner relations are what engender the experiences here.

The most consistent external relationships that science believes in are never based on direct experience; rather, they need to be separated from experience through a process of elimination, meaning we disregard conditions that are always present. The basic laws of mechanics, physics, and chemistry fall into this category. The principle of uniformity in nature works the same way; it must be pursued despite the most contradictory appearances, and our belief in its truth is more like a religious faith than agreement based on proof. The only connections that experience literally creates in our minds are, as we argued some time ago, the immediate laws of nature and habits of concrete things, like the fact that heat melts ice, salt preserves meat, and fish die without water, and so on. Such 'empirical truths' make up a significant portion of human knowledge. The 'scientific' truths must align with these truths or be considered irrelevant, but they don't come to mind in the same passive associative way as simpler truths do. In fact, many of the experiences used to validate a scientific truth are largely artificial experiments conducted after the truth has already been hypothesized. Instead of experiences leading to 'inner relations,' it's the inner relations that create the experiences in this scenario.

What happens in the brain after experience has done its utmost is what happens in every material mass which has been fashioned by an outward force,—in every pudding or mortar, for example, which I may make with my hands. The fashioning from without brings the elements into collocations which set new internal forces free to exert their effects in turn. And the random irradiations and resettlements of our ideas, which supervene upon experience, and constitute our free mental play, are due entirely to these secondary internal processes, which vary enormously from brain to brain, even though the brains be exposed to exactly the same 'outer relations.' The higher thought-processes owe their being to causes which correspond far more to the sourings and fermentations of dough, the setting of mortar, or the subsidence of sediments in mixtures, than to the manipulations by which these physical aggregates came to be compounded. Our study of similar association and reasoning taught us that the whole superiority of man depended on the facility with which in his brain the paths worn by the most frequent outer cohesions could be ruptured. The causes of the instability, the reasons why now this point and now that become in him the seat of rupture,[Pg 639] we saw to be entirely obscure. (Vol. I. p. 580; Vol. II. p. 364.) The only clear thing about the peculiarity seems to be its interstitial character, and the certainty that no mere appeal to man's 'experience' suffices to explain it.

What happens in the brain after experience has done its best is similar to what occurs in any physical substance shaped by an external force—like a pudding or mortar that I might create with my hands. The shaping from outside brings the components together in ways that release new internal forces, allowing them to have their own effects. The random shifts and reorganizations of our ideas, which follow from experience and make up our free mental activity, are completely due to these secondary internal processes, which can vary widely from one brain to another, even if the brains are subjected to exactly the same 'external conditions.' The more complex thought processes arise from causes that relate more to the fermentation of dough, the setting of mortar, or the settling of sediments in mixtures, rather than to the ways these physical combinations were formed. Our exploration of similar associations and reasoning showed us that humanity's advantage lies in the ability to break the paths created by frequent external connections in the brain. The reasons for the instability, and why one area or another suddenly becomes the point of rupture,[Pg 639] are completely unclear. (Vol. I. p. 580; Vol. II. p. 364.) The only obvious thing about this peculiarity seems to be its interstitial nature, and the fact that simply referencing human 'experience' is not enough to explain it.

When we pass from scientific to æsthetic and ethical systems, every one readily admits that, although the elements are matters of experience, the peculiar forms of relation into which they are woven are incongruent with the order of passively received experience. The world of æsthetics and ethics is an ideal world, a Utopia, a world which the outer relations persist in contradicting, but which we as stubbornly persist in striving to make actual. Why do we thus invincibly crave to alter the given order of nature? Simply because other relations among things are far more interesting to us and more charming than the mere rates of frequency of their time- and space-conjunctions. These other relations are all secondary and brain-born, 'spontaneous variations' most of them, of our sensibility, whereby certain elements of experience, and certain arrangements in time and space, have acquired an agreeableness which otherwise would not have been felt. It is true that habitual arrangements may also become agreeable. But this agreeableness of the merely habitual is felt to be a mere ape and counterfeit of real inward fitness; and one sign of intelligence is never to mistake the one for the other.

When we move from scientific to artistic and moral systems, everyone easily acknowledges that, even though the components are based on experience, the unique ways they are connected don’t align with the way we passively receive experiences. The realm of aesthetics and ethics is an ideal realm, a Utopia, a world where external relationships continue to contradict our ideals, yet we stubbornly strive to make them real. Why do we have this unshakeable desire to change the given order of nature? Simply because other relationships among things are much more interesting and appealing to us than just the frequency of their occurrences in time and space. These other relationships are mostly secondary and imagined, 'spontaneous variations' of our sensitivity, through which certain aspects of experience and specific arrangements in time and space have gained a charm that wouldn’t otherwise be felt. It’s true that regular arrangements can also become enjoyable. But this enjoyment of mere habit feels like a poor imitation of genuine inner harmony; a sign of intelligence is to never confuse one with the other.

There are then ideal and inward relations amongst the objects of our thought which can in no intelligible sense whatever be interpreted as reproductions of the order of outer experience. In the æsthetic and ethical realms they conflict with its order—the early Christian with his kingdom of heaven, and the contemporary anarchist with his abstract dream of justice, will tell you that the existing order must perish, root and branch, ere the true order can come. Now the peculiarity of those relations among the objects of our thought which are dubbed 'scientific' is this, that although they no more are inward reproductions of the outer order than the ethical and æsthetic relations are, yet they do not conflict with that order, but, once having sprung up by the play of the inward forces, are found—some of them at least, namely the only ones which have survived long enough to[Pg 640] be matters of record—to be congruent with the time- and space-relations which our impressions affect.

There are ideal and internal relationships among the objects of our thoughts that can't be understood as mere copies of the external experience. In the realms of aesthetics and ethics, these relationships clash with that order—the early Christian with their vision of heaven, and the modern anarchist with their abstract idea of justice, will tell you that the current system must be completely destroyed before the true order can emerge. Now, the unique aspect of those relationships among the objects of our thoughts labeled as 'scientific' is that, although they are no more internal copies of the external order than the ethical and aesthetic relationships, they do not conflict with that order. Instead, once they arise from the interplay of internal forces, many of them at least—specifically, those that have endured long enough to[Pg 640] be documented—are found to be consistent with the time- and space-relations that our experiences influence.

In other words, though nature's materials lend themselves slowly and discouragingly to our translation of them into ethical forms, but more readily into æsthetic forms; to translation into scientific forms they lend themselves with relative ease and completeness. The translation, it is true, will probably never be ended. The perceptive order does not give way, nor the right conceptive substitute for it arise, at our bare word of command.[535] It is often a deadly fight; and many a man of science can say, like Johannes Müller, after an investigation, 'Es klebt Blut an der Arbeit.' But victory after victory makes us sure that the essential doom of our enemy is defeat.[536]

In other words, even though nature's materials are slow and frustrating to turn into ethical forms, they are much easier to adapt into aesthetic forms. When it comes to scientific forms, they are relatively easy and complete to translate. It's true that this translation will likely never be fully finished. The perceptive order doesn't yield, nor does the right conceptual alternative emerge at our mere command.[535] It’s often a tough battle; and many scientists can say, like Johannes Müller, after an investigation, 'There is blood on the work.' But as we achieve victory after victory, we become certain that the ultimate fate of our adversary is defeat.[536]

THE GENESIS OF THE PURE SCIENCES.

I have now stated in general terms the relation of the natural sciences to experience strictly so called, and shall complete what I have to say by reverting to the subject on a later page. At present I will pass to the so-called pure or a priori sciences of Classification, Logic, and Mathematics. My thesis concerning these is that they are even less than the natural sciences effects of the order of the world as it comes to our experience. The pure sciences express results of comparison exclusively; comparison is not a conceivable effect of the order in which outer impressions are experienced—it is one of the house-born (p. 627) portions of our mental structure; therefore the pure sciences form a body of propositions with whose genesis experience has nothing to do.

I have now outlined the relationship between the natural sciences and experience as we understand it, and I will expand on this topic later. For now, I'll move on to the so-called pure or a priori sciences like Classification, Logic, and Mathematics. My argument is that these fields are even further removed from the natural sciences in terms of reflecting the world's order as we experience it. The natural sciences convey the outcomes of comparisons. only; comparison is not an effect we can associate with the order of our external impressions—it arises from (p. 627) the inherent aspects of our mental structure; thus, the pure sciences consist of propositions that are completely unrelated to the process of experience.


First, consider the nature of comparison. The relations of resemblance and difference among things have nothing to do with the time- and space-order in which we may experience the latter. Suppose a hundred beings created by God and gifted with the faculties of memory and comparison. Suppose that upon each of them the same lot of sensations are imprinted, but in different orders. Let some[Pg 642] of them have no single sensation more than once. Let some have this one and others that one repeated. Let every conceivable permutation prevail. And then let the magic-lantern show die out, and keep the creatures in a void eternity, with naught but their memories to muse upon. Inevitably in their long leisure they will begin to play with the items of their experience and rearrange them, make classificatory series of them, place gray between white and black, orange between red and yellow, and trace all other degrees of resemblance and difference. And this new construction will be absolutely identical in all the hundred creatures, the diversity of the sequence of the original experiences having no effect as regards this rearrangement. Any and every form of sequence will give the same result, because the result expresses the relation between the inward natures of the sensations; and to that the question of their outward succession is quite irrelevant. Black will differ from white just as much in a world in which they always come close together as in one in which they always come far apart; just as much in one in which they appear rarely as in one in which they appear all the time.

First, consider the nature of comparison. The relationships of similarity and difference among things are unrelated to the order of time and space in which we experience them. Imagine a hundred beings created by God who have the ability to remember and compare. Imagine that each of them has the same set of sensations imprinted, but in different sequences. Some[Pg 642] of them experience no sensation more than once. Some have one sensation repeated while others have another. Every possible arrangement occurs. Then, let the magic-lantern show fade away, leaving the beings in an infinite void, with only their memories to reflect upon. Eventually, during their long wait, they'll start to play with the items of their experiences, rearranging them into series, placing gray between white and black, orange between red and yellow, and uncovering all other degrees of similarity and difference. This new arrangement will be exactly the same for all hundred beings, as the differences in the order of their original experiences won’t affect this rearrangement. Any and every form of sequence will yield the same outcome because the result reveals the relationship between the inward natures of the sensations, making the question of their outward order completely irrelevant. Black will differ from white just as much in a world where they always come close together as in one where they always stay far apart; just as much in a world where they appear infrequently as in one where they appear all the time.


But the advocate of 'persistent outer relations' may still return to the charge: These are what make us so sure that white and black differ, he may say; for in a world where sometimes black resembled white and sometimes differed from it, we could never be so sure. It is because in this world black and white have always differed that the sense of their difference has become a necessary form of thought. The pair of colors on the one hand and the sense of difference on the other, inseparably experienced, not only by ourselves but by our ancestors, have become inseparably connected in the mind. Not through any essential structure of the mind, which made difference the only possible feeling which they could arouse; no, but because they simply did differ so often that at last they begat in us an impotency to imagine them doing anything else, and made us accept such a fabulous account as that just presented, of creatures to whom a single experience would suffice to make us feel the necessity of this relation.

But the supporter of 'persistent outer relations' might still argue: These are what make us so confident that white and black are different, they might say; because in a world where sometimes black looked like white and sometimes didn’t, we could never be so certain. It’s because in this world black and white have always been different that the awareness of their difference has become a necessary way of thinking. The two colors on one side and the sense of difference on the other, experienced not just by us but also by our ancestors, have become tightly linked in our minds. Not due to any inherent structure of the mind that made difference the only possible feeling they could evoke; no, but simply because they actually did differ so often that eventually we became unable to imagine them being anything else, which led us to accept such an unbelievable story as the one just presented, about beings for whom a single experience would be enough to make us feel the necessity of this relationship.

I know not whether Mr. Spencer would subscribe to this or not;—nor do I care, for there are mysteries which press more for solution than the meaning of this vague writer's words. But to me such an explanation of our difference-judgment is absolutely unintelligible. We now find black and white different, the explanation says, because we have always have so found them. But why should we always have so found them? Why should difference have popped into our heads so invariably with the thought of them? There must have been either a subjective or an objective reason. The subjective reason can only be that our minds were so constructed that a sense of difference was the only sort of conscious transition possible between black and white; the objective reason can only be that difference was always there, with these colors, outside the mind as an objective fact. The subjective reason explains outer frequency by inward structure, not inward structure by outer frequency; and so surrenders the experience-theory. The objective reason simply says that if an outer difference is there the mind must needs know it—which is no explanation at all, but a mere appeal to the fact that somehow the mind does know what is there.

I don’t know if Mr. Spencer would agree with this or not, and honestly, I don’t care, because there are mysteries that need solving more than the meaning behind this vague writer’s words. To me, such an explanation of our differing judgments is completely unclear. The explanation states that we find black and white different, because we have always found them that way. But why should we have always found them that way? Why should the thought of them consistently trigger a sense of difference in our minds? There must be either a subjective or an objective reason. The subjective reason can only be that our minds are made in such a way that recognizing a difference is the only type of conscious transition possible between black and white; the objective reason, on the other hand, can only be that the difference has always existed with these colors, outside of our minds as a fact. The subjective reason suggests that outer frequency is explained by our inner structure, not the other way around, and thus abandons the experience-theory. The objective reason simply posits that if an outer difference exists, the mind must recognize it—which doesn’t explain anything at all; it just refers to the fact that somehow the mind knows what is out there.

The only clear thing to do is to give up the sham of a pretended explanation, and to fall back on the fact that the sense of difference has arisen, in some natural manner doubtless, but in a manner which we do not understand. It was by the back-stairs way, at all events; and, from the very first, happened to be the only mode of reaction by which consciousness could feel the transition from one term to another of what (in consequence of this very reaction) we now call a contrasted pair.

The only clear thing to do is to give up the facade of a false explanation and acknowledge that the sense of difference has emerged, probably in a natural way, but in a way we don't fully understand. It came about through indirect means, and from the very start, it turned out to be the only way consciousness could perceive the shift from one term to another of what (as a result of this very reaction) we now refer to as a contrasting pair.


In noticing the differences and resemblances of things, and their degrees, the mind feels its own activity, and has given the name of comparison thereto. It need not compare its materials, but if once roused to do so, it can compare them with but one result, and this a fixed consequence of the nature of the materials themselves. Difference and resemblance are thus relations between ideal objects, or conceptions as such. To learn whether black and white differ,[Pg 644] I need not consult the world of experience at all; the mere ideas suffice. What I mean by black differs from what I mean by white, whether such colors exist extra mentem meam or not. If they ever do so exist, they will differ. White things may blacken, but the black of them will differ from the white of them, so long as I mean anything definite by these three words.[537]

In noticing the differences and similarities between things, as well as their degrees, the mind recognizes its own activity and has called this comparison. It doesn't need to compare its materials, but if it is prompted to do so, it will only compare them in one way, which is a fixed result based on the nature of the materials themselves. Difference and similarity are therefore relationships between ideal objects or concepts. To find out whether black and white are different,[Pg 644] I don’t need to look to the world of experience at all; the mere ideas are enough. What I mean by black is different from what I mean by white, regardless of whether those colors exist extra mentem meam or not. If they do exist, they will differ. White objects may darken, but their black will differ from their white as long as I have a clear idea of what I mean by these three words.[537]


I shall now in what follows call all propositions which express time- and space-relations empirical propositions; and I shall give the name of rational propositions to all propositions which express the results of a comparison. The latter denomination is in a sense arbitrary, for resemblance and difference are not usually held to be the only rational relations between things. I will next proceed to show, however, how many other rational relations commonly supposed distinct can be resolved into these, so that my definition of rational propositions will end, I trust, by proving less arbitrary than it now appears to be.

From now on, I will refer to all statements that express time and space relationships as empirical propositions; and I will call all statements that express the results of a comparison rational propositions. This classification is somewhat arbitrary, as resemblance and difference are not typically considered the only rational connections between things. However, I will go on to demonstrate how many other rational relations that are usually thought to be distinct can actually be broken down into these, so that my definition of rational propositions will ultimately seem less arbitrary than it does now.

SERIES OF EVEN DIFFERENCE AND MEDIATE COMPARISON.

In Chapter XII we saw that the mind can at successive moments mean the same, and that it gradually comes into possession of a stock of permanent and fixed meanings, ideal objects, or conceptions, some of which are universal qualities, like the black and white of our example, and some, individual things. We now see that not only are the objects permanent mental possessions, but the results of their comparison are permanent too. The objects and their differences together form an immutable system. The same objects, compared in the same way, always give the same results;[Pg 645] if the result be not the same, then the objects are not those originally meant.

In Chapter XII, we learned that the mind can consistently mean the same across different moments, and it gradually acquires a collection of stable and fixed meanings, ideal objects, or concepts. Some of these represent universal qualities, like the black and white in our example, while others refer to specific things. Now we see that not only are the objects enduring mental possessions, but the outcomes of their comparisons are lasting as well. The objects and their differences together create an unchanging system. The same objects, compared in the same way, always yield the same outcomes;[Pg 645] if the result isn't the same, then the objects are not the ones originally intended.

This last principle, which we may call the axiom of constant result, holds good throughout all our mental operations, not only when we compare, but when we add, divide, class, or infer a given matter in any conceivable way. Its most general expression would be "the Same operated on in the same way gives the Same." In mathematics it takes the form of "equals added to, or subtracted from, equals give equals," and the like. We shall meet with it again.

This last principle, which we can call the axiom of constant result, is true in all our thinking processes, not just when we compare but also when we add, divide, classify, or draw conclusions about anything in any possible way. Its most general expression would be "the Same acted upon in the same way gives the Same." In math, it appears as "if you add or subtract equals, you get equals," and so on. We'll encounter it again.

The next thing which we observe is that the operation of comparing may be repeated on its own results; in other words, that we can think of the various resemblances and differences which we find and compare them with each other, making differences and resemblances of a higher order. The mind thus becomes aware of sets of similar differences, and forms series of terms with the same kind and amount of difference between them, terms which, as they succeed each other, maintain a constant direction of serial increase. This sense of constant direction in a series of operations we saw in Chapter XIII (p. 490) to be a cardinal mental fact. "A differs from B differs from C differs from D, etc.," makes a series only when the differences are in the same direction. In any such difference-series all terms differ in just the same way from their predecessors. The numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5,... the notes of the chromatic scale in music, are familiar examples. As soon as the mind grasps such a series as a whole, it perceives that two terms taken far apart differ more than two terms taken near together, and that any one term differs more from a remote than from a near successor, and this no matter what the terms may be, or what the sort of difference may be, provided it is always the same sort.

The next thing we notice is that we can compare results repeatedly; in other words, we can identify various similarities and differences, then compare them with each other, creating higher-level differences and similarities. The mind becomes aware of sets of similar differences and creates series of terms that maintain a consistent amount and kind of difference between them, terms that, as they follow one another, uphold a steady direction of growth. This sense of consistent direction in a series of operations was discussed in Chapter XIII (p. 490) as an essential mental fact. "A differs from B differs from C differs from D, etc.," only forms a series when the differences trend in the same direction. In any such difference series, all terms differ in the same way from their predecessors. The numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5,... and the notes of the chromatic scale in music are well-known examples. As soon as the mind understands such a series as a whole, it realizes that two terms taken far apart differ more than two terms taken close together, and that any one term differs more from a distant successor than from a nearby one, irrespective of what the terms are or what kind of difference exists, as long as it is always the same type.

This principle of mediate comparison might be briefly (though obscurely) expressed by the formula "more than the more is more than the less"—the words more and less standing simply for degrees of increase along a constant direction of differences. Such a formula would cover all possible cases, as, earlier than early is earlier than late,[Pg 646] worse than bad is worse than good, east of east is east of west; etc., etc., ad libitum.[538] Symbolically, we might write it as a < b < c < d.... and say that any number of intermediaries may be expunged without obliging us to alter anything in what remains written.

This principle of indirect comparison can be summed up (though it's a bit vague) with the formula "more than the more is more than the less"—where the words more and less simply represent different levels of increase along a consistent direction of differences. This formula can apply to all scenarios, like earlier than early is still earlier than late,[Pg 646], worse than bad is worse than good, east of east is east of west; and so on, ad libitum.[538] Symbolically, we could express it as a < b < c < d.... and state that any number of intermediaries can be removed without changing anything in what's still written.

The principle of mediate comparison is only one form of a law which holds in many series of homogeneously related terms, the law that skipping intermediary terms leaves relations the same. This axiom of skipped intermediaries or of transferred relations occurs, as we soon shall see, in logic as the fundamental principle of inference, in arithmetic as the fundamental property of the number-series, in geometry as that of the straight line, the plane and the parallel. It seems to be on the whole the broadest and deepest law of man's thought.

The principle of mediate comparison is just one version of a rule that applies to many series of similarly related terms: skipping intermediary terms keeps the relationships the same. This axiom of bypassed intermediaries or transferred connections appears, as we will soon explore, in logic as the essential principle of inference, in arithmetic as the core property of number series, and in geometry concerning straight lines, planes, and parallels. It seems to be the broadest and most profound law of human thought.

In certain lists of terms the result of comparison may be to find no-difference, or equality in place of difference. Here also intermediaries may be skipped, and mediate comparison be carried on with the general result expressed by the axiom of mediate equality, "equals of equals are equal," which is the great principle of the mathematical sciences. This too as a result of the mind's mere acuteness, and in utter independence of the order in which experiences come associated together. Symbolically, again: a = b = c = d..., with the same consequence as regards expunging terms which we saw before.

In some lists of terms, comparing them might show no difference, or equality instead of difference. Here, intermediaries can also be skipped, and a mediate comparison can take place, with the overall result described by the axiom of mediate equality, "equals of equals are equal," which is a key principle in mathematics. This happens as a result of the mind's sharpness and is completely independent of the order in which experiences are associated. Symbolically, again: a = b = c = d..., with the same outcome regarding the removal of terms as we noted before.

CLASSIFICATORY SERIES.

Thus we have a rather intricate system of necessary and immutable ideal truths of comparison, a system applicable to terms experienced in any order of sequence or frequency, or even to terms never experienced or to be experienced, such as the mind's imaginary constructions would be. These truths of comparison result in Classifications. It is, for some unknown reason, a great æsthetic delight for the mind to break the order of experience, and class its materials in serial orders, proceeding from step to step of difference, and to contemplate untiringly the crossings and inosculations of the[Pg 647] series among themselves. The first steps in most of the sciences are purely classificatory. Where facts fall easily into rich and intricate series (as plants and animals and chemical compounds do), the mere sight of the series fills the mind with a satisfaction sui generis; and a world whose real materials naturally lend themselves to serial classification is pro tanto a more rational world, a world with which the mind will feel more intimate, than with a world in which they do not. By the pre-evolutionary naturalists, whose generation has hardly passed away, classifications were supposed to be ultimate insights into God's mind, filling us with adoration of his ways. The fact that Nature lets us make them was a proof of the presence of his Thought in her bosom. So far as the facts of experience can not be serially classified, therefore, so far experience fails to be rational in one of the ways, at least, which we crave.

So we have a pretty complex system of necessary and unchanging ideal truths of comparison, a system that applies to terms experienced in any order or frequency, or even to terms that have never been experienced or will be, like the mind's imaginative creations. These truths of comparison lead to Classifications. For some unknown reason, it brings great aesthetic pleasure to the mind to disrupt the order of experience and organize its materials in sequential patterns, moving step by step through differences, and to endlessly contemplate the connections and overlaps of the[Pg 647] series with one another. The initial steps in most sciences are purely about classification. When facts easily fit into rich and complex categories (like plants, animals, and chemical compounds), just seeing these series gives the mind a unique satisfaction sui generis; and a world where the real materials naturally align with serial classification is pro tanto a more rational world, one that the mind connects with more intimately than a world that doesn’t have this structure. By the pre-evolutionary naturalists, who just recently passed, classifications were thought to be ultimate insights into God's mind, filling us with awe for his ways. The fact that Nature allows us to create them was seen as proof of His Thought being present within her. So, to the extent that the facts of experience cannot not be classified serially, that’s how far experience falls short of being rational in one of the ways that we desire.

THE LOGIC-SERIES.

Closely akin to the function of comparison is that of judging, predicating, or subsuming. In fact, these elementary intellectual functions run into each other so, that it is often only a question of practical convenience whether we shall call a given mental operation by the name of one or of the other. Comparisons result in groups of like things; and presently (through discrimination and abstraction) in conceptions of the respects in which the likenesses obtain. The groups are genera or classes, the respects are characters or attributes. The attributes again may be compared, forming genera of higher orders, and their characters singled out; so that we have a new sort of series, that of predication, or of kind including kind. Thus horses are quadrupeds, quadrupeds animals, animals machines, machines liable to wear out, etc. In such a series as this the several couplings of terms may have been made out originally at widely different times and under different circumstances. But memory may bring them together afterwards; and whenever it does so, our faculty of apprehending serial increase makes us conscious[Pg 648] of them as a single system of successive terms united by the same relation.[539]

Closely related to the role of comparison is that of judging, categorizing, or grouping. In fact, these basic intellectual functions overlap to the point that it often comes down to convenience whether we label a certain mental process as one or the other. Comparisons lead to groups of similar things, and eventually (through differentiation and abstraction) to ideas about the aspects in which the similarities exist. The groups are genera or classes, the aspects are characteristics or attributes. The attributes can further be compared, creating higher-order genera, and their characteristics can be identified; thus, we have a new kind of series, that of predication, or of kind including kind. For example, horses are quadrupeds, quadrupeds are animals, animals are machines, machines are subject to wear and tear, etc. In a series like this, the various connections between terms may have originated at different times and under different conditions. However, memory can link them together later; and whenever it does, our ability to perceive serial progression makes us aware[Pg 648] of them as a cohesive system of successive terms united by the same relationship.[539]

Now whenever we become thus conscious, we may become aware of an additional relation which is of the highest intellectual importance, inasmuch as upon it the whole structure of logic is reared. The principle of mediate predication or subsumption is only the axiom of skipped intermediaries applied to a series of successive predications. It expresses the fact that any earlier term in the series stands to any later term in the same relation in which it stands to any intermediate term; in other words, that whatever has an attribute has all the attributes of that attribute; or more briefly still, that whatever is of a kind is of that kind's kind. A little explanation of this statement will bring out all that it involves.

Now, whenever we become aware of this, we may notice an additional relationship that is crucial for understanding logic. The principle of mediate predication or subsumption is basically the idea of skipped intermediaries applied to a series of connected statements. It shows that any earlier term in the series relates to any later term in the same way it relates to any intermediate term; in other words, anything with an attribute has all the attributes of that attribute; or more simply, anything of a kind belongs to that kind's category. A little explanation of this statement will reveal everything it entails.

We learned in the chapter on Reasoning what our great motive is for abstracting attributes and predicating them. It is that our varying practical purposes require us to lay hold of different angles of the reality at different times. But for these we should be satisfied to 'see it whole,' and always alike. The purpose, however, makes one aspect essential; so, to avoid dispersion of the attention, we treat the reality as if for the time being it were nothing but that aspect, and we let its supernumerary determinations go. In short, we substitute the aspect for the whole real thing. For our purpose the aspect can be substituted for the whole, and the two treated as the same; and the word is (which couples the whole with its aspect or attribute in the categoric judgment) expresses (among other things) the identifying operation performed. The predication-series a is b, b is c, c is d,... closely resembles for certain practical purposes the equation-series a = b, b = c, c = d, etc.

We learned in the chapter on Reasoning that our main motivation for abstracting attributes and making assertions is that our changing practical needs require us to focus on different angles of reality at different times. Without these needs, we would be content to just "see it all" at once and always the same. However, the purpose makes one aspect crucial; to avoid scattering our attention, we treat reality as if, for the moment, it were just that one aspect and ignore the other details. In short, we replace the whole reality with that aspect. For our purpose, the aspect can replace the whole, and they can be treated as the same; the word is (which connects the whole with its aspect or attribute in a categoric judgment) signifies (among other things) the identifying operation being performed. The predication series a is b, b is c, c is d,... closely resembles, for certain practical purposes, the equation series a = b, b = c, c = d, etc.

But what is our purpose in predicating? Ultimately, it may be anything we please; but proximately and immediately, it is always the gratification of a certain curiosity[Pg 649] as to whether the object in hand is or is not of a kind connected with that ultimate purpose. Usually the connection is not obvious, and we only find that the object S is of a kind connected with P, after first finding that it is of a kind M, which itself is connected with P. Thus, to fix our ideas by an example, we have a curiosity (our ultimate purpose being conquest over nature) as to how Sirius may move. It is not obvious whether Sirius is a kind of thing which moves in the line of sight or not. When, however, we find it to be a kind of thing in whose spectrum the hydrogen-line is shifted, and when we reflect that that kind of thing is a kind of thing which moves in the line of sight; we conclude that Sirius does so move. Whatever Sirius's attribute is, Sirius is; its adjective's adjective can supersede its own adjective in our thinking, and this with no loss to our knowledge, so long as we stick to the definite purpose in view.

But what’s our purpose in making statements? Ultimately, it can be anything we want; but more immediately, it’s always about satisfying a specific curiosity[Pg 649] about whether the object we’re looking at is or isn’t of a kind related to that ultimate purpose. Usually, the connection isn’t clear, and we only discover that object S is related to P after finding out that it fits into kind M, which is itself connected to P. For example, we’re curious (with the ultimate goal being control over nature) about how Sirius might move. It’s not obvious if Sirius is a type of thing that moves in a direct line. However, when we determine that it is a type of thing with a shifted hydrogen line in its spectrum, and when we acknowledge that that type of thing moves in a line of sight; we conclude that Sirius does move that way. Whatever quality Sirius has, it simply is; the adjective that describes an adjective can replace its own adjective in our thinking, without losing any understanding, as long as we stay focused on the specific goal we have in mind.

Now please note that this elimination of intermediary kinds and transfer of is's along the line, results from our insight into the very meaning of the word is, and into the constitution of any series of terms connected by that relation. It has naught to do with what any particular thing is or is not; but, whatever any given thing may be, we see that it also is whatever that is, indefinitely. To grasp in one view a succession of is's is to apprehend this relation between the terms which they connect; just as to grasp a list of successive equals is to apprehend their mutual equality throughout. The principle of mediate subsumption thus expresses relations of ideal objects as such. It can be discovered by a mind left at leisure with any set of meanings (however originally obtained), of which some are predicable of others. The moment we string them in a serial line, that moment we see that we can drop intermediaries, treat remote terms just like near ones, and put a genus in the place of a species. This shows that the principle of mediate subsumption has nothing to do with the particular order of our experiences, or with the outer coexistences and sequences of terms. Were it a mere outgrowth of habit and association, we should be forced to regard it as having no universal validity; for every hour of the day we meet[Pg 650] things which we consider to be of this kind or of that, but later learn that they have none of the kind's properties, that they do not belong to the kind's kind. Instead, however, of correcting the principle by these cases, we correct the cases by the principle. We say that if the thing we named an M has not M's properties, then we were either mistaken in calling it an M, or mistaken about M's properties; or else that it is no longer M, but has changed. But we never say that it is an M without M's properties; for by conceiving a thing as of the kind M I mean that it shall have M's properties, be of M's kind, even though I should never be able to find in the real world anything which is an M. The principle emanates from my perception of what a lot of successive is's mean. This perception can no more be confirmed by one set, or weakened by another set, of outer facts, than the perception that black is not white can be confirmed by the fact that snow never blackens, or weakened by the fact that photographer's paper blackens as soon as you lay it in the sun.

Now please note that this elimination of intermediate kinds and transfer of is's along the line results from our understanding of the very meaning of the word is, and of the structure of any series of terms connected by that relationship. It has nothing to do with what any specific thing is or isn’t; but, whatever any given thing may be, we see that it also is whatever that is, indefinitely. To comprehend in one glance a series of is's is to understand this relationship between the terms they connect; just as to grasp a list of successive equals is to recognize their mutual equality throughout. The principle of mediate subsumption thus expresses relationships of ideal objects as such. It can be discovered by a mind that is free with any set of meanings (regardless of how they were originally obtained), where some are applicable to others. The moment we arrange them in a serial line, we see that we can drop intermediaries, treat distant terms like nearby ones, and replace a species with a genus. This shows that the principle of mediate subsumption has nothing to do with the specific order of our experiences, or with the external coexistences and sequences of terms. If it were merely a product of habit and association, we would have to view it as lacking universal validity; because every hour of the day we encounter things we consider to belong to this kind or that, but later discover that they don’t have any of the kind's properties, that they do not belong to the kind's kind. Instead, however, of correcting the principle based on these cases, we correct the cases by the principle. We say that if the thing we called an M does not have M's properties, then we were either wrong to call it an M, wrong about M's properties; or that it is no longer M, but has changed. But we never say that it is an M without M's properties; because by conceptualizing a thing as of the kind M, I mean that it shall have M's properties, be of M's kind, even if I should never be able to find anything in the real world that is an M. The principle arises from my understanding of what a series of successive is's means. This understanding can no more be validated by one set of outer facts, or weakened by another set, than the perception that black is not white can be confirmed by the fact that snow never blackens, or weakened by the fact that photographic paper turns black as soon as it is exposed to sunlight.

The abstract scheme of successive predications, extended indefinitely, with all the possibilities of substitution which it involves, is thus an immutable system of truth which flows from the very structure and form of our thinking. If any real terms ever do fit into such a scheme, they will obey its laws; whether they do is a question as to nature's facts, the answer to which can only be empirically ascertained. Formal logic is the name of the Science which traces in skeleton form all the remote relations of terms connected by successive is's with each other, and enumerates their possibilities of mutual substitution. To our principle of mediate subsumption she has given various formulations, of which the best is perhaps this broad expression, that the same can be substituted for the same in any mental operation.[540]

The basic framework of continuous statements, stretched indefinitely, along with all the potential substitutions it includes, forms a fixed system of truth that arises from the essential structure of our thinking. If any real concepts fit into such a framework, they will follow its rules; whether they actually do is a question about the facts of nature, the answer to which can only be determined through empirical investigation. Formal logic is the field of study that outlines, in a simplified form, all the distant relationships of terms connected by successive is's and lists their possibilities for mutual substitution. To our principle of indirect subsumption, it has offered various formulations, the best of which might be this broad statement: the same can be substituted for the same in any mental operation.[540]

The ordinary logical series contains but three[Pg 651] terms—"Socrates, man, mortal." But we also have 'Sorites'—Socrates, man, animal, machine, run down, mortal, etc.—and it violates psychology to represent these as syllogisms with terms suppressed. The ground of there being any logic at all is our power to grasp any series as a whole, and the more terms it holds the better. This synthetic consciousness of an uniform direction of advance through a multiplicity of terms is, apparently, what the brutes and lower men cannot accomplish, and what gives to us our extraordinary power of ratiocinative thought. The mind which can grasp a string of is's as a whole—the objects linked by them may be ideal or real, physical, mental, or symbolic, indifferently—can also apply to it the principle of skipped intermediaries. The logic-list is thus in its origin and essential nature just like those graded classificatory lists which we erewhile described. The 'rational proposition' which lies at the basis of all reasoning, the dictum de omni et nullo in all the various forms in which it may be expressed, the fundamental law of thought, is thus only the result of the function of comparison in a mind which has come by some lucky variation to apprehend a series of more than two terms at once.[541] So far, then, both Systematic Classification and Logic are seen to be incidental results of the mere capacity for discerning difference and likeness, which capacity is a thing with which the order of experience, properly so styled, has absolutely nothing to do.

The typical logical sequence has only three terms—"Socrates, man, mortal." But we also have 'Sorites'—Socrates, man, animal, machine, run down, mortal, etc.—and it's misleading to treat these just as syllogisms with some terms left out. The reason logic exists at all is that we have the ability to understand any sequence as a whole, and the more terms it includes, the better. This ability to synthesize a consistent direction through many terms is, it seems, what animals and less developed humans struggle with, and it's what gives us our incredible capacity for reasoning. The mind that can grasp a series of "is" statements as a complete unit—the linked objects can be ideal or real, physical, mental, or symbolic—can also apply the principle of omitted intermediaries. The logic-list is fundamentally just like those organized classification lists we discussed earlier. The 'rational proposition' at the core of all reasoning, the dictum de omni et nullo in its various expressions, the basic law of thought, is simply the outcome of comparing a mind that has fortuitously developed the ability to understand a series of more than two terms at once.[541] So far, then, both Systematic Classification and Logic are recognized as byproducts of the basic ability to notice differences and similarities, which ability has nothing to do with the proper order of experience.


But how comes it (it may next be asked) when systematic classifications have so little ultimate theoretic importance—for the conceiving of things according to their mere degrees of resemblance always yields to other modes of conceiving when these can be obtained—that the logical relations among things should form such a mighty engine for dealing with the facts of life?

But how is it (it may next be asked) that systematic classifications have so little ultimate theoretical importance—since understanding things based solely on their similarities always gives way to other ways of understanding when those are available—that the logical relationships among things should serve as such a powerful tool for addressing the facts of life?

Chapter XXII already gave the reason (see p. 335, above). This world might be a world in which all things differed, and in which what properties there were were[Pg 652] ultimate and had no farther predicates. In such a world there would be as many kinds as there were separate things. We could never subsume a new thing under an old kind; or if we could, no consequences would follow. Or, again, this might be a world in which innumerable things were of a kind, but in which no concrete thing remained of the same kind long, but all objects were in a flux. Here again, though we could subsume and infer, our logic would be of no practical use to us, for the subjects of our propositions would have changed whilst we were talking. In such worlds, logical relations would obtain, and be known (doubtless) as they are now, but they would form a merely theoretic scheme and be of no use for the conduct of life. But our world is no such world. It is a very peculiar world, and plays right into logic's hands. Some of the things, at least, which it contains are of the same kind as other things; some of them remain always of the kind of which they once were; and some of the properties of them cohere indissolubly and are always found together. Which things these latter things are we learn by experience in the strict sense of the word, and the results of the experience are embodied in 'empirical propositions.' Whenever such a thing is met with by us now, our sagacity notes it to be of a certain kind; our learning immediately recalls that kind's kind, and then that kind's kind, and so on; so that a moment's thinking may make us aware that the thing is of a kind so remote that we could never have directly perceived the connection. The flight to this last kind over the heads of the intermediaries is the essential feature of the intellectual operation here. Evidently it is a pure outcome of our sense for apprehending serial increase; and, unlike the several propositions themselves which make up the series (and which may all be empirical), it has nothing to do with the time- and space-order in which the things have been experienced.

Chapter XXII already stated the reason (see p. 335, above). This world could be a world where everything is different, and where whatever properties exist are[Pg 652] ultimate and have no further characteristics. In such a world, there would be as many types as there are individual things. We could never categorize a new thing under an existing type; or if we could, it wouldn’t lead to any consequences. Alternatively, this could be a world where countless things are of the same type, but no specific thing stays the same for long, and all objects are in constant change. Again, while we could categorize and infer, our logic wouldn’t be practically useful since the subjects of our statements would have changed while we were discussing them. In such worlds, logical relationships would exist and be acknowledged (undoubtedly) as they are today, but they would just form a theoretical framework with no practical application for everyday life. However, our world is not like that. It is a very unique world, and it fits perfectly with logic. Some of the things it contains are the same type as other things; some of them always remain of the type they once were; and some of their properties are tightly linked and are always found together. Which of these things are among those properties we learn through experience in the strictest sense of the word, and the outcomes of that experience are captured in 'empirical propositions.' Whenever we encounter such a thing now, our insight recognizes it to be of a certain type; our knowledge immediately recalls that type’s type, and then that type’s type, and so forth; so a moment of thought can make us realize that the thing is of a type so distant that we could never have directly noticed the connection. The leap to this last type bypassing the intermediaries is the crucial aspect of the intellectual process here. Clearly, it is a direct result of our ability to perceive a series of increases; and, unlike the various propositions that make up the series (which may all be empirical), it has nothing to do with the order of time and space in which the things have been experienced.

MATHEMATICAL RELATIONS.

So much for the a priori necessities called systematic classification and logical inference. The other couplings of data which pass for a priori necessities of thought are the mathematical judgments, and certain metaphysical propositions.[Pg 653] These latter we shall consider farther on. As regards the mathematical judgments, they are all 'rational propositions' in the sense defined on p. 644, for they express results of comparison and nothing more. The mathematical sciences deal with similarities and equalities exclusively, and not with coexistences and sequences. Hence they have, in the first instance, no connection with the order of experience. The comparisons of mathematics are between numbers and extensive magnitudes, giving rise to arithmetic and geometry respectively.

Forget about the a priori necessities known as systematic classification and logical inference. The other pairings of data that are considered a priori necessities of thought are the mathematical judgments and some metaphysical propositions.[Pg 653] We'll look at those metaphysical propositions later. As for the mathematical judgments, they are all 'rational propositions' as defined on p. 644, because they reflect results of comparison and nothing else. The mathematical sciences focus solely on similarities and equalities, not on coexistences and sequences. Therefore, they initially have no relation to the order of experience. Mathematics compares numbers and extensive magnitudes, leading to arithmetic and geometry, respectively.


Number seems to signify primarily the strokes of our attention in discriminating things. These strokes remain in the memory in groups, large or small, and the groups can be compared. The discrimination is, as we know, psychologically facilitated by the mobility of the thing as a total (p. 173). But within each thing we discriminate parts; so that the number of things which any one given phenomenon may be depends in the last instance on our way of taking it. A globe is one, if undivided; two, if composed of hemispheres. A sand-heap is one thing, or twenty thousand things, as we may choose to count it. We amuse ourselves by the counting of mere strokes, to form rhythms, and these we compare and name. Little by little in our minds the number-series is formed. This, like all lists of terms in which there is a direction of serial increase, carries with it the sense of those mediate relations between its terms which we expressed by the axiom "the more than the more is more than the less." That axiom seems, in fact, only a way of stating that the terms do form an increasing series. But, in addition to this, we are aware of certain other relations among our strokes of counting. We may interrupt them where we like, and go on again. All the while we feel that the interruption does not alter the strokes themselves. We may count 12 straight through; or count 7 and pause, and then count 5, but still the strokes will be the same. We thus distinguish between our acts of counting and those of interrupting or grouping, as between an unchanged matter and an operation of mere shuffling performed on it. The matter is the original units or strokes;[Pg 654] which all modes of grouping or combining simply give us back unchanged. In short, combinations of numbers are combinations of their units, which is the fundamental axiom of arithmetic,[542] leading to such consequences as that 7 + 5 = 8 + 4 because both = 12. The general axiom of mediate equality, that equals of equals are equal, comes in here.[543] The principle of constancy in our meanings, when applied to strokes of counting, also gives rise to the axiom that the same number, operated on (interrupted, grouped) in the same way will always give the same result or be the same. How shouldn't it? Nothing is supposed changed.

Number mainly represents how we focus our attention to distinguish things. These distinctions stay in our memory in groups, whether large or small, and we can compare these groups. The ability to tell them apart is, as we know, psychologically easier because we see the thing as a whole (p. 173). But within each thing, we also identify parts; therefore, the number of things represented by any given phenomenon ultimately depends on how we perceive it. A globe counts as one whole if it's intact, but as two if we think of it as two hemispheres. A sand heap can be one thing or twenty thousand things, depending on how we choose to count. We entertain ourselves by counting mere strokes to create rhythms, which we then compare and name. Gradually, we build a series of numbers in our minds. This series, like any list where terms increase serially, conveys the idea of the relationships between those terms, which we expressed with the saying "the more of the more is more than the less." That saying essentially states that the terms create a growing series. Additionally, we're aware of other relationships among our counting strokes. We can pause counting at any point and then resume. Throughout this, we feel that the interruption does not change the strokes themselves. We might count 12 all at once or count 7, take a break, and then count 5, but the strokes remain the same. We thus distinguish our counting acts from interruptions or groupings, treating the original matter as unaltered and merely shuffled. The matter consists of the original units or strokes;[Pg 654] all forms of grouping or combining simply return the unchanged units. In short, combinations of numbers are combinations of their units, which is the basic principle of arithmetic,[542] leading to results like 7 + 5 = 8 + 4, since both equal 12. Here, the general principle of equal equality, that equals of equals are equal, comes into play.[543] The principle of consistency in our meanings, when applied to counting strokes, also leads to the axiom that the same number, manipulated (interrupted, grouped) the same way will always yield the same result or remain unchanged. How could it be otherwise? Nothing should have changed.

Arithmetic and its fundamental principles are thus independent of our experiences or of the order of the world. The matter of arithmetic is mental matter; its principles flow from the fact that the matter forms a series, which can be cut into by us wherever we like without the matter changing. The empiricist school has strangely tried to interpret the truths of number as results of coexistences among outward things. John Mill calls number a physical property of things. 'One,' according to Mill, means one sort of passive sensation which we receive, 'two' another, 'three' a third. The same things, however, can give us different number-sensations. Three things arranged thus, ---, for example, impress us differently from three things arranged thus, -_-. But experience tells us that every real object-group which can be arranged in one of these ways can always be arranged in the other also, and that 2 + 1 and 3 are thus modes of numbering things which 'coexist' invariably with each other. The indefeasibility of our belief in their 'coexistence' (which is Mill's word for their equivalence) is due solely to the enormous amount of experience we have of it. For all things, whatever other sensations they may give us, give us at any rate number-sensations. Those number-sensations which the same thing may be successively made to arouse are the numbers which we deem[Pg 655] equal to each other; those which the same thing refuses to arouse are those which we deem unequal.

Arithmetic and its basic principles are independent of our experiences or the order of the world. The subject of arithmetic is mental matter; its principles arise from the fact that the subject forms a series, which we can segment wherever we want without the subject changing. The empiricist school has oddly attempted to interpret the truths of numbers as results of relationships among external things. John Mill describes numbers as physical properties of things. 'One,' according to Mill, signifies one type of passive sensation we receive, 'two' another, 'three' a third. However, the same things can give us different number-sensations. Three things arranged like this, ---, for example, impress us differently from three things arranged like this, -_-. But our experience shows that every real group of objects that can be arranged in one of these ways can always be arranged in the other too, and that 2 + 1 and 3 are therefore modes of counting things that invariably 'coexist' with each other. The unfailing nature of our belief in their 'coexistence' (which is Mill's term for their equivalence) stems solely from the vast amount of experience we have with it. For all things, no matter what other sensations they may produce, at the very least give us number-sensations. Those number-sensations that the same thing can sequentially evoke are the numbers we consider[Pg 655] equal to each other; those which the same thing fails to evoke are those we consider unequal.

This is as clear a restatement as I can make of Mill's doctrine.[544] And its failure is written upon its front. Woe to arithmetic, were such the only grounds for its validity! The same real things are countable in numberless ways, and pass from one numerical form, not only to its equivalent (as Mill implies), but to its other, as the sport of physical accidents or of our mode of attending may decide. How could our notion that one and one are eternally and necessarily two ever maintain itself in a world where every time we add one drop of water to another we get not two but one again? in a world where every time we add a drop to a crumb of quicklime we get a dozen or more?—had it no better warrant than such experiences? At most we could then say that one and one are usually two. Our arithmetical propositions would never have the confident tone which they now possess. That confident tone is due to the fact that they deal with abstract and ideal numbers exclusively. What we mean by one plus one is two; we make two out of it; and it would mean two still even in a world where physically (according to a conceit of Mill's) a third thing was engendered every time one thing came together with another. We are masters of our meanings, and discriminate between the things we mean and our ways of taking them, between our strokes of numeration themselves, and our bundlings and separatings thereof.

This is as clear a restatement as I can make of Mill's doctrine.[544] And its failure is obvious. Imagine if arithmetic were based solely on that! The same real things can be counted in countless ways, shifting from one numerical form not just to its equivalent (as Mill suggests), but to others, depending on physical accidents or how we choose to focus our attention. How could we ever believe that one plus one is always and necessarily two in a world where every time we add one drop of water to another, we end up with one again? Or in a world where adding a drop to a piece of quicklime results in a dozen or more? Would we have such a belief if we only relied on these experiences? At most, we could say that one plus one is usually two. Our mathematical statements wouldn’t have the strong confidence they have today. That confidence comes from the fact that they deal only with abstract and ideal numbers. What we mean by one plus one is two; we create two from it, and it would still mean two even in a world where physically (according to one of Mill's ideas) something new appeared every time one thing combined with another. We control our meanings and differentiate between what we mean and how we interpret them, between our counting methods, and how we group or separate them.

Mill ought not only to have said, "All things are numbered." He ought, in order to prove his point, to have shown that they are unequivocally numbered, which they notoriously are not. Only the abstract numbers themselves are unequivocal, only those which we create mentally and hold fast to as ideal objects always the same. A concrete natural thing can always be numbered in a great variety of ways. "We need only conceive a thing divided into four equal parts (and all things may be conceived as so divided)," as[Pg 656] Mill is himself compelled to say, to find the number four in it, and so on.

Mill shouldn’t have just said, "All things are numbered." He should have shown that they are clearly numbered, which they obviously are not. Only the abstract numbers we create and hold onto as ideal concepts are clear and consistent. A real, concrete object can always be numbered in many different ways. "We only need to imagine something divided into four equal parts (and anything can be imagined as such)," as [Pg 656] Mill himself has to admit, to find the number four in it, and so forth.

The relation of numbers to experience is just like that of 'kinds' in logic. So long as an experience will keep its kind we can handle it by logic. So long as it will keep its number we can deal with it by arithmetic. Sensibly, however, things are constantly changing their numbers, just as they are changing their kinds. They are forever breaking apart and fusing. Compounds and their elements are never numerically identical, for the elements are sensibly many and the compounds sensibly one. Unless our arithmetic is to remain without application to life, we must somehow make more numerical continuity than we spontaneously find. Accordingly Lavoisier discovers his weight-units which remain the same in compounds and elements, though volume-units and quality-units all have changed. A great discovery! And modern science outdoes it by denying that compounds exist at all. There is no such thing as 'water' for 'science;' that is only a handy name for H2 and O when they have got into the position H-O-H, and then affect our senses in a novel way. The modern theories of atoms, of heat, and of gases are, in fact, only intensely artificial devices for gaining that constancy in the numbers of things which sensible experience will not show. "Sensible things are not the things for me," says Science, "because in their changes they will not keep their numbers the same. Sensible qualities are not the qualities for me, because they can with difficulty be numbered at all. These hypothetic atoms, however, are the things, these hypothetic masses and velocities are the qualities for me; they will stay numbered all the time."

The relationship between numbers and experience is similar to that of 'kinds' in logic. As long as an experience maintains its kind, we can analyze it using logic. Likewise, as long as it retains its number, we can manage it with arithmetic. In reality, however, things are always changing their numbers, just as they change their kinds. They are constantly breaking apart and merging. Compounds and their elements are never numerically the same, because the elements are distinctly many while the compounds are perceptibly one. If we want our arithmetic to have real-world applications, we must somehow create more numerical continuity than we naturally observe. Therefore, Lavoisier discovers his weight units, which remain consistent in compounds and elements, even though volume units and quality units have all changed. What a significant discovery! And modern science goes even further by denying the existence of compounds altogether. There is no such thing as 'water' for 'science;' it’s just a convenient term for H2 and O when they come together as H-O-H, and then interact with our senses in a new way. The modern theories of atoms, heat, and gases are basically highly artificial constructs aimed at achieving consistency in the numbers of things that sensible experience doesn't show. "Sensible things aren't what I need," says Science, "because they don’t maintain their numbers through changes. Sensible qualities aren't useful for me either, since they can barely be quantified. However, these hypothetical atoms are what I need; these hypothetical masses and velocities are the qualities for me; they will always have a consistent number."

By such elaborate inventions, and at such a cost to the imagination, do men succeed in making for themselves a world in which real things shall be coerced per fas aut nefas under arithmetical law.

Through these intricate creations, and at such a price to their imagination, people manage to craft a world where real things are forced per fas aut nefas under mathematical rules.


The other branch of mathematics is geometry. Its objects are also ideal creations. Whether nature contain circles or not, I can know what I mean by a circle and can stick to my meaning; and when I mean two circles I[Pg 657] mean two things of an identical kind. The axiom of constant results (see above, p. 645) holds in geometry. The same forms, treated in the same way (added, subtracted, or compared), give the same results—how shouldn't they? The axioms of mediate comparison (p. 645), of logic (p. 648), and of number (p. 654) all apply to the forms which we imagine in space, inasmuch as these resemble or differ from each other, form kinds, and are numerable things. But in addition to these general principles, which are true of space-forms only as they are of other mental conceptions, there are certain axioms relative to space-forms exclusively, which we must briefly consider.

The other branch of mathematics is geometry. Its objects are also ideal creations. Whether or not nature contains circles, I know what I mean by a circle and can stick to that meaning; and when I refer to two circles, I mean two things of the same kind. The axiom of constant results (see above, p. 645) holds true in geometry. The same shapes, treated the same way (added, subtracted, or compared), yield the same results—why wouldn't they? The axioms of mediate comparison (p. 645), logic (p. 648), and number (p. 654) all apply to the forms we imagine in space, as they resemble or differ from one another, form categories, and can be counted. In addition to these general principles, which apply to space-forms just as they do to other mental concepts, there are specific axioms that relate exclusively to space-forms, which we need to consider briefly.

Three of them give marks of identity among straight lines, planes, and parallels. Straight lines which have two points, planes which have three points, parallels to a given line which have one point, in common, coalesce throughout. Some say that the certainty of our belief in these axioms is due to repeated experiences of their truth; others that it is due to an intuitive acquaintance with the properties of space. It is neither. We experience lines enough which pass through two points only to separate again, only we won't call them straight. Similarly of planes and parallels. We have a definite idea of what we mean by each of these words; and when something different is offered us, we see the difference. Straight lines, planes, and parallels, as they figure in geometry, are mere inventions of our faculty for apprehending serial increase. The farther continuations of these forms, we say, shall bear the same relation to their last visible parts which these did to still earlier parts. It thus follows (from that axiom of skipped intermediaries which obtains in all regular series) that parts of these figures separated by other parts must agree in direction, just as contiguous parts do. This uniformity of direction throughout is, in fact, all that makes us care for these forms, gives them their beauty, and stamps them into fixed conceptions in our mind. But obviously if two lines, or two planes, with a common segment, were to part company beyond the segment, it could only be because the direction of at least one of them had changed. Parting company in lines and planes means changing direction, means assuming[Pg 658] a new relation to the parts that pre-exist; and assuming a new relation means ceasing to be straight or plane. If we mean by a parallel a line that will never meet a second line; and if we have one such line drawn through a point, any new line drawn through that point which does not coalesce with the first must be inclined to it, and if inclined to it must approach the second, i.e., cease to be parallel with it. No properties of outlying space need come in here: only a definite conception of uniform direction, and constancy in sticking to one's point.

Three of them establish identities among straight lines, planes, and parallels. Straight lines have two points, planes have three points, and parallels to a given line share one point in common. Some argue that our confidence in these principles comes from repeated experiences proving their truth; others claim it arises from an intuitive understanding of space's properties. But it's neither. We encounter lines that pass through two points only to separate again, though we don’t call them straight. The same goes for planes and parallels. We have a clear idea of what we mean by these terms; when something different is presented, we recognize the difference. Straight lines, planes, and parallels, as they appear in geometry, are simply creations of our ability to understand sequences. We say that the ongoing extensions of these forms will maintain the same relationship to their last visible segments as they did to earlier ones. Thus, it follows (based on the principle of skipped intermediaries found in all regular sequences) that parts of these figures separated by other parts must align in direction, just as adjoining parts do. This consistency of direction is what makes us appreciate these forms, gives them their beauty, and sets them as fixed ideas in our minds. Clearly, if two lines or two planes with a shared segment diverge after that segment, it can only mean that at least one of their directions has changed. Diverging in lines and planes means changing direction, which means establishing a new relationship to the existing parts; and establishing a new relationship means no longer being straight or planar. If we define a parallel as a line that will never meet another line, and we have one such line passing through a point, any new line drawn through that point that doesn’t overlap with the first must be angled towards it, and if it angles towards it, it must approach the second line, meaning it ceases to be parallel. No external properties of space need to be considered here: just a clear understanding of consistent direction and the commitment to maintain one's position.

The other two axioms peculiar to geometry are that figures can be moved in space without change, and that no variation in the way of subdividing a given amount of space alters its total quantity.[545] This last axiom is similar to what we found to obtain in numbers. 'The whole is equal to its parts' is an abridged way of expressing it. A man is not the same biological whole if we cut him in two at the neck as if we divide him at the ankles; but geometrically he is the same whole, no matter in which place we cut him. The axiom about figures being movable in space is rather a postulate than an axiom. So far as they are so movable, then certain fixed equalities and differences obtain between forms, no matter where placed. But if translation through space warped or magnified forms, then the relations of equality, etc., would always have to be expressed with a position-qualification added. A geometry as absolutely certain as ours could be invented on the supposition of such a space, if the laws of its warping and deformation were fixed. It would, however, be much more complicated than our geometry, which makes the simplest possible supposition; and finds, luckily enough, that it is a supposition with which the space of our experience seems to agree.

The other two principles unique to geometry are that shapes can be moved in space without any changes, and that splitting a specific amount of space in different ways doesn’t change its total quantity.[545] This last principle is similar to what we found with numbers. "The whole is equal to its parts" is a simpler way to express it. A person isn’t the same biological whole if we cut him in two at the neck compared to cutting him at the ankles; but geometrically, he remains the same whole, regardless of where we cut him. The principle about shapes being movable in space is more of a postulate than a strict axiom. As long as they are movable, fixed equalities and differences exist between forms, no matter where they are located. However, if moving through space distorted or enlarged forms, then the relationships of equality, etc., would always need to include a position qualifier. A geometry as absolutely certain as ours could be created based on the assumption of such a space, as long as the rules for its distortion and deformation were established. It would, however, be much more complex than our current geometry, which makes the simplest assumption; and fortunately, it turns out to be an assumption that aligns with the space we experience.

By means of these principles, all playing into each other's hands, the mutual equivalences of an immense number of forms can be traced, even of such as at first sight bear hardly any resemblance to each other. We move and[Pg 659] turn them mentally, and find that parts of them will superpose. We add imaginary lines which subdivide or enlarge them, and find that the new figures resemble each other in ways which show us that the old ones are equivalent too. We thus end by expressing all sorts of forms in terms of other forms, enlarging our knowledge of the kinds of things which certain other kinds of things are, or to which they are equivalent.

Through these principles, all influencing each other, we can identify the mutual equivalences of countless forms, even those that initially seem completely different. We manipulate them in our minds and discover that parts can overlap. We add imaginary lines to break them down or expand them, and we see that the new shapes share similarities that reveal the equivalence of the original ones. Ultimately, we end up expressing various forms in relation to others, enhancing our understanding of what certain types of things are or what they equate to.

The result is a new system of mental objects which can be treated as identical for certain purposes, a new series of is's almost indefinitely prolonged, just like the series of equivalencies among numbers, part of which the multiplication-table expresses. And all this is in the first instance regardless of the coexistences and sequences of nature, and regardless of whether the figures we speak of have ever been outwardly experienced or not.

The result is a new system of mental concepts that can be considered the same for certain purposes, a new series of is's that can go on almost indefinitely, just like the series of equivalences among numbers, part of which is expressed in the multiplication table. And all this is initially independent of the coexistences and sequences in nature and regardless of whether the figures we refer to have ever been experienced in the external world or not.

CONSCIOUSNESS OF SERIES IS THE BASIS OF RATIONALITY.

Classification, logic, and mathematics all result, then, from the mere play of the mind comparing its conceptions, no matter whence the latter may have come. The essential condition for the formation of all these sciences is that we should have grown capable of apprehending series as such, and of distinguishing them as homogeneous or heterogeneous, and as possessing definite directions of what I have called 'increase.' This consciousness of series is a human perfection which has been gradually evolved, and which varies greatly from man to man. There is no accounting for it as a result of habitual associations among outward impressions, so we must simply ascribe it to the factors, whatever they be, of inward cerebral growth. Once this consciousness attained to, however, mediate thought becomes possible; with our very awareness of a series may go an awareness that dropping terms out of it will leave identical relations between the terms that remain; and thus arises a perception of relations between things so naturally separate that we should otherwise never have compared them together at all.

Classification, logic, and mathematics come from the simple activity of the mind comparing its ideas, regardless of where those ideas originated. The key requirement for developing all these sciences is that we must be capable of understanding sequences as such, and of recognizing them as either similar or different, and as having clear patterns of what I've referred to as 'increase.' This awareness of sequences is a human achievement that has evolved over time, and it varies significantly from person to person. It can't be explained simply as a result of regular associations from external experiences, so we must attribute it to factors, whatever they may be, related to internal brain development. Once we reach this awareness, however, mediate thought becomes feasible; with our awareness of a sequence comes the realization that removing elements from it will maintain the same relationships among the remaining elements; and thus, we begin to perceive connections between things that are so different that we otherwise wouldn't have compared them at all.

The axiom of skipped intermediaries applies, however, only to certain particular series, and among them to those[Pg 660] which we have considered, in which the recurring relation is either of difference, of likeness, of kind, of numerical addition, or of prolongation in the same linear or plane direction. It is therefore not a purely formal law of thinking, but flows from the nature of the matters thought about. It will not do to say universally that in all series of homogeneously related terms the remote members are related to each other as the near ones are; for that will often be untrue. The series A is not B is not C is not D.... does not permit the relation to be traced between remote terms. From two negations no inference can be drawn. Nor, to become more concrete, does the lover of a woman generally love her beloved, or the contradictor of a contradictor contradict whomever he contradicts. The slayer of a slayer does not slay the latter's victim; the acquaintances or enemies of a man need not be each other's acquaintances or enemies; nor are two things which are on top of a third thing necessarily on top of each other.

The principle of skipped intermediaries only applies to specific series, including those[Pg 660] we've discussed, where the recurring connection is about differences, similarities, types, numerical additions, or extensions in the same linear or planar direction. It’s not just a formal thinking rule; it emerges from the intrinsic nature of the subjects being considered. We can't universally claim that in all series of similarly related terms, distant members relate to each other the same way the nearby ones do; that simply isn't true in many cases. The series A is not B is not C is not D... doesn’t allow for a connection to be established between far-off terms. From two negations, you can’t make any conclusions. To be more specific, a man who loves a woman doesn’t necessarily love her partner, nor does someone who contradicts another contradict whoever that person is challenging. A killer doesn’t kill the victim of another killer; the acquaintances or enemies of someone don’t have to be each other's acquaintances or enemies; and two things sitting on top of a third thing aren’t automatically on top of each other.

All skipping of intermediaries and transfer of relations occurs within homogeneous series. But not all homogeneous series allow of intermediaries being skipped and relations transferred. It depends on which series they are, on what relations they contain.[546] Let it not be said that it is a mere matter of verbal association, due to the fact that language sometimes permits us to transfer the name of a relation over skipped intermediaries, and sometimes does not; as where we call men 'progenitors' of their remote as well as of their immediate posterity, but refuse to call them 'fathers' thereof. There are relations which are intrinsically transferable, whilst others are not. The relation of condition, e.g., is intrinsically transferable. What conditions a condition conditions what it conditions—"cause of cause is cause of effect." The relations of negation and frustration, on the other hand, are not transferable: what frustrates a frustration does not frustrate what it frustrates. No changes of terminology would annul the intimate difference between these two cases.

All skipping of intermediaries and transfer of relationships happens within similar series. However, not all similar series allow for skipping intermediaries and transferring relationships. It depends on which series they are and what relationships they contain.[546] It shouldn't be said that this is just a matter of word association, since language sometimes allows us to transfer the name of a relationship over skipped intermediaries, and sometimes does not; for example, we refer to men as 'progenitors' of both their distant and immediate descendants, but we don’t call them 'fathers' of those descendants. Some relationships are intrinsically transferable, while others are not. The relationship of condition, for instance, is intrinsically transferable. What conditions a condition determines what it conditions—"cause of cause is cause of effect." Conversely, the relationships of negation and frustration are not transferable: what frustrates a frustration does not frustrate what it frustrates. No changes in terminology would change the fundamental difference between these two cases.

Nothing but the clear sight of the ideas themselves shows whether the axiom of skipped intermediaries applies to them or not. Their connections, immediate and remote, flow from their inward natures. We try to consider them in certain ways, to bring them into certain relations, and we find that sometimes we can and sometimes we cannot The question whether there are or are not inward and essential connections between conceived objects as such, really is the same thing as the question whether we can get any new perception from mentally coupling them together, or pass from one to another by a mental operation which gives a result. In the case of some ideas and operations we get a result; but no result in the case of others. Where a result comes, it is due exclusively to the nature of the ideas and of the operation. Take blueness and yellowness, for example. We can operate on them in some ways, but not in other ways. We can compare them; but we cannot add one to or subtract it from the other. We can refer them to a common kind, color; but we cannot make one a kind of the other, or infer one from the other. This has nothing to do with experience. For we can add blue pigment to yellow pigment, and subtract it again, and get a result both times. Only we know perfectly that this is no addition or subtraction of the blue and yellow qualities or natures themselves.[547]

Nothing but a clear view of the ideas themselves reveals whether the axiom of skipped intermediaries applies to them or not. Their connections, both immediate and distant, stem from their inherent natures. We try to think about them in certain ways, to connect them in specific relationships, and we discover that sometimes we can and sometimes we cannot. The question of whether there are inherent and essential connections between conceived objects as such is essentially the same as asking whether we can gain a new perception from mentally linking them together, or move from one to another through a mental operation that yields a result. In some cases, ideas and operations lead to a result, but in others, they do not. When a result does occur, it is solely due to the nature of the ideas and the operation itself. Take blueness and yellowness, for example. We can interact with them in some ways, but not in others. We can compare them, but we cannot add one to the other or subtract it from the other. We can categorize them under a common type, color; but we cannot make one a type of the other or conclude one from the other. This has nothing to do with experience. We can add blue pigment to yellow pigment, and subtract it again, and obtain a result both times. However, we know very well that this does not involve the actual addition or subtraction of the blue and yellow qualities or natures themselves.[547]


There is thus no denying the fact that the mind is filled with necessary and eternal relations which it finds between certain of its ideal conceptions, and which form a determinate system, independent of the order of frequency in which experience may have associated the conception's originals in time and space.

There’s no denying that the mind contains essential and timeless connections it discovers between some of its ideal ideas, which create a definite system, separate from the frequency with which experiences may have linked the ideas' origins in time and space.

Shall we continue to call these sciences 'intuitive,' innate,' or 'a priori' bodies of truth, or not?[548] Personally[Pg 662] I should like to do so. But I hesitate to use the terms, on account of the odium which controversial history has made the whole of their connotation for many worthy persons. The most politic way not to alienate these readers is to flourish the name of the immortal Locke. For in truth I have done nothing more in the previous pages than to make a little more explicit the teachings of Locke's fourth book:

Should we keep calling these sciences 'intuitive,' 'innate,' or 'a priori' truths, or not?[548] Personally[Pg 662] I would like to. But I hesitate to use those terms because of the negative associations that their controversial history has created for many respectable people. The best approach to avoid alienating these readers is to reference the great Locke. In truth, I've simply made the teachings from Locke's fourth book a bit clearer in the previous pages:

"The immutability of the same relations between the same immutable things is now the idea that shows him that if the three angles of a triangle were once equal to two right angles, they will always be equal to two right ones. And hence he comes to be certain that what was once true in the case is always true; what ideas once agreed will always agree.... Upon this ground it is that particular demonstrations in mathematics afford general knowledge. If, then, the perception that the same ideas will eternally have the same habitudes and relations be not a sufficient ground of knowledge, there could be no knowledge of general propositions in mathematics.... All general knowledge lies only in our own thoughts, and consists barely in the contemplation of our abstract ideas. Wherever we perceive any agreement or disagreement amongst them, there we have general knowledge; and by putting the names of those ideas together accordingly in propositions, can with certainty pronounce general truths.... What is once known of such ideas will be perpetually and forever true. So that, as to all general knowledge, we must search and find it only in our own minds and it is only the examining of our own ideas that furnisheth us with that. Truths belonging to essences of things (that is, to abstract ideas) are[Pg 663] eternal, and are to be found out only by the contemplation of those essences.... Knowledge is the consequence of the ideas (be they what they will) that are in our minds, producing there certain general propositions.... Such propositions are therefore called 'eternal truths,'... because, being once made about abstract ideas so as to be true, they will, whenever they can be supposed to be made again, at any time past or to come, by a mind having those ideas, always actually be true. For names being supposed to stand perpetually for the same ideas, and the same ideas having immutably the same habitudes one to another, propositions concerning any abstract ideas that are once true must needs be eternal verities."

The unchanging nature of the relationships between the same unchanging things is a concept that leads him to realize that if the three angles of a triangle ever equal two right angles, they will always equal two right angles. As a result, he becomes convinced that what was true in a specific situation remains true; ideas that once agreed will always agree.... This is why specific proofs in mathematics yield universal knowledge. If the notion that the same concepts will always have the same characteristics and relationships doesn't provide enough knowledge, we wouldn't be able to understand general statements in mathematics.... All general knowledge exists only in our minds and is based solely on reflecting on our abstract ideas. Whenever we notice any agreement or disagreement among them, we gain general knowledge; and by correctly combining the names of those ideas in statements, we can confidently express general truths.... What we know about these ideas will remain true forever. Therefore, for all general knowledge, we must look within our own minds, as only by examining our ideas can we gain it. The truths related to the essences of things (that is, to abstract ideas) are[Pg 663]eternal and can only be discovered through contemplation of those essences.... Knowledge comes from the ideas (whatever they may be) that reside in our minds, leading to certain general statements.... Such statements are therefore called 'eternal truths,'... because once established as true regarding abstract ideas, they will always be true whenever it's assumed they can be reestablished, at any point in the past or future, by a mind that holds those ideas. As long as names are understood to consistently refer to the same ideas, and those ideas consistently maintain the same relationships with one another, propositions about any abstract ideas that are once true must be eternal truths.

But what are these eternal verities, these 'agreements,' which the mind discovers by barely considering its own fixed meanings, except what I have said?—relations of likeness and difference, immediate or mediate, between the terms of certain series. Classification is serial comparison, logic mediate subsumption, arithmetic mediate equality of different bundles of attention-strokes, geometry mediate equality of different ways of carving space. None of these eternal verities has anything to say about facts, about what is or is not in the world. Logic does not say whether Socrates, men, mortals or immortals exist; arithmetic does not tell us where her 7's, 5's, and 12's are to be found; geometry affirms not that circles and rectangles are real. All that these sciences make us sure of is, that if these things are anywhere to be found, the eternal verities will obtain of them. Locke accordingly never tires of telling us that the

But what are these eternal truths, these 'agreements' that the mind finds by simply reflecting on its own fixed meanings, other than what I have mentioned?—they are the relationships of similarity and difference, direct or indirect, between the elements of certain series. Classification is a series of comparisons, logic is about indirect categorization, arithmetic is the indirect equality of different bundles of attention units, and geometry is the indirect equality of different ways of shaping space. None of these eternal truths has anything to say about facts, about what exists or does not exist in the world. Logic does not determine whether Socrates, people, mortals, or immortals exist; arithmetic does not tell us where its 7's, 5's, and 12's can be found; geometry does not claim that circles and rectangles are real. All that these sciences assure us of is that if these things exist anywhere, the eternal truths will apply to them. Locke, therefore, never grows tired of reminding us that the

"universal propositions of whose truth or falsehood we can have certain knowledge, concern not existence.... These universal and self-evident principles, being only our constant, clear, and distinct knowledge of our own ideas more general or comprehensive, can assure us of nothing that passes without the mind; their certainty is founded only upon the knowledge of each idea by itself, and of its distinction from others; about which we cannot be mistaken whilst they are in our minds.... The mathematician considers the truth and properties belonging to a rectangle or circle only as they are in idea in his own mind. For it is possible he never found either of them existing mathematically, i.e., precisely true, in his life. But yet the knowledge he has of any truths or properties belonging to a circle, or any other mathematical figure, are nevertheless true and certain even of real things existing; because real things are no farther concerned nor intended to be meant by any such propositions, than as things really agree to those archetypes in his mind. Is it true of the idea of a triangle, that its[Pg 664] three angles are equal to two right ones? It is true also of a triangle wherever it really exists. Whatever other figure exists that is not exactly answerable to that idea in his mind is not at all concerned in that proposition. And therefore he is certain all his knowledge concerning such ideas is real knowledge: because, intending things no farther than they agree with those his ideas, he is sure what he knows concerning those figures when they have barely an ideal existence in his mind will hold true of them also when they have a real existence in matter." But "that any or what bodies do exist, that we are left to our senses to discover to us as far as they can."[549]

"Universal statements about what we can definitely know to be true or false don’t really deal with existence.... These universal and self-evident principles are simply our clear, consistent, and distinct understanding of our own ideas at a broader level. They can’t provide certainty about anything outside our minds; their certainty relies solely on our understanding of each idea individually and how it differs from others, which we can’t get wrong while they’re in our minds.... A mathematician examines the truth and characteristics of a rectangle or circle only as they exist as concepts in his mind. It's possible he’s never actually seen either of them exist mathematically, meaning perfectly true, in his life. However, the knowledge he has about any truths or characteristics related to a circle or any other mathematical figure is still accurate and certain, even concerning real objects; because real objects are relevant to those statements only insofar as they correspond to those archetypes in his mind. Is it true that a triangle's three angles equal two right angles? Yes, that's also true for a triangle wherever it truly exists. Any other figure that doesn’t perfectly match that idea in his mind isn’t relevant to that statement at all. Therefore, he can confidently say that all his knowledge about such ideas is real knowledge: because by focusing on things only to the extent that they align with those ideas he has, he knows that what he understands about those figures when they exist only as concepts in his mind will also hold true for them when they exist in reality." But "any specific bodies that do exist are something we have to discover with our senses as much as they can reveal to us."[549]

Locke accordingly distinguishes between 'mental truth' and 'real truth.'[550] The former is intuitively certain; the latter dependent on experience. Only hypothetically can we affirm intuitive truths of real things—by supposing, namely, that real things exist which correspond exactly with the ideal subjects of the intuitive propositions.

Locke therefore differentiates between 'mental truth' and 'real truth.'[550] The former is intuitively certain; the latter relies on experience. We can only hypothetically declare intuitive truths about real things—by assuming that real things exist which perfectly match the ideal subjects of the intuitive statements.

If our senses corroborate the supposition all goes well. But note the strange descent in Locke's hands of the dignity of a priori propositions. By the ancients they were considered, without farther question, to reveal the constitution of Reality. Archetypal things existed, it was assumed, in the relations in which we had to think them. The mind's necessities were a warrant for those of Being; and it was not till Descartes' time that scepticism had so advanced (in 'dogmatic' circles) that the warrant must itself be warranted, and the veracity of the Deity invoked as a reason for holding fast to our natural beliefs.

If our senses confirm the assumption, everything is fine. But notice the odd decline in Locke's view of the importance of a priori propositions. The ancients accepted them without question as accurately revealing the nature of Reality. They assumed that archetypal things existed in the relationships we had to consider. The necessities of the mind justified those of Being; and it wasn't until Descartes' era that skepticism progressed so much (in 'dogmatic' circles) that the justification itself needed justification, and the truthfulness of God was called upon as a reason to cling to our natural beliefs.

But the intuitive propositions of Locke leave us as regards outer reality none the better for their possession. We still have to "go to our senses" to find what the reality is. The vindication of the intuitionist position is thus a barren victory. The eternal verities which the very structure of our mind lays hold of do not necessarily themselves lay hold on extra-mental being, nor have they, as Kant pretended later,[551] a legislating character even[Pg 665] for all possible experience. They are primarily interesting only as subjective facts. They stand waiting in the mind, forming a beautiful ideal network; and the most we can say is that we hope to discover outer realities over which the network may be flung so that ideal and real may coincide.

But Locke's intuitive ideas don't actually improve our understanding of outer reality. We still need to "rely on our senses" to determine what reality is. Defending the intuitionist view ends up being an empty win. The fundamental truths that our minds grasp don't automatically connect with external reality, nor do they have the authoritative role that Kant later suggested,[551] for all possible experience. They are primarily interesting as subjective experiences. They remain in our minds, creating a beautiful ideal framework; and all we can really say is that we hope to find external realities on which this framework can be applied so that our ideals and reality can align.


And this brings us back to 'science' from which we diverted our attention so long ago (see p. 640). Science thinks that she has discovered the outer realities in question. Atoms and ether, with no properties but masses and velocities expressible by numbers, and paths expressible by analytic formulas, these at last are things over which the mathematico-logical network may be flung, and by supposing which instead of sensible phenomena science becomes yearly more able to manufacture for herself a world about which rational propositions may be framed. Sensible phenomena are pure delusions for the mechanical philosophy. The 'things' and qualities we instinctively believe in do not exist. The only realities are swarming solids in everlasting motion, undulatory or continued, whose expressionless and meaningless changes of position form the history of the world, and are deducible from initial collocations and habits of movement hypothetically assumed. Thousands of years ago men started to cast the chaos of nature's sequences and juxtapositions into a form that might seem intelligible. Many were their ideal prototypes of rational order: teleological and æsthetic ties between things, causal and substantial bonds, as well as logical and mathematical relations. The most promising of these ideal systems at first were of course the richer ones, the sentimental ones. The baldest and least promising were the mathematical ones; but the history of the latter's application is a history of steadily advancing successes, whilst that of the sentimentally richer[Pg 666] systems is one of relative sterility and failure.[552] Take those aspects of phenomena which interest you as a human being most, and class the phenomena as perfect and imperfect, as ends and means to ends, as high and low, beautiful and ugly, positive and negative, harmonious and discordant, fit and unfit, natural and unnatural, etc., and barren are all your results. In the ideal world the kind 'precious' has characteristic properties. What is precious should be preserved; unworthy things should be sacrificed for its sake; exceptions made on its account; its preciousness is a reason for other things' actions, and the like. But none of these things need happen to your 'precious' object in the real world. Call the things of nature as much as you like by sentimental, moral, and æsthetic names, no natural consequences follow from the naming. They may be of the kinds you allege, but they are not of 'the kind's kind': and the last great system-maker of this sort, Hegel, was obliged explicitly to repudiate logic in order to make any inferences at all from the names he called things by.

And this brings us back to 'science,' which we initially shifted our focus away from a long time ago (see p. 640). Science believes that it has uncovered the outer realities in question. Atoms and ether, having only mass and velocity represented by numbers, and trails described by analytical formulas, are finally subjects over which the mathematical and logical framework can be applied. By postulating these instead of observable phenomena, science becomes increasingly capable of creating a world where rational propositions can be formulated. Observable phenomena are mere illusions according to mechanical philosophy. The 'things' and qualities we naturally believe in do not exist. The only realities are countless solids in perpetual motion, either wave-like or continuous, whose indifferent and meaningless positional changes make up the history of the world and can be derived from assumed initial arrangements and movement patterns. Thousands of years ago, humans began to organize the chaos of nature's sequences and arrangements into something that could seem understandable. They proposed many ideal models of rational order: teleological and aesthetic connections between things, causal and substantial links, as well as logical and mathematical relationships. The most attractive of these ideal systems were initially the more complex and sentimental ones. The simpler and less appealing were the mathematical ones; however, the history of their application tells a story of consistent progress, while the emotionally richer systems suffered from relative lack of success and failure. Take the aspects of phenomena that interest you most as a human and categorize them as perfect or imperfect, as ends or means to ends, as high or low, beautiful or ugly, positive or negative, harmonious or discordant, suitable or unsuitable, natural or unnatural, etc., and all your results will be fruitless. In the ideal world, the kind 'precious' has unique properties. What is precious should be preserved; unworthy things should be sacrificed for its benefit; exceptions should be made for it; its preciousness should motivate the actions of other things, and so on. But none of this has to happen to your 'precious' object in the real world. You can label natural things with sentimental, moral, and aesthetic terms as much as you want, but no natural consequences arise from that naming. They might fit the categories you claim, but they are not of 'the kind's kind': the last major system builder in this way, Hegel, had to outright reject logic to draw any inferences from the names he assigned to things.


But when you give things mathematical and mechanical names and call them just so many solids in just such positions, describing just such paths with just such velocities, all is changed. Your sagacity finds its reward in the verification by nature of all the deductions which you may next proceed to make. Your 'things' realize all the consequences of the names by which you classed them. The modern mechanico-physical philosophy of which we are all so proud, because it includes the nebular cosmogony, the conservation of energy, the kinetic theory of heat and[Pg 667] gases, etc., etc., begins by saying that the only facts are collocations and motions of primordial solids, and the only laws the changes of motion which changes in collocation bring. The ideal which this philosophy strives after is a mathematical world-formula, by which, if all the collocations and motions at a given moment were known, it would be possible to reckon those of any wished-for future moment, by simply considering the necessary geometrical, arithmetical, and logical implications. Once we have the world in this bare shape, we can fling our net of a priori relations over all its terms, and pass from one of its phases to another by inward thought-necessity. Of course it is a world with a very minimum of rational stuff. The sentimental facts and relations are butchered at a blow. But the rationality yielded is so superbly complete in form that to many minds this atones for the loss, and reconciles the thinker to the notion of a purposeless universe, in which all the things and qualities men love, dulcissima mundi nomina, are but illusions of our fancy attached to accidental clouds of dust which will be dissipated by the eternal cosmic weather as carelessly as they were formed.

But when you label things with mathematical and mechanical names, referring to them as specific solids in certain positions, describing specific paths with specific speeds, everything changes. Your intelligence is rewarded by nature confirming all the conclusions you go on to draw. Your "things" demonstrate all the consequences of the names you've assigned to them. The modern mechanico-physical philosophy that we take pride in, which includes the nebular hypothesis, the conservation of energy, the kinetic theory of heat and[Pg 667] gases, etc., begins by asserting that the only facts are the arrangements and movements of basic solids, and the only laws are the changes in motion that arise from changes in arrangement. The ideal this philosophy aims for is a mathematical formula for the universe, which, if we knew all the arrangements and movements at a given moment, would allow us to predict those of any future moment by considering the necessary geometrical, arithmetical, and logical implications. Once we have the universe in this stripped-down form, we can cast our net of a priori relations over all its components and transition from one phase to another through internal thought necessity. Of course, it's a universe with a very minimal amount of rational stuff. The emotional facts and relationships are eliminated in an instant. But the completeness of the rationality presented is so impressively structured that for many minds it compensates for the loss, reconciling the thinker to the idea of a purposeless universe, where all the things and qualities people cherish, dulcissima mundi nomina, are merely illusions of our imagination linked to random clumps of dust that will be swept away by the eternal cosmic weather just as carelessly as they were created.

The popular notion that 'Science' is forced on the mind ab extra, and that our interests have nothing to do with its constructions, is utterly absurd. The craving to believe that the things of the world belong to kinds which are related by inward rationality together, is the parent of Science as well as of sentimental philosophy; and the original investigator always preserves a healthy sense of how plastic the materials are in his hands.

The common belief that 'Science' is imposed on us from the outside, and that our interests have no connection to its frameworks, is completely ridiculous. The desire to think that the things in the world belong to categories that are connected by internal logic drives both Science and sentimental philosophy; and the original researcher always maintains a clear understanding of how flexible the materials are in their hands.

"Once for all," says Helmholtz in beginning that little work of his which laid the foundations of the 'conservation of energy,' "it is the task of the physical sciences to seek for laws by which particular processes in nature may be referred to general rules, and deduced from such again. Such rules (for example the laws of reflection or refraction of light, or that of Mariotte and Gay-Lussac for gas-volumes) are evidently nothing but generic-concepts for embracing whole classes of phenomena. The search for them is the business of the experimental division of our Science. Its theoretic division, on the other hand, tries to discover the unknown causes of processes from their visible effects; tries to understand them by the law of causality.... The ultimate goal of theoretic physics is to find the last unchanging causes[Pg 668] of the processes in Nature. Whether all processes be really ascribable to such causes, whether, in other words, nature be completely intelligible, or whether there be changes which would elude the law of a necessary causality, and fall into a realm of spontaneity or freedom, is not here the place to determine; but at any rate it is clear that the Science whose aim it is to make nature appear intelligible [die Natur zu begreifen] must start with the assumption of her intelligibility, and draw consequences in conformity with this assumption, until irrefutable facts show the limitations of this method.... The postulate that natural phenomena must be reduced to changeless ultimate causes next shapes itself so that forces unchanged by time must be found to be these causes. Now in Science we have already found portions of matter with changeless forces (indestructible qualities), and called them (chemical) elements. If, then, we imagine the world composed of elements with inalterable qualities, the only changes that can remain possible in such a world are spatial changes, i.e. movements, and the only outer relations which can modify the action of the forces are spatial too, or, in other words, the forces are motor forces dependent for their effect only on spatial relations. More exactly still: The phenomena of nature must be reduced to [zurückgeführt, conceived as, classed as] motions of material points with inalterable motor forces acting according to space-relations alone.... But points have no mutual space-relations except their distance,... and a motor force which they exert upon each other can cause nothing but a change of distance—i.e. be an attractive or a repulsive force.... And its intensity can only depend on distance. So that at last the task of Physics resolves itself into this, to refer phenomena to inalterable attractive and repulsive forces whose intensity varies with distance. The solution of this task would at the same time be the condition of Nature's complete intelligibility."[553]

"Once and for all," Helmholtz declares at the start of his foundational work on 'the conservation of energy,' "the aim of the physical sciences is to find laws that connect specific processes in nature to general principles and to derive these laws from those principles. These laws (like those of light reflection or refraction, or Mariotte and Gay-Lussac's laws on gas volumes) are essentially broad concepts that cover entire classes of phenomena. The search for these laws is the responsibility of the experimental branch of our Science. In contrast, the theoretical branch looks to uncover the hidden causes of processes based on their observable effects; it aims to understand them through the law of causality.... The ultimate goal of theoretical physics is to discover the final unchanging causes[Pg 668] behind the processes of Nature. Whether all processes can actually be traced back to such causes, or in other words, whether nature is entirely intelligible, or if there are changes that lie beyond the law of necessary causality and exist in a realm of spontaneity or freedom, is not what we are determining here; however, it’s clear that the Science aiming to make nature understandable [die Natur zu begreifen] must start with the assumption of her intelligibility and draw conclusions based on this assumption until undeniable facts reveal the limitations of this approach.... The idea that natural phenomena must be explained by unchanging ultimate causes leads us to think that forces unaffected by time must be these causes. In Science, we've already identified portions of matter with unchanging forces (indestructible qualities), which we call (chemical) elements. If we then imagine the world as made up of elements with unchangeable properties, the only possible changes are spatial changes, meaning movements, and the only external factors that can alter the forces' actions are spatial as well; in other words, the forces are motor forces that depend solely on spatial relationships for their effects. To put it more clearly: Natural phenomena must be reduced to [zurückgeführt, conceived as, classed as] motions of material points with unchanging motor forces acting based solely on spatial relationships.... However, points have no spatial relationships with each other beyond their distance,... and a motor force they exert on each other can only change the distance—meaning it can either attract or repel.... Its intensity can only depend on that distance. Therefore, ultimately, the task of Physics comes down to relating phenomena to unchanging attractive and repulsive forces whose intensity varies with distance. Solving this task would simultaneously ensure Nature's complete intelligibility."[553]

The subjective interest leading to the assumption could not be more candidly expressed. What makes the assumption 'scientific' and not merely poetic, what makes a Helmholtz and his kin discoverers, is that the things of Nature turn out to act as if they were of the kind assumed. They behave as such mere drawing and driving atoms would behave; and so far as they have been distinctly enough translated into molecular terms to test the point, so far a certain fantastically ideal object, namely, the mathematical sum containing their mutual distances and velocities, is found to be constant throughout all their movements. This sum is called the total energy of the molecules considered. Its constancy[Pg 669] or 'conservation' gives the name to the hypothesis of molecules and central forces from which it was logically deduced.

The personal interest that led to the assumption couldn't be more clearly stated. What makes the assumption 'scientific' rather than just poetic, and what turns someone like Helmholtz and others into discoverers, is that natural things behave as if they were what we assumed. They act just like simple drawing and driving atoms would. As far as we've been able to translate them into molecular terms to test this idea, we find that a certain fantastical ideal object, specifically the mathematical total of their mutual distances and speeds, remains constant throughout all their movements. This total is known as the total energy of the considered molecules. Its constancy[Pg 669] or 'conservation' is what gives a name to the hypothesis of molecules and central forces from which it was logically derived.

Take any other mathematico-mechanical theory and it is the same. They are all translations of sensible experiences into other forms, substitutions of items between which ideal relations of kind, number, form, equality, etc., obtain, for items between which no such relations obtain; coupled with declarations that the experienced form is false and the ideal form true, declarations which are justified by the appearance of new sensible experiences at just those times and places at which we logically infer that their ideal correlates ought to be. Wave-hypotheses thus make us predict rings of darkness and color, distortions, dispersions, changes of pitch in sonorous bodies moving from us, etc.; molecule-hypotheses lead to predictions of vapor-density, freezing point, etc.,—all which predictions fall true.

Take any other mathematical-mechanical theory and it’s the same. They all translate real experiences into different forms, substituting items between which ideal relationships of type, number, shape, equality, etc., exist, for items between which no such relationships exist; along with claims that the experienced form is false and the ideal form is true, claims that are validated by the emergence of new real experiences at exactly those times and places where we logically expect their ideal counterparts to be. Wave theories lead us to predict rings of darkness and color, distortions, dispersions, changes in pitch from sound sources moving away from us, etc.; molecule theories lead to predictions about vapor density, freezing point, etc.—and all these predictions turn out to be correct.

Thus the world grows more orderly and rational to the mind, which passes from one feature of it to another by deductive necessity, as soon as it conceives it as made up of so few and so simple phenomena as bodies with no properties but number and movement to and fro.

Thus, the world becomes more organized and logical to the mind, which moves from one aspect to another through deductive reasoning, as soon as it understands it as composed of so few and simple phenomena, like objects that only have properties of number and movement back and forth.

METAPHYSICAL AXIOMS.

But alongside of these ideal relations between terms which the world verifies, there are other ideal relations not as yet so verified. I refer to those propositions (no longer expressing mere results of comparison) which are formulated in such metaphysical and æsthetic axioms as "The Principle of things is one;" "The quantity of existence is unchanged;" "Nature is simple and invariable;" "Nature acts by the shortest ways;" "Ex nihilo nihil fit;" "Nothing can be evolved which was not involved;" "Whatever is in the effect must be in the cause;" "A thing can only work where it is;" "A thing can only affect another of its own kind;" "Cessante causa, cessat et effectus;" "Nature makes no leaps;" "Things belong to discrete and permanent kinds;" "Nothing is or happens without a reason;" "The world is throughout rationally intelligible;" etc.,[Pg 670] etc., etc. Such principles as these, which might be multiplied to satiety,[554] are properly to be called postulates of rationality, not propositions of fact. If nature did obey them, she would be pro tanto more intelligible; and we seek meanwhile so to conceive her phenomena as to show that she does obey them. To a certain extent we succeed. For example, instead of the 'quantity of existence' so vaguely postulated as unchanged, Nature allows us to suppose that curious sum of distances and velocities which for want of a better term we call 'energy.' For the effect being 'contained in the cause,' nature lets us substitute 'the effect is the cause,' so soon as she lets us conceive both effect and cause as the same molecules, in two successive positions.—But all around these incipient successes (as all around the molecular world, so soon as we add to it as its 'effects' those illusory 'things' of common-sense which we had to butcher for its sake), there still spreads a vast field of irrationalized fact whose items simply are together, and from one to another of which we can pass by no ideally 'rational' way.

But along with these ideal connections between terms that the world confirms, there are other ideal connections that haven't been verified yet. I'm talking about those propositions (which go beyond just stating results of comparison) that are expressed in metaphysical and aesthetic principles like "The essence of things is one," "The amount of existence remains constant," "Nature is simple and unchanging," "Nature operates in the most efficient way," "Ex nihilo nihil fit;" "Nothing can emerge that wasn't already contained," "Whatever exists in the effect must be present in the cause," "An object can only act where it exists," "An object can only impact another of its kind," "Cessante causa, cessat et effectus;" "Nature doesn't make abrupt changes," "Things belong to distinct and enduring categories," "Nothing exists or occurs without a reason," "The universe is entirely rationally comprehensible," etc.,[Pg 670] etc., etc. These principles, which could be endlessly expanded,[554] are best referred to as postulates of rationality, rather than statements of fact. If nature did follow them, she would be pro tanto more understandable; and we aim to conceptualize her phenomena in a way that demonstrates she does follow them. To some extent, we succeed. For instance, instead of the 'amount of existence' vaguely assumed to be constant, nature allows us to consider the intriguing sum of distances and velocities that we refer to as 'energy.' Because the effect is 'contained in the cause,' nature lets us think of 'the effect is the cause,' as soon as she allows us to view both effect and cause as the same molecules in two different positions. —But surrounding these early successes (just like the molecular world, as soon as we include those deceptive 'things' from common sense that we had to disregard for its sake), there's still a vast area of irrational facts where the elements just exist together, and we can't transition from one to another through any ideally 'rational' path.

It is not that these more metaphysical postulates of rationality are absolutely barren—though barren enough they were when used, as the scholastics used them, as immediate propositions of fact.[555] They have a fertility as[Pg 671] ideals, and keep us uneasy and striving always to recast the world of sense until its lines become more congruent with theirs. Take for example the principle that 'nothing can happen without a cause.' We have no definite idea of what we mean by cause, or of what causality consists in. But the principle expresses a demand for some deeper sort of inward connection between phenomena than their merely habitual time-sequence seems to us to be. The word 'cause' is, in short, an altar to an unknown god; an empty pedestal still marking the place of a hoped-for statue. Any really inward belonging-together of the sequent terms, if discovered, would be accepted as what the word cause was meant to stand for. So we seek, and seek; and in the molecular systems we find a sort of inward belonging in the notion of identity of matter with change of collocation. Perhaps by still seeking we may find other sorts of inward belonging, even between the molecules and those 'secondary qualities,' etc., which they produce upon our minds.

It's not that these more abstract ideas about rationality are completely empty—though they were pretty empty when used, like the scholastics did, as straightforward statements of fact.[555] They have value as[Pg 671] ideals, keeping us restless and constantly trying to reshape our understanding of the physical world until it aligns more closely with them. For example, the principle that 'nothing can happen without a cause.' We don’t have a clear idea of what we mean by cause or what causality actually involves. But this principle expresses a need for some deeper kind of connection between events than their mere sequence in time suggests. The word 'cause' is, in essence, an altar to an unknown god; an empty pedestal still marking the spot for a hoped-for statue. Any real connection between the subsequent terms, if found, would be accepted as what we intended the word cause to represent. So we search, and search; and in molecular systems, we find a kind of connection in the idea of matter's identity with changes in arrangement. Perhaps by continuing our search, we may discover other forms of connection, even between molecules and those 'secondary qualities,' etc., that they evoke in our minds.

It cannot be too often repeated that the triumphant application of any one of our ideal systems of rational relations to the real world justifies our hope that other systems may be found also applicable. Metaphysics should take heart from the example of physics, simply confessing that hers is the longer task. Nature may be remodelled, nay, certainly will be remodelled, far beyond the point at present reached. Just how far?—is a question which only the whole future history of Science and Philosophy can answer.[556] Our task being Psychology, we cannot even cross the threshold of that larger problem.

It can't be said enough that successfully applying any one of our ideal systems of rational relationships to the real world gives us hope that other systems might also be applicable. Metaphysics should take inspiration from the example of physics, simply acknowledging that its task is a longer one. Nature can be reshaped, and in fact, will definitely be reshaped far beyond where we are now. Just how far?—that’s a question that only the entire future history of Science and Philosophy can answer.[556] Since our focus is Psychology, we can’t even begin to tackle that larger problem.


Besides the mental structure which results in such[Pg 672] metaphysical principles as those just considered, there is a mental structure which expresses itself in

Besides the mental framework that leads to metaphysical principles like those just mentioned, there is a mental structure that expresses itself in

ÆSTHETIC AND MORAL PRINCIPLES.

The æsthetic principles are at bottom such axioms as that a note sounds good with its third and fifth, or that potatoes need salt. We are once for all so made that when certain impressions come before our mind, one of them will seem to call for or repel the others as its companions. To a certain extent the principle of habit will explain these æsthetic connections. When a conjunction is repeatedly experienced, the cohesion of its terms grows grateful, or at least their disruption grows unpleasant. But to explain all æsthetic judgments in this way would be absurd; for it is notorious how seldom natural experiences come up to our æsthetic demands. Many of the so-called metaphysical principles are at bottom only expressions of æsthetic feeling. Nature is simple and invariable; makes no leaps, or makes nothing but leaps; is rationally intelligible; neither increases nor diminishes in quantity; flows from one principle, etc., etc.,—what do all such principles express save our sense of how pleasantly our intellect would feel if it had a Nature of that sort to deal with? The subjectivity of which feeling is of course quite compatible with Nature also turning out objectively to be of that sort, later on.

The aesthetic principles are basically axioms like that a note sounds good with its third and fifth, or that potatoes need salt. We're built in such a way that when certain impressions come to mind, one of them seems to attract or repel the others as companions. The principle of habit can explain these aesthetic connections to some extent. When a combination is experienced repeatedly, the bond between its elements becomes pleasing, or at least their separation becomes unpleasant. However, explaining all aesthetic judgments this way would be ridiculous; it's well-known how rare it is for natural experiences to meet our aesthetic expectations. Many of the so-called metaphysical principles are really just expressions of aesthetic feeling. Nature is simple and consistent; it doesn't make sudden changes, or it only makes sudden changes; it's rationally understandable; it neither increases nor decreases in quantity; it flows from one principle, and so on—what do all these principles really express except our sense of how nice it would be for our intellect to deal with a Nature like that? The subjectivity of that feeling is, of course, completely compatible with Nature also turning out to actually be like that later on.

The moral principles which our mental structure engenders are quite as little explicable in toto by habitual experiences having bred inner cohesions. Rightness is not mere usualness, wrongness not mere oddity, however numerous the facts which might be invoked to prove such identity. Nor are the moral judgments those most invariably and emphatically impressed on us by public opinion. The most characteristically and peculiarly moral judgments that a man is ever called on to make are in unprecedented cases and lonely emergencies, where no popular rhetorical maxims can avail, and the hidden oracle alone can speak; and it speaks often in favor of conduct quite unusual, and suicidal as far as gaining popular approbation goes. The forces which conspire to this resultant are subtle harmonies and discords between the[Pg 673] elementary ideas which form the data of the case. Some of these harmonies, no doubt, have to do with habit; but in respect to most of them our sensibility must assuredly be a phenomenon of supernumerary order, correlated with a brain-function quite as secondary as that which takes cognizance of the diverse excellence of elaborate musical compositions. No more than the higher musical sensibility can the higher moral sensibility be accounted for by the frequency with which outer relations have cohered.[557] Take judgments of justice or equity, for example. Instinctively, one judges everything differently, according as it pertains to one's self or to some one else. Empirically one notices that everybody else does the same. But little by little there dawns in one the judgment "nothing can be right for me which would not be right for another similarly placed;" or "the fulfilment of my desires is intrinsically no more imperative than that of anyone else's;" or "what it is reasonable that another should do for me, it is also reasonable that I should do for him;"[558] and forthwith the whole mass of the habitual gets overturned. It gets seriously overturned only in a few fanatical heads. But its overturning is due to a back-door and not to a front-door process. Some minds are preternaturally sensitive to logical consistency and inconsistency. When they have ranked a thing under a kind, they must treat it as of that kind's kind, or feel all out of tune. In many respects we do class ourselves with other men, and call them and ourselves by a common name. They agree with us in having the same Heavenly Father, in not being consulted about their birth,[Pg 674] in not being themselves to thank or blame for their natural gifts, in having the same desires and pains and pleasures, in short in a host of fundamental relations. Hence, if these things be our essence, we should be substitutable for other men, and they for us, in any proposition in which either of us is involved. The more fundamental and common the essence chosen, and the more simple the reasoning,[559] the more wildly radical and unconditional will the justice be which is aspired to. Life is one long struggle between conclusions based on abstract ways of conceiving cases, and opposite conclusions prompted by our instinctive perception of them as individual facts. The logical stickler for justice always seems pedantic and mechanical to the man who goes by tact and the particular instance, and who usually makes a poor show at argument. Sometimes the abstract conceiver's way is better, sometimes that of the man of instinct. But just as in our study of reasoning we found it impossible to lay down any mark whereby to distinguish right conception of a concrete case from confusion (see pp. 336, 350), so here we can give no general rule for deciding when it is morally useful to treat a concrete case as sui generis, and when to lump it with others in an abstract class.[560]

The moral principles that our minds create aren’t fully explainable in toto by past experiences that have formed internal connections. Rightness isn’t just what’s usual, and wrongness isn’t merely what’s odd, no matter how many facts might be used to argue that they are the same. Moral judgments aren’t solely those that are most strongly and often enforced by public opinion. The most distinct and uniquely moral decisions we ever have to make arise in unprecedented situations and solitary emergencies, where popular clichés can’t help, and only our inner voice can provide guidance; and it often suggests actions that are quite unusual and detrimental to gaining social approval. The influences that lead to this outcome are subtle blends of harmony and disharmony among the basic ideas that build the case. Some of these harmonies likely relate to habit; however, for many of them, our sensitivity must definitely be a phenomenon of a higher order, linked to a brain function as secondary as that which recognizes the various merits of complex musical pieces. Just as the higher musical sensitivity can’t be explained merely by how often external relationships have aligned, neither can the higher moral sensitivity. [557] Take judgments of justice or fairness, for instance. Instinctively, we evaluate things differently depending on whether they relate to us or someone else. Empirically, we notice that everyone else does the same. However, gradually the realization emerges: "nothing can be right for me that wouldn’t also be right for another in the same situation;" or "my desires are no more urgent than anyone else’s;" or "what it’s reasonable for another to do for me, it’s also reasonable for me to do for them;"[558] and suddenly the entire foundation of habit is shaken. This upheaval only truly occurs in a few extreme minds. But this change happens through an indirect process rather than a direct one. Some minds are unusually sensitive to logical consistency and inconsistency. Once they classify something into a category, they must treat it as consistent with that category, or they feel out of harmony. In many ways, we relate to other people and label them and ourselves with a common identity. We share the same Heavenly Father, weren’t consulted about our birth,[Pg 674] aren’t solely responsible for our natural abilities, and experience the same desires, pains, and pleasures—in short, we have numerous fundamental connections. Therefore, if these things define our essence, we should be interchangeable with others in any situation involving either of us. The more fundamental and shared the chosen essence, and the simpler the reasoning,[559] the more radically and unconditionally we will pursue justice. Life is a continuous struggle between conclusions based on abstract ways of understanding cases and opposing conclusions driven by our instinctive perception of them as unique facts. The logical stickler for justice often seems pedantic and mechanical to someone who relies on intuition and specific instances and typically struggles in arguments. Sometimes the abstract approach is better; other times, the instinctual approach is. But just as we found it impossible to define clear criteria to distinguish right thinking about a concrete case from confusion (see pp. 336, 350), we also can’t provide a general guideline for when it’s morally beneficial to treat a specific case as sui generis and when to categorize it with others in an abstract class.[560]

An adequate treatment of the way in which we come by our æsthetic and moral judgments would require a separate chapter, which I cannot conveniently include in this book. Suffice it that these judgments express inner harmonies and discords between objects of thought; and that whilst outer cohesions frequently repeated will often seem harmonious, all harmonies are not thus engendered, but our feeling of many of them is a secondary and incidental function of the mind. Where harmonies are asserted of the real world, they are obviously mere postulates of rationality, so far as they transcend experience. Such postulates are exemplified by the ethical propositions that the individual and universal good are one, and that happiness and goodness are bound to coalesce in the same subject.

A proper discussion on how we develop our aesthetic and moral judgments would need a separate chapter, which I can't conveniently include in this book. It's enough to say that these judgments reflect the internal harmonies and conflicts between our thoughts; while repeated external connections may often seem harmonious, not all of these harmonies come from that, as our perception of many is a secondary and incidental function of the mind. When we claim that certain harmonies exist in the real world, they are simply assumptions of rationality, especially when they go beyond our experiences. These assumptions are illustrated by ethical statements like the idea that individual and universal good are the same, and that happiness and goodness should come together in the same person.

SUMMARY OF WHAT PRECEDES.

I will now sum up our progress so far by a short summary of the most important conclusions which we have reached.

I will now summarize our progress so far with a brief overview of the key conclusions we've come to.

The mind has a native structure in this sense, that certain of its objects, if considered together in certain ways, give definite results; and that no other ways of considering, and no other results, are possible if the same objects be taken.

The mind has its own natural structure in that some of its objects, when considered together in specific ways, produce clear results; and that no other ways of considering them, or any other results, are possible if the same objects are involved.

The results are 'relations' which are all expressed by judgments of subsumption and of comparison.

The results are 'relationships' that are all expressed by judgments of inclusion and comparison.

The judgments of subsumption are themselves subsumed under the laws of logic.

The judgments of subsumption are themselves placed under the laws of logic.

Those of comparison are expressed in classifications, and in the sciences of arithmetic and geometry.

Those comparisons are shown in classifications, and in the fields of arithmetic and geometry.

Mr. Spencer's opinion that our consciousness of classificatory, logical, and mathematical relations between ideas is due to the frequency with which the corresponding 'outer relations' have impressed our minds, is unintelligible.

Mr. Spencer's view that our awareness of the connections between ideas in terms of classification, logic, and mathematics comes from how often the related 'outer relations' have affected our minds is unclear.

Our consciousness of these relations, no doubt, has a natural genesis. But it is to be sought rather in the inner forces which have made the brain grow, than in any mere paths of 'frequent' association which outer stimuli may have ploughed in that organ.

Our awareness of these relationships probably has a natural origin. However, it should be found more in the internal forces that have developed the brain than in any simple patterns of 'frequent' association that external stimuli may have etched in that organ.

But let our sense for these relations have arisen as it may, the relations themselves form a fixed system of lines of cleavage, so to speak, in the mind, by which we naturally pass from one object to another; and the objects connected by these lines of cleavage are often not connected by any regular time- and space-associations. We distinguish, therefore, between the empirical order of things, and this their rational order of comparison; and, so far as possible, we seek to translate the former into the latter, as being the more congenial of the two to our intellect.

But however our understanding of these relationships comes about, they create a fixed system of mental pathways, so to speak, that naturally guide us from one object to another. The objects linked by these pathways are often not related by any usual associations of time and space. Therefore, we differentiate between the empirical order of things and their rational order of comparison; and as much as we can, we try to translate the former into the latter, as it aligns better with our way of thinking.

Any classification of things into kinds (especially if the kinds form series, or if they successively involve each other) is a more rational way of conceiving the things than is that mere juxtaposition or separation of them as individuals in time and space which is the order of their crude perception. Any assimilation of things to terms between which such classificatory relations, with their remote and mediate transactions, obtain, is a way of bringing the things into a more rational scheme.

Any classification of things into categories (especially when those categories form a series or build on each other) is a more rational way of understanding things than just simply placing or separating them as individual items in time and space, which is how we typically perceive them. Any comparison of things to terms that have such classificatory relationships, with their distant and indirect connections, is a way of organizing things into a more rational framework.

Solids in motion are such terms; and the mechanical[Pg 677] philosophy is only a way of conceiving nature so as to arrange its items along some of the more natural lines of cleavage of our mental structure.

Solids in motion are such terms; and the mechanical[Pg 677] philosophy is just a way of understanding nature to organize its elements along some of the more natural lines of our mental framework.

Other natural lines are the moral and æsthetic relations. Philosophy is still seeking to conceive things so that these relations also may seem to obtain between them.

Other natural lines are the moral and aesthetic connections. Philosophy is still trying to understand things in a way that these connections will also appear to exist between them.

As long as things have not successfully been so conceived, the moral and æsthetic relations obtain only between entia rationis, terms in the mind; and the moral and æsthetic principles remain but postulates, not propositions, with regard to the real world outside.

As long as things haven't been successfully understood, the moral and aesthetic relationships only exist between entia rationis, concepts in the mind; and the moral and aesthetic principles are just assumptions, not statements, about the real world outside.

There is thus a large body of a priori or intuitively necessary truths. As a rule, these are truths of comparison only, and in the first instance they express relations between merely mental terms. Nature, however, acts as if some of her realities were identical with these mental terms. So far as she does this, we can make a priori propositions concerning natural fact. The aim of both science and philosophy is to make the identifiable terms more numerous. So far it has proved easier to identify nature's things with mental terms of the mechanical than with mental terms of the sentimental order.

There is a large collection of a priori or intuitively necessary truths. Generally, these truths are only about comparison, and initially, they express relationships between purely mental concepts. However, nature behaves as if some of its realities are the same as these mental concepts. As far as that goes, we can make a priori statements about natural facts. The goal of both science and philosophy is to increase the number of identifiable terms. So far, it's been easier to connect nature's things with mechanical mental concepts than with sentimental ones.

The widest postulate of rationality is that the world is rationally intelligible throughout, after the pattern of some ideal system. The whole war of the philosophies is over that point of faith. Some say they can see their way already to the rationality; others that it is hopeless in any other but the mechanical way. To some the very fact that there is a world at all seems irrational. Nonentity would be a more natural thing than existence, for these minds. One philosopher at least says that the relatedness of things to each other is irrational anyhow, and that a world of relations can never be made intelligible.[561]

The broadest assumption of rationality is that the world is rationally understandable as a whole, following the model of some ideal system. The entire debate among philosophies revolves around that belief. Some claim they can see a path to understanding the rationality; others argue it's only possible through a mechanical perspective. For some, the mere existence of the world appears irrational. Nonexistence would seem more natural to them than existence. One philosopher argues that the connections between things are irrational anyway, and that a world made up of relations can never truly be understood.[561]

With this I may be assumed to have completed the programme which I announced at the beginning of the chapter, so far as the theoretic part of our organic mental structure[Pg 678] goes. It can be due neither to our own nor to our ancestors' experience. I now pass to those practical parts of our organic mental structure. Things are a little different here; and our conclusion, though it lies in the same direction, can be by no means as confidently expressed.

With this, I can be considered to have finished the program that I mentioned at the start of the chapter regarding the theoretical aspect of our organic mental structure[Pg 678]. It can’t be attributed to either our own experiences or those of our ancestors. Now, I will move on to the practical aspects of our organic mental structure. Here, things are somewhat different; and while our conclusion still points in the same direction, it cannot be stated as confidently.

To be as short and simple as possible, I will take the case of instincts, and, supposing the reader to be familiar with Chapter XXIV, I will plunge in medias res.

To keep it short and straightforward, I'll discuss instincts, and assuming the reader knows about Chapter XXIV, I'll dive right in.

THE ORIGIN OF INSTINCTS.

Instincts must have been either

Instincts must have been either

1) Each specially created in complete form, or

1) Each specially created in complete form, or

2) Gradually evolved.

Evolved over time.

As the first alternative is nowadays obsolete, I proceed directly to the second. The two most prominent suggestions as to the way in which instincts may have been evolved are associated with the names of Lamarck and Darwin.

As the first alternative is now outdated, I move straight to the second. The two most notable theories about how instincts may have evolved are linked to the names of Lamarck and Darwin.

Lamarck's statement is that animals have wants, and contract, to satisfy them, habits which transform themselves gradually into so many propensities which they can neither resist nor change. These propensities, once acquired, propagate themselves by way of transmission to the young, so that they come to exist in new individuals, anteriorly to all exercise. Thus are the same emotions, the same habits, the same instincts, perpetuated without variation from one generation to another, so long as the outward conditions of existence remain the same.[562] Mr. Lewes calls this the theory of 'lapsed intelligence.' Mr. Spencer's words are clearer than Lamarck's, so that I will quote from him:[563]

Lamarck's claim is that animals have wants and develop habits to satisfy them, which gradually transform into many propensities they cannot resist or change. These propensities, once acquired, are passed on to the young, so they exist in new individuals before any practice occurs. Thus, the same emotions, the same habits, and the same instincts are carried on without variation from one generation to the next, as long as the external conditions of existence stay the same.[562] Mr. Lewes refers to this as the theory of 'lapsed intelligence.' Mr. Spencer's explanation is clearer than Lamarck's, so I will quote him:[563]

"Setting out with the unquestionable assumption, that every new form of emotion making its appearance in the individual or the race is a modification of some pre-existing emotion, or a compounding of several pre-existing emotions, we should be greatly aided by knowing what always are the pre-existing emotions. When, for example, we find that very few, if any, of the lower animals show any love of accumulation, and that this feeling is absent in infancy; when we see that an infant in arms exhibits anger, fear, wonder, while yet it manifests no desire of permanent possession; and that a brute which has no acquisitive emotion can nevertheless feel attachment, jealousy, love of approbation,—we may suspect that the feeling which property satisfies is compounded out of simpler and deeper feelings. We may conclude that as when a dog hides a bone there must exist in him a prospective gratification of hunger, so there must similarly, at first, in all cases where anything is secured or taken possession of, exist an ideal excitement of the feeling which that thing will gratify. We may further conclude that when the intelligence is such that a variety of objects come to be utilized for different purposes; when, as among savages, divers wants are satisfied through the articles appropriated for weapons, shelter, clothing, ornament,—the act of appropriating comes to be one constantly involving agreeable associations, and one which is therefore pleasurable, irrespective of the end subserved. And when, as in civilized life, the property acquired is of a kind not conducing to one order of gratifications, but is capable of ministering to all gratifications, the pleasure of acquiring property grows more distinct from each of the various pleasures subserved—is more completely differentiated into a separate emotion.[564] It is well known that on newly-discovered islands not inhabited by man, birds are so devoid of fear as to allow themselves to be knocked over with sticks, but that in the course of generations[Pg 680] they acquire such a dread of man as to fly on his approach, and that this dread is manifested by young as well as old. Now unless this change be ascribed to the killing off of the least fearful, and the preservation and multiplication of the more fearful, which, considering the small number killed by man, is an inadequate cause, it must be ascribed to accumulated experiences, and each experience must be held to have a share in producing it. We must conclude that in each bird that escapes with injuries inflicted by man, or is alarmed by the outcries of other members of the flock,... there is established an association of ideas between the human aspect and the pains, direct and indirect, suffered from human agency. And we must further conclude that the state of consciousness which impels the bird to take flight is at first nothing more than an ideal reproduction of those painful impressions which before followed man's approach; that such ideal reproduction becomes more vivid and more massive as the painful experiences, direct or sympathetic, increase; and that thus the emotion, in its incipient state, is nothing else than an aggregation of the revived pains before experienced. As, in the course of generations, the young birds of this race begin to display a fear of man before they have been injured by him, it is an unavoidable inference that the nervous system of the race has been organically modified by these experiences; we have no choice but to conclude that when a young bird is thus led to fly, it is because the impression produced on its senses by the approaching man entails, through an incipiently reflex action, a partial excitement of all those nerves which, in its ancestors, had been excited under the like conditions; that this partial excitement has its accompanying painful consciousness; and that the vague painful consciousness thus arising constitutes emotion proper—emotion undecomposable into specific experiences, and therefore seemingly homogeneous. If such be the explanation of the fact in this case, then it is in all cases. If the emotion is so generated here, then it is so generated throughout. If so, we must perforce conclude that the emotional modifications displayed by different nations, and those higher emotions by which civilized are distinguished from savage, are to be accounted for on the same principle. And, concluding this, we are led strongly to suspect that the emotions in general have severally thus originated."[565]

"Assuming that every new type of emotion that emerges in a person or society is either a variation of an existing emotion or a combination of several existing ones, it would be very useful to identify those foundational emotions. For example, when we see that very few, if any, animals lower on the evolutionary scale have a desire to collect things, and infants also lack this desire; when we observe that a baby can express anger, fear, and wonder, but doesn’t show a wish for lasting possession; and that an animal, which doesn’t have an urge to acquire, can still experience attachment, jealousy, and a need for approval, we might suspect that the feeling related to ownership is constructed from simpler and deeper emotions. We can conclude that just as when a dog buries a bone, it must be thinking about future satisfaction related to hunger, the same applies to situations where something is secured or claimed—there must be an ideal excitement tied to the feeling that the object will fulfill a need. Additionally, when intelligence allows for the use of various objects to meet different needs—like among primitive societies, where various wants are addressed through items meant for weapons, shelter, clothing, or decoration—the act of claiming things consistently involves positive feelings, making the experience more pleasurable, regardless of the purpose served. And in modern life, when acquired property satisfies multiple needs rather than just one, the joy of acquiring assets becomes distinct from the various pleasures they provide and separates into its own emotion.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ It’s well-known that on islands newly discovered and not yet populated by humans, birds are so unafraid that they can easily be knocked down with sticks, but over generations, they develop a fear of humans that causes them to flee upon our approach, and this fear is observable in both young and old birds. Now, unless we attribute this change to the survival of the more fearful individuals while the less fearful ones are killed—an explanation that fails when considering the small number of birds killed by humans—this fear must come from accumulated experiences, with each experience contributing to their learning. We must conclude that for each bird that evades injury from humans or is startled by its flock's warnings, an association forms between the human presence and the pain, both direct and indirect, caused by humans. Moreover, we must conclude that the awareness prompting the bird to fly away initially consists only of a recalled ideal of previous painful experiences linked to the approach of humans; this memory becomes more vivid and pronounced as the painful experiences increase; thus, in its early state, the emotion is simply a collection of revived past pains. As generations pass, young birds from this lineage begin to show fear of humans even before encountering harm, it’s inevitable to infer that the nervous system of this species has been physiologically changed by these experiences; when a young bird flees, it is due to the sensory impression made by the approaching human which triggers, through a developing reflex, a partial activation of all nerves that had been stimulated in its ancestors under similar conditions; this partial activation creates painful awareness; and this vague painful awareness triggers a specific emotion—a type of emotion that cannot be broken down into specific experiences and therefore appears uniform. If this explains the situation here, then it will apply universally. If the emotion develops this way in one instance, then it happens this way everywhere. If this is true, we must consider that the emotional variations seen in different cultures, as well as the more complex emotions distinguishing civilized societies from savage ones, can be understood through the same principle. Consequently, we are led to strongly suspect that emotions, in general, originated in this way."[565]

Obviously the word 'emotion' here means instinct as well,—the actions we call instinctive are expressions or manifestations of the emotions whose genesis Mr. Spencer describes. Now if habit could thus bear fruit outside the individual life, and if the modifications so painfully acquired by the parents' nervous systems could be found ready-made at birth in those of the young, it would be hard[Pg 681] to overestimate the importance, both practical and theoretical, of such an extension of its sway. In principle, instincts would then be assimilated to 'secondarily-automatic' habits, and the origin of many of them out of tentative experiments made during ancestral lives, perfected by repetition, addition, and association through successive generations, would be a comparatively simple thing to understand.

Clearly, the word 'emotion' here also refers to instinct—the actions we call instinctual are expressions of the emotions that Mr. Spencer talks about. If habits could have effects beyond a person's individual life, and if the changes painfully developed in the parents' nervous systems could be found fully formed at birth in their offspring, it would be difficult to overstate the significance, both practically and theoretically, of such a development. In this case, instincts would be comparable to 'secondarily-automatic' habits, and understanding the origins of many of them as tentative experiments conducted during the lives of ancestors, refined through repetition, addition, and associations over generations, would be relatively straightforward.

Contemporary students of instinct have accordingly been alert to discover all the facts which would seem to establish the possibility of such an explanation. The list is not very long, considering what a burden of conclusions it has to bear. Let acquisitiveness and fear of man, as just argued for by Spencer, lead it off. Other cases of the latter sort are the increased shyness of the woodcock noticed to have occurred within sixty years' observation by Mr. T. A. Knight, and the greater shyness everywhere shown by large than by small birds, to which Darwin has called attention. Then we may add—

Contemporary students of instinct have been keen to uncover all the facts that support the possibility of such an explanation. The list isn't very long, especially given the weight of conclusions it carries. Let's start with acquisitiveness and fear of man, as Spencer has just argued. Other examples of this include the increased shyness of the woodcock, which Mr. T. A. Knight observed over the past sixty years, and the greater shyness exhibited by larger birds compared to smaller ones, as noted by Darwin. Next, we can add—

The propensities of 'pointing,' 'retrieving,' etc., in sporting dogs, which seem partly, at any rate, to be due to training, but which in well-bred stock are all but innate. It is in these breeds considered bad for a litter of young if its sire or dam have not been trained in the field.

The tendencies of 'pointing,' 'retrieving,' and so on in sporting dogs are partly due to training, but in well-bred dogs, these traits are almost instinctive. In these breeds, it's seen as undesirable for a litter of puppies if their mother or father hasn't been trained in the field.

Docility of domestic breeds of horses and cattle.

Docility of domestic breeds of horses and cattle.

Tameness of young of tame rabbit—young wild rabbits being invincibly timid.

Tameness of baby tame rabbits—baby wild rabbits are extremely timid.

Young foxes are most wary in those places where they are most severely hunted.

Young foxes are most cautious in the areas where they are hunted the most.

Wild ducks, hatched out by tame ones, fly off. But if kept close for some generations, the young are said to become tame.[566]

Wild ducks that are raised by tame ones will eventually fly away. However, if they are kept close for several generations, it is said that the young will become tame.[566]

Young savages at a certain age will revert to the woods.

Young kids at a certain age will go back to nature.

English greyhounds taken to the high plateau of Mexico could not at first run well, on account of rarefied air. Their whelps entirely got over the difficulty.

English greyhounds taken to the high plateau of Mexico couldn't run well at first due to the thin air. Their puppies completely adapted to the difficulty.

Mr. Lewes somewhere[567] tells of a terrier pup whose parents had been taught to 'beg,' and who constantly[Pg 682] threw himself spontaneously into the begging attitude. Darwin tells of a French orphan-child, brought up out of France, yet shrugging like his ancestors.[568]

Mr. Lewes somewhere[567] mentions a terrier puppy whose parents were trained to 'beg,' and he would often[Pg 682] instinctively adopt the begging position. Darwin talks about a French orphan child, raised outside of France, yet still shrugging like his forebears.[568]

Musical ability often increases from generation to generation in the families of musicians.

Musical talent often grows from one generation to the next in families of musicians.

The hereditarily epileptic guinea-pigs of Brown-Séquard, whose parents had become epileptic through surgical operations on the spinal cord or sciatic nerve. The adults often lose some of their hind toes, and the young, in addition to being epileptic, are frequently born with the corresponding toes lacking. The offspring of guinea-pigs whose cervical sympathetic nerve has been cut on one side will have the ear larger, the eyeball smaller, etc., just like their parents after the operation. Puncture of the 'restiform body' of the medulla will, in the same animal, congest and enlarge one eye, and cause gangrene of one ear. In the young of such parents the same symptoms occur.

The genetically epileptic guinea pigs studied by Brown-Séquard, whose parents developed epilepsy from surgical procedures on the spinal cord or sciatic nerve. The adult guinea pigs often lose some of their hind toes, and the young ones, apart from having epilepsy, are often born missing the same toes. The offspring of guinea pigs that had one side of their cervical sympathetic nerve cut will have one ear larger and one eyeball smaller, similar to their parents after the procedure. Puncturing the 'restiform body' of the medulla will cause congestion and enlargement of one eye and lead to gangrene in one ear in the same animal. The same symptoms are observed in the young of such parents.

Physical refinement, delicate hands and feet, etc., appear in families well-bred and rich for several generations.

Physical refinement, along with delicate hands and feet, is often seen in families that have a long history of being well-bred and wealthy.

The 'nervous' temperament also develops in the descendants of sedentary brain-working people.

The 'nervous' temperament also develops in the descendants of people who primarily work in sedentary, brain-focused jobs.

Inebriates produce offspring in various ways degenerate.

Inebriates have kids in a number of messed-up ways.

Nearsightedness is produced by indoor occupation for generations. It has been found in Europe much more frequent among schoolchildren in towns than among children of the same age in the country.

Nearsightedness is caused by indoor activities over generations. It has been found in Europe to be much more common among schoolchildren in towns than among children of the same age in the countryside.

These latter cases are of the inheritance of structural rather than of functional peculiarities. But as structure gives rise to function it may be said that the principle is the same. Amongst other inheritances of adaptive[569] structural change may be mentioned:

These later cases involve inheriting structural traits instead of functional ones. However, since structure leads to function, it can be said that the principle remains similar. Along with other adaptations, we can also note the inheritance of structural changes:

The 'Yankee' type.

The 'Yankee' style.

Scrofula, rickets, and other diseases of bad conditions of life.

Scrofula, rickets, and other diseases caused by poor living conditions.

The udders and permanent milk of the domestic breeds of cow.

The udders and permanent milk of domestic cattle.

The 'fancy' rabbit's ears, drooping through lack of need to erect them. Dog's, ass's, etc., in some breeds ditto.

The 'fancy' rabbit's ears hang down because there's no need for them to stand up. The same goes for some breeds of dogs and donkeys.

The obsolete eyes of mole and various cave-dwelling animals.

The outdated eyes of moles and other cave-dwelling animals.

The diminished size of the wing-bones of domesticated ducks, due to ancestral disuse of flight.[570]

The smaller size of the wing bones in domesticated ducks, caused by their ancestors not using flight.[570]

These are about all the facts which, by one author or another, have been invoked as evidence in favor of the 'lapsed intelligence' theory of the origin of instincts.

These are pretty much all the facts that different authors have used as proof to support the 'lapsed intelligence' theory of how instincts originated.


Mr. Darwin's theory is that of the natural selection of accidentally produced tendencies to action.

Mr. Darwin's theory is about the natural selection of randomly developed tendencies to act.

"It would," says he, "be the most serious error to suppose that the greater number of instincts have been acquired by habit in one generation, and then transmitted by inheritance in succeeding generations. It can clearly be shown that the most wonderful instincts with which we are acquainted, namely, those of the hive-bee and of many ants, could not possibly have been thus acquired.[571] It will be universally admitted that instincts are as important as corporeal structure for the welfare of each species, under its present conditions of life. Under changed conditions of life, it is at least possible that slight modifications of instinct might be profitable to a species; and if it can be shown that instincts do vary ever so little, then I can see no difficulty in natural selection preserving and continually accumulating variations of instinct to any extent that may be profitable. It is thus, as I believe, that all the most complex and wonderful instincts have arisen.... I believe that the effects of habit are of quite subordinate importance to the effects of the natural selection of what may be called accidental variations of instincts;—that is, of variations produced by the same unknown causes which produce slight deviations of bodily structure."[572]

"It would," he says, "be a serious mistake to think that most instincts are learned through habit in one generation and then passed down through inheritance in later generations. It's obvious that the most remarkable instincts we see, like those of the hive-bee and many ants, couldn't have been acquired that way.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Everyone agrees that instincts are just as essential as physical structure for each species' survival in its current environment. With changes in living conditions, it's at least possible that slight adjustments in instinct could help a species; if we can show that instincts can vary even a little, then I see no reason why natural selection couldn't preserve and enhance those instinct variations to whatever extent might be beneficial. This is how I believe all the most complex and incredible instincts have developed.... I think the influence of habit is much less important compared to the effect of natural selection on what we might call accidental variations in instincts—that is, variations caused by the same unknown factors that lead to small changes in physical structure."[572]

The evidence for Mr. Darwin's view is too complex to be given in this place. To my own mind it is quite convincing. If, with the Darwinian theory in mind, one re-reads the list of examples given in favor of the Lamarckian theory, one finds that many of the cases are irrelevant, and that some make for one side as well as for the other. This is so obvious in many of the cases that it is needless to point it out in detail. The shrugging child and the begging pup, e.g., prove somewhat too much. They are examples so unique as to suggest spontaneous variation rather than inherited habit. In other cases the observations much need corroboration, e.g., the effects of not training for a generation in sporting dogs and race-horses, the difference between young wild rabbits born in captivity and young tame ones, the cumulative effect of many generations of captivity on wild ducks, etc.

The evidence for Mr. Darwin's perspective is too complicated to discuss here. Personally, I find it quite convincing. If you re-read the list of examples that support the Lamarckian theory while keeping the Darwinian theory in mind, you'll notice that many cases are irrelevant, and some can support both sides. This is obvious in numerous cases, so it's unnecessary to explain them in detail. The shrugging child and the begging puppy, for example, prove a bit too much. They are such unique examples that they suggest spontaneous variation instead of inherited habits. In other cases, the observations really need more proof, like the effects of not training for a generation in sporting dogs and racehorses, the differences between young wild rabbits born in captivity and young tame ones, and the cumulative effects of many generations of captivity on wild ducks, etc.

Similarly, the increased wariness of the large birds, of those on islands frequented by men, of the woodcock, of the foxes, may be due to the fact that the bolder families have been killed off, and left none but the naturally timid behind, or simply to the individual experience of older birds being imparted by example to the young so that a new educational tradition has occurred.—The cases of physical refinement, nervous temperament, Yankee type, etc., also need much more discriminating treatment than they have yet received from the Lamarckians. There is no real evidence that physical refinement and nervosity tend to accumulate from generation to generation in aristocratic or intellectual families; nor is there any that the change in that direction which Europeans transplanted to America undergo is not all completed in the first generation of children bred on our soil. To my mind, the facts all point that way. Similarly the better breathing of the greyhounds born in Mexico was surely due to a post-natal adaptation of the pups' thorax to the rarer air.

Similarly, the increased caution of larger birds, those on islands that people visit, along with woodcocks and foxes, might be because the braver members of their species have been hunted down, leaving only the naturally timid behind. It could also be due to older birds teaching younger ones what to fear through their own experiences, creating a new educational tradition. The cases of physical refinement, sensitive temperament, Yankee type, etc., also require much more careful analysis than they have received from Lamarckians. There’s no real evidence that physical refinement and sensitivity tend to accumulate over generations in aristocratic or intellectual families; nor is there any proof that the changes that Europeans experience when they come to America aren’t fully realized in the first generation of their children born here. To me, the facts all indicate that. Likewise, the improved breathing of greyhounds born in Mexico was likely a result of the pups' thoraxes adapting to the thinner air after birth.

Distinct neurotic degeneration may undoubtedly accumulate from parent to child, and as the parent usually in this case grows worse by his own irregular habits of life, the temptation lies near to ascribe the child's deterioration to this cause. This, again, is a hasty conclusion. For neurotic[Pg 685] degeneration is unquestionably a disease whose original causes are unknown; and like other 'accidental variations' it is hereditary. But it ultimately ends in sterility; and it seems to me quite unfair to draw any conclusions from its natural history in favor of the transmission of acquired peculiarities. Nor does the degeneration of the children of alcoholics prove anything in favor of their having inherited the shattered nervous system which the alcohol has induced in their parents: because the poison usually has a chance to directly affect their own bodies before birth, by acting on the germinal matter from which they are formed whilst it is still nourished by the alcoholized blood of the parent. In many cases, moreover, the parental alcoholics are themselves degenerates neurotically, and the drink-habit is only a symptom of their disease, which in some form or other they also propagate to their children.

Distinct neurotic degeneration can definitely be passed down from parent to child, and since the parent usually gets worse due to their unhealthy lifestyle, it’s tempting to blame the child's decline on this factor. However, this is a rash conclusion. Neurotic[Pg 685] degeneration is undeniably a condition with unknown original causes; like other 'accidental variations,' it is hereditary. But it ultimately leads to sterility; therefore, it's quite unjust to draw any conclusions from its natural history that support the idea of inherited acquired traits. Additionally, the degeneration seen in the children of alcoholics does not prove that they have inherited the damaged nervous system caused by their parents' drinking. This is because the poison often has a chance to directly impact their bodies before birth, affecting the germinal material from which they are developed while it is still fed by the parent's alcohol-laden blood. Furthermore, in many cases, alcoholic parents are themselves neurotically degenerate, and their drinking is just a symptom of their condition, which they also pass on to their children in some form.

There remain the inherited mutilations of the guinea-pig. But these are such startling exceptions to the ordinary rule with animals that they should hardly be used as examples of a typical process. The docility of domestic cattle is certainly in part due to man's selection, etc., etc. In a word, the proofs form rather a beggarly array.

There are still the inherited deformities of the guinea pig. But these are such unusual exceptions to the general trend in animals that they shouldn't really be considered as examples of a typical process. The docility of domesticated cattle is definitely partly due to human selection, and so on. In short, the evidence feels pretty weak.

Add to this that the writers who have tried to carry out the theory of transmitted habit with any detail are always obliged somewhere to admit inexplicable variation. Thus Spencer allows that

Add to this that the writers who have attempted to implement the theory of transmitted habits in detail are always obliged somewhere to acknowledge inexplicable variation. Thus Spencer allows that

"Sociality can begin only where, through some slight variation, there is less tendency than usual for the individuals to disperse.... That slight variations of mental nature, sufficient to initiate this process, may be fairly assumed, all our domestic animals show us: differences in their characters and likings are conspicuous. Sociality having thus commenced, and survival of the fittest tending ever to maintain and increase it, it will be further strengthened by the inherited effects of habit."[573] Again, in writing of the pleasure of pity, Mr. Spencer says: "This feeling is not one that has arisen through the inherited effects of experiences, but belongs to a quite different group, traceable to the survival of the fittest simply—to the natural selection of incidental variations. In this group are included all the bodily appetites, together with those simpler instincts, sexual and parental, by which every race is maintained; and which must exist before the higher processes of mental evolution can commence."[574]

"Social behavior can begin only when there's a small change that makes individuals less likely to split apart. All our domestic animals show that these minor differences in their personalities and preferences are quite noticeable. Once social behavior starts, the survival of the fittest principle will help sustain and enhance it, further supported by inherited habits." __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "While discussing the joy of compassion, Mr. Spencer mentions: 'This feeling isn't something that has emerged from inherited experiences but comes from a different category, connected to natural selection of random variations. This category encompasses all basic bodily urges, as well as simpler instincts, such as sexual and parental, that are crucial for the survival of every species and must be present before higher mental processes can develop.'" [574]

The inheritance of tricks of manner and trifling peculiarities, such as handwriting, certain odd gestures when pleased, peculiar movements during sleep, etc., have also been quoted in favor of the theory of transmission of acquired habits. Strangely enough; for of all things in the world these tricks seem most like idiosyncratic variations. They are usually defects or oddities which the education of the individual, the pressure of what is really acquired by him, would counteract, but which are too native to be repressed, and breaks through all artificial barriers, in his children as well as in himself.

The passing down of mannerisms and quirky little traits, like handwriting, certain strange gestures when happy, unusual movements during sleep, etc., have also been used to support the idea of learned habits being transmitted. Oddly enough, of all things, these quirks seem the most like personal variations. They are usually flaws or oddities that individual education or the influence of what is truly learned would usually suppress, but which are too inherent to be stifled, showing up in both him and his children despite all artificial barriers.


I leave my text practically just as it was written in 1885. I proceeded at that time to draw a tentative conclusion to the effect that the origin of most of our instincts must certainly be deemed fruits of the back-door method of genesis, and not of ancestral experience in the proper meaning of the term. Whether acquired ancestral habits played any part at all in their production was still an open question in which it would be as rash to affirm as to deny. Already before that time, however, Professor Weismann of Freiburg had begun a very serious attack upon the Lamarckian theory,[575] and his polemic has at last excited such a widespread interest among naturalists that the whilom almost unhesitatingly accepted theory seems almost on the point of being abandoned.

I’m leaving my text pretty much as it was written in 1885. Back then, I came to a tentative conclusion that the origin of most of our instincts should definitely be viewed as products of the back-door method of genesis, not as results of ancestral experience in the true sense of the term. Whether inherited habits contributed to their development was still an open question, and it would be just as unreasonable to affirm as to deny it. Before that time, however, Professor Weismann from Freiburg had already started a serious challenge to the Lamarckian theory,[575] and his arguments have finally sparked such widespread interest among naturalists that the theory, once accepted without hesitation, now seems close to being abandoned.

I will therefore add some of Weismann's criticisms of the supposed evidence to my own. In the first place, he has a captivating theory of descent of his own,[576] which makes him think it a priori impossible that any peculiarity acquired during lifetime by the parent should be transmitted to the germ. Into the nature of that theory this is not the place to go. Suffice to say that it has made him a keener critic of Lamarck's and Spencer's theory than he otherwise might have been. The only way in which the germinal products can be influenced whilst in the body of the parent is, according[Pg 687] to Weismann, by good or bad nutrition. Through this they may degenerate in various ways or lose vitality altogether. They may also be infected through the blood by small-pox, syphilis, or other virulent diseases, and otherwise be poisoned. But peculiarities of neural structure and habit in the parents which the parents themselves were not born with, they can never acquire unless perhaps accidentally through some coincidental variation of their own. Accidental variations develop of course into idiosyncrasies which tend to pass to later generations in virtue of the well-known law which no one doubts.

I will therefore add some of Weismann's critiques of the supposed evidence to my own. First, he has an intriguing theory of descent,[576] which leads him to believe it is impossible that any traits acquired during a parent’s lifetime could be passed on to their offspring. It’s not the right time to dive into that theory here. It’s enough to say that it makes him a sharper critic of Lamarck's and Spencer's theories than he might have been otherwise. According to Weismann, the only way germinal products can be affected while still in the parent's body is through good or bad nutrition. This can cause them to degenerate in different ways or lose their vitality altogether. They can also be contaminated through the blood by diseases like smallpox, syphilis, or other severe illnesses, and suffer other types of poisoning. However, traits related to neural structure and behaviors in the parents that they themselves were not born with can never be acquired, unless maybe by chance through some random variation of their own. Random variations, of course, develop into unique traits that tend to be passed on to future generations because of the well-known law that no one disputes.

Referring to the often-heard assertion that the increase of talent found in certain families from one generation to another is due to the transmitted effects of exercise of the faculty concerned (the Bachs, the Bernoullis, Mozart, etc.), he sensibly remarks, that the talent being kept in exercise, it ought to have gone on growing for an indefinite number of generations. As a matter of fact, it quickly reaches a maximum, and then we hear no more of it, which is what happens always when an idiosyncrasy is exposed to the effects of miscellaneous intermarriage.

Referring to the common belief that the increase in talent within certain families from one generation to the next is due to the effects of exercise of the relevant abilities (like the Bachs, the Bernoullis, Mozart, etc.), he wisely points out that if talent is continuously exercised, it should have continued to grow indefinitely across generations. In reality, talent quickly hits a peak, and then it fades away, which is what always happens when a unique trait is subjected to the influences of diverse intermarriage.

The hereditary epilepsy and other degenerations of the operated guinea-pigs are explained by Professor Weismann as results of infection of the young by the parent's blood. The latter he supposes to undergo a pathologic change in consequence of the original traumatic injury. The obsolescence of disused organs he explains very satisfactorily, without invoking any transmission of the direct effects of disuse, by his theory of panmixy, for which I must refer to his own writings. Finally, he criticises searchingly the stories we occasionally hear of inherited mutilations in animals (dogs' ears and tails, etc.), and cites a prolonged series of experiments of his own on mice, which he bred for many generations, cutting off both parental tails each time, without interfering in the least with the length of tail with which the young continued to be born.

The hereditary epilepsy and other degenerative conditions seen in the operated guinea pigs are explained by Professor Weismann as the result of infection from the parent's blood to the young. He believes this blood undergoes a pathological change due to the initial traumatic injury. He explains the decline of unused organs quite well, without suggesting any direct transfer of the effects of disuse, through his theory of panmixy, which I refer you to his own writings for more detail. Lastly, he critically examines the stories we sometimes hear about inherited mutilations in animals (like dogs with cropped ears and tails) and shares a long series of his own experiments on mice, which he bred for many generations, consistently cutting off both parental tails each time, without having any effect on the tail length of the offspring.

The strongest argument, after all, in favor of the Lamarckian theory remains the a priori one urged by Spencer in his little work (much the solidest thing, by the way, which he has ever written) 'The Factors of Organic Evolution.'[Pg 688] Since, says Mr. Spencer, the accidental variations of all parts of the body are independent of each other, if the entire organization of animals were due to such accidental variations alone, the amount of mutual adaptation and harmony that we now find there could hardly possibly have come about in any finite time. We must rather suppose that the divers varying parts brought the other parts into harmony with themselves by exercising them ad hoc, and that the effects of the exercise remained and were passed on to the young. This forms, of course, a great presumption against the all-sufficiency of the view of selection of accidental variations exclusively. But it must be admitted that in favor of the contrary view, that adaptive changes are inherited, we have as yet perhaps not one single unequivocal item of positive proof.

The strongest argument in support of the Lamarckian theory is still the a priori one put forth by Spencer in his small but significant work, 'The Factors of Organic Evolution.'[Pg 688] Mr. Spencer points out that the random variations of all body parts are independent of one another. If the entire structure of animals came solely from these random variations, the level of mutual adaptation and harmony we see today could hardly have developed in any reasonable timeframe. Instead, we should think that the different varying parts brought the other parts into harmony with themselves by exercising them ad hoc, and the effects of this exercise persisted and were passed on to the offspring. This clearly raises a significant presumption against the idea that only random variations can account for everything. However, it must be acknowledged that, in support of the contrary view—that adaptive changes are inherited—there may not be a single clear piece of positive proof yet.


I must therefore end this chapter on the genesis of our mental structure by reaffirming my conviction that the so-called Experience-philosophy has failed to prove its point. No more if we take ancestral experiences into account than if we limit ourselves to those of the individual after birth, can we believe that the couplings of terms within the mind are simple copies of corresponding couplings impressed upon it by the environment. This indeed is true of a small part of our cognitions. But so far as logical and mathematical, ethical, æsthetical, and metaphysical propositions go, such an assertion is not only untrue but altogether unintelligible; for these propositions say nothing about the time- and space-order of things, and it is hard to understand how such shallow and vague accounts of them as Mill's and Spencer's could ever have been given by thinking men.

I must therefore conclude this chapter on the development of our mental framework by reaffirming my belief that the so-called Experience philosophy has not made its case. Whether we consider ancestral experiences or focus solely on individual experiences after birth, we cannot believe that the connections between concepts in the mind are just simple reflections of similar connections imposed by the environment. This may be true for a small part of our thoughts, but when it comes to logical and mathematical ideas, ethical, aesthetic, and metaphysical propositions, such a claim is not only false but completely nonsensical; these propositions don't address the time and space order of things, and it's hard to grasp how such simplistic and vague interpretations as those by Mill and Spencer could ever be offered by thoughtful individuals.

The causes of our mental structure are doubtless natural, and connected, like all our other peculiarities, with those of our nervous structure. Our interests, our tendencies of attention, our motor impulses, the æsthetic, moral, and theoretic combinations we delight in, the extent of our power of apprehending schemes of relation, just like the elementary relations themselves, time, space, difference and similarity, and the elementary kinds of feeling, have all[Pg 689] grown up in ways of which at present we can give no account. Even in the clearest parts of Psychology our insight is insignificant enough. And the more sincerely one seeks to trace the actual course of psychogenesis, the steps by which as a race we may have come by the peculiar mental attributes which we possess, the more clearly one perceives "the slowly gathering twilight close in utter night."

The reasons behind our mental structure are definitely natural and linked, like all our other unique traits, to our nervous system. Our interests, our focus, our impulses to act, the aesthetic, moral, and theoretical combinations we enjoy, the extent to which we can grasp relationships—just like basic relationships themselves, such as time, space, difference, and similarity, along with fundamental feelings—have all[Pg 689]developed in ways that we currently can't fully explain. Even in the most straightforward parts of psychology, our understanding is quite limited. The more earnestly one tries to trace the actual progression of psychogenesis, the steps through which we, as a species, may have acquired our unique mental traits, the more clearly one sees "the slowly gathering twilight close in utter night."

THE END.


[526] 'Accidental' in the Darwinian sense, as belonging to a cycle of causation inaccessible to the present order of research.

[526] 'Accidental' in the Darwinian sense, as part of a chain of causes that our current research methods can't access.

[527] The passage is in § 207 of the Principles of Psychology, at the end of the chapter entitled 'Reason.' I italicize certain words in order to show that the essence of this explanation is to demand numerically frequent experiences. The bearing of this remark will later appear. (Cf. pp. 641-2, infra.)

[527] The passage is in § 207 of the Principles of Psychology, at the end of the chapter called 'Reason.' I italicize certain words to highlight that the key point of this explanation is to emphasize numerically frequent experiences. The significance of this will become clearer later. (Cf. pp. 641-2, infra.)

[528] Principles of Biology, part iii. chaps. xi, xii.—Goltz and Loeb have found that dogs become mild in character when their occipital, and fierce when their frontal, brain-lobes are cut off. "A dog which originally was cross in an extreme degree, never suffering himself to be touched, and even refusing, after two days' fasting, to take a piece of bread from my hand, became, after a bilateral operation on the occipital lobes, perfectly trustful and harmless. He underwent five operations on these parts.... Each one of them made him more good-natured; so that at last (just as Goltz observed of his dogs) he would let other dogs take away the very bones which he was gnawing" (Loeb, Pflüger's Archiv, xxxix. 300). A course of kind treatment and training might have had a similar effect. But how absurd to call two such different causes by the same name, and to say both times that the beast's 'experience of outer relations' is what educates him to good-nature. This, however, is virtually what all writers do who ignore the distinction between the 'front-door' and the back-door' manners of producing mental change.

[528] Principles of Biology, part iii. chaps. xi, xii.—Goltz and Loeb discovered that dogs become gentler when their occipital lobes are removed and more aggressive when their frontal lobes are cut. "A dog that was originally extremely unfriendly, never allowing himself to be touched, and even refusing to take a piece of bread from my hand after two days of fasting, became completely trusting and harmless after a bilateral operation on the occipital lobes. He underwent five operations on these parts.... Each one made him more good-natured; so that in the end (just as Goltz noted with his dogs) he would allow other dogs to take the very bones he was gnawing" (Loeb, Pflüger's Archiv, xxxix. 300). A consistent approach of kind treatment and training might have led to a similar transformation. But it's ridiculous to label two such different causes with the same term and claim that the animal's 'experience of outer relations' is what educates him towards good nature. This, however, is essentially what all writers do who overlook the difference between the 'front-door' and 'back-door' methods of producing mental change.

One of the most striking of these back-door affections is susceptibility to the charm of drunkenness. This (taking drunkenness in the broadest sense, as teetotalers use the word) is one of the deepest functions of human nature. Half of both the poetry and the tragedy of human life would vanish if alcohol were taken away. As it is, the thirst for it is such that in the United States the cash-value of its sales amounts to that of the sales of meat and of bread put together. And yet what ancestral 'outer relation' is responsible for this peculiar reaction of ours? The only 'outer relation' could be the alcohol itself, which, comparatively speaking, came into the environment but yesterday, and which, so far from creating, is tending to eradicate, the love of itself from our mental structure, by letting only those families of men survive in whom it is not strong. The love of drunkenness is a purely accidental susceptibility of a brain, evolved for entirely different uses, and its causes are to be sought in the molecular realm, rather than in any possible order of 'outer relations.'

One of the most striking back-door affections is being drawn to the allure of drunkenness. This (considering drunkenness in the broadest sense, as non-drinkers refer to it) is one of the most fundamental aspects of human nature. Half of both the beauty and the tragedy of human life would disappear if alcohol were removed. As it stands, the desire for it is such that in the United States, the monetary value of its sales equals that of meat and bread combined. And yet, what ancestral 'outer relation' is responsible for this strange reaction of ours? The only possible 'outer relation' could be the alcohol itself, which, relatively speaking, only entered our environment recently and which, far from fostering, is likely to eliminate its own appeal from our mental framework, by allowing only those families of people to survive in whom the craving isn’t strong. The desire for drunkenness is simply an accidental susceptibility of a brain that evolved for entirely different purposes, and its causes should be found in the molecular realm, rather than any possible order of 'outer relations.'

[529] Mr. Grant Allen, in a brilliant article entitled Idiosyncrasy (Mind, viii. 498), seeks to show that accidental morphological changes in the brain cannot possibly be imagined to result in any mental change of a sort which would fit the animal to its environment. If spontaneous variation ever works on the brain, its product, says Mr. Allen, ought to be an idiot or a raving madman, not a minister and interpreter of Nature. Only the environment can change us in the direction of accommodation to itself. But I think we ought to know a little better just what the molecular changes in the brain are on which thought depends, before we talk so confidently about what the effect can be of their possible variations. Mr. Allen, it should be said, has made a laudable effort to conceive them distinctly. To me his conception remains too purely anatomical. Meanwhile this essay and another by the same author in the Atlantic Monthly are probably as serious attempts as any that have been made towards applying the Spencerian theory in a radical way to the facts of human history.

[529] Mr. Grant Allen, in a brilliant article titled Idiosyncrasy (Mind, viii. 498), argues that random changes in the brain's structure can't possibly lead to mental changes that would adapt the animal to its environment. He suggests that if spontaneous variation has an effect on the brain, the outcome would be an idiot or a raving madman, rather than someone who serves as a minister and interpreter of Nature. Only the environment can change us to better fit itself. However, I believe we should have a clearer understanding of the molecular changes in the brain that influence thought before we make such confident statements about the effects of their potential variations. It should be noted that Mr. Allen has made a commendable effort to clarify these concepts. To me, his approach still seems too focused on anatomy. In the meantime, this essay and another by the same author in the Atlantic Monthly are likely some of the most serious attempts to apply the Spencerian theory in a radical way to the facts of human history.

[530] In my own previous chapters on habit, memory, association, and perception, justice has been done to all these facts.

[530] In my earlier chapters about habits, memory, association, and perception, I have covered all these points thoroughly.

[531] "The order of nature, as perceived at a first glance, presents at every instant a chaos followed by another chaos. We must decompose each chaos into single facts. We must learn to see in the chaotic antecedent a multitude of distinct antecedents, in the chaotic consequent a multitude of distinct consequents. This, supposing it done, will not of itself tell us on which of the antecedents each consequent is invariably attendant. To determine that point, we must endeavor to effect a separation of the facts from one another, not in our minds only, but in nature. The mental analysis, however, must take place first. And every one knows that in the mode of performing it, one intellect differs immensely from another." (J. S. Mill, Logic, bk. iii. chap. vii. § 1.)

[531] "At first glance, the order of nature looks like constant chaos followed by more chaos. We need to break down each chaos into individual facts. We have to learn to see a variety of distinct causes in the chaotic background and a range of distinct effects in the chaotic outcome. Even if we do this, it still won't tell us which causes always accompany each effect. To figure that out, we need to separate the facts from each other, not just in our minds but also in nature. However, the mental analysis must come first. And everyone knows that the way we carry it out can vary greatly from one person to another." (J. S. Mill, Logic, bk. iii. chap. vii. § 1.)

[532] I quote from an address entitled 'Reflex Action and Theism,' published in the 'Unitarian Review' for November 1881, and translated in the Critique Philosophique for January and February 1882. "The conceiving or theorizing faculty works exclusively for the sake of ends that do not exist at all in the world of the impressions received by way of our senses, but are set by our emotional and practical subjectivity. It is a transformer of the world of our impressions into a totally different world, the world of our conception; and the transformation is effected in the interests of our volitional nature, and for no other purpose whatsoever. Destroy the volitional nature, the definite subjective purposes, preferences, fondness for certain effects, forms, orders, and not the slightest motive would remain for the brute order of our experience to be remodelled at all. But, as we have the elaborate volitional constitution we do have, the remodelling must be effected, there is no escape. The world's contents are given to each of us in an order so foreign to our subjective interests that we can hardly by an effort of the imagination picture to ourselves what it is like. We have to break that order altogether, and by picking out from it the items that concern us, and connecting them with others far away, which we say 'belong' with them, we are able to make out definite threads of sequence and tendency, to foresee particular liabilities and get ready for them, to enjoy simplicity and harmony in the place of what was chaos. Is not the sum of your actual experience taken at this moment and impartially added together an utter chaos? The strains of my voice, the lights and shades inside the room and out, the murmur of the wind, the ticking of the clock, the various organic feelings you may happen individually to possess, do these make a whole at all? Is it not the only condition of your mental sanity in the midst of them that most of them should become non-existent for you, and that a few others—the sounds, I hope, which I am uttering—should evoke from places in your memory, that have nothing to do with this scene, associates fitted to combine with them in what we call a rational train of thought?—rational because it leads to a conclusion we have some organ to appreciate. We have no organ or faculty to appreciate the simply given order. The real world as it is given at this moment is the sum total of all its beings and events now. But can we think of such a sum? Can we realize for an instant what a cross-section of all existence at a definite point of time would be? While I talk and the flies buzz, a sea gull catches a fish at the mouth of the Amazon, a tree falls in the Adirondack wilderness, a man sneezes in Germany, a horse dies in Tartary, and twins are born in France. What does that mean? Does the contemporaneity of these events with each other and with a million more as disjointed as they form a rational bond between them, and unite them into anything that means for us a world? Yet just such a collateral contemporaneity, and nothing else, is the real order of the world. It is an order with which we have nothing to do but to get away from it as fast as possible. As I said, we break it: we break it into histories, and we break it into arts, and we break it into sciences; and then we begin to feel at home. We make ten thousand separate serial orders of it. On any one of these, we may react as if the rest did not exist. We discover among its parts relations that were never given to sense at all,—mathematical relations, tangents, squares, and roots and logarithmic functions,—and out of an infinite number of these we call certain ones essential and lawgiving, and ignore the rest. Essential these relations are, but only for our purpose, the other relations being just as real and present as they; and our purpose is to conceive simply and to foresee. Are not simple conception and prevision subjective ends, pure and simple? They are the ends of what we call science; and the miracle of miracles, a miracle not yet exhaustively cleared up by any philosophy, is that the given order lends itself to the remodelling. It shows itself plastic to many of our scientific, to many of our æsthetic, to many of our practical purposes and ends." Cf. also Hodgson: Philos. of Refl., ch. v; Lotze: Logik, §§ 342-351; Sigwart: Logik, §§ 60-63, 105.

[532] I'm quoting from a talk called 'Reflex Action and Theism,' published in the 'Unitarian Review' in November 1881, and translated in the Critique Philosophique in January and February 1882. "The ability to think or theorize serves only to achieve goals that aren't present in the world as we perceive through our senses, but rather are determined by our emotions and practical needs. It's a transformer of our sensory impressions into a completely different reality, the reality of our thoughts; and this transformation is carried out for the sake of our willful nature and nothing else. If we were to eliminate our willful nature, our specific subjective goals, preferences, and fondness for certain outcomes and arrangements, there wouldn't be any motivation left to reshape our basic experiences. However, since we have the complex willful constitution we do, reshaping must happen; there's no way around it. The world's contents are given to each of us in an order that is so disconnected from our personal interests that we can hardly imagine what it really is like. We have to completely break that order, and by selecting the elements that matter to us and linking them with others far removed, which we claim 'belong' together, we can uncover clear threads of sequence and inclination, anticipate specific outcomes, prepare for them, and find simplicity and harmony instead of chaos. Isn't the entirety of your current experience when you add it all together completely chaotic? The sounds of my voice, the light and shadows in the room and outside, the rustling of the wind, the ticking of the clock, and the various physical sensations you might feel individually—do these create a whole? Isn't it true that your mental stability relies on most of them becoming irrelevant to you, while a few others—the sounds I hope to be making—trigger memories unrelated to this scene, contributing to what we refer to as a rational train of thought?—rational because it leads to a conclusion we can grasp. We don't have the means to appreciate the plain, given order. The actual world, as it appears right now, is just the total of all its beings and events at this moment. But can we conceive of such a total? Can we truly understand, even for a second, what a snapshot of existence at a specific moment would look like? While I speak and the flies buzz, a seagull catches a fish at the mouth of the Amazon, a tree crashes down in the Adirondack wilderness, a man sneezes in Germany, a horse dies in Tartary, and twins are born in France. What does that mean? Does the simultaneity of these events with each other and with a million more that are just as disconnected create any rational connection among them, turning them into what we recognize as a world? Yet that's exactly the kind of collateral simultaneity that represents the real order of the world. It's an order we should try to escape from as quickly as we can. As I mentioned, we break it down: we split it into histories, into arts, and into sciences; only then do we start to feel at ease. We create countless separate sequences from it. On any one of these, we may act as if the others don't exist. We find relations among its components that were never sensed at all—mathematical relations, tangents, squares, roots, and logarithmic functions—and from an infinite number of these, we designate certain ones as essential and law-giving while ignoring the rest. These relations are essential, but only for our purpose; the other relations are just as real and present. Our purpose is to conceive simply and to foresee. Aren't simple conception and foresight merely subjective goals? They are the objectives of what we call science; and the incredible miracle, a miracle that no philosophy has fully explained yet, is that the given order is adaptable to this reshaping. It proves to be flexible for many of our scientific, aesthetic, and practical purposes and ends." Cf. also Hodgson: Philos. of Refl., ch. v; Lotze: Logik, §§ 342-351; Sigwart: Logik, §§ 60-63, 105.

[533] In an article entitled 'Great Men, Great Thoughts, and the Environment,' published in the Atlantic Monthly for October 1880, the reader will find some ampler illustrations of these remarks. I have there tried to show that both mental and social evolution are to be conceived after the Darwinian fashion, and that the function of the environment properly so called is much more that of selecting forms, produced by invisible forces, than producing of such forms,—producing being the only function thought of by the pre-Darwinian evolutionists, and the only one on which stress is laid by such contemporary ones as Mr. Spencer and Mr. Allen.

[533] In an article titled 'Great Men, Great Thoughts, and the Environment,' published in the Atlantic Monthly in October 1880, the reader will find more detailed examples of these comments. I have attempted to demonstrate that both mental and social evolution should be understood in a Darwinian way, and that the role of the environment, in the true sense, is more about selecting forms created by unseen forces than producing those forms—production being the only aspect considered by pre-Darwinian evolutionists, and the only one emphasized by contemporary thinkers like Mr. Spencer and Mr. Allen.

[534] "It is perfectly true that our world of experience begins with such associations as lead us to expect that what has happened to us will happen again. These associations lead the babe to look for milk from its nurse and not from its father, the child to believe that the apple he sees will taste good; and whilst they make him wish for it, they make him fear the bottle which contains his bitter medicine. But whereas a part of these associations grows confirmed by frequent repetition, another part is destroyed by contradictory experiences; and the world becomes divided for us into two provinces, one in which we are at home and anticipate with confidence always the same sequences; another filled with alternating, variable, accidental occurrences....

[534] "It's completely true that our experience starts with associations that make us expect that what happened to us will happen again. These associations make a baby seek milk from its nurse instead of its father, and a child believe that the apple he sees will taste good; while they create a desire for it, they also cause him to fear the bottle that holds his bitter medicine. However, while some of these associations are strengthened by repeated experiences, others are weakened by conflicting ones; and our world splits into two areas: one where we feel comfortable and always expect the same outcomes, and another filled with unpredictable and random events....

"Accident is, in a wide sphere, such an every-day matter that we need not be surprised if it sometimes invades the territory where order is the rule. And one personification or another of the capricious power of chance easily helps us over the difficulties which further reflection might find in the exceptions. Yes, indeed, Exception has a peculiar fascination; it is a subject of astonishment, a θαῦμα, and the credulity with which in this first stage of pure association we adopt our supposed rules is matched by the equal credulity with which we adopt the miracles that interfere with them.

"Accidents are so common in our everyday lives that it's not surprising when they occasionally disrupt the order. One way or another, the unpredictable nature of chance helps us navigate the challenges that deeper thinking might highlight in those exceptions. Yes, absolutely, exceptions have a unique appeal; they are astonishing, a θαῦμα, and the way we accept our presumed rules in this initial stage of straightforward association mirrors the same belief we have in the miracles that disrupt them."

"The whole history of popular beliefs about nature refutes the notion that the thought of an universal physical order can possibly have arisen through the purely passive reception and association of particular perceptions. Indubitable as it is that all men infer from known cases to unknown, it is equally certain that this procedure, if restricted to the phenomenal materials that spontaneously offer themselves, would never have led to the belief in a general uniformity, but only to the belief that law and lawlessness rule the world in motley alternation. From the point of view of strict empiricism nothing exists but the sum of particular perceptions with their coincidences on the one hand, their contradictions on the other.

"The entire history of popular beliefs about nature disproves the idea that the concept of a universal physical order could have come about solely from the passive reception and association of specific perceptions. It's undeniable that everyone infers from known cases to unknown ones, but it's also clear that if this process were limited to the phenomenal materials that readily present themselves, it would never have resulted in the belief in a general uniformity. Instead, it would only lead to the idea that law and chaos alternate in the world. From a strictly empirical perspective, only the collection of specific perceptions exists, along with their coincidences on one side and their contradictions on the other."

"That there is more order in the world than appears at first sight is not discovered till the order is looked for. The first impulse to look for it proceeds from practical needs: where ends must be attained, we must know trustworthy means which infallibly possess a property or produce a result. But the practical need is only the first occasion for our reflection on the conditions of a true knowledge; even were there no such need, motives would still be present to carry us beyond the stage of mere association. For not with an equal interest, or rather with an equal lack of interest, does man contemplate those natural processes in which like is joined to like, and those in which like and unlike are joined; the former processes harmonize with the conditions of his thinking, the latter do not; in the former his concepts, judgments, inferences apply to realities, in the latter they have no such application. And thus the intellectual satisfaction which at first comes to him without reflection, at last excites in him the conscious wish to find realized throughout the entire phenomenal world those rational continuities, uniformities, and necessities which are the fundamental element and guiding principle of his own thought." (C. Sigwart: Logik, ii. 380-2.)

"There's more order in the world than we initially realize, but we only discover it when we actively seek it out. The first motivation to search for this order comes from practical needs: when we have goals to achieve, we need to know reliable methods that consistently deliver results. However, practical needs are just the starting point for us to think about what true knowledge requires; even without such needs, we have reasons to push past mere associations. People don’t look at natural processes with the same interest, or lack of interest, when similar things are grouped versus when similar and different things are mixed together. The former aligns with how we think, while the latter does not. In the first group, our concepts, judgments, and inferences apply to reality; in the second, they don’t. Eventually, the intellectual satisfaction we initially get without thinking leads us to consciously desire to see those rational connections, consistencies, and necessities that are essential to our own thinking reflected throughout the entire world of phenomena." (C. Sigwart: Logik, ii. 380-2.)

[535] Cf. Hodgson: Philosophy of Reflection, book ii, chap. v.

[535] See Hodgson: Philosophy of Reflection, book ii, chap. v.

[536] The aspiration to be 'scientific' is such an idol of the tribe to the present generation, is so sucked in with his mother's milk by every one of us, that we find it hard to conceive of a creature who should not feel it, and harder still to treat it freely as the altogether peculiar and one-sided subjective interest which it is. But as a matter of fact, few even of the cultivated members of the race have shared it; it was invented but a generation or two ago. In the middle ages it meant only impious magic; and the way in which it even now strikes orientals is charmingly shown in the letter of a Turkish cadi to an English traveller asking him for statistical information, which Sir A. Bayard prints at the end of his 'Nineveh and Babylon.' The document is too full of edification not to be given in full. It runs thus:

[536] The desire to be 'scientific' has become such a widely accepted belief in our time, ingrained in us from childhood, that it's hard to imagine anyone not feeling this way, and even harder to see it as the narrow and subjective interest that it truly is. However, in reality, very few even among the educated have actually embraced it; it was conceived only a generation or two ago. In the Middle Ages, it was associated with unholy magic, and the way it still fascinates Eastern cultures is beautifully illustrated in a letter from a Turkish judge to an English traveler who asked for statistical information, which Sir A. Bayard includes at the end of his 'Nineveh and Babylon.' The letter is so insightful that it deserves to be quoted in full. It goes like this:

"My Illustrious Friend, and Joy of my Liver!

My amazing friend, and joy of my heart!

"The thing you ask of me is both difficult and useless. Although I have passed all my days in this place, I have neither counted the houses nor inquired into the number of the inhabitants; and as to what one person loads on his mules and the other stows away in the bottom of his ship, that is no business of mine. But, above all, as to the previous history of this city, God only knows the amount of dirt and confusion that the infidels may have eaten before the coming of the sword of Islam. It were unprofitable for us to inquire into it.

"The request you have for me is both challenging and pointless. Even though I’ve spent all my days in this place, I haven’t kept track of the houses or looked into how many people live here; and what one person loads onto their mules and what another stores in the hold of their ship is none of my concern. But, most importantly, when it comes to the past of this city, only God knows the extent of the mess and chaos the nonbelievers might have caused before the arrival of the sword of Islam. It wouldn’t be worthwhile for us to look into it."

"O my soul! O my lamb! seek not after the things which concern thee not. Thou camest unto us and we welcomed thee: go in peace.

"O my soul! O my lamb! don't chase after things that don't concern you. You came to us and we welcomed you: go in peace."

"Of a truth thou hast spoken many words; and there is no harm done, or the speaker is one and the listener is another. After the fashion of thy people thou hast wandered from one place to another, until thou art happy and content in none. We (praise be to God) were born here, and never desire to quit it. Is it possible, then, that the idea of a general intercourse between mankind should make any impression on our understandings? God forbid!

"Honestly, you've said a lot; and there's no harm done, or the speaker is one person and the listener is someone else. Like your people, you've moved from one place to another, and in none of them do you find happiness or contentment. We (thank God) were born here and have no desire to leave. So, is it really possible that the idea of everyone interacting with each other would affect our understanding? God forbid!"

"Listen, O my son! There is no wisdom equal unto the belief in God! He created the world, and shall we liken ourselves unto Him in seeking to penetrate into the mysteries of His creation? Shall we say, Behold this star spinneth round that star, and this other star with a tail goeth and cometh in so many years! Let it go! He from whose hand it came will guide and direct it.

"Listen, my son! There’s no wisdom greater than believing in God! He made the world, so should we compare ourselves to Him by trying to figure out the mysteries of His creation? Should we say, 'Look, this star revolves around that star, and this other star with a tail moves back and forth every few years!' Just let it be! He who created it will guide and direct it."

"But thou wilt say unto me, Stand aside, O man, for I am more learned than thou art, and have seen more things. If thou thinkest that thou art in this respect better than I am, thou art welcome. I praise God that I seek not that which I require not. Thou art learned in the things I care not for; and as for that which thou hast seen, I spit upon it. Will much knowledge create thee a double belly, or wilt thou seek Paradise with thine eyes?

"But you will say to me, step aside, man, because I know more than you do and have experienced more. If you think you’re better than I am in this way, that’s fine. I thank God that I don’t chase after what I don’t need. You’re knowledgeable about things I don’t care about, and as for what you’ve seen, I look down on it. Will all that knowledge give you a bigger belly, or are you trying to find Paradise with your eyes?"

"O my friend! if thou wilt be happy, say, There is no God but God! Do no evil, and thus wilt thou fear neither man nor death: for surely thine hour will come!

"O my friend! If you want to be happy, say, There is no God but God! Do no evil, and you won't fear either man or death: for surely your time will come!"

"The meek in spirit (El Fakir)

"The humble in spirit (El Fakir)

"Imaum Ali Zadi."

"Imaum Ali Zadi."

[537] "Though a man in a fever should from sugar have a bitter taste which at another time would produce a sweet one, yet the idea of bitter in that man's mind would be as clear and distinct from the idea of sweet as if he had tasted only gall. Nor does it make any more confusion between the two ideas of sweet and bitter that the same sort of body produces at one time one and at another time another idea by the taste, than it makes a confusion in two ideas of white and sweet, or white and round, that the same piece of sugar produces them both in the mind at the same time." Locke's Essay, bk. ii. ch. xi. § 3.

[537] "Even if a person has a fever and experiences a bitter taste from sugar, which normally would taste sweet, the idea of bitterness in that person's mind would be just as clear and distinct from the idea of sweetness as if they had only tasted something very bitter. It doesn’t create any more confusion between the concepts of sweet and bitter that the same kind of substance can produce one experience at one time and another experience at a different time, than it creates confusion between the ideas of white and sweet, or white and round, just because the same piece of sugar can evoke both ideas in the mind simultaneously." Locke's Essay, bk. ii. ch. xi. § 3.

[538] Cf. Bradley, Logic, p. 226.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Bradley, Logic, p. 226.

[539] This apprehension of them as forming a single system is what Mr. Bradley means by the act of construction which underlies all reasoning. The awareness, which then supervenes, of the additional relation of which I speak in the next paragraph of my text, is what this author calls the act of inspection. Cf. Principles of Logic, bk. ii. pt. i. chap. iii.

[539] This understanding of them as a single system is what Mr. Bradley refers to as the act of construction that underlies all reasoning. The realization that follows about the extra relationship I'm discussing in the next paragraph of my text is what this author calls the act of inspection. Cf. Principles of Logic, bk. ii. pt. i. chap. iii.

[540] Realities fall under this only so far as they prove to be the same. So far as they cannot be substituted for each other, for the purpose in hand, so far they are not the same; though for other purposes and in other respects they might be substituted, and then be treated as the same. Apart from purpose, of course, no realities ever are absolutely and exactly the same.

[540] Realities only fall under this to the extent that they actually are the same. As long as they can’t be swapped for one another for the specific purpose at hand, they are not the same; however, for different purposes or in other contexts, they might be interchangeable and treated as identical. Of course, outside of purpose, no realities are ever completely and perfectly the same.

[541] A mind, in other words, which has got beyond the merely dichotomic style of thought which Wundt alleges to be the essential form of human thinking (Physiol. Psych., ii. 312).

[541] A mind, in other words, that has moved beyond the purely dichotomous way of thinking that Wundt claims is the fundamental form of human thought (Physiol. Psych., ii. 312).

[542] Said to be expressed by Grassman in the fundamental Axiom of Arithmetic (a + b) + 1 = a + (b + 1).

[542] It's claimed that this was stated by Grassman in the basic Axiom of Arithmetic (a + b) + 1 = a + (b + 1).

[543] Compare Helmholtz's more technically expressed Essay Zählen u. Messen, in the Philosophische Aufsätze, Ed. Zeller gewidmet (Leipzig, 1887), p. 17.

[543] Check out Helmholtz's more technical essay Zählen u. Messen, in Philosophische Aufsätze, Ed. Zeller gewidmet (Leipzig, 1887), p. 17.

[544] For the original statements, cf. J. S. Mill's Logic, bk. ii. chap. vi. §§ 2, 3; and bk. iii. chap. xxiv. § 5.

[544] For the original statements, see J. S. Mill's Logic, book 2, chapter 6, sections 2 and 3; and book 3, chapter 24, section 5.

[545] The subdivision itself consumes none of the space. In all practical experience our subdivisions do consume space. They consume it in our geometrical figures. But for simplicity's sake, in geometry we postulate subdivisions which violate experience and consume none of it.

[545] The subdivision itself doesn’t take up any space. In reality, our subdivisions do take up space. They take it in our geometric figures. But for the sake of simplicity, in geometry we assume subdivisions that go against our experience and don’t take up any space.

[546] Cf. A. de Morgan: Syllabus of a proposed System of Logic (1860), pp. 46-56.

[546] See A. de Morgan: Syllabus of a proposed System of Logic (1860), pp. 46-56.

[547] Cf. Locke's Essay, bk. ii. chap. xvii. § 6.

[547] See Locke's Essay, book ii, chapter xvii, § 6.

[548] Some readers may expect me to plunge into the old debate as to whether the a priori truths are 'analytic' or 'synthetic.' It seems to me that the distinction is one of Kant's most unhappy legacies, for the reason that it is impossible to make it sharp. No one will say that such analytic judgments as "equidistant lines can nowhere meet" are pure tautologies. The predicate is a somewhat new way of conceiving as well as of naming the subject. There is something 'ampliative' in our greatest truisms, our state of mind is richer after than before we have uttered them. This being the case, the question "at what point does the new state of mind cease to be implicit in the old?" is too vague to be answered. The only sharp way of defining synthetic propositions would be to say that they express a relation between two data at least. But it is hard to find any proposition which cannot be construed as doing this. Even verbal definitions do it. Such painstaking attempts as that latest one by Mr. D. G. Thompson to prove all necessary judgments to be analytic (System of Psychology, ii. pp. 232 ff.) seem accordingly but nugæ difficiles, and little better than wastes of ink and paper. All philosophic interest vanishes from the question, the moment one ceases to ascribe to any a priori truths (whether analytic or synthetic) that "legislative character for all possible experience" which Kant believed in. We ourselves have denied such legislative character, and contended that it was for experience itself to prove whether its data can or cannot be assimilated to those ideal terms between which a priori relations obtain. The analytic-synthetic debate is thus for us devoid of all significance. On the whole, the best recent treatment of the question known to me is in one of A. Spir's works, his Denken und Wirklichkeit, I think, but I cannot now find the page.

[548] Some readers might expect me to dive into the old debate about whether the a priori truths are 'analytic' or 'synthetic.' I believe this distinction is one of Kant's most unfortunate legacies because it's impossible to clearly define. No one would claim that analytic judgments like "equidistant lines can never meet" are pure tautologies. The predicate offers a somewhat fresh way of understanding and naming the subject. There is something 'ampliative' in our biggest truisms; our mindset is richer after we express them than it was before. Given this, the question "at what point does the new state of mind stop being implicit in the old?" is too vague to answer. The only clear way to define synthetic propositions would be to say they show a relationship between two data at least. However, it's difficult to identify any proposition that can't be seen as doing this. Even verbal definitions fit that criteria. Recent efforts, like those by Mr. D. G. Thompson to prove all necessary judgments are analytic (System of Psychology, ii. pp. 232 ff.), seem to me to be nugæ difficiles, and not much better than pointless uses of ink and paper. All philosophical interest disappears from the question once we stop attributing to any a priori truths (whether analytic or synthetic) that "legislative character for all possible experience" that Kant believed in. We ourselves have rejected such legislative character and argued that it should be up to experience itself to demonstrate whether its data can or cannot align with those ideal terms between which a priori relations exist. Thus, the analytic-synthetic debate holds no significance for us. Overall, the best recent examination of this issue I'm aware of is in one of A. Spir's works, possibly his Denken und Wirklichkeit, though I can't find the specific page right now.

[549] Book iv. chaps. ix. § 1; vii. 14.

[549] Book iv. chaps. ix. § 1; vii. 14.

[550] Chap. v. §§ 6, 8.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Chap. 5, §§ 6, 8.

[551] Kant, by the way, made a strange tactical blunder in his way of showing that the forms of our necessary thought are underived from experience. He insisted on thought-forms with which experience largely agrees, forgetting that the only forms which could not by any possibility be the results of experience would be such as experience violated. The first thing a Kantian ought to do is to discover forms of judgment to which no order in 'things' runs parallel. These would indeed be features native to the mind. I owe this remark to Herr A. Spir, in whose 'Denken und Wirklichkeit' it is somewhere contained. I have myself already to some extent proceeded, and in the pages which follow shall proceed still farther, to show the originality of the mind's structure in this way.

[551] By the way, Kant made a weird tactical mistake in how he demonstrated that the forms of our necessary thought don't come from experience. He focused on thought forms that largely agree with experience, ignoring that the only forms that couldn't possibly result from experience would be those that experience violated. The first thing a follower of Kant should do is identify forms of judgment that have no correspondence with any order in 'things.' These would really be characteristics inherent to the mind. I credit this observation to Herr A. Spir, who discusses it in his work 'Denken und Wirklichkeit.' I have already made some progress in this area and will continue to do so in the pages that follow, demonstrating the originality of the mind's structure.

[552] Yet even so late as Berkeley's time one could write: "As in reading other books a wise man will choose to fix his thoughts on the sense and apply it to use, rather than lay them out in grammatical remarks on the language: so in perusing the volume of nature methinks it is beneath the dignity of the mind to affect an exactness in reducing each particular phenomenon to general rules, or showing how it follows from them. We should propose to ourselves nobler views, namely, to recreate and exalt the mind with a prospect of the beauty, order, extent, and variety of natural things: hence, by proper inferences, to enlarge our notions of the grandeur, wisdom, and beneficence of the Creator," etc., etc., etc. (Principles of Human Knowledge, § 109.)

[552] But even in Berkeley's time, one could say: "Just as a wise person reading other books will focus on the meaning and apply it practically, rather than getting lost in grammatical details of the language: similarly, when exploring the book of nature, it seems beneath the dignity of the mind to strive for precision in fitting every specific phenomenon into general rules or demonstrating how it derives from them. We should aim for higher goals, specifically to refresh and elevate our minds by appreciating the beauty, order, scale, and diversity of the natural world: from this, by making proper deductions, we can expand our understanding of the grandeur, wisdom, and goodness of the Creator," etc., etc., etc. (Principles of Human Knowledge, § 109.)

[553] Die Erhaltung der Kraft (1847), pp. 2-6.

[553] The Preservation of Energy (1847), pp. 2-6.

[554] Perhaps the most influential of all these postulates is that the nature of the world must be such that sweeping statements may be made about it.

[554] Maybe the most important of all these ideas is that the world has to be structured in a way that we can make broad statements about it.

[555] Consider, e.g., the use of the axioms 'nemo potest supra seipsum,' and 'nemo dat quod non habet,' in this refutation of 'Darwinism,' which I take from the much-used scholastic compendium of Logic and Metaphysics of Liberatore, 3d ed. (Rome, 1880): "Hæc hypothesis... aperte contradicit principiis Metaphysicæ, quæ docent essentias rerum esse immutabiles, et effectum non posse superare causam. Et sane, quando, juxta Darwin, species inferior se evolvit in superiorem, unde trahit maiorem illam nobilitatem? Ex ejus carentia. At nihil dat quod non habet; et minus gignere nequit plus, aut negatio positionem. Præterea in transformatione quæ fingitur, nature prioris speciei, servatur aut destruitur? Si primum, mutatio erit tantum accidentalis, qualem reapse videmus in diversis stirpibus animantium. Sin alterum asseritur, ut reapse fert hypothesis darwiniana, res tenderet ad seipsam destruendam; cum contra omnia naturaliter tendant ad sui conservationem, et nonnisi per actionem contrarii agentis corruant." It is merely a question of fact whether these ideally proper relations do or do not obtain between animal and vegetable ancestors and descendants. If they do not, what happens? simply this, that we cannot continue to class animal and vegetal facts under the kinds between which those ideal relations obtain. Thus, we can no longer call animal breeds by the name of 'species'; cannot call generating a kind of 'giving,' or treat a descendant as an 'effect' of his ancestor. The ideal scheme of terms and relations can remain, if you like; but it must remain purely mental, and without application to life, which 'gangs its ain gait' regardless of ideal schemes. Most of us, however, would prefer to doubt whether such abstract axioms as that 'a thing cannot tend to its own destruction' express ideal relations of an important sort at all.

[555] Consider, for example, the use of the axioms 'nemo potest supra seipsum' and 'nemo dat quod non habet' in this criticism of 'Darwinism,' which I take from the widely used scholastic compendium of Logic and Metaphysics by Liberatore, 3rd ed. (Rome, 1880): "This hypothesis... clearly contradicts the principles of Metaphysics, which teach that the essences of things are unchangeable, and that an effect cannot exceed its cause. Indeed, when, according to Darwin, a lower species evolves into a higher one, where does it get that greater nobility? From its absence. But nothing can give what it does not have; and something that is lesser cannot produce something greater, nor can a denial create a position. Furthermore, in the supposed transformation, does the nature of the prior species remain or is it destroyed? If it remains, the change will only be accidental, similar to what we actually observe in various animal breeds. If the latter is claimed, as the Darwinian hypothesis suggests, the entity would tend to destroy itself; while everything in nature tends naturally toward its preservation, and only through the action of a contrary agent does it collapse." It is simply a question of fact whether these ideally correct relationships exist between animal and plant ancestors and descendants. If they do not, what happens? Simply that we cannot continue to categorize animal and plant facts under the kinds between which those ideal relationships exist. Thus, we can no longer refer to animal breeds as 'species'; we cannot regard the act of reproduction as a kind of 'giving,' or treat a descendant as an 'effect' of its ancestor. The ideal framework of terms and relationships can remain, if you wish; but it must stay purely mental, without real-world application, which 'goes its own way' regardless of ideal frameworks. Most of us, however, would prefer to question whether such abstract axioms as 'a thing cannot tend to its own destruction' express ideal relationships of any significant kind at all.

[556] Compare A. Riehl: Der Philosophische Kriticismus, Bd. ii. Thl. i Abschn. i. Cap. iii. § 6.

[556] Compare A. Riehl: The Philosophical Criticism, Vol. ii. Part i Section i. Chapter iii. § 6.

[557] As one example out of a thousand of exceptionally delicate idiosyncrasy in this regard, take this: "I must quit society. I would rather undergo twice the danger from beasts and ten times the danger from rocks. It is not pain, it is not death, that I dread,—it is the hatred of a man; there is something in it so shocking that I would rather submit to any injury than incur or increase the hatred of a man by revenging it.... Another sufficient reason for suicide is that I was this morning out of temper with Mrs. Douglas (for no fault of hers). I did not betray myself in the least, but I reflected that to be exposed to the possibility of such an event once a year, was evil enough to render life intolerable. The disgrace of using an impatient word is to me overpowering." (Elton Hammond, quoted in Henry Crabb Robinson's Diary, vol. i. p. 424.)

[557] For one of the many examples of exceptionally sensitive peculiarities in this context, consider this: "I have to leave society. I would rather face twice the danger from wild animals and ten times the danger from falling rocks. It’s not pain or death that I fear—it's a man's hatred; there’s something so disturbing about it that I would prefer to endure any injury rather than provoke or escalate a man's hatred by seeking revenge.... Another good reason for considering suicide is that I got annoyed with Mrs. Douglas this morning (and it was no fault of hers). I didn’t show any signs of it, but I realized that being exposed to the chance of such an event once a year is enough to make life unbearable. The shame of saying something impatient is overwhelming to me." (Elton Hammond, quoted in Henry Crabb Robinson's Diary, vol. i. p. 424.)

[558] Compare H. Sidgwick, Methods of Ethics, bk. iii. chap. xiii. § 3.

[558] See H. Sidgwick, Methods of Ethics, book 3, chapter 13, section 3.

[559] A gentleman told me that he had a conclusive argument for opening the Harvard Medical School to women. It was this: "Are not women human?"—Which major premise of course had to be granted. "Then are they not entitled to all the rights of humanity?" My friend said that he had never met anyone who could successfully meet this reasoning.

[559] A gentleman told me that he had a solid argument for allowing women to attend Harvard Medical School. It was this: "Aren't women human?"—which everyone had to agree with. "Then aren't they entitled to all the rights that come with being human?" My friend mentioned that he had never encountered anyone who could effectively counter this logic.

[560] You reach the Mephistophelian point of view as well as the point of view of justice by treating cases as if they belonged rigorously to abstract classes. Pure rationalism, complete immunity from prejudice, consists in refusing to see that the case before one is absolutely unique. It is always possible to treat the country of one's nativity, the house of one's fathers, the bed in which one's mother died, nay, the mother herself if need be, on a naked equality with all other specimens of so many respective genera. It shows the world in a clear frosty light from which all fuliginous mists of affection, all swamp-lights of sentimentality, are absent. Straight and immediate action becomes easy then—witness a Napoleon's or a Frederick's career. But the question always remains, "Are not the mists and vapors worth retaining?" The illogical refusal to treat certain concretes by the mere law of their genus has made the drama of human history. The obstinate insisting that tweedledum is not tweedledee is the bone and marrow of life. Look at the Jews and the Scots, with their miserable factions and sectarian disputes, their loyalties and patriotisms and exclusions,—their annals now become a classic heritage, because men of genius took part and sang in them. A thing is important if any one think it important. The process of history consists in certain folks becoming possessed of the mania that certain special things are important infinitely, whilst other folks cannot agree in the belief. The Shah of Persia refused to be taken to the Derby Day, saying "It is already known to me that one horse can run faster than another." He made the question "which horse?" immaterial. Any question can be made immaterial by subsuming all its answers under a common head. Imagine what college ball-games and races would be if the teams were to forget the absolute distinctness of Harvard from Yale and think of both as One in the higher genus College. The sovereign road to indifference, whether to evils or to goods, lies in the thought of the higher genus. "When we have meat before us," says Marcus Aurelius, seeking indifference to that kind of good, "we must receive the impression that this is the dead body of a fish, and this is the dead body of a bird or of a pig; and again that this Falernian is only a little grape-juice, and this purple robe some sheep's wool dyed with the blood of a shell-fish. Such, then, are these impressions, and they reach the things themselves and penetrate them, and we see what kind of things they are. Just in the same way ought we to act through life, and where there are things which appear most worthy of our approbation, we ought to lay them bare and look at their worthlessness and strip them of all the words by which they are exalted." (Long's Translation, vi. 13.)

[560] You arrive at both the Mephistophelian perspective and the perspective of justice by treating cases as though they strictly belong to abstract categories. Pure rationalism, which is free from prejudice, means refusing to acknowledge that the situation at hand is completely unique. It’s always possible to view your birthplace, the home of your ancestors, the bed where your mother passed away, or even your mother herself, as just another example within various categories. This approach allows the world to be seen in a clear, cold light, devoid of any murky emotions or cloying sentiments. With this mindset, immediate and straightforward action becomes simple—think of the careers of Napoleon or Frederick. Yet, the question always lingers, "Aren't the mists and vapors worth keeping?" The irrational refusal to treat certain specifics according to their broader categories is what has shaped the drama of human history. The stubborn insistence that tweedledum is not tweedledee is the essence of life. Consider the Jews and the Scots, with their bitter factions and sectarian conflicts, their loyalties and nationalisms and exclusions—their histories have become a classic legacy because talented individuals contributed to and celebrated them. Something is important if anyone thinks it is. The course of history involves certain people developing the obsession that specific things are infinitely important, while others cannot share that belief. The Shah of Persia refused to attend Derby Day, saying, "I already know one horse can run faster than another." To him, the question of "which horse?" was irrelevant. Any question can be rendered irrelevant by collapsing all its answers into a single category. Imagine how college sports would be if teams ignored the clear distinction between Harvard and Yale and viewed them both as one entity within the greater category of College. The surest path to indifference, whether toward evils or goods, lies in thinking of the larger category. "When we have meat before us," says Marcus Aurelius, seeking indifference to that kind of good, "we should remember that this is merely a dead body of a fish, and this is just a dead body of a bird or pig; and likewise, this Falernian is just grape juice, and this purple robe is merely some sheep’s wool dyed with shellfish blood. Such are these impressions, they reach the essence of the things themselves and reveal what they truly are. In the same way, we should move through life, and when we encounter things that seem worthy of our admiration, we should strip them bare and recognize their worthlessness, discarding all the language that elevates them." (Long's Translation, vi. 13.)

[561] "An sich, in seinem eignen Wesen, ist jedes reale Object mit sich selbst identisch und unbedingt"—that is, the "allgemeinste Einsicht a priori" and the "allgemeinste aus Erfahrung" is "Alles erkennbare ist bedingt." (A. Spir: Denken und Wirklichkeit. Compare also Herbart and Hegel.)

[561] "In itself, each real object is identical with itself and unconditional"—that is, the "most general insight a priori" and the "most general from experience" is "Everything that can be known is conditioned." (A. Spir: Thinking and Reality. Compare also Herbart and Hegel.)

[562] Philosophie Zoölogique, 3me partie, chap. v., 'de l'Instinct.'

[562] Zoological Philosophy, Part 3, Chapter 5, 'On Instinct.'

[563] It should be said that Mr. Spencer's most formal utterance about instinct is in his Principles of Psychology, in the chapter under that name. Dr. Romanes has reformulated and criticised the doctrine of this chapter in his Mental Evolution in Animals, chapter xvii. I must confess my inability to state its vagueness in intelligible terms. It treats instincts as a further development of reflex actions, and as forerunners of intelligence,—which is probably true of many. But when it ascribes their formation to the mere 'multiplication of experiences,' which, at first simple, mould the nervous system to 'correspond to outer relations' by simple reflex actions, and, afterwards complex, make it 'correspond' by 'compound reflex actions,' it becomes too mysterious to follow without more of a key than is given. The whole thing becomes perfectly simple if we suppose the reflex actions to be accidental inborn idiosyncrasies preserved.

[563] It's worth mentioning that Mr. Spencer's most formal statement about instinct can be found in his Principles of Psychology, in the chapter by that name. Dr. Romanes has reinterpreted and critiqued the ideas in this chapter in his Mental Evolution in Animals, chapter xvii. I must admit that I'm unable to express its vagueness in clear terms. It discusses instincts as an advanced form of reflex actions and as precursors to intelligence—which is likely true for many. However, when it attributes their development to the simple 'multiplication of experiences,' which, at first simple, shape the nervous system to 'respond to external relations' through simple reflex actions, and later complex, allow it to 'respond' through 'compound reflex actions,' it becomes too confusing to understand without more clarity than provided. The whole idea becomes straightforward if we consider the reflex actions to be accidental inborn traits that have been preserved.

[564] This account of acquisitiveness differs from our own. Without denying the associationist account to be a true description of a great deal of our proprietary feeling, we admitted in addition an entirely primitive form of desire. (See above, p. 420 ff.) The reader must decide as to the plausibilities of the case. Certainly appearances are in favor of there being in us some cupidities quite disconnected with the ulterior uses of the things appropriated. The source of their fascination lies in their appeal to our æsthetic sense, and we wish thereupon simply to own them. Glittering, hard, metallic, odd, pretty things; curious things especially; natural objects that look as if they were artificial, or that mimic other objects,—these form a class of things which human beings snatch at as magpies snatch rags. They simply fascinate us. What house does not contain some drawer or cupboard full of senseless odds and ends of this sort, with which nobody knows what to do, but which a blind instinct saves from the ash-barrel? Witness people returning from a walk on the sea-shore or in the woods, each carrying some lusus naturæ in the shape of stone or shell, or strip of bark or odd-shaped fungus, which litter the house and grow daily more unsightly, until at last reason triumphs over blind propensity and sweeps them away.

[564] This view of desire is different from ours. While we acknowledge that the associationist view is a valid explanation for much of our feelings of ownership, we also recognize an entirely basic form of desire. (See above, p. 420 ff.) It's up to the reader to judge how plausible this is. Certainly, it seems that we have some desires that are unrelated to the practical uses of the things we claim. Their allure comes from how they appeal to our aesthetic sense, and we just want to own them. Shiny, hard, metallic, unusual, and pretty things; especially curious items; natural objects that look artificial or mimic other objects—these types of things are what human beings grab at like magpies grabbing shiny bits. They simply captivate us. What home doesn't have some drawer or cupboard filled with random bits and pieces that no one knows what to do with, yet an instinctual drive keeps them from being thrown away? Just look at people coming back from a walk on the beach or in the woods, each carrying some lusus naturæ in the form of a stone or shell, a piece of bark, or an oddly shaped mushroom, cluttering the house and becoming more unsightly by the day, until finally, logic overcomes blind impulse and clears them out.

[565] Review of Bain in H. Spencer: Illustrations of Universal Progress (New York, 1864), pp. 311, 315.

[565] Review of Bain in H. Spencer: Illustrations of Universal Progress (New York, 1864), pp. 311, 315.

[566] Ribot: De l'Herédité, 2me éd. p. 26.

[566] Ribot: On Heredity, 2nd ed. p. 26.

[567] Quoted (without reference) in Spencer's Biology, vol. i. p. 247.

[567] Cited (without reference) in Spencer's Biology, vol. i. p. 247.

[568] Expression of Emotions (N. Y.), p. 287.

[568] Expression of Emotions (N. Y.), p. 287.

[569] 'Adaptive' changes are those produced by the direct effect of outward conditions on an organ or organism. Sunburned complexion, horny hands, muscular toughness, are illustrations.

[569] 'Adaptive' changes happen because of the direct impact of external conditions on a body or organism. Examples include sunburned skin, tough hands, and muscular strength.

[570] For these and other facts cf. Th. Ribot: De l'Hérédité; W. B. Carpenter: Contemporary Review, vol. 21, p. 295, 779, 867; H. Spencer: Princ. of Biol. pt. ii. ch. v, viii, ix, x; pt. iii. ch. xi, xii; C. Darwin: Animals and Plants under Domestication, ch. xii, xiii. xiv; Sam'l Butler: Life and Habit; T. A. Knight: Philos. Trans. 1837; E. Dupuy: Popular Science Monthly, vol. xi. p. 332; F. Papillon; Nature and Life, p. 330; Crothers, in Pop. Sci. M., Jan. (or Feb.) 1889.

[570] For these and other facts see Th. Ribot: On Heredity; W. B. Carpenter: Contemporary Review, vol. 21, p. 295, 779, 867; H. Spencer: Principles of Biology pt. ii. ch. v, viii, ix, x; pt. iii. ch. xi, xii; C. Darwin: Animals and Plants under Domestication, ch. xii, xiii, xiv; Sam'l Butler: Life and Habit; T. A. Knight: Philosophical Transactions 1837; E. Dupuy: Popular Science Monthly, vol. xi. p. 332; F. Papillon; Nature and Life, p. 330; Crothers, in Popular Science Monthly, Jan. (or Feb.) 1889.

[571] [Because, being exhibited by neuter insects, the effects of mere practice cannot accumulate from one generation to another.—W. J.]

[571] [Because, since neuter insects display these traits, the impacts of simple practice can't be passed down through generations.—W. J.]

[572] Origin of Species, chap. vii.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ On the Origin of Species, chap. 7.

[573] Princ. of Psychol., ii. 561.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Principles of Psychology, vol. 2, p. 561.

[574] Ibid. p. 263.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ibid. p. 263.

[575] Ueber die Vererbung (Jena, 1883). Prof. Weismann's Essays on Heredity have recently (1889) been published in English in a collected form.

[575] On Inheritance (Jena, 1883). Prof. Weismann's Essays on Heredity were recently (1889) published in English in a compiled edition.

[576] Best expressed in the Essay on the Continuitat des Keimplasmas (1885).

[576] Best expressed in the Essay on the Continuitat des Keimplasmas (1885).


INDEX.

A.  B.  C.  D.  E.  F.  G.  H.  I.  J.  K.  L.  M.  N.  O.  P.   Q.  R.  S.  T.  U.  V.  W.  X.  Y.  Z.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_9__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_10__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_11__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_12__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_13__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_14__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_15__   __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_16__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_17__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_18__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_19__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_20__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_21__  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_22__  X.  Y.  __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_23__

Authors the titles only of whose works are cited are not, as a rule, referred to in this index.

Authors whose works are only mentioned by title are generally not referenced in this index.

Abbott, T. K., II. 221

Abstract ideas, I. 468, 508; II. 48

Abstract qualities, II. 329-37, 340

Abstraction, I. 505; II. 346 ff. See distraction

Accommodation, feeling of, II. 93, 235

Acquaintance, I. 220

Acquired characters, see inheritance

Acquisitiveness, II. 422, 679

Actors, their emotions whilst playing, II. 464

Adaptation of mind to environment results in our knowing the impressing circumstances, II. 625 ff.

Æsthetic principles, II. 639, 672

After-images, I. 645-7; II. 67, 200, 604

Agoraphobia, II. 421

Agraphia, I. 40, 62

Alfieri, II. 543

Allen, G., I. 144; II. 631

Alteration of one impression by another one simultaneously taking place, II. 28 ff., 201

Alternating personality, I. 379 ff.

Ambiguity of optical sensations, II. 231-7

Amidon, I. 100

Amnesia in hysterical disease, I. 384 ff.;
accompanies anæsthesia, 386, 682;
in hypnotic trance, II. 602.
See forgetting

Amputated limbs, feeling of, II. 38-9, 105

Anæsthesia, in hysterics, I. 203 ff.;
involves correlated amnesia, 386;
movements executed during, II. 105, 489-92, 520-1;
and emotion, 455-6;
in hypnotism, 606-9

Analogies, the perception of, I. 530

Analysis, I. 502; II. 344

Anger, II. 409, 460, 478

Aphasia, motor, I. 37, 62;
sensory, I. 53-4-5;
optical, I. 60;
amnesia in, 640, 684; II. 58

Apperception, II. 107 ff.

Apperception, transcendental Unity of, I. 362

Appropriateness, characterizes mental acts, I. 13

Apraxia, I. 52

A priori connections exist only between objects of perception and movements, not between sensory ideas, II. 581.
A priori ideas and experience, Chapter XXVIII.
A priori propositions, II. 661-5

Archer, W., II. 464

Arithmetic, II. 654.

Articular sensibility, II. 189 ff.

Association, Chapter XIV:
is not of ideas, but of things thought of, I. 554;
examples of, 555 ff.;
its rapidity, 557 ff.;
by contiguity, 561;
elementary law of, 566;
'mixed' association, 571;
conditions of, 575 ff.;
by similarity, 578;
three kinds of association compared, 580;
in voluntary thought, 583;
by contrast, 593;
history of the doctrine of, 594;
association the means of localization, II. 158 ff.;
connection of association by similarity with reasoning, 345 ff.

Associationism, I. 161

Associationist theory of the self, I. 342, 350 ff.;
of space-perception, II. 271 ff.

Asymbolia, I. 52

Attention, Chapter XI: to how many things possible, I. 405 ff.;
to simultaneous sight and sound, 411 ff.;
its varieties, 416;
passive, 417;
voluntary, 42 ff.;
its effects, 424 ff.;
[Pg 692]its influence on reaction-time, 427-34;
accompanied by feelings of tension due to adaptation of sense-organs, 434-8;
involves imagination or preperception of object, 438-44;
conceivable as a mere effect, 448 ff.

Aubert, H., II. 235

Auditory centre in brain, I. 52-6

Auditory type of imagination, II. 60

'Ausfallserscheinungen,' I. 75

Automatic writing, I. 393 ff.

Austen, Jane, I. 571

Automaton-Theory, Chapter V:
postulated rather than proved, I. 134-8;
reasons against it, 138-144;
applied to attention, 448
disregarded in this book, II. 583

Azam, Dr., I. 380.


Babe and candle, scheme of, I. 25

Baby's first perception, II. 8, 84;
his early instinctive movements, 404 ff.

Baer, von, I. 639

Bagehot, W., I. 582; II. 283, 308

Bain, on series conscious of itself, I. 162;
on self-esteem, 313;
on self-love, 328, 354;
on attention, 444;
on association, 485, 530, 561, 589, 601, 653; II. 6, 12, 69, 186, 271, 282, 296, 319, 322, 372-3, 463, 466, 551, 554-5

Ballard, I. 266

Balzac, I. 374

Bartels, I. 432

Bastian, H. C., II. 488

Baumann, II. 409

Baxt, I. 648

Beaunis, E., II. 492

Bechterew, I. 407

Belief, Chapter XXI:
in sensations, II. 299 ff.;
in objects of emotion, 306 ff.;
in theories, 311 ff.;
and will, 319.
See reality

Bell, C., II. 483, 492

Bergson, J., II. 609

Berkeley, I. 254, 469, 476; II. 43, 49, 77, 212, 240, 666

Bernhardt, II. 502

Bernheim, I. 206

Bertrand, A., II. 518

Bessel, I. 413

Binet, A., I. 203 ff.; II. 71, 74, 128 ff., 130, 167, 491, 520

Black, R. W., II. 339

Bleek, II. 358

Blind, the, their space-perception, II. 202 ff.;
after restoration to sight, 211-2;
hallucination of a blind man, 323;
dreams of the, 44

Blindness, mental, I. 41, 50, 66. See Sight, Hemianopsia, etc.

Blix, II. 170

Bloch, II. 515

Blood, its exciting effect on the nerves, II. 412-3

Blood, B. P., II. 284

Blood-supply to brain, I. 97

Bourne, A., I. 391

Bourru, Dr., I. 388

Bowditch, H. P., his reaction-timer, I. 87;
on contrast in seen motion, II. 247;
on knee-jerk, 380;
comparison of touch and sight, 520

Bowen, F., I. 214

Bowne, B. P., on knowledge, I. 219

Bradley, F. H., I. 452, 474, 604; II. 7, 9, 284, 648

Brain, its functions, Chapter II:
of frog, I. 14;
of dog, 33;
of monkey, 34;
of man, 36;
lower centres compared with hemispheres, 9-10, 75;
circulation in, 97;
instability, 139;
its connection with Mind, 176;
'entire' brain not a real physical fact, 176;
its changes as subtle as those of thought, 234;
its dying vibrations operative in producing consciousness, 242
Influence of environment upon it, 626 ff.

Brain-process, see neural process

Brain-structure, the two modes of its genesis, II. 624

Brentano, I. 187, 547

Bridgeman, Laura, II. 62, 358, 420

Broca's convolution, I. 39, 54

Brodhun, I. 542

Brown, Thos., I. 248, 277, 371; II. 271

Brown-Séquard, I. 43, 67, 69; II. 695

Brutes, the intellect of, II. 348 ff.

Bucke, R. M., II. 460

Bubnoff, I. 82

Burke, II. 464

Burnham, W. H., I. 689

Burot, Dr., I. 388


Caird, E., I. 366, 469, 471; II. 11

Calmeil, A., II. 524

Campanella, II. 464

Campbell, G., I. 261

Cardaillac, I. 247

Carlyle, T., I. 311
[Pg 693]
Carpenter, W. B., on formation of habits, I. 110;
ethical remarks on habit, 120;
mistakes in speech, 257;
lapses of memory, 374;
on not feeling pain, 419;
on ideo-motor action, II. 522

Carville, I. 69

Catalepsy, I. 229; II. 583

Cattell, on reaction-time, I. 92, 432; 524;
on recognition, 407, 648;
on attention, 420;
on association-time, 558 ff.

Cause, consciousness a, I. 187; II. 583, 592

Centres, cortical, I. 30 ff.;
motor, 31;
visual, 41;
auditory, 52;
olfactory, 57;
gustatory, 58;
tactile, 58

Cerebral process, see neural process

Cerebrum, see Brain, Hemispheres

Chadbourne, P A., II. 383

Characters, general, II. 329 ff.

Charcot, I. 54-5; II. 58, 596

Chloroform, I. 531

Choice, see selection, interest

Circulation in brain, I. 97;
effects of sensory stimuli upon, II. 374 ff.;
in grief, 443-4

Classic and romantic, II. 469

Classifications, II. 646

Clay, E. C. R., I. 609

Cleanliness, II. 434

Clearness, I. 426

Clifford, I. 130-2

Clouston, II. 114, 284-5, 537, 539

Cobbe, F. P., I. 374

Cochlea, theory of its action, II. 169

Cognition, see knowing

Cohen, H., I. 365

Coleridge, S. T., I. 572, 681

Collateral innervation, see vicarious function

Comparison, Chapter XIII:
relations discovered by comparison have nothing to do with the time and space order of their terms, II. 641;
mediate, 489, 644;
see difference, likeness

Composition, of Mind out of its elements, see Mind-Stuff theory;
differences due to, I. 491

Comte, A., I. 187

Conceivability, I. 463

Conceptions, Chapter XII:
defined, I. 461;
their permanence, 464 ff.;
do not develop of themselves, 466 ff.;
abstract, 468;
universal, 478;
essentially teleological, II. 332

Conceptual order different from perceptual, I. 482

Concomitants, law of varying, I. 506

Confusion, II. 352

Consciousness, its seat, I. 65;
its distribution, 142-3;
its function of selection, 139-41;
is personal in form, 225;
is continuous, 237, 488;
of lack, 251;
of self not essential, 273;
of object comes first, 274;
always partial and selective, 284 ff., see Selection;
of the process of thinking, 300 ff.;
the span of, 405

Consent, in willing, II. 568

Considerations, I. 20

Constructiveness, II. 426

Contiguity, association by, I. 561

Continuity of object of consciousness, I. 488

Contrast, of colors, II. 13-27;
of temperatures, 14;
two theories of, 17 ff., 245;
of movements, 245 ff., 250

Convolutions, motor, I. 41

Cortex, of brain, experiments on, I. 31 ff.

Cramming, I. 663

Credulity, our primitive, II. 319

Cudworth, R., II. 9

'Cue,' the mental, II. 497, 518

Cumberland, S., II. 525

Curiosity, II. 429

Czermak, II. 170, 175


Darwin, C., II. 432, 446, 479, 484, 678, 681-2-4

Darwinism, scholastic reputation of, II. 670

Data, the, of psychology, I. 184

Davidson, T., I. 474

Deaf-mute's thought in infancy, I. 266

Deafness, mental, I. 50, 55-6. See hearing

Dean, S., I. 394

Decision, five types of, II. 531

Degenerations, descending in nerve-centres, I. 37, 52

Delabarre, E., II. 13-27, 71

Delbœuf, J., I. 455, 531, 541, 542, 548-9; II. 100, 189, 249, 264, 605, 609, 612

Deliberation, II. 528 ff.

Delusions, insane, I. 375; II. 114 ff.

Depth, see third dimension

Descartes, I. 180, 200, 214, 344

Destutt de Tracy, I. 247

Determinism must be postulated by psychology, II. 576
[Pg 694]
Dewey, J., I. 473

Dichotomy in thinking, II. 654

Dickens, C., I. 374

Dietze, I. 407, 617

Difference, not resolvable into composition, I. 490;
noticed most between species of a genus, 529;
the magnitude of, 531;
least discernible, 537 ff.;
methods for ascertaining, 540 ff.

Difference, local, II. 167 ff.;
genesis of our perception of, 642

Diffusion of movements, the law of, II. 372

Dimension, third, II. 134 ff., 212 ff., 220

Dipsomania, II. 543

Disbelief, II. 284

Discrimination, Chapter XIII:
conditions which favor it, I. 494;
improves by practice, 508;
spatial, II. 167 ff.
See difference

Dissociation, I. 486-7;
law of, by varying concomitants, 506

Dissociation, ditto, II. 345, 359

Dissociation, of one part of the mind from another, see Janet, Pierre

Distance, between terms of a series, I. 530

Distance, in space, see third dimension

Distraction, I. 401. See inattention

Dizziness, see vertigo

Dog's cortical centres, after Ferrier, I. 33;
after Munk, I. 44-5;
after Luciani, I. 46, 53, 58, 60;
for special muscles, 64;
hemispheres ablated, 70

Donaldson, II. 170

Donders, II. 235

Double images, II. 225-30, 252

Doubt, II. 284, 318 ff.;
the mania of, 545

Dougal, J. D., II. 222

Drainage of one brain-cell by another, II. 583 ff.

Dreams, II. 294

Drobisch, I. 632, 660

Drunkard, II. 565

Drunkenness, I. 144; II. 543, 565, 628

Dualism of object and knower, I. 218, 220

Duality, of Brain, I. 390, 399

Dudley, A. T., on mental qualities of an athlete, II. 539

Dufour, II. 211

Dunan, Ch., II. 176, 206, 208-9

Duration, the primitive object in time-perception, I. 609;
our estimate of short, 611 ff.

'Dynamogeny,' II. 379 ff., 491


Ebbinghaus, H., I. 548, 676

Eccentric projection of sensations, II. 31 ff., 195 ff.

Education of hemispheres, I. 76
See pedagogic remarks

Effort, II. 534-7;
Muscular effort, 562;
Moral effort, 549, 561, 578-9

Egger, V., I. 280-1-2; II. 256

Ego, Empirical, I. 291 ff.;
pure, 342 ff.;
'transcendental,' 362;
criticised, 364

Elementary factors of mind, see Units of consciousness

Elsas, I. 548

Emerson, R. W., I. 582, II. 307

Emotion, Chapter XXV:
continuous with instinct, II. 442;
description of typical emotions, 443-9;
results from reflex effects of stimulus upon organism, 449 ff.;
their classification, 454;
in anæsthetic subjects, 455;
in the absence of normal stimulus, 458-60;
effects of expressing, 463 ff.;
of repressing, 466;
the subtler, 469 ff.;
the neural process in, 472;
differences in individuals, 474;
evolution of special emotions, 477 ff.

Empirical ego, I. 290

Empirical propositions, II. 644

Emulation, II. 409

Ennui, I. 626

Entoptic sensations, I. 515 ff.

Equation, personal, I. 413

'Equilibration,' direct and indirect, II. 627

Essences, their meaning, II. 329 ff.;
sentimental and mechanical, 665

Essential qualities, see essences

Estel, I. 613, 618

Evolutionism demands a 'mind-dust,' 146

Exner, on human cortical centres, I. 36;
on 'circumvallation' of centres, 65;
his psychodometer, 87;
on reaction-time, 91;
on perception of rapid succession, 409;
on attention, 439;
on time-perception, 615, 638, 646;
on feeling of motion, II. 172

Experience, I. 402, 487;
Relation of experience to necessary judgments, Chapter XXVIII;
Experience defined, II. 619 ff., 628

Experimentation in psychology, I. 192

Extradition of sensations, II. 31 ff., 195 ff.
[Pg 695]

Fallacy, the Psychologist's, I. 196, 278, 153; II. 281

Familiarity, sense of, see recognition

Fatalism, II. 574

Fatigue, diminishes span of consciousness, I. 640

Fear, instinct of, II. 396, 415;
the symptoms of, 446;
morbid, 460;
origin of, 478

Fechner, I. 435-6, 533, 539 ff., 549, 616, 645; II. 50, 70, 137 ff., 178, 464

Feeling, synonym for consciousness in general in this book, I. 186;
feelings of relation, 243

Félida X., I. 380-4

Féré, Ch., II. 68, 378 ff.

Ferrier, D., I. 31, 46-7-8, 53, 57-8-9, 445; II. 503

Ferrier, Jas., I. 274, 475

Fiat, of the will, II. 501, 526, 561, 564; 568.
See decision

Fichte, I. 365

Fick, I. 150

Fiske, J., II. 577

Fixed ideas. See insistent ideas

Flechsig's Pyramidenbahn, I. 37

Flint, R., II. 425

Flourens, P., I. 30

Force, supposed sense of, II. 518

Forgetting, I. 679 ff.; II. 370-1. See amnesia

Fouillée, A., II. 500, 570

François-Franck, I. 70

Franklin, Mrs. C. L., II. 94

Franz, Dr., II. 63

Freedom, of the will, II. 569 ff.

'Fringe' of object, I. 258, 281-2, 471-2, 478

Frog's nerve-centres, I. 14

Fusion of feelings unintelligible, I. 157-62; II. 2. See Mind-stuff theory

Fusion of impressions into one object, I. 484, 502; II. 103, 183


Galton, F., I. 254, 265, 685;
on mental imagery, II. 51-7;
on gregariousness, 430

General propositions, what they involve, II. 337 ff. See universal conceptions

Genesis of brain-structure, its two modes, II. 624

Genius, I. 423, 530; II. 110, 352, 360

Gentleman, the mind of the, II. 370

Geometry, II. 658

Giddiness, see vertigo

Gilman, B. I., I. 95

Gley, E., II. 514-5, 525

Goldscheider, II. 170, 192 ff., 200

Goltz, I. 9, 31, 33, 34, 45, 46, 58, 62, 67, 69, 70, 74, 77

Gorilla, II. 416

Graefe, A., II. 507, 510

Grashey, I. 640

Grassman, R., II. 654

Gregariousness, II. 430

Green, T. H., I. 247, 274, 366-8; II. 4, 10, 11

Grief, II. 448, 480

Griesinger, W., II. 298

Grübelsucht, II. 284

Guinea-pigs, epileptic, etc., II. 682-7

Guislain, II. 546

Gurney, E., I. 209; II. 117, 130, 469, 610

Guyau, II. 414, 469


Habit, Chapter IV:
due to plasticity of brain-matter, I. 105;
depends on paths in nerve-centres, 107;
origination of, 109-13;
mechanism of concatenated habits, 114-8;
they demand some sensation, 118;
ethical and pedagogic maxims, 121-7;
is the ground of association, 566;
of memory, 655

Habits may inhibit instincts, II. 394;
Habit accounts for one large part of our knowledge, 632

Hall, G. S., I. 96-7, 558, 614, 616; II. 155, 247, 281, 423

Hallucination, sensation a veridical, II. 33;
of lost limbs, 38, 105;
of emotional feeling, 459

Hallucinations, II. 114 ff.;
hypnagogic, 124;
the brain-process in, 122 ff.;
hypnotic, 604

Hamilton, W., I. 214, 215, 274, 406, 419, 569, 578, 682; II. 113

Hammond, E., II. 673

Haploscopic method, II. 226

Harless, II. 497

Hartley, I. 553, 561, 564, 600

Hartmann, R., II. 416

Hasheesh-delirium, II. 121

Hearing, its cortical centre, I. 52

Heat, of mental work, I. 100

Hecker, II. 480

Hegel, I. 163, 265, 366, 369, 666

Heidenhain, I. 82

Helmholtz, H., I. 285;
on attention, 422, 487, 441;
on discrimination, 504, 516-21;
time as a category, 637-8;
after-images, 645, 648;
on color-contrast, II. 17 ff.;
on sensation, 33;
on cochlea, 170;
[Pg 696]on convergence of eyes, 200;
vision with inverted head, 213;
on what marks a sensation, 218 ff., 243-4;
on entoptic objects, 241-2;
on contrast in seen movement, 247;
on relief, 257;
on measurement of the field of view, 266 ff.;
on theory of space-perception, 279;
on feeling of innervation, 493, 507, 510;
on conservation of energy, 667

Hemiamblyopia, I. 44

Hemianopsia, I. 41, 44; II. 73

Hemispheres, their distinction from lower centres, I. 20;
their education, 24, 67;
localization of function in, 30;
the exclusive seat of consciousness, 65;
effects of deprivation of, on frogs, 17, 72-3;
on fishes, 73;
on birds, 74, 77;
on rodents, 74;
on dogs, 70, 74;
on primates, 75;
not devoid of connate paths, 76;
their evolution from lower centres, 79

Henle, J., II. 445, 461, 481

Herbart, I. 353, 418, 603, 608, 626

Hereditary transmission of acquired characters, see inheritance

Hering, E., on attention, I. 438, 449;
on comparing weights, 544;
on pure sensation, II. 4;
on color-contrast, 20 ff.;
on roomy character of sensations, 136 ff.;
on after-images and convergence, 200;
on distance of double images, 230;
on stereoscopy, 252;
on reproduction in vision, 260 ff.;
on movements of closed eye, 510

Herzen, I. 58;
on reaction-time from a corn, 96;
on cerebral thermometry, 100;
on swooning, 273

Hitzig, I. 31

Hobbes, T., I. 573, 587, 594 ff.

Hodgson, R., I. 374, 398

Hodgson, S. H., on inertness of consciousness, I. 129-30, 133;
on self, 341, 347;
on conceptual order, 482;
on association, 572 ff., 603;
on voluntary redintegration, 588-9;
on the 'present' in time, 607

Höffding, H., I. 674; II. 455

Holbrook, M. H., I. 665

Holmes, O. W., I. 88, 405, 582

Holtei, von, I. 624

Horopter, II. 226

Horsley, V., I. 35, 59, 63

Horwicz, I. 314, 325-7

Howe, S. G., II. 358

Human intellect, compared with that of brute, II. 348 ff.;
depends on association by similarity, 353 ff.;
various orders of, 360;
what brain-peculiarity it depends on, 366, 638

Hume, I. 254;
on personal identity, 351-3, 360;
association, 597;
due to brain-laws, 564;
on mental images, II. 45-6;
on belief, 295-6, 302;
on pleasure and will, 558

Hunting instinct, II. 411

Huxley, I. 130-1, 254; II. 46

Hyatt, A., II. 102

Hylozoism, see Mind-stuff theory

Hyperæsthesia, in hypnotism, II. 609

Hypnotism, I. 407; II. 128, 351;
general account of, Chapter XXVII;
methods, II. 593;
theories of, 596;
symptoms of trance, 602 ff.;
post-hypnotic suggestion, 618

Hysterics, their so-called anæsthesias, and unconsciousness, I. 202 ff.


Ideal objects, eternal and necessary relations between, II. 639, 661.
See conceptions

'Ideas,' the theory of, I. 230;
confounded with objects, 231, 276, 278, 399, 521;
they do not exist as parts of our thought, 279, 405, 553;
platonic, 462;
abstract, 468 ff.;
universal, 473 ff.;
never come twice the same, 480-1

Ideation, no distinct centres for, I. 564; II. 78

Identity, sense of, I. 459;
three principles of, 460;
not the foundation of likeness, 492

Identity, personal, I. 238, 330 ff.;
based on ordinary judgment of sameness, 334;
due to resemblance and continuity of our feelings, 336;
Lotze on, 350;
only relatively true, 372

Ideo-motor action the type of all volition, II. 522

Idiosyncrasy, II. 631

'Idomenians,' II. 214

Illusions, II. 85 ff., 129, 232 ff., 243-66.
See hallucinations

Images, double, in vision, II. 225-30

Images, mental, not lost in mental blindness, etc., I. 50, 66; II. 73

Images, are usually vague, II. 45;
visual, 51 ff.;
auditory, 160;
motor, 61;
tactile, 165;
between sleep and waking, 124-6

Imagination, Chapter XVIII:
it differs in individuals, II. 51 ff.;
sometimes leaves an after-image, 67;
the cerebral process of, 68 ff.;
not locally distinct from that of sensation, 73;
is figured, 82
[Pg 697]
Imitation, II. 408

Immortality, I. 348-9

Impulses, morbid, II. 542 ff. See instincts

Impulsiveness of all consciousness, II. 526 ff.

Inattention, I. 404, 455 ff.

Increase, serial, I. 490

Indeterminism, II. 569 ff.

Ingersoll, R., II. 469

Inheritance of acquired characters, II. 367, 678 ff.

Inhibition, I. 43, 67, 404; II. 126, 373;
of instincts, 391, 394;
of one cortical process by another, 583

Innervation, feeling of, II. 236, 493;
it is unnecessary, 494 ff.;
no evidence for it, 499, 518

Innervation, collateral, see vicarious function

Insane delusions, I. 375; II. 113

Insistent ideas, II. 545

Instinct. Chapter XXIV;
defined, II. 384;
is a reflex impulse, 385 ff.;
is neither blind nor invariable, 389;
contrary instincts in same animal, 392;
man has more than other mammals, 393, 441;
their transitoriness, 398;
special instincts, 404-441;
the origin of instincts, 678

'Integration' of feelings, Spencer's theory of, I. 151 ff.

Intelligence, the test of its presence, I. 8;
of lower brain-centres, 78 ff.

Intention to speak, I. 253

Interest, I. 140, 284 ff., 402-3, 482, 515 ff., 572, 594; II. 312 ff., 344-5, 634

Intermediaries, the axiom of skipped, II. 646

Introspection, I. 185

Inverted head, vision with, II. 213


Jackson, Hughlings, I. 29, 64, 400; II. 125-6

Janet, J., I. 385

Janet, Paul, I. 625; II. 40-1

Janet, Pierre, I. 203 ff., 227, 384 ff., 682; II. 456, 614

Jastrow, I. 88, 543, 545; II. 44, 135, 180

Jevons, W. S., I. 406

Joints, their sensibility, II. 189 ff.

Judgments, existential, II. 290

Justice, II. 673


Kandinsky, V., II. 70, 116

Kant, I. 274, 331, 344, 347;
his 'transcendental' deduction of the categories, 360;
his paralogisms, 362;
criticised, 363-6;
on time, 642;
on symmetrical figures, II. 150;
on space, 273 ff.;
on the real, 296;
on synthetic judgments a priori, 661,
and their relation to experience, 664

Kinæsthetic feelings, II. 488 ff., 493

'Kleptomania,' II. 425

Knee-jerk, II. 380

Knowing, I. 216 ff.;
psychology assumes it, 218;
not reducible to any other relation, 219, 471, 688

Knowledge, two kinds of, I. 221;
of Self not essential to, 274;
the relativity of, II. 9 ff.;
the genesis of, 630 ff.

Knowledge-about, I. 221

König, I. 542

Kries, von, I. 96, 547; II. 253

Krishaber, I. 377

Kussmaul, A., I. 684


Ladd, G. T., I. 687; II. 3, 311

Lamarck, II. 678

Landry, II. 490, 492

Lange, A., I. 29, 284

Lange, C., II. 443, 449, 455, 457, 460, 462

Lange, K., II. 111

Lange, L., on reaction-time, muscular and sensorial, I. 92

Lange, N., on muscular element in imagination, I. 444

Language, as a human function, II. 356-8

Laromiguèire, I. 247

Laughter, II. 480

Lazarus, I. 624, 626; II. 84, 97, 369, 429

Le Conte, Joseph, II. 228, 252, 265

Léonie, M. Janet's trance-subject, I. 201, 387 ff.

Levy, W. H., II. 204

Lewes, on frog's sp. cord, I. 9, 78, 134;
on thought as a sort of algebra, 270;
on 'preperception,' 439, 442;
on muscular feeling, II. 199;
on begging in pup, 400;
on lapsed intelligence, 678

Lewinski, II. 192

Liberatore, II. 670

Liebmann, O., on brain as a machine, I. 10; II. 34

Liégeois, J., II. 594, 606

Light, effects of, on movement, II. 379

Likeness, I. 528

Lindsay, T. L., II. 421
[Pg 698]
Lipps, on 'unconscious' sensations, I. 175;
on theory of ideas, 603;
time-perception, 632;
on muscular feeling, II. 200;
on distance, 221;
on visual illusions, 251, 264;
on space-perception, 280;
on reality, 297;
on effort, 575

Lissauer, I. 50

Local signs, II. 155 ff., 167

Localization, in hemispheres, I. 30 ff.

Localization, II. 153 ff.;
of one sensible object in another, II. 31 ff., 183 ff., 195 ff.

Locke, J., I. 200, 230, 247, 349, 390, 462, 483, 553, 563, 679; II. 210, 306, 644, 662-4

'Locksley Hall,' I. 567

Locomotion, instinct of, II. 405

Loeb, I. 33, 44; II. 255, 516, 628

Logic, II. 647

Lombard, J. S., I. 99

Lombard, W., II. 380

Lotze, I. 214;
on immortality, 349;
on personal identity, 350;
on attention, 442-3;
on fusion and discrimination of sensations, 522;
on local signs, II. 157, 495;
on volition, 523-4

Louis V., I. 388

Love, sexual, II. 437, 543;
parental, 439;
Bain's explanation of, 551

Lowell, J. R., I. 582

Luciani, I. 44-5-6-7, 53, 60


McCosh, I. 501

Mach, E., on attention, I. 436;
on space-feeling, 449;
on time feeling, 616, 635;
on motion-contrast, II. 247;
on optical inversion, 255;
on probability, 258;
on feeling of innervation, 509, 511

Magnitude of differences, I. 530 ff.

Malebranche, II. 9

Manouvrier, II. 496

Mania, transitory, II. 460

Man's intellectual distinction from brutes, II. 348 ff.

Mansel, H. L., I. 274

Mantegazza, P., II. 447, 479, 481

Marcus Aurelius, I. 313, 317; II. 675

Marillier, L., I. 445; II. 514

Marique, I. 65

Martin, H. N., I. 99; II. 3

Martineau, J., I. 484 ff., 506; II. 9

Maudsley, H., I. 113, 656

Maury, A., II. 83, 124, 127

Mechanical philosophy, the, II. 666 ff.

Mechanism vs. intelligence, I. 8-14

Mediate comparison, I. 489

Mediumship, I. 228, 393 ff.

Mehner, I. 618

Memory, Chapter XVI:
it depends on material conditions, I. 2;
the essential function of the hemispheres, 20;
lapses of, 373 ff.;
in hysterics, 384 ff.;
favored by attention, 427;
primary, 638, 643;
analysis of the phenomenon of Memory, 648;
the return of a mental image is not memory, 619;
memory's causes, 653 ff.;
the result of association, 654;
conditions of good memory, 659;
brute retentiveness, 660;
multiple associations, 662;
improvement of memory, 667 ff.;
its usefulness depends on forgetting much, 680;
its decay, 683;
metaphysical explanations of it, 687 ff.

Mentality, the mark of its presence, I. 8

Mental operations, simultaneous, I. 408

Mercier, C., on inertness of consciousness, I. 135;
on inhibition, II. 583

Merkel, I. 542-3-4

Metaphysical principles, II. 669 ff.

Metaphysics, I. 137, 401

Meyer's experiment on color-contrast, II. 21

Meyer, G. H., II. 66, 97-8

Meynert, T., his brain-scheme, I. 25, 64, 72

Mill, James, I. 277, 355, 470, 476, 485, 499, 597, 651, 653; II. 77

Mill, J. S., I. 189;
on unity of self, 356-9;
on abstract ideas, 470;
methods of inquiry, 590;
on infinitude and association, 600;
on space, II. 271;
on belief, 285, 322;
on reasoning, 331;
on the order of Nature, 634;
on arithmetical propositions, 654

Mills, C. K., I. 60

Mimicry, its effects on emotion, II. 463-6

Mind, depends on brain-conditions, I. 4, 553;
the mark of its presence, 8;
difficulty of stating its connection with brain, 176;
what psychology means by it, 183, 216

Mind-Stuff theory, Chapter VI:
a postulate of evolution, I. 146, 176;
some proofs of it, 148;
[Pg 699]author's interpretation of them, 154;
feelings cannot mix, 157 ff., II. 2, 103

Miser, associationist explanation of the, II. 423 ff.

Mitchell, J. K., II. 616

Mitchell, S. W., I. 381; II. 38-9, 380

Modesty, II. 435

Moll, A., II. 616

Molyneux, II. 210

Monadism, I. 179

Monism, I. 366-7

Monkey's cortical centres, I. 34-5, 46, 59

Montgomery, E., I. 158

Moral principles, II. 639, 672

Morris, G. S., I. 365

Mosso, on blood-supply to brain, I. 97-9
plethysmographic researches, II. 378;
on fear, 419, 483

Motor centres, I. 31 ff.

'Motor circle,' II. 583

Motor strands, I. 38;
for special muscles, I. 64

Motor type of imagination, II. 61

Movement, perception of, by sensory surfaces, II. 171 ff.;
part played by, in vision, 197, 203, 234-7
the, Production of, Chap. XXII
requires guiding sensations, 490
illusory perception of, during anæsthesia, 489;
results from every kind of consciousness, 526

Mozart, I. 255

Müller, G. E., I. 445, 456-8; II. 198, 280, 491, 502, 508, 517

Müller, J., I. 68; II. 640

Müller, J. J., II. 213

Müller, Max, I. 269

Munk, H., I. 41-3-4-5-6, 57-8-9, 63

Münsterberg, on Meynert's scheme, I. 77;
on reaction times with intellectual operation, 432:
on association, 562;
on time-perception, 620, 637;
on imagination, II. 74;
on muscular sensibility, 189;
on volition, 505;
on feeling of innervation, 514;
on association, 590

Muscles, how represented in nerve-centres, I. 19

Muscle-reading, II. 525

Muscular sense, its cortical centre, I. 61;
its existence, II. 189 ff., 197 ff.;
its insignificance in space-perception, 197-203, 234-7

Music, its accidental genesis, II. 627; 687

Mussey, II. 543

Mutilations, inherited, II. 627

Myers, F. W. H., I. 400; II. 133

Mysophobia, II. 435, 545


Nature, the order of, its incongruence with that of our thought, II. 634 ff.

Naunyn, I. 55

Necessary truths are all truths of comparison, II. 641 ff., 651, 662.
See experience, a priori connections, etc.

Neiglick, I. 543

Neural process, in perception. I. 78 ff.;
in habit, 105 ff.;
in association, 566;
in memory, 655;
in imagination, II. 68 ff.;
in perception, 82 ff., 103 ff.;
in hallucination, 122 ff.;
in space-perception, 143;
in emotion, 474;
in volition, 580 ff.;
in association, 587 ff.

Nitrous oxide intoxication, II. 284

Nonsense, how it escapes detection, I. 261

Normal position in vision, II. 238

Nothnagel, I. 51, 60-1

Number, II. 653


Obersteiner, I. 87, 445

Object, use of the word, I. 275, 471;
confusion of, with thought that knows it, 278

Objective world, known before self, I. 273;
its primitive unity, 487-8;
ditto, II. 8

Objects versus ideas, I. 230, 278

Old-fogyism, II. 110

Orchansky, I. 95

'Overtone' (psychic), I. 258, 281-2


Pain, I. 143,
its relations to the will, II. 549 ff., 583-4

Paneth, I. 64, 65

Parallelism, theory of, between mental and cerebral phenomena, see Automaton-theory

Paresis of external rectus muscle, II. 236, 507

Parinaud, II. 71

Partiality of mind, see interest, teleology, intelligence, selection, essences

Past time, known in a present feeling, I. 627;
the immediate past is a portion of the present duration-block, 608 ff.

Patellar reflex, II. 380

Paths through cortex, I. 71;
their formation, 107-12; II. 584 ff.;
[Pg 700]association depends on them, 567 ff.;
memory depends on them, 655 ff., 661, 686

Paulhan, F., I. 250, 408, 670; II. 64, 476

Pedagogic remarks: I. 121-7; II. 110, 401-2, 409, 463, 466

Perception. Chapter XIX:
compared with sensation, II. 1, 76;
involves reproductive processes, 78;
is of probable objects, 82 ff.;
not an unconscious inference, 111 ff.;
rapidity of, 131

Perception-time, II. 131

Perez, B., I. 446; II. 416

Personal equation, I. 413

Personality, alterations of, I. 373 ff.

Pflüger, on frog's spinal cord, I. 9, 134

Philosophies, their test, II. 312

Phosphorus and thought, I. 101

Phrenology, I. 27

Pick, E., I. 669

Pitres, I. 206

Planchette-writing, I. 208-9, 393 ff.

Plasticity, as basis of habit, defined, I. 105

Platner, II. 208

Plato, I. 462

Play, II. 427

Pleasure, as related to will, I. 143; II. 549, 583-4

Points, identical, theory of, II. 222 ff.

Possession, Spirit-, I. 393 ff.

Post-hypnotic suggestion, II. 613

Practical interests, their effects on discrimination, I. 515 ff.

Prayer, I. 316

'Preperception,' I. 439

Present, the present moment, I. 606 ff.

Preyer, II. 403

Probability determines what object shall be perceived, II. 82, 104, 258, 260-3

Problematic conceptions, I. 463

Problems, the process of solution of, I. 584

Projection of sensations, eccentric, II. 31 ff.

Projection, theory of, II. 228

Psychologist's fallacy, the, see Fallacy

Psychophysic law, I. 539

Pugnacity, II. 409

Pure Ego, I. 342

Putnam, J. J., I. 61


Questioning mania, II. 284


Rabier, I. 470, 604

Rational propositions, II. 644

Rationality is based on apprehension of series, II. 659

Rationality, postulates of, II. 670, 677

Rationality, sense of, I. 260-4; II. 647

Reaction-time, I. 87;
simple, 88;
what it measures is not conscious thought, 90;
Lange's distinction between muscular and sensorial, 92;
its variations, 94-7;
influenced by expectant attention, 427 ff.;
after intellectual process, 432;
after discrimination, 523;
after association, 557;
after perception, II. 131

Real size and shape of visual objects, II. 179, 237 ff.

Reality, the Perception of, Chapter XXI;
not a distinct content of consciousness, II. 286;
various orders of, 287 ff.;
every object has some kind of reality, 291 ff.;
the choice of, 290;
practical, 293 ff.;
means relation to the self, 295-8;
relation of sensations to, 299;
of emotions, 306

Reason, I. 551. See Logic

Reasoning, Chapter XXII;
its definition, II. 325;
involves the picking out of essences, or sagacity, 329;
and abstraction, 332;
its utility depends on the peculiar constitution of this world, 337 ff., 651;
depends on association by similarity, 345

Recall, I. 578, 654

'Recepts,' II. 327, 349, 351

Recognition, I. 673

Recollection, voluntary, I. 585 ff.

Redintegration, I. 569

'Reductives,' II. 125, 291

Reflex acts, I. 12;
reaction-time measures one, 90;
concatenated habits are constituted by a chain of, 116

Reid, Thomas, I. 609, 78; II. 214, 216, 218, 240, 309

Relating principle, I. 687-8

Relation, feelings of, I. 243 ff.;
space-relations, II. 148 ff.

Relations, inward, between ideas, II. 639, 642, 661, 671;
the principle of transferred, 646

Relief, II. 254-7. See third dimension

Renouvier, Ch., I. 551; II. 309

Reproduction in memory, I. 574 ff., 654;
voluntary, 585 ff.

Resemblance, I. 528
[Pg 701]
Respiration, effects of sensory stimuli upon, II. 376

Restitution of function, I. 67 ff.

Restoration of function, I. 67 ff.

Retention in memory, I. 653 ff.

Retentiveness, organic, I. 659 ff.;
it is unchangeable, 663 ff.

Retinal image, II. 92

Retinal sensibility, see vision, space, identical points, third dimension, projection, etc.

Revival in memory, I. 574 ff., 654

Reynolds, Mary, I. 381

Ribot, Th., I. 375;
on attention, 444, 446, 680, 682

Richet, Ch., I. 638, 644-6-7

Riehl, A., II. 32

Robertson, G. C., I. 461; II. 86

Romanes, G. J., II. 95, 132, 327-9, 349, 351, 355, 397

Romantic and classic, II. 469

Rosenthal, I. 79

Ross, J., I. 56-7

Royce, J., I. 374; II. 316-7

Royer-Collard, I. 609

Rutherford, II. 170


Sagacity, II. 331, 343

Sameness, I. 272, 459, 480; II. 650

Schaefer, W., I. 35, 53, 59, 63

Schiff, M., I. 58, 78, 100

Schmid, I. 683

Schmidt, H. D., II. 399-400

Schneider, G. H., on Habits, I. 112, 118-20;
on perception of motion, II. 173;
on evolution of movements, 380;
on instincts, 387-8, 411, 418, 439

Schopenhauer, II. 33, 273

Schrader, I. 72 ff.

Science, the genesis of, II. 665-9

Sea-sickness, susceptibility to, an accident, II. 627

Seat of consciousness, I. 65;
of Soul, 214;
of sensations, no original, II. 34

Sciences, the natural, the factors of their production, II. 633 ff.;
a Turkish cadi upon, 640;
postulate things with unchangeable properties, 656

Sciences, the pure, they express results of comparison exclusively, II. 641;
classifications, 646;
logic, 647;
mathematics, 653

Secretiveness, II. 432

Seguin, I. 48, 75

Selection, a cardinal function of consciousness, 284 ff., 402, 594; II. 584;
of visual reality, II. 177 ff., 237;
of reality in general, 290, 294;
of essential quality, 333, 370, 634

Self, consciousness of, Chap. X:
not primary, I. 273;
the empirical self, I. 291;
its constituents, 292;
the material self, 292;
the social self, 293;
the spiritual self, 296;
resolvable into feelings localized in head, 300 ff.;
consciousness of personal identity, 330 ff.;
its alterations, 373 ff.

Self-feeling, I. 305 ff.

Self-love, I. 317;
the name for active impulses and emotions towards certain objects; we do not love our bare principle of individuality, 323

Self-seeking, I. 307 ff.

Selves, their rivalry, I. 309 ff.

Semi-reflex acts, I. 13

Sensation, does attention increase its strength? I. 425;
terminus of thought, 471

Sensation, Chapter XVII;
distinguished from perception, II. 1, 76;
its cognitive function, 3;
pure sensation an abstraction, 3;
the terminus of thought, 7

Sensations, are not compounds, I. 158 ff.; II. 2;
their supposed combination by a higher principle, I. 687; II. 27-30;
their influence on each other, II. 28-30;
their eccentric projection, 31 ff., 195 ff.;
their localization inside of one another, 183 ff.;
their relation to reality, 299 ff.;
to emotions, 453;
their fusion, see Mind-stuff theory

Sensationalism, I. 243;
criticised by spiritualism, 687

Sensationalism, II. 5;
in the field of space-perception, criticised, 216 ff.;
its difficulties, 231-7;
defended, 237 ff., 517

Sergi, II. 34

Serial increase, I. 490; II. 644

Series, II. 644-51, 659 ff.

Seth, A., II. 4

Sexual function, I. 22

Shadows, colored, II. 25

Shame, II. 435

Shoemaker, Dr., I. 273

Shyness, II. 430

Sight, its cortical centre, I. 41 ff., 66

Sign-making, a differentia of man, II. 356

Signs, local, II. 155 ff.
[Pg 702]
Sigwart, C., II. 634-6

Sikorsky, II. 465

Similarity, I. 528

Similarity, association by, I. 578; II. 345, 353

Skin, discrimination of points on, I. 512

Sleep, partial consciousness during, I. 213

Sociability, II. 430

Somnambulism, see hypnotism, hysterics

Soul, theory of the, I. 180;
inaccessibility of, 187;
its essence is to think (according to Descartes), 200;
seat of, 214;
arguments for its existence, 343 ff.;
an unnecessary hypothesis for psychology, 350;
compared with transcendental Ego, 365;
a relating principle, 499

Space, the perception of, Chapter XX;
primitive extensity in three dimensions, II. 134-9;
spatial order, 145;
space-relations, 148;
localization in, 153 ff.;
how real space is mentally constructed, 166 ff.;
part played by movement in, 171-6;
measurement of extensions, 177 ff.;
synthesis of originally chaotic sensations of extension, 181 ff.;
part played by articular surfaces in, 189 ff.;
by muscles, 197 ff.;
how the blind perceive space, 203 ff.;
visual space, 211-268;
theory of identical points, 222;
of projection, 228;
difficulties of sensation-theory expounded and replied to, 231-268;
historical sketch of opinion, 270 ff.

Spalding, D. A., II. 396, 398, 400, 406

Span of consciousness, I. 405, 640

Speech, the 'centre' of, I. 55;
its misleading influence in psychology, I. 194;
thought possible without it, 269.
See Aphasia, Phrenology

Spencer, his formula of 'adjustment,' I. 6;
on formation of paths in nerve-centres, 109;
on chasm between mind and matter, 147;
on origin of consciousness, 148;
on 'integration' of nervous shocks, 151-3;
on feelings of relation, 247;
on unity of self, 354;
on conceivability, 464;
on abstraction, 506;
on association, 600;
on time perception, 622, 639;
on memory, 649;
on recognition, 673;
on feeling and perception, II. 113, 180;
on space-perception, 272, 282;
on genesis of emotions, 478 ff.;
on free-will, 576;
on inheritance of acquired peculiarities, 620 ff., 679;
on 'equilibration,' 627;
on genesis of cognition, 643;
on that of sociality and pity, 685

Spinoza, II. 288

Spir, A., II. 665, 677

'Spirit-control,' I. 228

Spiritualist theory of the self, I. 342; II. 5

Spiritualists, I. 161

Stanley, Henry M., II. 310

Starr, A., I. 54, 56

Statistical method in psychology, I. 194

Steiner, I. 72-3

Steinthal, I. 604; II. 107-9

Stepanoff, II. 170

Stereoscope, II. 87

Stereoscopy, II. 223, 252. See third dimension

Sternberg, II. 105, 515

Stevens, I. 617

Stevens, E. W., I. 397

Story, Jean, I. 263

Stream of Thought, Chapter IX:
schematic representations of, I. 279-82

Stricker, S., II. 62 ff.

Strümpell, A., I. 376, 445, 489, 491

Strümpell, Prof., II. 353

Stuart, D., I. 406, 427

Stumpf. C, on attention, I. 426;
on difference, 493;
on fusion of impressions, 522, 530-3;
on strong and weak sensations, 547;
on relativity of knowledge, II. 11;
on sensations of extent, 219, 221

Subjective sensations, I. 516 ff.

Substance, spiritual, I. 345

Substantive states of mind, I. 243

Substitution of parts for wholes in reasoning, II. 330;
of the same for the same, 650

Subsumption, the principle of mediate, II. 648

Succession, not known by successive feelings, I. 628;
vs. duration, 609

Suggestion, in hypnotism, II. 598-601;
post-hypnotic, 613

Suicide, I. 317

Sully, J., I. 191; II. 79, 221, 272, 281, 322, 425

Summation of stimuli, I. 82;
of elements of feeling, 151;
the latter is inadmissible, 158
[Pg 703]
Superposition, in space-measurements, II. 177, 266 ff.

Symbols as substitutes for reality, II. 305

Sympathy, II. 410

Synthetic judgments a priori, II. 661-2

Systems, philosophic, sentimental, and mechanical, II. 665-7


Tactile centre, I. 58

Tactile images, II. 65

Tactile sensibility, its cortical centre, I. 34, 61, 62

Taine, H., on unity of self, I. 355;
on alterations of ditto, 376;
on recollecting, 658, 670;
On projection of sensations, II. 33;
on images, 48, and their 'reduction,' 125-6;
on reality, 291

Tàkacs, II. 490

Tarde, G., I. 263

Taylor, C. F., II. 99

Tedium, I. 626

Teleology, created by consciousness, I. 140-1;
essence of intelligence, 482
involved in the fact of essences, II. 335;
its barrenness in the natural sciences, 665

Tendency, feelings of, I. 250-4

Thackeray, W. M., II. 434

Thermometry, cerebral, I. 99

'Thing,' II. 184, 259

Thinking, the consciousness of, I. 300 ff.

Thinking principle, I. 342

Third dimension of space, II. 134 ff., 212 ff., 220

Thompson, D. G., I. 354; II. 662

Thomson, Allen, I. 84

Thought, synonym for consciousness at large, I. 186;
the stream of, Chapter IX:
it tends to personal form, 225;
same thought never comes twice, 231 ff.;
sense in which it is continuous, 237;
can be carried on in any terms, 260-8;
what constitutes its rational character, 269;
is cognitive, 271;
not made up of parts, 276 ff., II. 79 ff.;
always partial to some of its objects, I. 284 ff.;
the consciousness of it as a process, 300 ff.;
the present thought is the thinker, 369, 401;
depends on material conditions, 553

'Thought reading,' II. 525

Time, occupied by neural and mental processes, see reaction-time

Time, unconscious registration of, I. 201

Time, the perception of, Chapter XV;
begins with duration, I. 609;
compared with perception of space, 610 ff.;
empty time not perceived, 619;
its discrete flow, 621, 637;
long intervals conceived symbolically, 622 ff.;
variations in our estimate of its length, 623 ff.;
cerebral process underlying, 627 ff.

Tischer, I. 524, 527

Touch, cortical centre for, I. 58

Trance, see hypnotism

Transcendentalist theory of the Self, I. 342, 360 ff.;
criticised, 363 ff.

Transitive states of mind, I. 243 ff.

Tschisch, von, I. 414, 560

Tuke, D. H., II. 130, 413

Taylor, E. B., II. 304

Tympanic membrane, its tactile sensibility, II. 140

Tyndall, I. 147-8


Ueberweg, I. 187

Unconscious states of Mind, proofs of their existence, I. 164 ff.;
Objections, 164 ff.

Unconsciousness, I. 199 ff.;
in hysterics, 202 ff.;
of useless sensations, 517 ff.

Understanding of a sentence, I. 281

Units, psychic, I. 151

Unity of original object, I. 487-8; II. 8, 183 ff.

Universal conceptions, I. 473. See general propositions

Unreality, the feeling of, II. 298


Valentin, I. 557

Varying concomitants, law of dissociation by, I. 506

Vennum, Lurancy, I. 397

Ventriloquism, II. 184

Verdon, R., I. 685

Vertigo, II. 89;
Mental vertigo, 309;
optical, 506

Vicarious function of brain-parts, I. 69, 142; II. 592

Vierordt, I. 616 ff.; II. 154, 172

Vintschgau, I. 95-6

Vision with head upside down, II. 213

Visual centre in brain, I. 41 ff.

Visual space, II. 211 ff.

Visualizing power, II. 51-60

Vocalization, II. 407

Volition, see
[Pg 704]
Volkmann, A. W., II. 198, 252 ff.

Volkmann, W. von Volkmar, I. 627, 629, 631; II. 276

Voluminousness, primitive, of sensations, II. 184

Voluntary thinking, I. 583

Vulgarity of mind, II. 370

Vulpian, I. 73


Wahle, I. 493

Waitz, Th., I. 405, 632; II. 436

Walking, in child, II. 405

Walter. J. E., I. 214

Ward, J., I. 162, 454, 548, 562, 629, 633; II. 282

Warren, J. W., I. 97

Wayland, I. 347

Weber, E. H., his 'law,' I. 537 ff.
On space-perception on skin, II. 141-2;
on muscular feeling, 198

Weed, T., I. 665

Weissmann, A., II. 684 ff.

Wernicke's convolution, I. 39, 54-5

'Wheatstone's experiment,' II. 326-7

Wigan, Dr., I. 390, 675; II. 566-7

Wilbrand, I. 50-1

Will, Chapter XXVI;
involves memory of past acts, and nothing else but consent that they shall occur again, II. 487-518;
the memory may involve images of either resident or remote effects of the movement, 518-22;
ideo-motor action, 522-8;
action after deliberation, 528;
decision, 531;
effort, 535;
the explosive will, 537;
the obstructed will, 546;
relation of will to pleasure and pain, 549 ff.;
to attention, 561;
terminates in an 'idea', 567;
the question of its indeterminism, 569;
psychology must assume determinism, 576;
neural processes concerned in education of the will, 579 ff.

Will, relations of, to Belief, II. 320

Wills, Jas., I. 241

Witchcraft, II. 309

Wolfe, H. K., I. 674, 679

Wolff, Chr., I. 409, 651

World, the peculiar constitution of the, II. 337, 647, 651-2

Writing, automatic, I. 393 ff.

Wundt, on frontal lobes, I. 64;
on reaction-time, 89-94, 96, 427 ff., 525;
on introspective method, 189;
on self-consciousness, 303;
on perception of strokes of sound, 407;
on perception of simultaneous events, 411 ff.;
on Weber's law, 534 ff.;
association-time, 557, 560;
on time-perception, 608, 612 ff., 620, 634.
On local signs, II. 155-7;
on eyeball-muscles, 200;
on sensations, 219;
on paresis of ext. rectus, 236;
on contrast, 250;
on certain illusions, 264;
on feeling of innervation, 266, 493;
on space as synthesis, 276;
on emotions, 481;
on dichotomic form of thought, 654


Zöllner's pattern, II. 232

Abbott, T.K., II. 221

Abstract ideas, I. 468, 508; II. 48

Abstract qualities, II. 329-37, 340

Abstraction, I. 505; II. 346 ff. See distraction

Accommodation, feeling of, II. 93, 235

Acquaintance, I. 220

Acquired characters, see inheritance

Acquisitiveness, II. 422, 679

Actors, their emotions while performing, II. 464

Adaptation of mind to environment results in our understanding the influencing circumstances, II. 625 ff.

Æsthetic principles, II. 639, 672

After-images, I. 645-7; II. 67, 200, 604

Agoraphobia, II. 421

Agraphia, I. 40, 62

Alfieri, II. 543

Allen, G. I. 144; II. 631

Alteration of one impression by another simultaneously occurring, II. 28 ff., 201

Alternating personality, I. 379 ff.

Ambiguity of optical sensations, II. 231-7

Amidon, I. 100

Amnesia in hysterical disease, I. 384 ff;
accompanies anesthesia, 386, 682;
during hypnotic trance, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
See forgetting

Amputated limbs, feeling of, II. 38-9, 105

Anæsthesia, in hysterics, I. 203 ff;
involves correlated amnesia, 386;
movements performed during, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__;
and feelings, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
in hypnosis, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Analogies, the perception of, I. 530

Analysis, I. 502; II. 344

Anger, II. 409, 460, 478

Aphasia, motor, I. 37, 62;
sensory, I. 53-4-5;
optical, I. 60;
amnesia in, 640, 684; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Apperception, II. 107 ff.

Apperception, transcendental unity of, I. 362

Appropriateness, characterizes mental acts, I. 13

Apraxia, I. 52

A priori connections exist only between objects of perception and movements, not between sensory ideas, II. 581.
A priori ideas and experience, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
A priori statements, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Archer, W., II. 464

Arithmetic, II. 654.

Articular sensibility, II. 189 ff.

Association, Chapter XIV:
is not about ideas, but about thoughts, I. 554;
examples of, 555 etc.;
its speed, 557 ff;
by proximity, 561;
elementary law of, 566;
'mixed' association, 571;
conditions of, 575 ff;
by similarity, 578;
three types of associations compared, 580;
in voluntary thought, 583;
by contrast, 593;
history of the concept of, 594;
association as a way of localizing, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff;
connection of association by similarity with reasoning, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff.

Associationism, I. 161

Associationist theory of the self, I. 342, 350 ff;
of space perception, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff.

Asymbolia, I. 52

Attention, Chapter XI: to how many things is it possible to focus, I. 405 ff;
to simultaneous visual and auditory experience, 411 ff;
its varieties, 416;
passive, 417;
voluntary, 42+;
its effects, 424 ff;
[Pg 692]its influence on reaction time, 427-34;
accompanied by feelings of tension from the adaptation of sensory organs, 434-8;
involves the imagination or perception of the object, 438-44;
conceivable as just an effect, 448 ff.

Aubert, H. II. 235

Auditory centre in the brain, I. 52-6

Auditory type of imagination, II. 60

'Ausfallserscheinungen,' I. 75

Automatic writing, I. 393 ff.

Jane Austen I. 571

Automaton-Theory, Chapter V:
postulated instead of proved, I. 134-8;
reasons not to, 138-144;
applied to attention, 448
disregarded in this book, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Azam, Dr., I. 380.


Babe and candle, scheme of, I. 25

Baby's first perception, II. 8, 84;
his early instinctive movements, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff.

Baer, von, I. 639

Bagehot, W. I. 582; II. 283, 308

Bain & Company on self-consciousness, I. 162;
on self-esteem, 313;
on self-love, 328, 354;
on attention, 444;
on association, 485, 530, 561, 589, 601, 653; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_9__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_10__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_11__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_12__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_13__

Ballard, I. 266

Balzac, I. 374

Bartels, I. 432

Bastian, H.C., II. 488

Baumann, II. 409

Baxt, I. 648

Beaunis, E. II. 492

Bechterew's disease I. 407

Belief, Chapter XXI:
in sensations, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff;
in objects of emotion, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff;
in theories, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff;
and will, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
See reality

Bell, C. II. 483, 492

Bergson, J. II. 609

Berkeley, I. 254, 469, 476; II. 43, 49, 77, 212, 240, 666

Bernhardt, II. 502

Bernheim, I. 206

Bertrand, A. II. 518

Bessel, I. 413

Binet, A. I. 203 ff.; II. 71, 74, 128 ff., 130, 167, 491, 520

Black, R. W. II. 339

Bleak, II. 358

Blind, the, their space-perception, II. 202 ff;
after regaining sight, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
hallucination of a blind person, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
dreams of the visually impaired, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Blindness, mental, I. 41, 50, 66. See Sight, Hemianopsia, etc.

Blix, II. 170

Bloch, II. 515

Blood, its effect on the nerves, II. 412-3

Blood, B.P., II. 284

Blood supply to the brain, I. 97

Bourne, A., I. 391

Bourru, Dr., I. 388

Bowditch, H.P. his reaction-timer, I. 87;
on contrast in movement, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
on impulse, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
comparison of touch and sight, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Bowen, F. I. 214

Bowne, B.P., on knowledge, I. 219

Bradley, F.H. I. 452, 474, 604; II. 7, 9, 284, 648

Brain, its functions, Chapter II:
of frog, I. 14;
of dog, 33;
of monkey, 34;
of man, 36;
lower centers compared with hemispheres, 9-10, 75;
circulation in, 97;
instability, 139;
its connection with Mind, 176;
The 'entire' brain is not a real physical entity, 176;
its changes as subtle as those in thought, 234;
its fading vibrations contribute to the creation of consciousness, 242
Influence of the environment on it, 626 ff.

Brain process, see neural process

Brain structure, two modes of its genesis, II. 624

Brentano, I. 187, 547

Bridgeman, Laura II. 62, 358, 420

Broca's convolution, I. 39, 54

Brodhun, I. 542

Brown, Thomas, I. 248, 277, 371; II. 271

Brown-Séquard I. 43, 67, 69; II. 695

Brutes, their intellect, II. 348 ff.

Bucke, R. M., II. 460

Bubnoff, I. 82

Burke, II. 464

Burnham, W.H. I. 689

Burot, Dr., I. 388


Caird, E., I. 366, 469, 471; II. 11

Calmeil, A., II. 524

Campanella, II. 464

Campbell, G. I. 261

Cardaillac, I. 247

Carlyle, T. I. 311
[Pg 693]
Carpenter, W. B. on habit formation, I. 110;
ethical remarks on habits, 120;
speech errors, 257;
memory issues, 374;
on not feeling pain, 419;
on ideomotor action, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Carville, I. 69

Catalepsy, I. 229; II. 583

Cattell, on reaction-time, I. 92, 432; 524;
on recognition, 407, 648;
on attention, 420;
on association time, 558 ff.

Cause, consciousness as a, I. 187; II. 583, 592

Centres, cortical, I. 30 ff;
motor, 31;
visual, 41;
auditory, 52;
olfactory, 57;
taste, 58;
touchable, 58

Cerebral process, see neural process

Cerebrum, see Brain, Hemispheres

Chadbourne, P.A. II. 383

Characters, general, II. 329 ff.

Charcot I. 54-5; II. 58, 596

Chloroform, I. 531

Choice, see selection, interest

Circulation in the brain, I. 97;
effects of sensory stimuli on it, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff;
in mourning, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Classic and romantic, II. 469

Classifications, II. 646

Clay, E. C. R., I. 609

Cleanliness, II. 434

Clearness, I. 426

Clifford, I. 130-2

Clouston II. 114, 284-5, 537, 539

Cobbe, F.P. I. 374

Cochlea, theory of its action, II. 169

Cognition, see knowing

Cohen, H. I. 365

Coleridge, S.T., I. 572, 681

Collateral innervation, see vicarious function

Comparison, Chapter XIII:
Relationships identified through comparison are unrelated to the order of time and space of their elements, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
mediate, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
see __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

Composition, of Mind out of its elements, see Mind-Stuff theory;
differences because of it, I. 491

Comte, A. I. 187

Conceivability, I. 463

Conceptions, Chapter XII:
defined, I. 461;
their permanence, 464 ff;
do not grow independently, 466 ff;
abstract, 468;
universal, 478;
essentially goal-oriented, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Conceptual order different from perceptual, I. 482

Concomitants, law of varying, I. 506

Confusion, II. 352

Consciousness, its seat, I. 65;
its distribution, 142-3;
its selection function, 139-41;
is personal in style, 225;
is ongoing, 237, 488;
of lack, 251;
of self is not essential, 273;
of the object comes first, 274;
always biased and selective, 284 ff; see Selection;
of the thought process, 300 ff;
the range of, 405

Consent, in willingness, II. 568

Considerations, I. 20

Constructiveness, II. 426

Contiguity, association by, I. 561

Continuity of the object of consciousness, I. 488

Contrast, of colors, II. 13-27;
of temperatures, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
two theories of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
of movements, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

Convolutions, motor, I. 41

Cortex, of the brain, experiments on, I. 31 ff.

Cramming, I. 663

Credulity, our primitive one, II. 319

Cudworth, R. II. 9

'Cue,' the mental, II. 497, 518

Cumberland, S. II. 525

Curiosity, II. 429

Czermak, II. 170, 175


Darwin, C. II. 432, 446, 479, 484, 678, 681-2-4

Darwinism, scholastic reputation of, II. 670

Data, the, of psychology, I. 184

Davidson, T. I. 474

Deaf-mute's thinking in infancy, I. 266

Deafness, mental, I. 50, 55-6. See hearing

Dean, S. I. 394

Decision, five types of, II. 531

Degenerations, descending in nerve-centres, I. 37, 52

Delabarre, E., II. 13-27, 71

Delbœuf, J. I. 455, 531, 541, 542, 548-9; II. 100, 189, 249, 264, 605, 609, 612

Deliberation, II. 528 ff.

Delusions, insane, I. 375; II. 114 ff.

Depth, see third dimension

Descartes, I. 180, 200, 214, 344

Destutt de Tracy, I. 247

Determinism must be assumed by psychology, II. 576
[Pg 694]
Dewey, J. I. 473

Dichotomy in thinking, II. 654

Dickens, C. I. 374

Dietze, I. 407, 617

Difference, not reducible to composition, I. 490;
most noticeable among different species within a genus, 529;
the size of, 531;
least noticeable, 537 ff;
methods for determining it, 540 ff.

Difference, local, II. 167 ff;
origin of our perception of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Diffusion of movements, law of, II. 372

Dimension, third, II. 134 ff., 212 ff., 220

Dipsomania, II. 543

Disbelief, II. 284

Discrimination, Chapter XIII:
conditions that support it, I. 494;
gets better with practice, 508;
spatial, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ etc.
See difference

Dissociation, I. 486-7;
law of, by varying accompanying factors, 506

Dissociation, see also, II. 345, 359

Dissociation, of one part of the mind from another, see Janet, Pierre

Distance, between terms of a series, I. 530

Distance, in space, see third dimension

Distraction, I. 401. See inattention

Dizziness, see vertigo

Dog's cortical centres, after Ferrier, I. 33;
after Munk, I. 44-5;
after Luciani, I. 46, 53, 58, 60;
for specific muscles, 64;
hemispheres removed, 70

Donaldson, II. 170

Donders, II. 235

Double images, II. 225-30, 252

Doubt, II. 284, 318 ff;
the craze of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Dougal, J.D., II. 222

Drainage of one brain cell by another, II. 583 ff.

Dreams, II. 294

Drobisch, I. 632, 660

Drunkard, II. 565

Drunkenness, I. 144; II. 543, 565, 628

Dualism of object and knower, I. 218, 220

Duality, of Brain, I. 390, 399

Dudley, A. T., on mental qualities of an athlete, II. 539

Dufour, II. 211

Dunan, Ch. II. 176, 206, 208-9

Duration, the primitive object in time perception, I. 609;
our estimate of the short, 611 ff.

'Dynamogeny,' II. 379 ff., 491


Ebbinghaus, H., I. 548, 676

Eccentric projection of sensations, II. 31 ff., 195 ff.

Education of hemispheres, I. 76
See pedagogic remarks

Effort, II. 534-7;
Muscle power, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Moral effort, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__

Egger, V. I. 280-1-2; II. 256

Ego, empirical, I. 291 ff;
pure, 342 ff;
'transcendental,' 362;
criticized, 364

Basic elements of the mind, see Units of consciousness

Elsas, I. 548

Emerson, R. W., I. 582, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

Emotion, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__:
linked with instinct, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__;
outline of typical emotions, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__;
results from reflex responses of stimuli on the organism, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__ ff;
their categorization, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__;
in anesthesia subjects, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__;
in absence of regular stimuli, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__;
effects of expression, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_9__ ff;
of repression, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_10__;
the subtler emotions, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_11__ ff;
the neural processes in, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_12__;
individual differences, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_13__;
development of specific emotions, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_14__ ff.

Empirical self, I. 290

Empirical statements, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_15__

Competition, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_16__

Boredom, I. 626

Inner visual sensations, I. 515 ff.

Personal equation, I. 413

'Equilibration,' direct and indirect, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_17__

Essences, their significance, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_18__ ff;
sentimental and mechanical, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_19__

Essential characteristics, see essences

Estel, I. 613, 618

Evolutionism demands 'mind-dust,' 146

Exner, on human cortical centers, I. 36;
on 'circumvallation' of centers, 65;
his psychodometer, 87;
on reaction time, 91;
on perception of rapid succession, 409;
on attention, 439;
on time perception, 615, 638, 646;
on the feeling of motion, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_21__

Experience, I. 402, 487;
Relationship of experience to necessary judgments, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_22__;
Experience defined, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_23__ ff., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_24__

Research in psychology, I. 192

Extradition of sensations, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_25__ ff., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_26__ ff.
[Pg 695]

Fallacy, the Psychologist's, I. 196, 278, 153; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_27__

Familiarity, sense of, see recognition

Determinism, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_29__

Fatigue, reduces the span of consciousness, I. 640

Fear, instinctual, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_30__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_31__;
the symptoms of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_32__;
pathological, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_33__;
origin of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_34__

Fechner, I. 435-6, 533, 539 ff., 549, 616, 645; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_35__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_36__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_37__ ff., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_38__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_39__

Feeling, used interchangeably with consciousness throughout this book, I. 186;
feelings of relation, 243

Félida X., I. 380-4

Féré, Ch., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_40__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_41__ ff.

Ferrier, D., I. 31, 46-7-8, 53, 57-8-9, 445; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_42__

Ferrier, Jas., I. 274, 475

Fiat, of the will, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_43__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_44__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_45__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_46__; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_47__.
See decision

Fichte, I. 365

Fick, I. 150

Fiske, J., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_49__

Fixed ideas. See insistent ideas

Flechsig's Pyramidenbahn, I. 37

Flint, R., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_51__

Flourens, P., I. 30

Sense of force, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_52__

Forgetting, I. 679 ff.; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_53__. See amnesia

Fouillée, A., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_55__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_56__

François-Franck, I. 70

Franklin, Mrs. C. L., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_57__

Franz, Dr., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_58__

Freedom, of the will, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_59__ ff.

'Fringe' of an object, I. 258, 281-2, 471-2, 478

Nerve centers of frogs, I. 14

Confusion of feelings, I. 157-62; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_60__. See Mind-stuff theory

Fusion of impressions into a single object, I. 484, 502; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_62__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_63__


Galton, F., I. 254, 265, 685;
on mental imagery, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_64__;
on social behavior, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_65__

General propositions, their implications, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_66__ ff. See universal conceptions

Origins of brain structure, its two forms, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_68__

Genius, I. 423, 530; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_69__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_70__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_71__

The mind of a gentleman, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_72__

Geometry, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_73__

Dizziness, see vertigo

Gilman, B. I., I. 95

Gley, E., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_75__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_76__

Goldscheider, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_77__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_78__ ff., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_79__

Goltz, I. 9, 31, 33, 34, 45, 46, 58, 62, 67, 69, 70, 74, 77

Gorilla, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_80__

Graefe, A., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_81__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_82__

Grashey, I. 640

Grassman, R., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_83__

Sociability, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_84__

Green, T. H., I. 247, 274, 366-8; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_85__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_86__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_87__

Grief, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_88__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_89__

Griesinger, W., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_90__

Grübelsucht, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_91__

Guinea pigs, epileptic, etc., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_92__

Guislain, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_93__

Gurney, E., I. 209; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_94__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_95__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_96__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_97__

Guyau, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_98__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_99__


Habit, Chapter IV:
resulting from the brain's plasticity, I. 105;
depends on paths in nerve centers, 107;
origins of, 109-13;
mechanism of linked habits, 114-8;
they require some sensation, 118;
ethical and educational maxims, 121-7;
is the foundation of association, 566;
of memory, 655

Habits may restrain instincts, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_100__;
Habit accounts for a significant portion of our knowledge, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_101__

Hall, G. S., I. 96-7, 558, 614, 616; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_102__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_103__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_104__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_105__

Hallucination, a true sensation, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_106__;
of lost limbs, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_107__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_108__;
of emotional feelings, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_109__

Hallucinations, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_110__ ff;
hypnagogic, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_111__;
brain processes involved, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_112__ ff;
hypnotic, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_113__

Hamilton, W., I. 214, 215, 274, 406, 419, 569, 578, 682; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_114__

Hammond, E., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_115__

Haploscopic technique, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_116__

Harless, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_117__

Hartley, I. 553, 561, 564, 600

Hartmann, R., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_118__

Hasheesh delirium, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_119__

Hearing, its cortical center, I. 52

Heat from mental work, I. 100

Hecker, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_120__

Hegel, I. 163, 265, 366, 369, 666

Heidenhain, I. 82

Helmholtz, H., I. 285;
on attention, 422, 487, 441;
on discrimination, 504, 516-21;
time as a category, 637-8;
after-images, 645, 648;
on color contrast, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_121__ ff;
on sensation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_122__;
on the cochlea, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_123__;
[Pg 696]on convergence of the eyes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_124__;
on vision with an inverted head, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_125__;
on what marks a sensation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_126__ ff., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_127__;
on entoptic objects, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_128__;
on motion perception, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_129__;
on depth perception, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_130__;
on measuring the field of view, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_131__ ff;
on the theory of spatial perception, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_132__;
on the sense of innervation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_133__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_134__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_135__;
on the conservation of energy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_136__

Hemiamblyopia, I. 44

Hemianopsia, I. 41, 44; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_137__

Hemispheres, their distinction from lower centers, I. 20;
their development, 24, 67;
localization of function in, 30;
the exclusive seat of consciousness, 65;
effects of deprivation of, on frogs, 17, 72-3;
on fish, 73;
on birds, 74, 77;
on rodents, 74;
on dogs, 70, 74;
on primates, 75;
not without innate pathways, 76;
their evolution from lower centers, 79

Henle, J., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_138__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_139__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_140__

Herbart, I. 353, 418, 603, 608, 626

Hereditary transmission of acquired traits, see inheritance

Hering, E., on attention, I. 438, 449;
on comparing weights, 544;
on pure sensation, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_142__;
on color contrast, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_143__ ff;
on the spacious nature of sensations, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_144__ ff;
on after-images and convergence, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_145__;
on the distance of double images, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_146__;
on stereoscopy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_147__;
on visual reproduction, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_148__ ff;
on movements of a closed eye, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_149__

Herzen, I. 58;
on reaction-time from a corn, 96;
on cerebration thermometry, 100;
on fainting, 273

Hitzig, I. 31

Hobbes, T., I. 573, 587, 594 ff.

Hodgson, R., I. 374, 398

Hodgson, S. H., on the passivity of consciousness, I. 129-30, 133;
on self, 341, 347;
on conceptual order, 482;
on association, 572 ff., 603;
on voluntary reintegration, 588-9;
on the idea of 'present' in time, 607

Höffding, H., I. 674; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_150__

Holbrook, M. H., I. 665

Holmes, O. W., I. 88, 405, 582

Holtei, von, I. 624

Horopter, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_151__

Horsley, V., I. 35, 59, 63

Horwicz, I. 314, 325-7

Howe, S. G., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_152__

Human intellect compared with animal intellect, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_153__ ff;
depends on associative similarity, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_154__ ff;
various types of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_155__;
the brain characteristics involved, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_156__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_157__

Hume, I. 254;
on personal identity, 351-3, 360;
association, 597;
due to brain laws, 564;
on mental images, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_158__;
on belief, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_159__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_160__;
on pleasure and will, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_161__

Hunting instinct, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_162__

Huxley, I. 130-1, 254; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_163__

Hyatt, A., II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_164__

Hylozoism, see Mind-stuff theory

Hypersensitivity in hypnosis, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_166__

Hypnotism, I. 407; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_167__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_168__;
overview of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_169__;
methods, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_170__;
theories, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_171__;
symptoms of trance, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_172__ ff;
post-hypnotic suggestions, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_173__

Hysterics, their so-called anesthesias and unconsciousness, I. 202 ff.


Ideal objects, eternal and necessary relationships between, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_174__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_175__.
See conceptions

'Ideas,' the theory of, I. 230;
confused with objects, 231, 276, 278, 399, 521;
they do not exist as components of our thought, 279, 405, 553;
Platonic, 462;
abstract, 468 ff;
universal, 473 ff;
never experienced in the same way twice, 480-1

Ideation, no distinct centers for, I. 564; II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_177__

Sense of identity, I. 459;
three principles of identity, 460;
not the basis for similarity, 492

Personal identity, I. 238, 330 ff;
based on the ordinary judgment of sameness, 334;
due to resemblance and continuity of our feelings, 336;
Lotze's view, 350;
only relatively accurate, 372

Ideo-motor action as the prototype of all will, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_178__

Individual variability, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_179__

'Idomenians,' II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_180__

Illusions, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_181__ ff., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_182__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_183__ ff., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_184__.
See hallucinations

Double images in vision, II. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_434





        
        
    
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